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A FEMINIST-VEGETARIAN CRITICAL THEORY
女权主义-素食主义批判理论
B L O O S B

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

TITLES IN THE BLOOMSBURY REVELATIONS SERIES
《布鲁姆斯伯里启示录》系列中的标题

Aesthetic Theory, Theodor W. Adorno
美学理论,西奥多·阿多诺
The Oresteia, Aeschylus 俄瑞斯忒亚,埃斯库罗斯Being and Event, Alain Badiou
存在与事件,阿兰·巴迪欧
Infinite Thought, Alain Badiou
无限的思想,阿兰·巴迪欧
Theoretical Writings, Alain Badiou
理论著作,阿兰·巴迪欧
On Religion, Karl Barth 论宗教,卡尔·巴特The Language of Fashion, Roland Barthes
《时尚的语言》,罗兰·巴特
The Intelligence of Evil, Jean Baudrillard
《邪恶的智慧》,让·鲍德里亚
Key Writings, Henri Bergson
主要著作,亨利·柏格森
I and Thou, Martin Buber
我和你,马丁·布伯
The Tomb of Tutankhamun: Volumes 1-3, Howard Carter
图坦卡蒙墓:第 1-3 卷,霍华德·卡特
A History of the English-Speaking Peoples: Volumes I-IV,
英语民族史:第一至第四卷,
Sir Winston S. Churchill 温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士Never Give In!, Sir Winston S. Churchill
永不屈服!,温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士
The Boer War, Sir Winston S. Churchill
布尔战争,温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士
The Second World War, Sir Winston S. Churchill
第二次世界大战,温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士
The World Crisis: Volumes I-V, Sir Winston S. Churchill
世界危机:第一至第五卷,温斯顿·丘吉尔爵士
In Defence of Politics, Bernard Crick
在《捍卫政治》一书中,伯纳德·克里克(Bernard Crick)
Intensive Science and Virtual Philosophy, Manuel DeLanda
强化科学和虚拟哲学,曼努埃尔·德兰达
Cinema I, Gilles Deleuze Cinema I,吉尔斯·德勒兹Cinema II, Gilles Deleuze
Cinema II,吉尔斯·德勒兹
Difference and Repetition, Gilles Deleuze
差异与重复,吉尔斯·德勒兹
Logic of Sense, Gilles Deleuze
感觉的逻辑,吉尔斯·德勒兹
A Thousand Plateaus, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari
《千高原》,吉尔·德勒兹和费利克斯·瓜塔里
Anti-Oedipus, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari
反俄狄浦斯,吉尔·德勒兹和费利克斯·瓜塔里
Origins of Analytical Philosophy, Michael Dummett
分析哲学的起源,迈克尔·杜米特(Michael Dummett)
Taking Rights Seriously, Ronald Dworkin
认真对待权利,罗纳德·德沃金
Discourse on Free Will, Desiderius Erasmus and Martin Luther
关于自由意志的论述,德西德里乌斯·伊拉斯谟和马丁·路德
The Theatre of the Absurd, Martin Esslin
荒诞剧场,马丁·埃斯林
Education for Critical Consciousness, Paulo Freire
批判意识教育,保罗·弗莱雷
Pedagogy of Hope, Paulo Freire
希望的教育学,保罗·弗莱雷

Marx's Concept of Man, Erich Fromm
马克思的人的概念,埃里希·弗洛姆

To Have or To Be?, Erich Fromm
To Have or To Be?, 埃里希·弗洛姆

Truth and Method, Hans Georg Gadamer
真理与方法,汉斯·格奥尔格·伽达默尔

All Men Are Brothers, Mohandas K. Gandhi
人人都是兄弟,莫罕达斯·甘地

Violence and the Sacred, René Girard
暴力与神圣,勒内·吉拉德

Among the Dead Cities, A.C. Grayling
在死亡之城中,A.C. Grayling

Towards the Light, A.C. Grayling
走向光明,A.C.格雷林

The Three Ecologies, Félix Guattari
三种生态,费利克斯·瓜塔里

The Essence of Truth, Martin Heidegger
《真理的本质》,马丁·海德格尔

The Odyssey, Homer 《奥德赛》,荷马
Eclipse of Reason, Max Horkheimer
《理性之蚀》,马克斯·霍克海默

The Nazi Dictatorship, lan Kershaw
纳粹独裁统治,兰·克肖

Language of the Third Reich, Victor Klemperer
第三帝国的语言,维克多·克莱姆佩勒(Victor Klemperer)

Rhythmanalysis, Henri Lefebvre
节奏分析,亨利·列斐伏尔

The Modes of Modern Writing, David Lodge
现代写作模式,大卫·洛奇

Libidinal Economy, Jean-François Lyotard
经济,让-弗朗索瓦·利奥塔

After Virtue, Alasdair MacIntyre
在美德之后,阿拉斯代尔·麦金太尔

Time for Revolution, Antonio Negri
革命时间,安东尼奥·内格里

Apologia Pro Vita Sua, John Henry Newman
Apologia Pro Vita Sua,约翰·亨利·纽曼

The Politics of Aesthetics, Jacques Rancière
美学政治,雅克·朗西埃

Course in General Linguistics, Ferdinand de Saussure
普通语言学课程,费迪南德·德·索绪尔

An Actor Prepares, Constantin Stanislavski
演员准备,康斯坦丁·斯坦尼斯拉夫斯基

Building a Character, Constantin Stanislavski
塑造角色,康斯坦丁·斯坦尼斯拉夫斯基

Creating a Role, Constantin Stanislavski
创造一个角色,康斯坦丁·斯坦尼斯拉夫斯基

States and Markets, Susan Strange
国家与市场,苏珊·斯特兰奇

Interrogating the Real, Slavoj Žižek
审问真实,斯拉沃伊·齐泽克

The Universal Exception, Slavoj Žižek
《普遍例外》,斯拉沃伊·齐泽克
Some titles are not available in North America.
某些标题在北美不可用。
"This book is likely to both inspire and enrage readers across the political spectrum."-Library Journal
“这本书可能会激励和激怒各个政治派别的读者。-图书馆杂志
The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治
A Feminist-Vegetarian Critical Theory
女权主义-素食主义批判理论

Carol J. Adams 卡罗尔·亚当斯

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

A Feminist-Vegetarian Critical Theory
女权主义-素食主义批判理论

Carol J. Adams 卡罗尔·亚当斯

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC 布鲁姆斯伯里学术

Bloomsbury Publishing Inc
布鲁姆斯伯里出版公司
1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA
1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, 美国
50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK
50 Bedford Square, 伦敦, WC1B 3DP, UK
29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland
29 Earlsfort Terrace, 都柏林 2, 爱尔兰
BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
BLOOMSBURY、BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC 和 Diana 徽标是 Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 的商标
First published in 1990 by the Continuum International Publishing Group Ltd Bloomsbury Revelations edition first published 2015
1990 年由 Continuum International Publishing Group Ltd 首次出版,Bloomsbury Revelations 版于 2015 年首次出版
Reprinted 2016 (twice), 2017 (twice), 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021 (twice), 2022
2016年(两次)、2017年(两次)、2018年、2019年、2020年、2021年(两次)、2022年重印
© Carol J. Adams 1990
© 卡罗尔·亚当斯 1990
New material copyright © 2000, 2010, 2015 by Carol J. Adams
新材料版权所有 © 2000、2010、2015 Carol J. Adams
Carol J. Adams has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.
卡罗尔·亚当斯(Carol J. Adams)根据1988年《版权、外观设计和专利法》主张其权利,被认定为本作品的作者。
For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xlvi and li constitute an extension of this copyright page.
出于法律目的,第 xlvi 和 li 页的致谢构成本版权页的扩展。
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers.
保留所有权利。未经出版商事先书面许可,不得以任何形式或通过任何电子或机械方式(包括影印、录音或任何信息存储或检索系统)复制或传播本出版物的任何部分。
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes.
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 对本书中提及的任何第三方网站没有任何控制权或责任。本书中给出的所有互联网地址在发稿时都是正确的。作者和出版商对地址更改或网站不复存在而造成的任何不便表示遗憾,但对任何此类更改不承担任何责任。
No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author.
对于因本出版物中的材料而采取行动或不采取行动的任何个人或组织造成的损失,Bloomsbury 或作者均不承担任何责任。
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
本书的目录记录可从美国国会图书馆获得。
ISBN: PB: 978-1-5013-1283-0
国际标准图书编号: PB: 978-1-5013-1283-0
ePub: 978-1-5013-1284-7 电子出版: 978-1-5013-1284-7
ePDF: 978-1-5013-1285-4 电子PDF: 978-1-5013-1285-4
Series: Bloomsbury Revelations
系列: 布鲁姆斯伯里启示录
Typeset by Newgen Knowledge Works (P) Ltd., Chennai, India
排版:Newgen Knowledge Works (P) Ltd., Chennai, India
Printed and bound in the United States of America
在美国印刷和装订
To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.
要了解有关我们的作者和书籍的更多信息,请访问 www.bloomsbury.com 并注册我们的时事通讯。
In memory of 为了纪念
56 billion each year,
每年560亿,
153.4 million each day,
每天1.534亿,
6.4 million each hour,
每小时 640 万,
106,546 each minute 每分钟 106,546 个
It is not possible now, and never will be, to say I renounce. Nor would it be a good thing for literature were it possible. This generation must break its neck in order that the next may have smooth going. For I agree with you that nothing is going to be achieved by us. Fragments-paragraphs-a page perhaps: but no more. . . . The human soul, it seems to me, orientates itself afresh every now and then. It is doing so now. No one can see it whole, therefore. The best of us catch a glimpse of a nose, a shoulder, something turning away, always in movement. Still it seems better to me to catch this glimpse.
现在不可能,也永远不会说我放弃。如果可能的话,这对文学来说也不是一件好事。这一代人必须折断脖子,才能让下一代顺利进行。因为我同意你的看法,我们将一事无成。也许是片段-段落-一页:但仅此而已。在我看来,人类的灵魂时不时地重新定位自己。它现在正在这样做。因此,没有人能看到它的全部。我们中最好的人瞥见一个鼻子,一个肩膀,一个转身的东西,总是在运动。不过,在我看来,最好还是能瞥见这一点。
-Virginia Woolf to Gerald Brenan
-弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫(Virginia Woolf)对杰拉尔德·布伦南(Gerald Brenan)
Christmas Day, 1922 1922年圣诞节
We have learned to use anger as we have learned to use the dead flesh of animals, and bruised, battered and changing, we have survived and grown and, in Angela Wilson's words, we are moving on.
我们已经学会了使用愤怒,就像我们学会了使用动物的死肉一样,遍体鳞伤、遭受重创和改变,我们幸存下来并成长,用安吉拉·威尔逊的话来说,我们正在继续前进。
Say Stella, when you copy next,
说 Stella,当你接下来复制时,
Will you keep strictly to the text?
你会严格遵守经文吗?
  • Jonathan Swift 乔纳森·斯威夫特
"To Stella, Who Collected and Transcribed His Poems"
“致收集和抄录他的诗歌的斯黛拉”

Contents 内容

Illustrations xiii 插图十三
Preface to the Twentieth Anniversary Edition xv
二十周年纪念版序言 xv
Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition xxi
十周年纪念版序言 xxi
Preface to the Original Edition xxxiv
原版序言 xxxiv
Foreword by Nellie McKay xli
前言 内莉·麦凯 xli
Acknowledgments xlvi 致谢 xlvi
Acknowledgments to the 致谢
Twenty-Fifth Anniversary/Bloomsbury Revelations Edition li
二十五周年/布鲁姆斯伯里启示录版 li

Part I The Patriarchal Texts of Meat 1
第一部分 肉的父权文本 1

1 The Sexual Politics of Meat 3
1 肉食的性政治 3
2 The Rape of Animals, the Butchering of Women 19
2 强奸动物,屠杀妇女 19
3 Masked Violence, Muted Voices 45
3 蒙面暴力,低声 45
4 The Word Made Flesh 67
4 道成肉身 67

Part II From the Belly of Zeus 81
第二部分 来自宙斯的肚子 81

5 Dismembered Texts, Dismembered Animals 83
5 被肢解的文本,被肢解的动物 83
6 Frankenstein's Vegetarian Monster 95
6 弗兰肯斯坦的素食怪物 95
7 Feminism, the Great War, and Modern
7 女权主义、第一次世界大战和现代
Vegetarianism 109 素食主义 109
xii 十二
Part III Eat Rice Have Faith in Women ..... 131
第三部分 吃米饭 对女人有信心.....131

8 The Distortion of the Vegetarian Body ..... 133
8 素食者的扭曲 .....133

9 For a Feminist-Vegetarian Critical Theory ..... 155
9 对于女权主义素食批判理论.....155

Epilogue: Destabilizing Patriarchal Consumption ..... 177
结语:动摇父权制消费.....177

Afterword to the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary/
二十五周年后记/

Bloomsbury Revelations Edition ..... 183
布鲁姆斯伯里启示录 ..... 版183

Notes 209 注释 209
Select Bibliography ..... 249
选择参考书目.....249

Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Bibliography ..... 265
二十五周年参考书目 .....265

Copyright Acknowledgments ..... 271
版权声明 .....271

Index ..... 273 指数。。。。。273

Illustrations 插图

Frontispiece First American paperback
卷首第一本美国平装本
edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat, 1991. iv
1991年版《肉类的性政治》。四
1 Ursula Hamdress. 20
1 厄休拉·哈姆德雷斯。20
2 Liberate Your Language. 47
2 解放你的语言。47
3 Mrs. Pig, horrified by her son's choice of words. 53
3 猪太太被儿子的用词吓坏了。53
4 He as a Major Power; She as a Minor Power. 54
4 他是一个大国;她作为一个次要的力量。54
5 Joseph Ritson as his contemporaries saw him. 86
5 约瑟夫·里特森(Joseph Ritson)与他同时代的人一样。86
6 "So Good, Even Guys Like Our Salads." 183
6 “太好了,连男人都喜欢我们的沙拉。”183
7 June 2009 Muscle and Fitness cover. 184
2009 年 6 月 7 日 肌肉和健身封面。184
8 "Give Your Boyfriend a Lesson in How to Bring Home the Bacon." 185
8 “给你的男朋友上一堂课,教你如何把培根带回家。”185
9 "Putting together a Barbecue." Lion Red Beer. 186
9 “把烧烤放在一起。”狮子红啤酒。186
10 "Porca Vaca," Italy. 187
10 “Porca Vaca”,意大利。187
11 Playboy in Brazil. 187
11 花花公子在巴西。187
12 "Pollo Campero's." 190
12 “波洛·坎佩罗的。”190
13 Domino's pizza box cover. 192
13 达美乐披萨盒盖。192
14 Cows standing on painfully overgrown hooves at small-scale "dairy" farm.
14 头奶牛站在小规模“奶牛场”上,蹄子长得令人痛苦。
15 "Fat Selfish Bitch." 196
15 “自私的胖婊子。”196
16 "Moanin' for the Bone." 199
16 “为骨头呻吟。”199
17 Memphis in May 2013. 200
17 孟菲斯,2013 年 5 月。200
18 "Shrimplee D'Licious." 201
18 “Shrimplee D'Licious。”201
19 "Stand Up and Take It Like a Woman" T-shirt. 202
19 “站起来,像女人一样接受它”T恤。202
20 "Amanti della Carne," Italy. 203
20 “Amanti della Carne”,意大利。203
21 Sexual politics of meat grid. 204
21 肉格的性政治。204
22 Filthy Cow, Manchester, England. 205
22 Filthy Cow,曼彻斯特,英国。205
23 Burger King “Gold Collection," Germany. 205
23 汉堡王“黄金收藏”,德国。205
24 Dutch vegan-feminist graffiti. 206
24 荷兰素食女权主义涂鸦。206
25 Resistance through great vegan food. 208
25 通过优质的纯素食物进行抵抗。208

PREFACE TO THE TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY EDITION OF THE SEXUAL POLITICS OF MEAT
《肉的性政治》二十周年纪念版序言

Imagine the day when women walk down streets and are not harassed, stalked, or attacked. Imagine the day when we don't need battered women's shelters. Imagine the day when the most frequent mass murderers in our culture are NOT those who kill their families.
想象一下,有一天,女性走在街上,没有受到骚扰、跟踪或攻击。想象一下,有一天我们不需要受虐妇女的庇护所。想象一下,有一天,我们文化中最常见的大规模杀人犯不是那些杀害家人的人。
Better yet, imagine the day when we live in a world where women are safe wherever they are, family members are safe within their homes, and we don't have mass murderers.
更好的是,想象一下,有一天,我们生活在一个女性无论身在何处都是安全的,家庭成员在家中是安全的,而且我们没有大规模杀人犯的世界。
Imagine the day when people respond to someone who says "but I need my sausage in the morning," by saying, "oh that's so twentieth century. You know, the century when some of the earliest people talking about climate change were animal activists who understood the interconnections between environmental destruction and animal agriculture"
想象一下,有一天,当人们说“但我早上需要我的香肠”时,人们会说,“哦,那是二十世纪。你知道,在那个世纪,一些最早谈论气候变化的人是动物活动家,他们了解环境破坏和动物农业之间的相互联系。
Better yet, imagine the day when people no longer feel they need a "sausage" in the morning.
更好的是,想象一下人们不再觉得早上需要“香肠”的那一天。
Imagine the day when women and children are not sold into sexual slavery or prostituted or pornographed.
想象一下,有一天,妇女和儿童不会被卖为隶、卖淫或色情制品。
Better yet, imagine the day when equality, rather than dominance, is sexy.
更好的是,想象一下平等而不是支配地位成为性感的那一天。
Equality isn't an idea; it is a practice. We practice it when we don't treat other people or other animals as objects. We practice it when we ask "what are you going through?" and understand that we ask the question because it matters to all of us what some are experiencing.
平等不是一个想法;这是一种实践。当我们不把其他人或其他动物当作物体时,我们就会练习它。当我们问“你正在经历什么?”时,我们会练习它,并理解我们问这个问题是因为对我们所有人来说,有些人正在经历什么。
Once upon a time, people thought vegan food wasn't tasty and that feminists were puritans. They thought that if you accepted the logic of The Sexual Politics of Meat it meant you had to give up things, you had to "sacrifice." The entire point of the sexual politics of meat is that there is something on the other side of this culture of oppression-and that something is better, better for us, better for the environment, better for relationships, better for the animals.
曾几何时,人们认为纯素食品不好吃,女权主义者是清教徒。他们认为,如果你接受《肉的性政治》的逻辑,就意味着你必须放弃一些东西,你必须“牺牲”。肉食性政治的全部意义在于,在这种压迫文化的另一面,有一些东西更好,对我们更好,对环境更好,对人际关系更好,对动物更好。

Preface to the Twentieth Anniversary Edition
二十周年纪念版序言

As I explain in the preface to the tenth anniversary edition, The Sexual Politics of Meat exists because of activism. It is engaged theory, theory that arises from anger at what is; theory that envisions what is possible. Engaged theory makes change possible. It doesn't just sit down next to you at a dining table and ask, "Do you know what you are participating in as you choose what to eat?" It also says, "There is something more exciting, more fulfilling, more honest than eating a dead animal as hamburger or pork loin." It doesn't only offer a critique-a critique of sexist ads on behalf of animal activism or a vegan strip club, or sexist ads from Burger King, or a "Gentlemen's" steak club. It affirms: "There is a life of integrity that you can live when you recognize women's equality." Engaged theory exposes problems, but also offers solutions.
正如我在十周年纪念版的序言中所解释的那样,《肉类的性政治》之所以存在,是因为激进主义。它是参与的理论,源于对现状的愤怒的理论;设想什么是可能的理论。参与理论使变革成为可能。它不只是坐在你旁边的餐桌旁问:“当你选择吃什么时,你知道你在参与什么吗?它还说,“还有比吃汉堡包或猪里脊肉等死去的动物更令人兴奋、更充实、更诚实的事情。它不仅提供了批评——代表动物激进主义或素食脱衣舞俱乐部的性别歧视广告,或汉堡王的性别歧视广告,或“绅士”牛排俱乐部的批评。它申明:“当你承认妇女的平等时,你可以过上正直的生活。参与理论揭示了问题,但也提供了解决方案。
Engaged theory makes resistance empowering. We are creating a new culture-a culture not of top down thought or top down actions. We don't need "deciders" who abdicate principles; we need "engagers" who understand that everything is connected.
参与理论使抵抗增强力量。我们正在创造一种新的文化——一种不是自上而下的思想或自上而下的行动的文化。我们不需要放弃原则的“决定者”;我们需要了解一切都是相互联系的“参与者”。
The Sexual Politics of Meat is about making connections. It is about liberation from harmful and limiting beliefs.
肉类的性政治是关于建立联系的。它是关于从有害和限制性的信仰中解放出来。
For the past twenty years, The Sexual Politics of Meat has changed the lives of readers because through this book they grasp the possibility of the world on the other side of oppression-and they have understood the importance of activism in bringing this world into being.
在过去的二十年里,《肉的性政治》改变了读者的生活,因为通过这本书,他们掌握了世界在压迫的另一边的可能性——他们理解了行动主义在创造这个世界方面的重要性。
For some, The Sexual Politics of Meat has given new meaning to their longtime activism for women, for animals, for the environment. For others, it has introduced a new idea that jolts them into a realization of why the world they live in has been so alienating. It makes sense of their lives.
对一些人来说,《肉的性政治》为他们长期以来对女性、动物和环境的激进主义赋予了新的意义。对于其他人来说,它引入了一种新想法,使他们意识到为什么他们生活的世界如此疏远。这让他们的生活变得有意义。
I have loved all the ways that people have responded to the ideas in The Sexual Politics of Meat. I love all the zines-anarchist, radical fem-veg, teenage vegan werewolf (I made that one up), that have been inspired by the book. I love all the letters that I get that say "my cousin lent me your book and when I was done my mother read it and now my sister is reading it." I love that The Sexual Politics of Meat was read in jails after people arrested for protesting animal abuse were waiting for arraignment. I love that a group of women got the same words from The Sexual Politics of Meat tattooed on different parts of their bodies. I love that readers find in it what they need, and inspired by it are creating new relationships. I love that one woman told me how she had fallen in love with someone, but before they could marry, she insisted her lover read the book. He did; he grasped its meaning, flew across the United States, and at their
我喜欢人们对《肉的性政治》中思想的所有回应方式。我喜欢所有受这本书启发的杂志——无政府主义者、激进的女素食主义者、十几岁的素食狼人(我编造的那个)。我喜欢我收到的所有信,上面写着“我的表弟把你的书借给我,当我读完后,我妈妈读了它,现在我姐姐正在读它。我喜欢在因抗议虐待动物而被捕的人等待传讯后在监狱里阅读《肉的性政治》。我喜欢一群女性在身体的不同部位纹上了《肉的性政治》中的相同词语。我喜欢读者在其中找到他们需要的东西,并受到它的启发,正在建立新的关系。我喜欢一个女人告诉我她是如何爱上一个人的,但在他们结婚之前,她坚持让她的爱人读这本书。他做到了;他明白了它的含义,飞越了美国,在他们的

marriage celebration had the most luscious vegan chocolate cake. (They shared the recipe with me.)
结婚庆典有最甜美的纯素巧克力蛋糕。(他们和我分享了食谱。
I love hearing from young people, sometimes several years after they were first introduced to the ideas of The Sexual Politics of Meat, who have seen or heard something and it confirms the analysis found in the book. They write to share it with me.
我喜歡聽到年輕人的聲音,有時候是在他們第一次被介紹到《肉的性政治》的觀點幾年後,他們看到或聽到了一些東西,這印證了書中的分析。他们写信与我分享。
Parents have bought the book for children, children for their parents, grandparents for their grandchildren, lovers for their partners, students for their teachers.
父母为孩子买了这本书,孩子为父母买,祖父母为孙子孙女买,爱人为伴侣买,学生给老师买。
I know this book only from the inside out. I know it from my years of trying to make sense of an intuitive glimpse at a connection, which then demanded that it be written. At first, I did not know it would change my life so thoroughly, that after it was published people would send me images, commercials, menu covers, matchbooks, and newspaper articles. I did not know that I would be on a continual quest to make sense of these images, creating a slide show to explain the ideas of the sexual politics of meat, that I would end up traveling around the country, and the world, to discuss these ideas and show these images. I only knew that I could not live with myself if I didn't find a way to make sense of what I had intuited. The idea would not let go of me until I explained it. Because of the images I received and needed to interpret, I was compelled by my readers to write The Pornography of Meat, an image-based companion volume to The Sexual Politics of Meat.
我只从内到外了解这本书。我从多年来试图理解对一种联系的直观一瞥中知道这一点,然后要求将其写下来。起初,我并不知道它会如此彻底地改变我的生活,以至于在它出版后,人们会给我寄来图片、广告、菜单封面、火柴本和报纸文章。我不知道我会不断地去理解这些图像,制作一个幻灯片来解释肉类性政治的想法,我最终会走遍全国和世界,讨论这些想法并展示这些图像。我只知道,如果我找不到一种方法来理解我的直觉,我就无法与自己相处。在我解释之前,这个想法不会放过我。由于我收到的图像和需要解释的图像,我的读者迫使我写了《肉的色情》,这是《肉的性政治》的基于图像的姊妹卷。
When people write to tell me how the book changed their lives, I am given a sense of the book from the outside in, of how The Sexual Politics of Meat affirmed that one's life decisions mattered, and that what our culture viewed as discrete concerns (feminism and veganism) were deeply interconnected.
当人们写信告诉我这本书如何改变了他们的生活时,我从外到内感受到了这本书,《肉的性政治》如何肯定一个人的生活决定很重要,以及我们的文化所认为的离散问题(女权主义和素食主义)是紧密相连的。
I know The Sexual Politics of Meat gave new justifications for caring about animals. It provided a theory for an activist life committed to change, to challenging objectification, to challenging a culture built on killing and violence.
我知道《肉食的性政治》为关心动物提供了新的理由。它为致力于变革、挑战物化、挑战建立在杀戮和暴力基础上的文化的激进主义生活提供了理论。
As for scholars who have written me, it appears that The Sexual Politics of Meat was one of the books that provided a model for placing animals in the center of scholarship, helping birth the fields of animal studies and ecocriticism.
至于给我写信的学者,《肉的性政治》似乎是一本为将动物置于学术中心提供了典范的书,帮助催生了动物研究和生态批评领域。
It's hard to know precisely-to bridge the gap that always exists between writer and reader-but I think these are some of the reasons the New York Times called The Sexual Politics of Meat "a bible of the vegan community."
很难确切地知道——弥合作家和读者之间始终存在的鸿沟——但我认为这些是《纽约时报》称《肉类的性政治》为“素食主义者社区的圣经”的一些原因。

Preface to the Twentieth Anniversary Edition
二十周年纪念版序言

The Sexual Politics of Meat speaks to people because they too imagine a day in which equality prevails.
《肉食的性政治》之所以能与人们对话,是因为他们也想象着平等盛行的那一天。
I was not the only one in 1974 imagining a future that liberated us from limited and oppressive beliefs. I was part of a community. We had been protesting a war for many years (sound familiar?) and we were creating alternative institutions. We imagined a world different from the one we lived in. Some of what we worked for has come into being. Thanks to the work of radical feminists of the 1970s, sexual harassment has been recognized in the law, domestic violence shelters have been created and funded, rape shield laws have been passed. As we worked to end violence, we also worked to protect its victims.
在1974年,我不是唯一一个想象未来将我们从有限和压迫性的信仰中解放出来的人。我是社区的一员。多年来,我们一直在抗议战争(听起来很熟悉?),我们正在创建替代机构。我们想象了一个与我们生活的世界不同的世界。我们为之奋斗的一些东西已经形成。由于 1970 年代激进女权主义者的工作,性骚扰在法律中得到承认,家庭暴力庇护所已经建立和资助,强奸保护法已经通过。在我们努力结束暴力的同时,我们也在努力保护暴力的受害者。
What is "the sexual politics of meat"? It is an attitude and action that animalizes women and sexualizes and feminizes animals. In 2008, we learned about the chief judge of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals who posted materials to a website including a photo of naked women on all fours painted to look like cows and a video of a partially-dressed man interacting with a sexually aroused farm animal. The woman, animalized; the animal, sexualized. That's the sexual politics of meat.
什么是“肉的性政治”?这是一种将女性动物化、将动物性化和女性化的态度和行为。2008年,我们了解到美国第九巡回上诉法院的首席法官在网站上发布了一些材料,其中包括一张四肢着地的裸体女性的照片,这些照片看起来像奶牛,以及一个穿着不整的男子与性唤起的农场动物互动的视频。 女人,动物化;动物,性化。这就是肉的性政治。
The Sexual Politics of Meat is also the assumption that men need meat, have the right to meat, and that meat eating is a male activity associated with virility. Recent examples of this include Burger King ads against "chick foods" (asparagus quiche) in which men proclaim the right to eat meat and throw a truck off an overpass to affirm their maleness. Another example is a US male military camp with a ceremony that concludes with a steak dinner being given to new recruits by their "fathers," that is, older recruits. That's the sexual politics of meat, too.
肉食的性政治也是这样一种假设,即男人需要肉,有权吃肉,吃肉是与阳刚之气相关的男性活动。最近的例子包括汉堡王反对“小鸡食品”(芦笋乳蛋饼)的广告,其中男性宣称有权吃肉,并将卡车从立交桥上扔下来,以确认他们的男性身份。另一个例子是美国男性军营,其仪式结束时,他们的“父亲”(即年长的新兵)会为新兵提供牛排晚餐。 这也是肉类的性政治。
I wish our culture did not offer abundant examples of The Sexual Politics of Meat. Since the publication of the Tenth Anniversary Edition, the Bush Presidency, and the reign of the Republicans through most of the first decade of the twenty-first century, contributed countless examples. Steak restaurants returned to popularity in Washington after Bush was installed as President by the Supreme Court. Bush's cultivated image of "rancher/cowboy" was all part of the creation of a macho "decider" persona.
我希望我们的文化没有提供大量肉类性政治的例子。自十周年纪念版出版以来,布什总统任期以及共和党在二十一世纪头十年的大部分时间里的统治,贡献了无数的例子。在布什被最高法院任命为总统后,牛排餐厅在华盛顿重新流行起来。布什培养的“牧场主/牛仔”形象都是创造男子气概的“决定者”角色的一部分。
At Abu Ghraib, the infamous Iraqi prison, American soldiers reduced Iraqis to animal status and exploited male-female roles to insult Iraqi men and destroy resistance. With this example, the Bush Presidency reinscribed the sexual politics of meat at a new level.
在臭名昭著的伊拉克监狱阿布格莱布,美国士兵将伊拉克人贬低为动物,并利用男女角色侮辱伊拉克男性并摧毁抵抗。通过这个例子,布什总统将肉类的性政治重新刻在了一个新的水平上。
As Susan Faludi shows in The Terror Dream, after 9/11 the media hyped John Wayne-like masculinity, Superman-like male powers, and the
正如苏珊·法鲁迪(Susan Faludi)在《恐怖之梦》(The Terror Dream)中所展示的那样,在9/11之后,媒体大肆宣传约翰·韦恩(John Wayne)式的男子气概,超人式的男性力量,以及

hypervirility of rescuers and politicians. Thus we learned that, after the World Trade Centers fell, the first meal Mayor Guiliani wolfed down was a sandwich made of "meats that sweat." Where there is (anxious) virility, one will find meat eating.
救援人员和政客的亢奋。因此,我们了解到,在世贸中心倒塌后,吉利安尼市长狼吞虎咽的第一顿饭是用“汗肉”制成的三明治。哪里有(焦虑的)阳刚之气,哪里就会发现吃肉。
A 2006 Hummer advertisement features a man buying tofu in a supermarket. Next to him a man is buying "meat that sweats"-gobs of it. The tofu-buying man, alert to and anxious about his virility because of the man with all his meat next to him in the line, hurries from the grocery store and heads straight to a Hummer dealership. He buys a new Hummer and is shown happily driving away, munching on carrot. The original tag line for the ad was "Restore your manhood." The sexual politics of meat.
2006年悍马的一则广告中,一名男子在超市购买豆腐。在他旁边,一个男人正在买“出汗的肉”——大口大口地吃。买豆腐的男人,因为旁边那个满身肉的男人排着队,对他的阳刚之气感到警觉和焦虑,他匆匆忙忙地从杂货店出来,直奔悍马经销商。他买了一辆新的悍马,开着车开走了,嚼着胡萝卜。该广告的原始标语是“恢复你的男子气概”。 肉的性政治。
If Bush's policies and the media hype around politicians like Guiliani created a new urgency to expose the sexual politics of meat, we feministvegan activists received help from an unexpected source-a great French philosopher, Jacques Derrida. At the same time that the first edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat went to press, Derrida's "Eating Well" was published in English. In this text, the idea of "carno-phallogocentrism" was introduced.
如果说布什的政策和媒体对吉利安尼等政客的炒作创造了揭露肉类性政治的新紧迫性,那么我们女权主义活动家则得到了一个意想不到的来源——一位伟大的法国哲学家雅克·德里达(Jacques Derrida)的帮助。在《肉的性政治》第一版出版的同时,德里达的《吃得好》也以英文出版。在这篇文章中,引入了“carno-phallogocentrism”的思想。
I asked Matthew Calarco, an expert on Continental Philosophy and animal theory, to help me think about the intersections between Derrida's ideas and The Sexual Politics of Meat. He wrote:
我请大陆哲学和动物理论专家马修·卡拉科(Matthew Calarco)帮助我思考德里达的思想与《肉的性政治》之间的交集。他写道:
To my mind, the most obvious linkage between your work and Derrida's work concerns the way in which being a meat eater is understood by both of you as central to being a subject. Both of you call explicit attention to the carnivorism that lies at the heart of classical notions of subjectivity, especially male subjectivity. You lay this point out at length, though, and Derrida only addresses it in a schematic and incomplete manner.
在我看来,你的作品和德里达的作品之间最明显的联系是,你们俩都把肉食者理解为作为一个主体的核心。你们俩都明确地呼吁关注作为经典主体性概念核心的肉食主义,尤其是男性主体性。不过,你详细地阐述了这一点,德里达只是以一种示意性的、不完整的方式解决了这个问题。
Derrida's term carno-phallogocentrism is an attempt to name the primary social, linguistic, and material practices that go into becoming and remaining a genuine subject within the West. He suggests that, in order to be a recognized as a full subject one must be a meat eater, a man, and an authoritative, speaking self. There are, of course, other requirements for being recognized as a full subject, but Derrida names these three requirements in succession and in close relation to one another because they are perhaps the three primary conditions of recognition.
德里达的“肉体中心主义”(carno-phallogocentrism)一词试图命名在西方成为并保持真正主体的主要社会、语言和物质实践。他建议,为了成为一个完整的主体,一个人必须是一个肉食者,一个男人,一个权威的、会说话的自我。当然,被承认为一个完整的主体还有其他要求,但德里达将这三个要求连续列举出来,并且彼此密切相关,因为它们可能是承认的三个主要条件。
What was so powerful about The Sexual Politics of Meat was precisely this same, central insight. The initial pages on virility and eating meat gave such a powerful voice to the idea that meat eating is not a simple, natural phenomenon, but is irreducibly linked in our culture to masculinity along
《肉食的性政治》之所以如此强大,恰恰是同样的、核心的洞察力。关于男子气概和吃肉的最初几页为这样一种观点发出了如此有力的声音,即吃肉不是一种简单的自然现象,而是在我们的文化中与男性气质有着不可分割的联系

Preface to the Twentieth Anniversary Edition
二十周年纪念版序言

multiple material, ideological, and symbolic lines. Derrida's work on the question of the animal throughout the 1980s and '90s seeks to address this connection between masculinity and carnivorism, but you were writing about it at length and developing the implications of that connection in much more detail.
多条物质、意识形态和象征线。德里达在1980年代和90年代关于动物问题的著作试图解决男性气质和肉食主义之间的这种联系,但你正在详细地写它,并更详细地发展这种联系的含义。
With Derrida (and Calarco's help) we can comprehend the problem when animal rights organizations chose to use pornographic ads to reach meat eaters: they are speaking to the male subject and assume he basically cannot change. We who object to the sexual politics of meat imagine something better. We imagine that the male subject truly can change.
在德里达(和卡拉科的帮助下)我们可以理解动物权利组织选择使用色情广告来接触肉食者的问题:他们正在与男性受试者交谈,并假设他基本上无法改变。我们这些反对肉类性政治的人会想象一些更好的东西。我们想象男性主体真的可以改变。
We imagine the end of the transformation of living beings into objects. We imagine the end of predatory consumption. We imagine equality.
我们想象生物向物体的转变的终结。我们想象掠夺性消费的终结。我们想象平等。
Here's what we know: ideas and beliefs have consequences. They create subjects who act in certain ways-through dominance or through equality-and these actions have consequences. In coining the phrase, "the personal is the political," feminist activists of the 1970s recognized that our culture had unmoored causes and consequences. Dominance functions best in a culture of disconnections and fragmentation. Feminism recognizes connections.
这就是我们所知道的:想法和信仰是有后果的。他们创造了以某种方式行事的主体——通过支配或平等——这些行为会产生后果。在创造“个人即政治”这句话时,1970 年代的女权主义活动家认识到我们的文化有无足轻重的因果关系。在脱节和分裂的文化中,主导地位发挥了最佳作用。女权主义承认联系。
Imagine a time when our culture no longer proves me right about the sexual politics of meat. Activists don't just imagine that world. We work to bring the world we imagine into existence. Join us.
想象一下,当我们的文化不再证明我对肉类的性政治是正确的。活动家不只是想象那个世界。我们努力将我们想象的世界变为现实。加入我们。

PREFACE TO THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY EDITION
十周年纪念版序言

"My vegetarianism had little to do with my feminism, or so I thought." These words begin the preface to the first edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat. I wrote them in 1975 as the opening sentence for a paper in a feminist ethics class taught by Mary Daly. I used these words again in 1990 to honor the strivings of the individual I was when I began my quest for a feministvegetarian theory and in quiet homage to Mary Daly's early support of my work as well as her ongoing biophilic vision. What occurred in those intervening years? That poses in an oblique way the most frequently asked question of me in the past decade: "How did you come to write The Sexual Politics of Meat?" The answer spans seventeen years of my life, and describes a long process that was both painful and exhilarating.
“我的素食主义与我的女权主义关系不大,或者我是这么认为的。”这句话是《肉的性政治》第一版的序言。我在1975年写下了这句话,作为玛丽·戴利(Mary Daly)教授的女权主义伦理学课上一篇论文的开场白。1990 年,我再次使用这些词来纪念我开始寻求女权主义素食理论时的个人努力,并向玛丽·戴利 (Mary Daly) 早期对我工作的支持以及她持续的亲生物愿景致敬。在这中间的几年里发生了什么?这以一种隐晦的方式提出了我在过去十年中最常被问到的问题:“你是怎么写《肉的性政治》的?答案跨越了我十七年的生命,描述了一个既痛苦又令人振奋的漫长过程。
Feminism challenges the gender binary. But it is also an analytic tool that helps expose the social construction of relationships between humans and the other animals. In chapter 9, I quote feminist philosopher Sandra Bartky, who observes that feminists are not aware of different things from other people; "they are aware of the same things differently. Feminist consciousness, it might be ventured, turns a 'fact' into a 'contradiction.'" I was a feminist and a lifelong meat eater when I bit into a hamburger in 1973. Before that, consciousness raising about the political meaning of ostensibly personal acts had already been a part of my life. Inevitably the practice of consciousness raising extended to my eating habits. What prompted me to see the same thing-meat eating-differently? What changed a fact into a contradiction?
女权主义挑战性别二元论。但它也是一种分析工具,有助于揭示人类与其他动物之间关系的社会建构。在第 9 章中,我引用了女权主义哲学家桑德拉·巴特基 (Sandra Bartky) 的话,她观察到女权主义者没有意识到与其他人不同的事情;“他们对同样的事情有不同的认识。女权主义意识,也许是冒险的,把一个'事实'变成了一个'矛盾'。1973 年,当我咬汉堡包时,我是一个女权主义者和终生的肉食者。在此之前,提高对表面上个人行为的政治意义的认识已经成为我生活的一部分。不可避免地,提高意识的实践延伸到我的饮食习惯中。是什么促使我看到同样的东西——肉吃不同的东西?是什么把一个事实变成了一个矛盾?
At the end of my first year of Yale Divinity School, I returned home to Forestville, New York, the small town where I grew up. As I was unpacking I heard a furious knocking at the door. An agitated neighbor greeted me as I opened the door. "Someone has just shot your horse!" he exclaimed. Thus began my political and spiritual journey toward a feminist-vegetarian critical theory. It did not require that I travel outside this small village of my childhood-though I have; it involved running up to the back pasture behind our barn, and encountering the dead body of a pony I had loved.
在耶鲁神学院的第一年结束时,我回到了纽约福里斯特维尔的家,这是我长大的小镇。当我打开包装时,我听到了一阵愤怒的敲门声。当我打开门时,一个激动的邻居向我打招呼。“有人刚刚射杀了你的马!”他惊呼道。就这样开始了我走向女权主义-素食主义批判理论的政治和精神之旅。它不需要我离开我童年的这个小村庄——尽管我有;它包括跑到我们谷仓后面的牧场,遇到了我爱的一匹小马的尸体。

Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition
十周年纪念版序言

Those barefoot steps through the thorns and manure of an old apple orchard took me face to face with death. That evening, still distraught about my pony's death, I bit into a hamburger and stopped in midbite. I was thinking about one dead animal yet eating another dead animal. What was the difference between this dead cow and the dead pony whom I would be burying the next day? I could summon no ethical defense for a favoritism that would exclude the cow from my concern because I had not known her. I now saw meat differently.
那些赤脚走过老苹果园的荆棘和粪便的台阶,让我直面死亡。那天晚上,我仍然为我的小马的死而心烦意乱,我咬了一个汉堡包,吃了一半就停了下来。我在想一只死去的动物,却在吃另一只死去的动物。这头死牛和我第二天要埋葬的死马有什么区别?我不能为偏袒而进行任何道德辩护,因为这种偏袒会因为我不认识母牛而将母牛排除在我的关注之外。我现在对肉的看法不同了。
Yet change was not immediate. I know how overpowering the meat-eating culture is; I continued to be a part of it for another year. I lived in a communal household in Philadelphia, and issues about food and money, and not knowing how to cook, combined to keep me a passive, and conflicted, meat eater. But I vowed that when I moved I would pick a vegetarian household. That opportunity came the following year. In moving to the Boston area, I checked the housing bulletin board at the Cambridge Women's Center and linked up with two feminist-vegetarian apartment mates.
然而,改变并非立竿见影。我知道吃肉文化是多么的压倒一切;我继续参与其中一年。我住在费城的一个公共家庭里,关于食物和金钱的问题,以及不知道如何做饭的问题,加在一起,使我成为一个被动的、矛盾的肉食者。但我发誓,当我搬家时,我会选择一个素食家庭。第二年,这个机会来了。在搬到波士顿地区时,我查看了剑桥妇女中心的住房公告板,并与两位女权主义素食主义者的公寓伙伴联系。
It was the fall of 1974. My life was filled with feminism: a coveted class with Mary Daly, a history of women and American religion, a class on the theory of women's history at Harvard Divinity School. For Mary Daly's feminist ethics class I was reading Elizabeth Gould Davis's book, The First Sex. Scholars discredit it now, but as mythopoesis, as a book that invited the rethinking of the givens of a patriarchal world, it was revelatory. I was also reading Marge Piercy's Small Changes. I remember walking down the street toward Harvard Square thinking about Piercy's hero, who had come to live in the Boston area too. She seemed so real that I imagined I could run into her on the street. I mused on the predicament she had been caught in-a controlling husband seeking to force her to be pregnant. Her escape, discussed in chapter 7, linked to a dead animal, brought about her abstinence from eating warm-blooded animals. My mind started thinking of vegetarianism within a feminist context: Gould Davis's claim that a vegetarian matriarchy was overthrown by an animal-eating patriarchy; numerous nineteenthcentury feminists who were vegetarian; other novels like Charlotte Perkins Gilman's Herland. My own intuitive sense of connection hummed deep within, not yet articulated. Like the three cherries that click into place in a slot machine, these vegetarian-feminist references suddenly did the same. There was a connection! I quickened my pace, and began to see all the scattered references had been encountering as part of a larger whole.
那是1974年的秋天。我的生活充满了女权主义:玛丽·戴利(Mary Daly)令人垂涎的课程,女性和美国宗教史,哈佛神学院(Harvard Divinity School)的女性历史理论课程。在玛丽·戴利(Mary Daly)的女权主义伦理课上,我正在阅读伊丽莎白·古尔德·戴维斯(Elizabeth Gould Davis)的书《第一性》(The First)。学者们现在诋毁它,但作为神话,作为一本邀请重新思考父权制世界给定的书,它具有启示性。我也在读玛吉·皮尔西(Marge Piercy)的《小变化》(Small Changes)。我记得我走在通往哈佛广场的街道上,想着皮尔西的主人公,他也来到了波士顿地区。她看起来如此真实,以至于我想象着我可以在街上遇到她。我沉思着她所陷入的困境——一个控制欲强的丈夫试图强迫她怀孕。第7章讨论过,她的逃跑与一只死去的动物有关,使她戒掉了吃温血动物的戒律。我的脑海中开始思考女权主义背景下的素食主义:古尔德·戴维斯(Gould Davis)声称素食母权制被以动物为食的父权制所推翻;许多十九世纪的女权主义者是素食主义者;其他小说,如夏洛特·珀金斯·吉尔曼的《赫兰德》。我自己的直觉联系感在内心深处嗡嗡作响,尚未表达出来。就像在老虎机上咔哒咔哒的三颗樱桃一样,这些素食女权主义的参考突然也做了同样的事情。有联系!我加快了脚步,开始看到所有分散的参考资料 都作为一个更大的整体的一部分。
I was fortunate to be in Cambridge. Mary Daly allowed me to pursue the issue as a paper for her class and the women at New Words, a feminist
我很幸运能来到剑桥。玛丽·戴利(Mary Daly)允许我把这个问题作为她班级和女权主义者新词(New Words)的女性的论文

bookstore, suggested other books that contained pertinent references. In the Schlesinger Library at Radcliffe College, I encountered the manuscripts of Agnes Ryan, an early twentieth-century feminist-vegetarian. The women in the Harvard metahistory class listened to my presentation and offered other associations. References spiraled into connections; connections curved toward a theory. I interviewed over 40 feminists in the Boston-Cambridge community who were vegetarian. The women at Amazon Quarterly, an early lesbian-feminist journal, accepted for publication my paper for Mary Daly's class and it appeared in 1975 in the anthology The Lesbian Reader.
书店,推荐了其他包含相关参考资料的书籍。在拉德克利夫学院(Radcliffe College)的施莱辛格图书馆(Schlesinger Library),我遇到了二十世纪初女权主义素食主义者艾格尼丝·瑞安(Agnes Ryan)的手稿。哈佛元史课上的女性听了我的演讲,并提供了其他协会。参考文献螺旋式上升为连接;连接向理论弯曲。我采访了波士顿-剑桥社区的40多位素食女权主义者。早期的女同性恋女权主义杂志《亚马逊季刊》(Amazon Quarterly)的女性接受了我为玛丽·戴利(Mary Daly)的课发表的论文,并于1975年发表在选集《女同性恋读者》(The Lesbian Reader)中。
By 1976, I knew there was a connection; many feminists were responding with energy (both positive and negative) to my ideas. A small press had offered to publish my ideas as a book if I expanded my paper. The Oedible Complex was coming into being as a book. (Indeed the Boston Women's Health Collective carried a reference to that book through several editions of Our Bodies, Ourselves.) But something bothered me. I felt that I would have only one chance to claim a connection between feminism and vegetarianism, and my 1976 book did not feel ready. It wasn't "cooked." How exactly did I explain the connections? What was my theory? The intellectual quandary was not the only brake being applied to my early efforts at writing this book. I had also experienced some negative repercussions for my work, and I felt exposed and vulnerable. My book was not ready, nor was I. I left the Boston area and put my book aside. Friends warned me. "But someone else might do the book. Someone might beat you to it if you abandon this"
到 1976 年,我知道两者之间存在联系;许多女权主义者对我的想法做出了积极的回应(无论是积极的还是消极的)。一家小出版社提出,如果我扩大论文范围,可以把我的想法写成一本书出版。Oedible Complex是作为一本书诞生的。(事實上,波士頓婦女健康團體(Boston Women's Health Collective)在《我們的身體,我們自己》(Our Bodies, Yourself)的幾個版本中引用了這本書。但有些事情困扰着我。我觉得我只有一次机会声称女权主义和素食主义之间的联系,而我 1976 年的书感觉还没有准备好。它不是“煮熟的”。我究竟是如何解释这些联系的?我的理论是什么?智力上的窘境并不是我早期写这本书的唯一障碍。我的工作也经历了一些负面影响,我感到暴露和脆弱。我的书还没准备好,我也没有。我离开了波士顿地区,把我的书放在一边。朋友警告我。“但其他人可能会写这本书。如果你放弃这个,有人可能会打败你”
"I'll have to take that chance," I replied. "It's not ready"
“我必须抓住这个机会,”我回答。“还没准备好”
Despite other exciting alternatives, including the offer of a fellowship to study in Australia and travel around the world, I returned to upstate New York and became involved with social activism. With my partner I started a Hotline for Battered Women, which we housed at nights in our home. I became immersed in a fair-housing battle that was raw, cruel, enervating, and heartbreaking. We started a soup kitchen and a secondhand clothing store. I wrote grant applications for the purchase and renovation of an old building to become a service center and apartments. I was appointed to Governor Cuomo's Commission on Domestic Violence and chaired the housing committee, trying to innovate connections between housing advocates and battered women advocates. My life was filled with activism.
尽管有其他令人兴奋的选择,包括提供在澳大利亚学习和环游世界的奖学金,我还是回到了纽约州北部,并参与了社会活动。我和我的伴侣一起开通了一条受虐妇女热线,我们晚上在家里。我沉浸在一场原始、残酷、充满活力和令人心碎的公平住房之战中。我们开了一家施粥厨房和一家二手服装店。我写了拨款申请,用于购买和翻新一栋旧建筑,使其成为服务中心和公寓。我被任命为科莫州长家庭暴力委员会的成员,并担任住房委员会主席,试图创新住房倡导者和受虐妇女倡导者之间的联系。我的生活充满了激进主义。
Though I was busy from morning to night with meetings, phone calls, deadlines, organizing, I also harbored the desire to create this book. The desire was painful and deep; its depth provoked the pain and the ache to write. My day was filled with responding to immediate needs, marshaling
虽然我从早到晚忙于开会、打电话、截止日期、组织工作,但我也怀有创作这本书的愿望。这种欲望是痛苦而深刻的;它的深度激起了写作的痛苦和痛苦。我的一天充满了响应即时需求、编组

Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition
十周年纪念版序言

resources, agitating, and educating. When was the time to write? I felt a sense of incompleteness, of failing to achieve coherence to something inchoate but vibrant. I was confused because I also felt shame; the shame of wanting to be a writer but not succeeding.
资源、鼓动和教育。什么时候写?我感到一种不完整的感觉,无法实现对一些不完整但充满活力的东西的连贯性。我很困惑,因为我也感到羞耻;想当作家却没有成功的耻辱。
I continued to collect citations and references. Everything I read, from mysteries to herstories, from practical books about ending battering to feminist literary criticism, contained nuggets of meaning. Yet everywhere I went I encountered disconnections-battered women's advocates eating hamburgers while talking about peace in the home; biographies of feminists that failed to consider the vegetarianism of their subject; peace-activist potlucks with dead animals. What I harbored was a terrible burden. I felt I would implode with the blocked energy of making the connection internally and yet not finishing the book I had envisioned years earlier. I felt anger, alienation, and determination.
我继续收集引文和参考文献。我读到的一切,从神秘小说到她的故事,从关于结束殴打的实用书籍到女权主义文学批评,都包含着意义。然而,无论我走到哪里,我都会遇到与世隔绝的妇女倡导者,她们一边吃着汉堡包,一边谈论家庭和平;女权主义者的传记没有考虑其主题的素食主义;和平活动家与死去的动物聚餐。我所怀有的是一个可怕的负担。我觉得我会因为内部建立联系而无法完成我多年前设想的书的受阻能量而崩溃。我感到愤怒、疏远和决心。
So I tried to write this book. Not once, or twice, but with many false starts and numerous drafts. All through the Reagan years, I kept at it. Time off from work brought time to research and write. I had drawers full of connections-historical, literary, social. But still the theoretical that would hold it altogether eluded me.
所以我试着写这本书。不是一次或两次,而是有许多错误的开始和无数的草稿。在里根的整个时代,我都坚持了下来。下班后有时间进行研究和写作。我的抽屉里装满了历史的、文学的、社会的联系。但是,我仍然无法完全理解它。
In 1987, I moved with my partner to the Dallas area so that he could pursue a ministry with the homeless and I could devote myself full time to writing what became The Sexual Politics of Meat and rearing our young child. On our second night on the road, we stayed in Arkansas. Reading Margaret Homans's Bearing the Word, I discovered the concept of the absent referent in the first few pages of the book. I stopped reading; I lowered the book and held it as I contemplated this idea. The absent referent: that was what animals eaten for meat were! The next day, I realized that the absent referent was what enabled the interweaving of the oppression of women and animals.
1987年,我和我的伴侣搬到了达拉斯地区,这样他就可以与无家可归者一起事工,而我就可以全身心地投入到写作《肉的性政治》中,并抚养我们年幼的孩子。在路上的第二个晚上,我们住在阿肯色州。在阅读玛格丽特·霍曼斯(Margaret Homans)的《承载话语》(Bearing the Word)时,我在书的前几页发现了缺席指称的概念。我停止了阅读;我放下书,拿着它思考这个想法。缺席的指称:这就是吃肉的动物!第二天,我意识到,缺席的指涉物使妇女和动物的压迫交织在一起。
Behind every meal of meat is an absence: the death of the animal whose place the meat takes. The "absent referent" is that which separates the meat eater from the animal and the animal from the end product. The function of the absent referent is to keep our "meat" separated from any idea that she or he was once an animal, to keep the "moo" or "cluck" or "baa" away from the meat, to keep something from being seen as having been someone. Once the existence of meat is disconnected from the existence of an animal who was killed to become that "meat," meat becomes unanchored by its original referent (the animal), becoming instead a free-floating image, used often to reflect women's status as well as animals'. Animals are the absent referent
每一顿肉的背后都有一种缺席:肉所占据位置的动物的死亡。“缺席参照物”是将肉食者与动物以及动物与最终产品区分开来的指涉物。缺席指称者的功能是使我们的“肉”与她或他曾经是动物的任何想法分开,使“哞哞”或“咯咯”或“咔嚓”远离肉,防止某些东西被视为某人。一旦肉的存在与被杀死成为“肉”的动物的存在脱节,肉就被它的原始指涉物(动物)所锚定,而成为一个自由浮动的形象,经常被用来反映女性和动物的地位。动物是缺席的参照物

in the act of meat eating; they also become the absent referent in images of women butchered, fragmented, or consumable.
在吃肉的行为中;她们也成为被屠杀、支离破碎或可消费的女性形象中缺席的参照物。
When we arrived in Dallas, I not only had the time to write but a theory that explained the connections. Earlier drafts that meandered were torn through; I uprooted material; and two years later I finished the book.
当我们到达达拉斯时,我不仅有时间写作,而且还有时间解释其中的联系。蜿蜒曲折的早期草稿被撕毁;我连根拔起了材料;两年后,我读完了这本书。
Nearly fifteen years after withdrawing my initial efforts at this book from a publisher, The Sexual Politics of Meat appeared. I was amazed at the immediate responses to it. People who read it and felt confirmed by it began to send me evidence of the connections. I have a veritable museum of matchbox covers, menus, advertisements, photographs of billboards, and other items that confirm the connection between the oppression of women and the oppression of animals. From these I have created a slide show on the sexual politics of meat and have traveled around the country with it.
在我从出版商那里撤回了这本书的最初努力将近十五年后,《肉类的性政治》出现了。我对它的即时反应感到惊讶。那些读过它并感到被它证实的人开始向我发送联系的证据。我有一个名副其实的博物馆,里面有火柴盒封面、菜单、广告、广告牌照片和其他物品,这些物品证实了对妇女的压迫和对动物的压迫之间的联系。从这些中,我制作了一个关于肉类性政治的幻灯片,并带着它走遍了全国。
On the other hand, reporters and commentators who were seeking for the ultimate example of "political correctness" landed upon The Sexual Politics of Meat and trumpeted it as the academic excess of the year. I am not an academic; I am a cultural worker. Once in a while I teach one course at Perkins Theological School, but this does not an academic make. I am grateful that with this tenth anniversary edition I can establish that this book evolved from an activist. I am an activist immersed in theory, to be sure. But I am still an activist, with all the war wounds of having our house picketed by anti-abortionists; of hearing racists talk about my partner and me on the radio; of having harbored abused women, as well as the hotline itself, in our home.
另一方面,寻求“政治正确”终极典范的记者和评论员登陆了《肉类的性政治》,并大肆宣扬它是今年的学术超额作品。我不是学者;我是一名文化工作者。我偶尔会在珀金斯神学院教一门课程,但这不是学术课程。我很感激通过这本十周年纪念版,我可以确定这本书是从活动家演变而来的。可以肯定的是,我是一个沉浸在理论中的活动家。但我仍然是一个活动家,因为我们的房子被反堕胎主义者纠察而受到所有战争创伤;听到种族主义者在广播中谈论我和我的伴侣;在我们家中窝藏受虐待的妇女以及热线本身。
In chapter 7, I quote philosopher Mary Midgley who observes that "the symbolism of meat-eating is never neutral." Meat eaters see themselves as "eating life." Vegetarians see meat eaters as "eating death." Midgley says that "there is a kind of gestalt-shift between the two positions which makes it hard to change, and hard to raise questions on the matter at all without becoming embattled." Reaction to The Sexual Politics of Meat is influenced by which side of the gestalt shift one is on. For many who have enthusiastically embraced its thesis, it has become a touchstone for an empowering worldview and for activism. This is what has given the book that paradoxical status some have termed "an underground classic." For others, it is the book that goes too far. The most enjoyable example of this was a long review by the British essayist and critic Auberon Waugh in the Sunday Telegraph in which he speculated that the entire book, the author, and her family, were conceived by a male academic emigre from Eastern Europe, who poses as a madwoman (me!). And I had a good laugh when
在第7章中,我引用了哲学家玛丽·米德利(Mary Midgley)的话,她观察到“吃肉的象征意义从来都不是中立的。肉食者认为自己是“吃生命”。素食者认为肉食者是“吃死”。米奇利说,“这两种立场之间存在着一种格式塔式的转变,这使得很难改变,也很难在不陷入困境的情况下就此事提出问题。对《肉的性政治》的反应受到一个人站在格式塔转变的哪一边的影响。对于许多热情拥护其论点的人来说,它已成为赋权世界观和行动主义的试金石。这就是这本书被一些人称为“地下经典”的矛盾地位的原因。对于其他人来说,这本书走得太远了。最令人愉快的例子是英国散文家和评论家奥伯伦·沃(Auberon Waugh)在《星期日电讯报》上的一篇长篇评论,他推测整本书、作者和她的家人都是由一位来自东欧的男性学术移民构思的,他冒充一个疯女人(我!我笑得很开心

Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition
十周年纪念版序言

critics complained that The Sexual Politics of Meat proved that the left still did not have a sense of humor. What they meant is that I did not have their kind of humor.
批评者抱怨说,《肉的性政治》证明左派仍然没有幽默感。他们的意思是我没有他们的那种幽默。
In the years since 1976, I became not only the person who could write this book, but also the person who could handle the responses to this book. By the time Rush Limbaugh began talking about The Sexual Politics of Meat on his radio and television shows, I was inured to my work being an object of speculation. And when people buttonhole me demanding "What about the homeless, what about battered women?" and insist that we have to help suffering humans first, I am not thrown off by such assertive narrowing of the field of compassionate activism. I know that vegetarianism and animal activism in general can accompany social activism on behalf of disenfranchised people. I also know that this question is actually a defensive response, an attempt to deflect from an issue with which the interrogator feels uncomfortable. It is an attempt to have a moral upper hand. Only meat eaters raise this issue. No homeless advocate who is a vegetarian, no battered-women's advocate who is a vegetarian, would ever doubt that these issues can be approached in tandem. In addition, the point of The Sexual Politics of Meat is that we have to stop fragmenting activism; we cannot polarize human and animal suffering since they are interrelated.
自1976年以来的几年里,我不仅成为能够写这本书的人,而且成为能够处理对这本书的反应的人。当拉什·林博(Rush Limbaugh)开始在他的广播和电视节目中谈论肉类的性政治时,我已经习惯了我的作品成为猜测的对象。当人们问我“无家可归者怎么办,受虐妇女怎么办?”并坚持认为我们必须首先帮助受苦受难的人类时,我并没有被这种自信地缩小富有同情心的行动主义领域所抛弃。我知道,素食主义和动物行动主义可以伴随着代表被剥夺权利的人的社会行动主义。我也知道,这个问题实际上是一种防御性反应,试图转移审讯者感到不舒服的问题。这是试图在道德上占上风。只有肉食者才会提出这个问题。没有一个素食主义者的无家可归者倡导者,没有一个素食主义者的受虐妇女倡导者,会怀疑这些问题可以同时解决。此外,《肉食的性政治》的要点是,我们必须停止分裂激进主义;我们不能将人类和动物的痛苦两极分化,因为它们是相互关联的。
It is a truism that you cannot argue with a people's mythology. Yet, this is what consciousness raising does. It argues with the mythologies we are taught to live by until suddenly we are able to see the same thing differently. At that moment a fact becomes a contradiction. The Sexual Politics of Meat represents one attempt at turning a fact into a contradiction.
你不能与一个民族的神话争论,这是不言而喻的。然而,这就是提高意识的作用。它与我们被教导生活的神话争论,直到突然间我们能够以不同的方式看待同样的事情。在那一刻,一个事实变成了一个矛盾。《肉食的性政治》代表了一种将事实变成矛盾的尝试。
The process of viewing another as consumable, as something, is usually invisible to us. Its invisibility occurs because it corresponds to the view of the dominant culture. The process is also invisible to us because the end product of the process-the object of consumption-is available everywhere.
将另一个人视为消耗品、作为某物的过程通常对我们来说是看不见的。它的隐形之所以发生,是因为它符合主流文化的观点。这个过程对我们来说也是看不见的,因为这个过程的最终产品——消费的对象——无处不在。
The Sexual Politics of Meat means that what, or more precisely who, we eat is determined by the patriarchal politics of our culture, and that the meanings attached to meat eating include meanings clustered around virility. We live in a racist, patriarchal world in which men still have considerable power over women, both in the public sphere (employment and politics) and in the private sphere (at home, where in this country woman-battering results in the death of four women a day). What The Sexual Politics of Meat argues is that the way gender politics is structured into our world is related to how we view animals, especially animals who are consumed. Patriarchy is a gender system that is implicit in human/
肉食的性政治意味着,我们吃什么,或者更准确地说,我们吃谁,是由我们文化的父权政治决定的,而与肉食相关的意义包括围绕阳刚之气的意义。我们生活在一个种族主义、父权制的世界里,男性仍然对女性拥有相当大的权力,无论是在公共领域(就业和政治)还是在私人领域(在家庭中,在这个国家,殴打妇女导致每天有四名妇女死亡)。《肉的性政治》认为,性别政治在我们世界的结构方式与我们如何看待动物有关,尤其是被食用的动物。父权制是一种隐含在人类身上的性别体系。

animal relationships. Moreover, gender construction includes instruction about appropriate foods. Being a man in our culture is tied to identities that they either claim or disown-what "real" men do and don't do. "Real" men don't eat quiche. It's not only an issue of privilege, it's an issue of symbolism. Manhood is constructed in our culture, in part, by access to meat eating and control of other bodies.
动物关系。此外,性别建构包括关于适当食物的指导。在我们的文化中,作为一个男人与他们声称或否认的身份联系在一起——“真正的”男人做什么和不做什么。 “真正的”男人不吃乳蛋饼。这不仅是一个特权问题,也是一个象征主义问题。在我们的文化中,男子气概在一定程度上是通过吃肉和控制其他身体来构建的。
Everyone is affected by the sexual politics of meat. We may dine at a restaurant in Chicago and encounter this menu item: "Double D Cup Breast of Turkey. This sandwich is so Big." Or, we may dine at the restaurant chain Hooters, which has a logo ostensibly of owl's eyes. In its menu, the restaurant explains how it came up with the name "Hooters" which is a slang for "breasts": "Now the dilemma . . . what to name the place. Simple . . . what else brings a gleam to men's eyes everywhere besides beer and chicken wings and an occasional winning football season. Hence, the name-Hooters-it is supposed that they were into owls." Or look at the image of "Ursula Hamdress" on page 20, from a publication called Playboar: The Pig Farmer's "Playboy" that continues to be sold in upscale bookstores. In each of these cases, animals are ostensibly the topic, but women are the absent referents.
每个人都受到肉类性政治的影响。我们可能会在芝加哥的一家餐厅用餐,并遇到这样的菜单项:“双D罩杯火鸡胸肉。这个三明治太大了。或者,我们可以在连锁餐厅Hooters用餐,它的标志表面上是猫头鹰的眼睛。在菜单中,这家餐厅解释了它是如何想出“Hooters”这个名字的,这是“乳房”的俚语:“现在的困境......给这个地方起什么名字。简单。。。除了啤酒和鸡翅以及偶尔获胜的足球赛季之外,还有什么能让男人眼前一亮。因此,这个名字——Hooters——据说他们喜欢猫头鹰。或者看看第20页的“Ursula Hamdress”的图片,来自一本名为Playboar的出版物:猪农的“花花公子”,该书继续在高档书店出售。在每一种情况下,动物表面上都是主题,但女性是缺席的参照物。
Through the sexual politics of meat, consuming images such as these provide a way for our culture to talk openly about and joke about the objectification of women without having to acknowledge that this is what they are doing. It is a way that men can bond publicly around misogyny whether they know it or not. It makes the degradation of women appear playful and harmless: "just" a joke. No one has to be accountable because women are not being depicted. Thus everyone can enjoy the degradation of women without being honest about it. "We're just looking at a pig." "It's only a sandwich." "We're just eating at Hooters."
通过肉类的性政治,消费这样的图像为我们的文化提供了一种公开谈论和开玩笑女性物化的方式,而不必承认这是她们正在做的事情。这是男人可以公开围绕厌女症建立联系的一种方式,无论他们是否知道。它使女性的堕落显得俏皮而无害:“只是”一个笑话。没有人必须承担责任,因为女性没有被描绘出来。因此,每个人都可以享受女性的堕落,而无需诚实。“我们只是在看一头猪。”“这只是一个三明治。”“我们只是在Hooters吃饭。”
These issues are "in our face" all the time. We do not perceive them as problematic because we are so used to having our dominant culture mirror these attitudes. We become shaped by and participants in the structure of the absent referent. The sexual politics of meat also works at another level: the ongoing superstition that meat gives strength and that men need meat. Just as a proliferation of images in which women and animals are absent referents appeared in the past ten years, so there has been a resurgence of "beef madness" in which meat is associated with masculinity. As an article in the New York Times announced shortly after the appearance of The Sexual Politics of Meat: "Scotch and beef are served in a new shrine to trousers." The article observes "in keeping with the masculine spirit of the evening, the
这些问题一直“摆在我们面前”。我们并不认为它们有问题,因为我们已经习惯于让我们的主流文化反映这些态度。我们被缺席的参照物的结构所塑造和参与者。肉的性政治也在另一个层面上起作用:持续的迷信,即肉能给人力量,男人需要肉。正如过去十年中出现了大量女性和动物缺席的图像一样,肉类与男性气质联系在一起的“牛肉疯狂”也卷土重来。正如《纽约时报》的一篇文章在《肉类的性政治》问世后不久宣布的那样:“苏格兰威士忌和牛肉在裤子的新神殿中供应。文章指出,“为了与当晚的阳刚精神保持一致,

Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition
十周年纪念版序言

hors d'oeurves were beefy-roast beef on toast, chunked chicken in pastry shell. None of that asparagus and cucumber fluff here." A "man-pleasing" brunch recipe in Cosmopolitan called for " 4 cups beef." New Woman explored the issue of "Love, Sex, and Flank steak" in 1996, querying "What do men want?" The answer, from a writer and New York Times reporter:
开胃小菜是烤牛肉配吐司,大块鸡肉配糕点壳。这里没有芦笋和黄瓜绒毛。Cosmopolitan 的“令人愉悦”的早午餐食谱要求“4 杯牛肉”。1996年,《新女性》探讨了“爱情、性和侧翼牛排”的问题,提出了“男人想要什么?答案来自一位作家和《纽约时报》记者:
In my experience the answer is great sex and a great steak-and not necessarily in that order. Sure, they want money and power, but only because of what those can win them-sex and steak. Both are closely related, as muscular, full-bodied pleasures of the flesh, and each ignites desire for the other. A hot, juicy, blood-red steak or a succulently thick hamburger induces an overall sense of well-being and a surge of selfassurance that is sure to make him feel good about himself and by association, you. That is especially true in this country, where beef is the quintessential macho fare.
根据我的经验,答案是很棒的性爱和美味的牛排——不一定按这个顺序。当然,他们想要金钱和权力,但只是因为这些可以赢得他们的东西——性和牛排。两者密切相关,作为肌肉发达、浓郁的肉体快感,并且每一种都点燃了对对方的欲望。一块热腾腾的、多汁的、血红色的牛排或一个多汁的汉堡包,都会给人一种整体的幸福感和一种自信的涌动,这肯定会让他对自己和你感觉良好。在这个国家尤其如此,牛肉是典型的男子气概。
Let's face it, the assumptions about men in this article are as insulting as the assumptions about women. The sexual politics of meat traps everyone"him," "you," and the animals who are supposed to be consumed.
让我们面对现实吧,本文中关于男性的假设与关于女性的假设一样具有侮辱性。肉的性政治困住了每个人“他”、“你”和应该被消费的动物。
When a book features an idea originally conceived twenty-five years ago, the question appropriately arises: "Are these insights still timely?" Sadly, the answer is yes, even more so. During the past decade, the sexual politics of meat has experienced much cultural expression. The argument in chapter 1 that meat is part of the cultural mythology of maleness, can be found in diverse aspects of popular culture: From a Seinfeld episode that features the comedian desperately trying to hide the fact that he is not eating meat so his date will not mistake him for a "wimp," to the examples from Cosmopolitan and New Woman, the message continues to be that men are supposed to eat meat and that meat is associated with virility. In the ads and menus and match covers and billboards that have appeared in the past ten years, the aspects of the sexual politics of meat proposed in chapter 2-the overlapping, interconnected oppression of women and nonhuman animalsare evident.
当一本书讲述了一个最初在二十五年前构思的想法时,就会适当地提出一个问题:“这些见解仍然及时吗?可悲的是,答案是肯定的,更是如此。在过去的十年中,肉类的性政治经历了许多文化表达。第 1 章中关于肉是男性文化神话的一部分的论点可以在流行文化的各个方面找到:从《宋飞正传》的一集,喜剧演员拼命试图隐瞒他不吃肉的事实,这样他的约会对象就不会把他误认为是“懦夫”,到《大都会》和《新女性》中的例子, 信息仍然是男人应该吃肉,肉与阳刚之气有关。在过去十年中出现的广告、菜单、火柴封面和广告牌中,第二章提出的肉食性政治的方面——对女性和非人类动物的重叠、相互关联的压迫是显而易见的。
Things feel worse not only in terms of the cultural depiction but also in terms of the staggering numbers. Anyone familiar with the first edition of this book knows that the dedication was to six billion animals slaughtered for food in the United States. Now the number is almost at nine and a half billion, and rising. Added to this number is the conservative estimate of 21.7 billion sea animals killed every year in the United States.
事情不仅在文化描述方面,而且在惊人的数字方面都感觉更糟。任何熟悉这本书第一版的人都知道,这本书的献词是献给在美国被屠宰的 60 亿只动物作为食物。现在这个数字几乎是九十五亿,而且还在上升。除此之外,美国每年有 217 亿只海洋动物被杀死。
Over the past decade, an immense amount of documentation has appeared confirming the healthful nature of a complete vegetarian dietone that does not rely on any animal products. Why, given the proven health benefits of a low-fat, no-cholesterol, high-fiber diet, and the associations of meat eating with deaths or illness from "mad cow disease," E. coli contamination, listeria, campylobacter, and salmonella poisoning, does meat eating remain such an important part of our culture's diet? Why is it that now, here in Dallas, the waiting time for popular "steak-houses" on a weekend can be two to three hours?
在过去的十年中,出现了大量的文件,证实了不依赖任何动物产品的完整素食饮食的健康性质。为什么,鉴于低脂肪、无胆固醇、高纤维饮食的健康益处,以及吃肉与“疯牛病”、大肠杆菌污染、李斯特菌、弯曲杆菌和沙门氏菌中毒的死亡或疾病的联系,为什么吃肉仍然是我们文化饮食中如此重要的一部分?为什么现在在达拉斯,周末受欢迎的“牛排馆”的等待时间可能要等两到三个小时?
Clearly, meat eating is habitual; inertia militates against change. But that is not the only reason. People are able to change. Contributing to the inertia is the mythology of meat eating. Our culture accepts all the aspects of the sexual politics of meat, including the basic one that people need meat to stay healthy (read: strong). Moreover, government support of meat eating is clear as the politicians launch sexist attacks on "welfare queens" but not on the "cowboy welfare kings" whose cattle raising is subsidized by the federal government.
显然,吃肉是习惯性的;惰性不利于变化。但这不是唯一的原因。人们能够改变。促成这种惯性的是吃肉的神话。我们的文化接受肉类性政治的所有方面,包括人们需要肉类来保持健康的基本方面(阅读:强壮)。此外,政府对吃肉的支持是显而易见的,因为政客们对“福利皇后”发起了性别歧视攻击,而不是对“牛仔福利国王”发起了性别歧视攻击,他们的养牛业由联邦政府补贴。
In the past ten years, our awareness increased about the immense environmental consequences of factory farming and the impact of this dehumanizing treatment on animals and their human tenders. Yet, meat eaters continue to believe they are eating a humane diet. Meat eaters like to believe that they are doing what complete vegetarians do-eating humanely-without actually doing what complete vegetarians do-not eating animal products. And so, images of animals living in freedom on a family farm abound when in fact the animals' lives are nothing like the depictions. We believe both that we are being kind to the animals and that they like how we are treating them. Or we like to believe that the animals have no consciousness of suffering and that their plight should not affect us. To paraphrase Rousseau, everywhere animals are in chains, but we image them as free. This denial is very strong. To convey this sense of the animals' freedom, patriarchal-cultural images draw upon cues about another supposed freedom: the consumption of women's sexuality. Thus animals and women are not only depicted as free, though they are not, but as sexually free. The result is the sexual politics of meat.
在过去的十年中,我们越来越意识到工厂化养殖对环境的巨大影响,以及这种非人性化待遇对动物及其人类招标的影响。然而,肉食者仍然相信他们正在吃人道的饮食。肉食者喜欢相信他们正在做完全素食者所做的事情——人道地饮食——而不是真正做完全素食者所做的事情——不吃动物产品。因此,动物在家庭农场自由生活的图像比比皆是,而事实上,动物的生活与描绘的完全不同。我们相信我们对动物很友善,他们也喜欢我们对待它们的方式。或者我们愿意相信动物没有痛苦的意识,它们的困境不应该影响我们。套用卢梭的话来说,到处都是动物被锁链束缚着,但我们想象它们是自由的。这种否认非常强烈。为了传达这种动物的自由感,父权制文化图像借鉴了另一种所谓的自由:对女性的消费。因此,动物和女人不仅被描绘成自由的,尽管它们不是自由的,而且是性自由的。结果是肉的性政治。
Ironically, when I finally finished my book after fifteen years of working on it, a few reviewers accused me of trying to take advantage of the faddishness of vegetarianism in the late 1980s. The Sexual Politics of Meat appeared to be "trendy" because of what it was actually doing, offering a synthesis that made sense of two seemingly divergent impulses-justice for
具有讽刺意味的是,当我在十五年后终于完成了这本书时,一些评论家指责我试图利用 1980 年代后期素食主义的时尚。《肉食的性政治》之所以“时髦”,是因为它实际上在做什么,它提供了一种综合,使两种看似不同的冲动变得有意义——正义

Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition
十周年纪念版序言

women and concern about animals. It is not that this book was the first feminist book to treat vegetarianism seriously as a political act of resistance, though it does do that. And it is not that I challenged animal advocates and vegetarians to become aware of sexual politics, though I do that as well. It was that the book heralds an exciting movement in scholarship that honors connections, recognizes overlapping oppressions, and works to challenge the fragmentation of activism.
妇女和对动物的关注。这并不是说这本书是第一本将素食主义严肃地视为政治抵抗行为的女权主义书籍,尽管它确实这样做了。这并不是说我挑战动物倡导者和素食主义者要意识到性政治,尽管我也这样做。正是这本书预示着一场激动人心的学术运动,它尊重联系,承认重叠的压迫,并致力于挑战激进主义的碎片化。
Since the publication of The Sexual Politics of Meat, I have become immersed in these exciting movements of scholars and activists alike who are challenging a violent and violating worldview. In the 1980s, ecofeminists began to identify the interrelated oppression of women and animals, and in the last decade they have continued these efforts. I have been honored to meet many of these fine women, including Marti Kheel, Lori Gruen, Greta Gaard, Josephine Donovan, Ynestra King, Barbara Noske, and Karen Warren. In addition, there has been important activism and scholarship identifying the relationship between violence against humans and violence against animals, including the direct relationship between child and animal abuse, and woman-battering and animal abuse. The activism of women associated with Feminists for Animal Rights, Marti Kheel, Batya Bauman, Lisa Finlay, and Michelle Taylor, has empowered feminists and animal activists around the world to continue to make connections. In addition, Feminists for Animal Rights provides information on domestic violence and harm to animals, and offers model programs for working with battered women's shelters in providing housing for companion animals of battered women.
自从《肉的性政治》出版以来,我就沉浸在这些激动人心的学者和活动家的运动中,他们正在挑战暴力和违反的世界观。在 1980 年代,生态女性主义者开始确定对妇女和动物的相互关联的压迫,并在过去十年中继续这些努力。我很荣幸能见到许多优秀的女性,包括 Marti Kheel、Lori Gruen、Greta Gaard、Josephine Donovan、Ynestra King、Barbara Noske 和 Karen Warren。此外,还有重要的行动主义和学术研究确定了对人类的暴力和对动物的暴力之间的关系,包括虐待儿童和动物之间的直接关系,以及殴打妇女和虐待动物之间的关系。与动物权利女权主义者 Marti Kheel、Batya Bauman、Lisa Finlay 和 Michelle Taylor 相关的女性的激进主义使世界各地的女权主义者和动物活动家能够继续建立联系。此外,动物权利女权主义者提供有关家庭暴力和对动物的伤害的信息,并提供与受虐妇女收容所合作的示范方案,为受虐妇女的伴侣动物提供住房。
I have appreciated the editorial role of Merle Hoffman of On the Issues, Robin Morgan at Ms., Kim Stallwood at Animals' Agenda, and Martin Rowe at Satya, who have published writings that continue to make connections. Campus activism on the issue is increasing. When I travel to campuses, I meet energized students working to educate the campus community. The Bloodroot Collective continues to serve delicious meals in their feministvegetarian restaurant at 85 Ferris Street, Bridgeport, Connecticut. Artist Sue Coe's Dead Meat, filmmaker Jennifer Abbott's A Cow at My Table, Ruth Ozeki's My Year of Meats, and Consolidated's compact disk Friendly Fascism offer different artistic ways of representing the interconnections of violence.
我很欣赏 On the Issues 的 Merle Hoffman、Ms. 的 Robin Morgan、Animals' Agenda 的 Kim Stallwood 和 Satya 的 Martin Rowe 的编辑角色,他们发表的著作继续建立联系。关于这个问题的校园活动正在增加。当我前往校园时,我会遇到精力充沛的学生,他们致力于教育校园社区。Bloodroot Collective 继续在康涅狄格州布里奇波特摩天街 85 号的女权主义素食餐厅提供美味佳肴。艺术家苏·科(Sue Coe)的《死肉》(Dead Meat)、电影制片人詹妮弗·阿博特(Jennifer Abbott)的《我餐桌上的牛》(A Cow at My Table)、露丝·奥泽基(Ruth Ozeki)的《我的肉之年》(My Year of Meats)和Consolidated的光盘《友好的法西斯主义》(Friendly Fascism)提供了不同的艺术方式来表现暴力的相互联系。
The discussion about animals and religion is beginning to catch up with the philosophical debate about animals. There is now a working group on animals and religions that is part of the American Academy of Religion. Literary analysis concerning animals outpaces religious studies. Marian
关于动物和宗教的讨论开始赶上关于动物的哲学辩论。现在有一个关于动物和宗教的工作组,它是美国宗教学院的一部分。关于动物的文学分析超过了宗教研究。玛丽安
Scholtmeijer's important work Animal Victims in Modern Fiction has been joined by others who refuse to view animals merely as means to an end, whether it be academic or gustatory. A Society for Animal Advocacy through Literature (SAAL) has emerged, made up of individuals who are researching and teaching on animals in literature from a strong advocacy position.
肖尔特迈耶的重要著作《现代小说中的动物受害者》也加入了其他人的行列,他们拒绝将动物仅仅视为达到目的的手段,无论是学术上的还是味觉上的。一个通过文学倡导动物协会(SAAL)已经出现,由从强烈的倡导立场研究和教授文学动物的个人组成。
A concern voiced to me after the appearance of The Sexual Politics of Meat was that animal advocacy deflects women from dealing with our own oppression. I understand that concern. Approximately eighty percent of the animal advocacy movement is women. I have met and corresponded with animal advocates around the world who are immersed in forwarding both issues since they recognize how intertwined they are. In two anthologies, Josephine Donovan and I collect the important work of Karen Davis, Brian Luke, Susanne Kappeler, and others to indicate the exciting scholarship that arises from the recognition of the interconnections.
在《肉食的性政治》(The Sexual Politics of Meat)问世后,我向我表达了一个担忧,那就是动物保护使女性无法应对我们自己的压迫。我理解这种担忧。大约百分之八十的动物保护运动是女性。我与世界各地的动物倡导者会面并通信,他们沉浸在转发这两个问题上,因为他们认识到它们是多么交织在一起。在两本选集中,约瑟芬·多诺万(Josephine Donovan)和我收集了凯伦·戴维斯(Karen Davis)、布莱恩·卢克(Brian Luke)、苏珊娜·卡佩勒(Susanne Kappeler)等人的重要著作,以表明对相互联系的认识所产生的令人兴奋的学术成果。
This book does not provide a history of feminism and vegetarianism. It cannot-at least not yet. Even after ten years, there remains so much primary research work that must occur first. Instead, the book challenges traditional vegetarian and women's histories. Vegan cookbook author and social historian Leah Leneman's fine article on vegetarianism and the British women's suffrage movement is a model for the kind of work needed to pinpoint exactly how feminist activism and vegetarianism interacted in the past.
这本书没有提供女权主义和素食主义的历史。它不能——至少现在还不能。即使过了十年,仍然有那么多的初级研究工作必须首先进行。相反,这本书挑战了传统的素食和女性历史。素食食谱作者和社会历史学家莉亚·莱尼曼(Leah Leneman)关于素食主义和英国妇女选举权运动的精彩文章是确定女权主义激进主义和素食主义在过去如何相互作用所需的工作典范。
What of veganism-the abstaining from all animal products? The vegetarianism envisioned in this book is dairy- and egg-free. The Sexual Politics of Meat proposes a specific conceptual term to recognize the exploitation of the reproductive processes of female animals: milk and eggs should be called feminized protein, that is, protein that was produced by a female body. The majority of animals eaten are adult females and children. Female animals are doubly exploited: both when they are alive and then when they are dead. They are the literal female pieces of meat. Female animals become oppressed by their femaleness, becoming surrogate wetnurses. Then when their (re)productiveness ends, they are butchered and become animalized protein, or protein in the form of flesh. In the past ten years, an explosion of innovative vegan recipe books has occurred and many vegetarian cookbooks offer vegan alternatives.
素食主义——禁食所有动物产品呢?本书所设想的素食主义是不含乳制品和鸡蛋的。《肉的性政治》提出了一个特定的概念术语来承认对雌性动物生殖过程的剥削:牛奶和卵子应该被称为女性化蛋白质,即由女性身体产生的蛋白质。大多数被吃掉的动物是成年雌性和儿童。雌性动物受到双重剥削:无论是在它们活着的时候,还是在它们死去的时候。它们是字面上的女性肉块。雌性动物被它们的女性身份所压迫,成为代孕的湿护士。然后,当它们的(再)繁殖能力结束时,它们被屠宰并成为动物化的蛋白质,或肉形式的蛋白质。在过去的十年中,创新的素食食谱书籍呈爆炸式增长,许多素食食谱都提供素食替代品。
This book does not propose an essentialist view of the body. I do not believe definitively in the human vegetarian body; I know that people have survived as omnivores. But many of my sources did believe people were physiologically constructed as vegetarians. All of the health benefits of a
这本书并没有提出一种本质主义的身体观。我不绝对相信人类的素食身体;我知道人们是作为杂食动物生存下来的。但我的许多消息来源确实认为人们在生理上是素食主义者。所有健康益处

Preface to the Tenth Anniversary Edition
十周年纪念版序言

complete vegetarian diet affirm their intuitions, if not their science. And presently, our diets have evolved faster than our bodies. I use the term "vegetarian body" metaphorically, trying to evoke these earlier claims, and gesturing to the preventive benefits that scientific studies have now confirmed for vegetarianism. The phrase "vegetarian body" also conveys the transformational nature of becoming a vegetarian. In the act of becoming vegetarians our relationship with our bodies often changes, and even if we humans as a species have not evolved vegetarian bodies, we vegetarians and vegans seem to evolve a vegetarian body-one whose optimum health and happiness is achieved through being vegetarians.
完全的素食肯定了他们的直觉,如果不是他们的科学的话。目前,我们的饮食进化速度比我们的身体还快。我用“素食身体”这个词来比喻,试图唤起这些早期的主张,并指着科学研究现在已经证实的素食主义的预防益处。“素食身体”一词也传达了成为素食者的变革性质。在成为素食者的过程中,我们与身体的关系经常发生变化,即使我们人类作为一个物种没有进化出素食者的身体,我们素食者和纯素食者似乎进化出一个素食者的身体——一个通过素食者实现最佳健康和幸福的身体。
I do not propose an essentialist view of women, either. I do not believe women are innately more caring than men, or have an essential pacifist quality. But many of my feminist-vegetarian sources did believe this. I do believe that when one lacks power in the dominant culture, such disempowerment may make one more alert to other forms of disempowerment. Privilege resists self-examination, but exclusion does not. I do not believe that women essentially "care," but I do believe that it is essential for all of us to care and acknowledge relationships.
我也不建议对女性进行本质主义的观点。我不相信女性天生就比男性更有爱心,或者具有基本的和平主义品质。但我的许多女权主义素食主义者确实相信这一点。我确实相信,当一个人在主流文化中缺乏权力时,这种剥夺权力可能会使人们对其他形式的剥夺权力更加警惕。特权抵制自我反省,但排斥则不然。我不相信女性本质上是“关心”的,但我确实相信我们所有人都必须关心和承认关系。
Over the twenty-five years of working on this issue, I have heard one recurring response, "I'd be a vegetarian but my husband needs to eat meat." If I had a dollar for every time that I have heard this response since 1974, I could endow the Feminists for Animal Rights organization for years to come. By believing they must feed their husbands meat, these women perpetuate the sexual politics of meat that says men need meat to be strong and that men should determine the contents of the dinner plate. Meat eating becomes another vehicle for self-denial, for placing the partners needs first. Women see themselves as more responsible for taking care of their partner's needs than for taking care of their own needs. Many women appear fearful of what the absence of meat says to their husbands about themselves. Their thinking goes something like this: "It is my responsibility to meet his needs. He wants meat. If I do not prepare meat, I will not be meeting his needs. Since I am supposed to meet his needs, I am failing at a basic level of my responsibilities. This causes me to neglect him." She does not want to be seen as failing in the role expectations that she has assumed are legitimate.
在研究这个问题的二十五年里,我反复听到一个回应,“我会吃素,但我丈夫需要吃肉。如果自 1974 年以来,每次听到这样的回应时我都有一美元,我就可以在未来几年内捐赠给动物权利女权主义者组织。这些女人相信她们必须给丈夫喂肉,从而延续了肉的性政治,即男人需要肉才能强壮,男人应该决定餐盘里的东西。吃肉成为自我否定的另一种工具,将伴侣的需求放在首位。女性认为自己更有责任照顾伴侣的需求,而不是照顾自己的需求。许多妇女似乎害怕没有肉对丈夫说的关于自己的事。他们的想法是这样的:“满足他的需要是我的责任。他想吃肉。如果我不准备肉,我就不能满足他的需要。既然我应该满足他的需要,我就没有履行我的基本责任。这导致我忽视了他。她不想被看作是在她所认为的合理角色期望中失败了。
The question may arise: Even if there is a connection between meat eating and a patriarchal worldview, does this necessarily prove the reverse, a connection between feminism and vegetarianism? Feminism should not embrace vegetarianism simply because it is a negation of the dominant world. It should embrace it because of what it is and represents. Vegetarianism
问题可能会出现:即使吃肉和父权制世界观之间存在联系,这是否必然证明相反,女权主义和素食主义之间存在联系?女权主义不应该仅仅因为素食主义是对主导世界的否定而接受素食主义。它应该接受它,因为它是什么,代表什么。素食主义

is in fact deeply proactive and transformative. It is also delicious. Justice should not be so fragile a commodity that it cannot be extended beyond the species barrier of Homo sapiens. I have faith that those humans who have been exploited can empathize with and help nonhumans who have been exploited. The words of poet Fran Winant, "Eat rice have faith in women," remain a credo and a vision.
事实上,具有很强的积极性和变革性。它也很好吃。正义不应该如此脆弱,以至于它不能超越智人的物种障碍。我相信那些被剥削的人类可以同情和帮助被剥削的非人类。诗人弗兰·温南特(Fran Winant)的一句话,“吃米饭,对女人有信心”,仍然是一个信条和愿景。

PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION
原版前言

My becoming a vegetarian had seemingly little relationship to my feminism-or so I thought. Now I understand how and why they are intimately connected, how being a vegetarian reverberates with feminist meaning. I discovered that what appeared to me as isolated concerns about health and ethics were interrelated and illumined by feminist insights. This book details these interrelationships and examines the connections between male dominance and meat eating. It argues that to talk about eliminating meat is to talk about displacing one aspect of male control and demonstrates the ways in which animals' oppression and women's oppression are linked together.
我成为素食主义者似乎与我的女权主义关系不大——或者我是这么认为的。现在我明白了它们如何以及为什么紧密相连,素食者如何与女权主义的意义产生共鸣。我发现,在我看来,对健康和道德的孤立关注是相互关联的,并被女权主义的见解所照亮。这本书详细介绍了这些相互关系,并研究了男性主导地位与肉食之间的联系。它认为,谈论消除肉类就是谈论取代男性控制的一个方面,并展示了动物的压迫和女性的压迫联系在一起的方式。
In some respects we all acknowledge the sexual politics of meat. When we think that men, especially male athletes, need meat, or when wives report that they could give up meat but they fix it for their husbands, the overt association between meat eating and virile maleness is enacted. It is the covert associations that are more elusive to pinpoint as they are so deeply embedded within our culture.
在某些方面,我们都承认肉类的性政治。当我们认为男人,尤其是男性运动员需要肉时,或者当妻子报告说他们可以放弃肉,但她们为丈夫修理肉时,吃肉和阳刚之气之间的明显联系就被确立了。隐蔽的关联更难确定,因为它们深深植根于我们的文化中。
My endeavor in this book is to make the covert associations overt by explaining how our patriarchal culture authorizes the eating of animals and in this to identify the cross-mapping between feminism and vegetarianism.
我在这本书中的努力是通过解释我们的父权文化如何授权吃动物,并在其中确定女权主义和素食主义之间的交叉映射,使隐蔽的联系变得公开。
Besides contributing to feminist theory, this book forms a part of the emerging corpus of works on animal advocacy. Close examination of meat eating is an essential aspect of animal defense theory because meat eating is the most extensive destruction of animals. Where this book deviates from other pro-animal texts is in establishing the relationship between patriarchal culture and this form of animal oppression. Vegetarianism seeks meaning in a patriarchal culture that silences it; it is continually butting up against the sexual politics of meat. Cato cautioned, "It is a difficult task, O citizens, to make speeches to the belly which has no ears." " This expresses the dilemma of those who raise their voices against eating animals: it is a difficult task to argue against the dominant beliefs about meat when they have been
除了对女权主义理论的贡献外,这本书还是新兴的动物倡导作品语料库的一部分。仔细研究吃肉是动物防御理论的一个重要方面,因为吃肉是对动物最广泛的破坏。这本书与其他支持动物的文本不同的地方在于建立了父权制文化与这种形式的动物压迫之间的关系。素食主义在沉默的父权制文化中寻求意义;它不断地与肉类的性政治相抗衡。加图告诫说:“公民们啊,对着没有耳朵的肚子讲话是一项艰巨的任务。“ 这表达了那些大声反对吃动物的人的困境:当他们已经反对关于肉类的主流信念时,这是一项艰巨的任务

reinforced by a personal enjoyment of meat eating and are heavily freighted with symbolism.
通过个人对吃肉的享受得到加强,并带有大量的象征意义。
Consequently, any comprehensive study of vegetarianism and feminism must consider how vegetarianism is received as well as what vegetarianism itself claims. Why has vegetarianism been considered a fad when, like feminist insights, it is a reform and idea that has recurred throughout history? Why is the vegetarian aspect to a writer or her work often ignored by literary critics? I struck upon the idea of the texts of meat to answer these questions.
因此,任何对素食主义和女权主义的全面研究都必须考虑素食主义是如何被接受的,以及素食主义本身的主张。为什么素食主义被认为是一种时尚,而像女权主义的见解一样,它是一种在历史上反复出现的改革和思想?为什么一个作家或她的作品的素食方面经常被文学评论家忽视?我想到了肉的文本来回答这些问题。
By speaking of the texts of meat we situate the production of meat's meaning within a political-cultural context. None of us chooses the meanings that constitute the texts of meat, we adhere to them. Because of the personal meaning meat has for those who consume it, we generally fail to see the social meanings that have actually predetermined the personal meaning. Recognizing the texts of meat is the first step in identifying the sexual politics of meat.
通过谈论肉类的文本,我们将肉类的生产意义置于政治文化背景下。我们没有人选择构成肉文本的含义,我们坚持它们。由于肉对食用者具有个人意义,我们通常看不到实际上预先决定了个人意义的社会意义。认识肉的文本是识别肉的性政治的第一步。
In defining the patriarchal texts of meat, part 1 relies on an expanded notion of what constitutes a text. These include: a recognizable message; an unchangeability of the text's meaning so that through repetition the same meaning recurs; and a system of relations that reveal coherence. So with meat: it carries a recognizable message-meat is seen as an item of food, for most meat is an essential and nutritious item of food; its meaning recurs continuously at mealtimes, in advertisement, in conversations; and it is comprised of a system of relations having to do with food production, attitudes toward animals, and, by extension, acceptable violence toward them.
在定义肉的父权制文本时,第一部分依赖于对文本构成的扩展概念。这些包括:可识别的信息;文本含义的不可改变性,以便通过重复相同的含义;以及揭示连贯性的关系系统。 肉类也是如此:它传达了一个可识别的信息——肉类被视为一种食物,因为大多数肉类是必不可少的营养食品;它的意义在吃饭时间、广告、谈话中不断重复;它由一个与粮食生产、对动物的态度以及对动物的可接受的暴力有关的关系系统组成。
The texts of meat which we assimilate into our lives include the expectation that people should eat animals and that meat is good for you. As a result the rendering of animals as consumable bodies is one of those presumptions that undergirds our attitudes. Rarely is this cultural text that determines the prevailing positive attitudes about consuming animals closely examined. The major reason for this is the patriarchal nature of our meat-advocating cultural discourse. Meat's recognizable message includes association with the male role; its meaning recurs within a fixed gender system; the coherence it achieves as a meaningful item of food arises from patriarchal attitudes including the idea that the end justifies the means, that the objectification of other beings is a necessary part of life, and that violence can and should be masked. These are all a part of the sexual politics of meat.
我们融入生活中的肉类文本包括人们应该吃动物的期望,以及肉类对你有好处的期望。因此,将动物渲染为可消耗的身体是支撑我们态度的假设之一。这种文化文本很少被仔细研究,它决定了对食用动物的普遍积极态度。造成这种情况的主要原因是我们倡导肉类的文化话语的父权制性质。肉类的可识别信息包括与男性角色的联系;它的意义在固定的性别体系中反复出现;它作为一种有意义的食物所实现的连贯性源于父权制的态度,包括目的证明手段的合理性,对他人的物化是生活的必要部分,暴力可以而且应该被掩盖。这些都是肉类性政治的一部分。

Preface to the Original Edition
原版前言

We will see in the following chapter that sex-role assignments determine the distribution of meat. When the meat supply is limited, men will receive it. Assuming meat to be food for men and consequently vegetables to be food for women carries significant political consequences. In essence, because meat eating is a measure of a virile culture and individual, our society equates vegetarianism with emasculation or femininity.
我们将在下一章中看到,性别角色分配决定了肉类的分配。当肉类供应有限时,男人会得到它。假设肉类是男性的食物,因此蔬菜是女性的食物,这会带来重大的政治后果。从本质上讲,因为吃肉是衡量男性文化和个体的尺度,我们的社会将素食主义等同于阉割或女性气质。
Another aspect of the sexual politics of meat becomes visible as we examine the myth of Zeus's consumption of Metis. He, patriarch of patriarchs, desires Metis, chases her, coaxes her to a couch with "honeyed words," subdues her, rapes her, and then swallows her. But he claims that he receives her counsel from his belly, where she remains. In this myth, sexual violence and meat eating are collapsed, a point considered in chapter 2 , "The Rape of Animals, the Butchering of Women." It is also a myth about masculine consumption of female language. In discussing meat we must direct our attention to issues of patriarchal language about consumption; such a discussion is found in chapter 3 .
当我们研究宙斯食用梅蒂斯的神话时,肉类性政治的另一个方面变得可见。他,族长中的族长,渴望梅蒂斯,追逐她,用“甜言蜜语”将她哄到沙发上,制服她,强奸她,然后吞下她。但他声称他从肚子里得到了她的忠告,她留在那里。在这个神话中,性暴力和吃肉被瓦解了,这一点在第 2 章“对动物的强奸,对妇女的屠杀”中得到了考虑。这也是一个关于男性消费女性语言的神话。在讨论肉类时,我们必须将注意力引向关于消费的父权制语言问题;这样的讨论见第 3 章。
People do not often closely scrutinize their own meat eating. This is an example of the prerogative of those in the dominant order to determine what is worthy of conversation and critique. Resultingly, earnest vegetarians become trapped by this worldview, and while they think that all that is necessary to make converts to vegetarianism is to point out the numerous problems meat eating causes-ill health, death of animals, ecological spoilage-they do not perceive that in a meat-eating culture none of this really matters. This dilemma is explored in chapter 4, "The Word Made Flesh."
人们通常不会仔细检查自己的肉食。这是那些处于主导地位的人有权决定什么值得交谈和批评的一个例子。结果,虔诚的素食者被这种世界观所困,虽然他们认为皈依素食主义所需要的只是指出吃肉导致的众多问题——健康不佳、动物死亡、生态腐败——但他们并不认为在吃肉的文化中,这些都无关紧要。这个困境在第4章“道成肉身”中进行了探讨。
Part 2, "From the Belly of Zeus," provides the beginnings of a feminist history of vegetarianism by focusing on the time period of 1790 to the present in Great Britain and the United States. It attempts to free Metis's voice from the belly of Zeus by freeing vegetarian meaning from the sexual politics of meat and by freeing women's voices from patriarchal interpretation. Rather than analyzing contemporary culture, the focus of this middle section is literary texts and their vegetarian influences. However, the literary-historical analysis found here makes use of the ideas introduced in part 1. It explores answers to the question "what characterizes texts that challenge the sexual politics of meat?" The idea of "bearing the vegetarian word" is examined in chapter 5 as one answer to this question. This idea facilitates the interpretation of the relationship between women's texts and vegetarian history.
第 2 部分“从宙斯的肚子里”通过关注 1790 年至今的英国和美国,提供了素食主义女权主义历史的开端。它试图通过将素食的意义从肉类的性政治中解放出来,并将女性的声音从父权制的解释中解放出来,将梅蒂斯的声音从宙斯的肚子中解放出来。这中间部分的重点不是分析当代文化,而是文学文本及其素食影响。然而,这里的文学史分析利用了第一部分介绍的思想。它探讨了以下问题的答案:“挑战肉类性政治的文本有什么特征?第5章探讨了“吃素”的概念,作为对这个问题的一个回答。这个想法有助于解释女性文本与素食历史之间的关系。
In chapter 6, I explore the meaning of vegetarianism in Frankenstein, a feminist text that bears the vegetarian word. I am not attempting to
在第 6 章中,我探讨了《弗兰肯斯坦》中素食主义的含义,这是一部带有素食一词的女权主义文本。我不是在试图

compress Frankenstein into a didactic vegetarian tract. It is, of course, not that. But vegetarian nuances are of importance in the shaping of the story.
将《弗兰肯斯坦》压缩成一本说教式的素食小册子。当然,事实并非如此。但素食的细微差别在故事的塑造中很重要。
Part 2 also examines representative texts by women writers since World War I that posit a connection between meat eating, male dominance and war. Like The Great War and Modern Memory after which the title of chapter 7 is patterned, I trace ideas that crystallized at the time of the Great War and follow their development during this century, including the idea of a Golden Age of feminism, vegetarianism, and pacifism.
第二部分还研究了第一次世界大战以来女性作家的代表性文本,这些文本认为肉食、男性统治和战争之间存在联系。就像第七章的标题所遵循的《大战与现代记忆》一样,我追溯了第一次世界大战时期形成的思想,并跟踪了它们在本世纪的发展,包括女权主义、素食主义和和平主义的黄金时代思想。
Women, of course, have not been the only ones to criticize meat eating. In fact, to read standard vegetarian texts one would conclude that few women have been involved in this task. Conversely, to read many feminist writings, one might think that there is nothing controversial about meat eating. And to read standard histories, vegetarianism is faddish and nothing more. But vegetarian theory is neither unfounded nor unfocused; like feminist theory it must be seen as "comprehensive and cumulative, with each stage retaining some of the values and limitations of its predecessors." Among our vegetarian predecessors were numerous feminists.
当然,女性并不是唯一批评吃肉的人。事實上,閱讀標準的素食經文,人們會得出結論,很少有婦女參與這項任務。相反,阅读许多女权主义著作,人们可能会认为吃肉没有什么争议。阅读标准历史,素食主义是时尚的,仅此而已。但素食理论既不是没有根据的,也不是没有重点的;像女权主义理论一样,它必须被看作是“全面和累积的,每个阶段都保留了其前辈的一些价值观和局限性”。 在我们的素食前辈中,有许多女权主义者。
The basic vegetarian arguments we hear today were in place by the 1790 s, except, of course, for the analysis of late twentieth-century developments in meat production. Vegetarian writings occur within a self-conscious protest tradition that contains recognizable recurring themes and images. Yet, they have not been seen either as comprehensive or cumulative, nor as a form of protest literature. But this failure of comprehension reflects the stasis of our cultural discourse on meat rather than the inadequacies of vegetarianism.
我们今天听到的基本素食论点在1790年代就已经到位,当然,除了分析20世纪后期肉类生产的发展。素食写作发生在一种自我意识的抗议传统中,其中包含可识别的反复出现的主题和图像。然而,它们既不被视为全面的或累积的,也不被视为一种抗议文学形式。但这种理解的失败反映了我们对肉类的文化话语的停滞不前,而不是素食主义的不足。
This book is extensively documented to demonstrate precisely the comprehensive and cumulative nature that has gone unrecognized. I am not creating claims for vegetarianism in literature and history. The records are there, but the tendency to trivialize vegetarianism has meant that those records are ignored. In a sense, vegetarians are no more biased than meat eaters are about their choice of food; vegetarians, however, do not benefit as do meat eaters from having their biases actually approved of by the dominant culture.
这本书被大量记录在案,以准确地证明未被认识到的全面性和累积性。我不是在文学和历史中为素食主义创造主张。记录是有的,但轻视素食主义的倾向意味着这些记录被忽略了。从某种意义上说,素食者在食物选择上并不比肉食者更有偏见;然而,素食者并没有像肉食者那样从他们的偏见实际上得到主流文化的认可中受益。
Because I see the oppression of women and the other animals as interdependent, I am dismayed by the failure of feminists to recognize the gender issues embedded in the eating of animals. Yet this failure is instructive as well. Where I identify feminism's participation in the sexual
因为我认为对女性和其他动物的压迫是相互依存的,所以我对女权主义者未能认识到食用动物所蕴含的性别问题感到沮丧。然而,这种失败也很有启发性。我在哪里确定女权主义对性

Preface to the Original Edition
原版前言

politics of meat, I am simultaneously identifying the mental tanglehold upon all of us of the texts of meat. Feminist discourse, thus, ironically, reproduces patriarchal thought in this area; part 3, "Eat Rice Have Faith in Women," challenges both by arguing that vegetarianism acts as a sign of autonomous female being and signals a rejection of male control and violence.
关于肉的政治,我同时也在确定肉的文本对我们所有人的精神纠结。因此,具有讽刺意味的是,女权主义话语在这一领域再现了父权制思想;第 3 部分,“吃米饭对女性有信心”,通过认为素食主义是女性自主存在的标志并标志着拒绝男性控制和暴力来挑战两者。
Just as feminist theory needs to be informed by vegetarian insights, animal rights theory requires an incorporation of feminist principles.
正如女权主义理论需要以素食主义见解为依据一样,动物权利理论也需要纳入女权主义原则。
Meat is a symbol for what is not seen but is always there-patriarchal control of animals.
肉是看不见但始终存在的东西的象征——对动物的父权制控制。
Ultimately women, who often find themselves in muted dialogue with the dominant culture, become the source for insights into the oppression of animals. Major figures in the feminist canon-writers such as Aphra Behn, Mary Shelley, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Alice Walker, Marge Piercy, Audre Lorde-have contributed works that challenge the sexual politics of meat.
最终,女性经常发现自己与主流文化进行无声的对话,成为洞察动物受压迫的来源。女权主义经典作家中的主要人物,如阿芙拉·贝恩、玛丽·雪莱、夏洛特·珀金斯·吉尔曼、爱丽丝·沃克、玛吉·皮尔西、奥黛丽·洛德——都贡献了挑战肉类性政治的作品。
In establishing the association between vegetarianism and women I do not want to imply that vegetarianism is only for women. On the contrary, as we will see, many individual men who endorsed women's rights adopted vegetarianism as well. To claim that women alone should stop eating animals reinforces the sexual politics of meat. I am more concerned with the fact that feminist theory logically contains a vegetarian critique that has gone unperceived, just as vegetarianism covertly challenges a patriarchal society. However, the sexism of some vegetarians, vegetarian groups, and vegetarian cultures demonstrates the necessity of adopting an overt feminist perspective.
在建立素食主义与女性之间的联系时,我不想暗示素食主义只适用于女性。相反,正如我们将看到的,许多支持女权的男性也接受了素食主义。声称只有女性才应该停止吃动物,这强化了肉类的性政治。我更关心的是,女权主义理论在逻辑上包含着一种未被察觉的素食主义批判,就像素食主义暗中挑战父权制社会一样。然而,一些素食者、素食团体和素食文化的性别歧视表明,有必要采取公开的女权主义观点。
Bronson Alcott, father of Louisa May Alcott, is a telling example of how vegetarianism without feminism is incomplete. It, too, reproduces patriarchal attitudes. Alcott moved his family to a communal farm, Fruitlands, with hopes of living off of the fruit of the earth and not enslaving any animals-either to eat or use for labor. He, however, was not inclined toward performing manual labor himself and had the habit of disappearing from Fruitlands to discuss his ideas in abstract rather than live them in the flesh. At harvest time, his wife and daughters were left to perform the heavy work; thus the only "beasts of burdens" at this Utopia were the women themselves. Honoring animals but not women is like separating theory from practice, the word from the flesh.
路易莎·梅·奥尔科特(Louisa May Alcott)的父亲布朗森·奥尔科特(Bronson Alcott)是一个生动的例子,说明没有女权主义的素食主义是不完整的。它也再现了父权制的态度。奥尔科特把他的家人搬到了一个公共农场,果园,希望以大地的果实为生,不奴役任何动物——无论是吃还是用来劳动。然而,他并不倾向于自己从事体力劳动,并且习惯于从果园消失,抽象地讨论他的想法,而不是在肉体中生活。在收获季节,他的妻子和女儿被留下来做繁重的工作;因此,在这个乌托邦中,唯一的“负担野兽”就是妇女本身。尊重动物而不尊重女性,就像将理论与实践分开,将话语与肉体分开。
We could claim that the hidden majority of this world has been primarily vegetarian. But this vegetarianism was not a result of a viewpoint seeking just human relationships with animals. Even so, it is a very important fact
我们可以说,这个世界上隐藏的大多数主要是素食主义者。但是,这种素食主义并不是寻求人类与动物关系的观点的结果。即便如此,这是一个非常重要的事实

that the hidden majority of the world has been primarily vegetarian. If a diet of beans and grains has been the basis for sustenance for the majority of the world until recently, then meat is not essential. While knowledge of the variety of cultures that depended, by and large, on vegetarianism helps to dislodge our Western focus on meat, what is most threatening to our cultural discourse is self-determined vegetarianism in cultures where meat is plentiful.
世界上绝大多数人主要是素食主义者。如果直到最近,豆类和谷物的饮食一直是世界大部分地区维持生计的基础,那么肉类就不是必需的。 虽然对大体上依赖素食主义的各种文化的了解有助于摆脱西方对肉类的关注,但对我们的文化话语最具威胁的是肉类丰富文化中的自主素食主义。
My concern in this book is with the self-conscious omission of meat because of ethical vegetarianism, that is, vegetarianism arising from an ethical decision that regards meat eating as an unjustifiable exploitation of the other animals. This motivation for vegetarianism is not the one popularized in our culture; instead attraction to the benefits to one's health has brought about many new converts to vegetarianism. Their vegetarianism does not incorporate concern for animals; indeed, many see no problem with organic meat. I rejoice that an ethical decision resonates with improved personal health, that by becoming a vegetarian for ethical reasons one thereby reduces one's risk of heart disease and cancer, among other diseases-a point examined in "The Distortion of the Vegetarian Body." In the concluding chapter, I describe a pattern of adopting ethical vegetarianism that I define as the vegetarian quest. The vegetarian quest consists of: the revelation of the nothingness of meat, naming the relationships one sees with animals, and finally, rebuking a meat eating and patriarchal world.
我在这本书中关注的是由于道德素食主义而自觉地忽略了肉类,也就是说,素食主义源于将吃肉视为对其他动物的不合理剥削的道德决定。这种素食主义的动机不是我们文化中流行的动机;相反,对健康益处的吸引力带来了许多新的素食主义者。他们的素食主义不包括对动物的关注;事实上,许多人认为有机肉类没有问题。我很高兴一个道德决定与改善个人健康产生共鸣,通过出于道德原因成为素食者,从而降低一个人患心脏病和癌症等疾病的风险——这一点在“素食身体的扭曲”中得到了检验。在最后一章中,我描述了一种采用道德素食主义的模式,我将其定义为素食追求。素食主义者的追求包括:揭示肉的虚无,命名人们看到的与动物的关系,最后,谴责吃肉和父权制的世界。
This book would not be the book it is if I had not become a vegetarian, participating in my own vegetarian quest. Holding a minority opinion in a dominant culture is very illuminating. Patterns in the responses of meat eaters to vegetarianism became quite instructive as I sought to define the intellectual resistance to discussing the eating of animals. Approaching a cultural consensus from the underside demonstrated how securely entrenched the attitudes about meat are. But this book would not be the book it is if I had not been involved in the domestic violence, anti-black racism and antipoverty movements during those same years. To learn of and speak from the reality of women's lives deepened my understanding that we need to discuss the texts of meat and not one monolithic text. Meat eating is a construct, a force, an economic reality, and also a very real personal issue.
如果我没有成为素食主义者,参与我自己的素食探索,这本书就不会是现在的书。在主流文化中持有少数派意见是非常有启发性的。肉食者对素食主义的反应模式变得非常有启发性,因为我试图定义讨论吃动物的智力阻力。从底层接近文化共识表明,人们对肉类的态度是多么根深蒂固。但是,如果我没有在同一年参与家庭暴力、反黑人种族主义和反贫困运动,这本书就不会是现在的书。从女性生活的现实中学习和说话加深了我的理解,我们需要讨论肉类的文本,而不是一个单一的文本。吃肉是一种建构,一种力量,一种经济现实,也是一个非常现实的个人问题。
Yet being involved in the daily struggles against the oppressive forces I encountered made me minimize the importance of the task I set for myself in writing on this subject. How could I spend my time writing when so many people were illiterate? How could I discuss food choices when so many people needed any food whatsoever? How could I discuss violence
然而,参与到与我所遇到的压迫力量的日常斗争中,使我最小化了我为自己设定的任务的重要性,以写作这个主题。当这么多人不识字时,我怎么能把时间花在写作上?当这么多人需要任何食物时,我怎么能讨论食物选择?我怎么能讨论暴力

Preface to the Original Edition
原版前言

against animals when women victimized by male violence needed shelter? In silencing myself I adhered to that foundational text of meat, the relative unimportance of vegetarianism. By my own silencing, I endorsed the dominant discourse that I was seeking to deconstruct.
当遭受男性暴力的妇女需要庇护时,反对动物?在让自己保持沉默时,我坚持了肉类的基本文本,即素食主义的相对不重要。通过我自己的沉默,我认可了我试图解构的主导话语。
It is past time for us to consider the sexual politics of meat for they are not separate from other pressing issues of our time.
现在是我们考虑肉类性政治的时候了,因为它们与我们这个时代的其他紧迫问题没有分开。

FOREWORD BY NELLIE MCKAY: FEMINISTS DON'T HAVE A SENSE OF HUMOR
内莉·麦凯(NELLIE MCKAY)的前言:女权主义者没有幽默感

So these two guys are crossing the desert, and after a couple of daysthey're tired and hungry-Fred says to Harry "You know, I really wish I had a woman" and Harry says "Don't worry, there's a camel train passing by tonight, we'll take care of it"-so later on they're asleep and awakened by the tinkling of bells off in the distance-"Wake up Fred!" yells Harry, pulling on his pants and running toward the sound-"They're coming!" Fred stretches and yawns then asks "What's the hurry?" Harry looks back and says "You don't want to get an ugly camel, do you?"
所以这两个家伙穿越沙漠,几天后他们又累又饿——弗雷德对哈利说“你知道,我真希望我有一个女人”,哈利说“别担心,今晚有一列骆驼火车经过,我们会处理的”——所以后来他们睡着了,被远处的铃铛叮叮当当的响声吵醒——“醒醒弗雷德!”哈利喊道, 拉着裤子,朝声音跑去——“他们来了!弗雷德伸了个懒腰,打了个哈欠,然后问道:“急什么?哈利回头看了一眼,说:“你不想得到一头丑陋的骆驼,是吗?
Not only has Susan Boyle been kissed, she's a professional prostitute.
苏珊·博伊尔(Susan Boyle)不仅被亲吻过,她还是一名职业。
What did the five hundred pound canary say? Here, kitty kitty.
五百磅的金丝雀说了什么?来,小猫咪。
How many animal rights activists does it take to screw in a light-bulb? Shut up and get a life.
拧一个灯泡需要多少动物权利活动家?闭嘴,过上好日子。
I came of age in the animal rights movement of the 1980s and 90s, when meat replacements and soy milk became common health store fare and 4,000 people marched down Fifth Avenue to protest the fur industry. I was four years old when my mother and I finally found our own apartment in Manhattan on 114th Street. From our window we could see the beauty and ugliness of poverty-poor old women daily feeding the alley cats and pigeons, young men at night siccing pitbulls on the cats. By fourth grade I was handing out pamphlets on subjects covering everything from cosmetics testing on animals to the production of foie gras. I showed pictures from PETA News to school friends, and formed an elementary school animal rights group (one our teacher opposed-at the end of the year she kept our in dues money).
我在 1980 年代和 90 年代的动物权利运动中长大,当时肉类替代品和豆浆成为健康商店的常见食物,4,000 人沿着第五大道游行抗议毛皮行业。在我四岁的时候,我和母亲终于在曼哈顿第114街找到了自己的公寓。从我们的窗户,我们可以看到贫穷的老妇人每天给小巷里的猫和鸽子喂食,年轻人在晚上给猫啃比特犬的美丽和丑陋。到四年级时,我开始分发小册子,主题从动物的化妆品测试到鹅肝的生产,无所不包。我把PETA新闻的照片给学校的朋友看,并成立了一个小学动物权利小组(我们的老师反对这个小组——年底她把我们 的会费留了下来)。
These early attempts at outreach were seen as an attack on the pleasure and tradition of meat eating. The more empowered people are-in this
这些早期的外展尝试被视为对吃肉的乐趣和传统的攻击。越是有能力的人——在这方面

case, by being part of a near unanimous country of meat eaters-the more emboldened they feel to silence a perceived attacker. Even in leftist New York, animal rights is the last progressive frontier-back then, everybody wore Dukakis buttons and campaigned against apartheid, but a vegetarian future was still a joke.
案例,作为一个几乎一致的肉食者国家的一部分,他们就越有胆量让一个被认为是攻击者的人保持沉默。即使在左翼的纽约,动物权利也是当时最后的进步前沿,每个人都戴着杜卡基斯纽扣,反对种族隔离,但素食的未来仍然是一个笑话。
In 1982 my pregnant mother had seen The Animals Film in England, but hadn't yet made the connection between the horrors onscreen and a flesh diet. In New York she bought a copy of Peter Singer's Animal Liberation from the Salvation Army and put off reading it because she had a feeling it would require inconvenient changes in her life. Singer's book was a revelation-just after finishing it she went to meet my father at a coffee shop, and while trying to communicate her epiphany, realized that almost everything on the menu contained the products of suffering. His first reaction was that without meat, some poor people could be left with nothing to eat. Her first misgivings were around tuna-though it was cheap, delicious, and supposedly nutritious, cans were beginning to be marked "dolphin safe" and she couldn't help thinking about the tuna themselves.
1982年,我怀孕的母亲在英国看过《动物电影》,但还没有把银幕上的恐怖和肉食联系起来。在纽约,她从救世军那里买了一本彼得·辛格(Peter Singer)的《动物解放》(Animal Liberation),并推迟了阅读,因为她觉得这需要给她的生活带来不便的改变。辛格的书是一个启示——刚读完这本书,她就去一家咖啡店见了我父亲,在试图传达她的顿悟时,她意识到菜单上几乎所有的东西都包含痛苦的产物。他的第一反应是,没有肉,一些穷人可能就没有东西吃了。她最初的担忧是关于金枪鱼的——虽然它便宜、美味,而且据说很有营养,但罐头开始被标记为“海豚安全”,她忍不住想到了金枪鱼本身。
On my fourth birthday she took me to our first march and rally protesting New York University's primate labs. I had an immediate visceral reaction to the photographs of caged animals with bolts through their skulls, images of institutionalized torture and cruelty. This echoed in my response to factory farms & fur farms; I came to distrust the word "farm" as much as the glossy corporate brochures sent out in response to protest letters. Soon after my parents gave up meat I stopped guiltily eating school lunch burgers and joined them.
在我四岁生日那天,她带我参加了我们的第一次游行和集会,抗议纽约大学的灵长类动物实验室。我立即对笼子里的动物的头骨被螺栓刺穿的照片、制度化的酷刑和残忍的图像产生了本能的反应。这与我对工厂化农场和毛皮农场的回应相呼应;我开始不信任“农场”这个词,就像那些为回应抗议信而发出的光鲜亮丽的公司小册子一样。在我父母放弃肉食后不久,我就不再内疚地吃学校的午餐汉堡,而是加入了他们的行列。
What I grasped as a four-year-old has stuck with me ever since. Animal exploitation conditions us to accept brutality as a normal, rational, everyday occurrence. It happens in every area of society, bridging and dividing people of different sexes and colors and classes. With this book and others, my mother introduced me to feminism, and made the link between oppressions. The "harmlessness" of sexism supports a culture of commodified living beings, beings not good enough as they are but dressed/ displayed/dismembered to suit the whims of the ruling class.
从那时起,我四岁时所掌握的东西就一直困扰着我。对动物的剥削使我们接受野蛮行为是一种正常的、理性的、日常的事情。它发生在社会的每个领域,弥合和分裂了不同性别、肤色和阶级的人。通过这本书和其他书,我的母亲向我介绍了女权主义,并将压迫联系起来。性别歧视的“无害性”支持了一种商品化的生物文化,这些生物本身不够好,但为了适应统治阶级的心血来潮而穿着/展示/肢解。
In the years since I've often looked through The Sexual Politics Of Meat and been struck by how relevant it still is and how it addresses a malaise so ingrained as to be invisible. I handed my mother's copy to the editor-in-chief at Random House, who was doing a story on me for The New York Times Magazine. His response was to flip through it bemusedly, quote a sentence
从那以后的几年里,我经常翻阅《肉的性政治》,并被它仍然具有相关性以及它如何解决根深蒂固以至于看不见的不适所震惊。我把母亲的稿子交给了兰登书屋的主编,他正在为《纽约时报》杂志写一篇关于我的报道。他的反应是困惑地翻阅它,引用一句话

without proper context in his article (neglecting to mention the name of the book), meanwhile making much more of trivial items in my apartment.
他的文章中没有适当的上下文(忽略了提及书名),同时在我的公寓里制作了更多琐碎的物品。
Two years later, cast in a Broadway play, I found myself involved in a production sodden with exaggerated misogyny (in the playing) and animal suffering (in the costumes). Some of the cast, including myself, raised objections over the use of fur, leather and feathers and the antiwoman characterizations. The director, with the support of the writer and stars, expressed outrage at these "divisive" criticisms and told us we were "injecting politics into this play"-this being a play by Bertolt Brecht. In the end I got rid of what speciesism I could-but in silent compromise, the misogyny stayed. It was the common dilemma of being forced to choose between causes, because both could not prevail.
两年后,我出演了一部百老汇戏剧,我发现自己参与了一部充满夸张的厌女症(在戏剧中)和动物痛苦(在服装中)的制作。包括我自己在内的一些演员对使用毛皮、皮革和羽毛以及反女性角色提出了反对意见。导演在编剧和明星的支持下,对这些“分裂性”的批评表示愤慨,并告诉我们我们正在“将政治注入这部剧”——这是贝托尔特·布莱希特的一部剧本。最后,我摆脱了我所能摆脱的物种歧视——但在默默的妥协中,厌女症仍然存在。这是被迫在原因之间做出选择的常见困境,因为两者都无法占上风。
This resistance to animal rights and feminism-in supposedly "liberal" spheres, among intellectuals and artists-dismays me. I've worked on film sets and in studios where there was no recycling whatsoever, nevermind vegan alternatives. Environmentalists and advocates for the poor, who surely know something about the devastation meat production wreaks-from global warming to disabled workers-have jokingly dangled pieces of meat in my face. Tenants advocates have dismissed outspoken vegetarianism as "elitist", lacking the humility of Gandhi-yet Gandhi was a vegetarian decades ahead of his time. Though animal rights activists are overwhelmingly female, men are more likely to be the face of the movement to the outside world, and to dominate decision making within.
这种对动物权利和女权主义的抵制——在所谓的“自由主义”领域,在知识分子和艺术家中——让我感到沮丧。我曾在电影片场和工作室工作过,那里没有任何回收利用,更不用说素食替代品了。环保主义者和穷人的倡导者,他们肯定对肉类生产造成的破坏有所了解——从全球变暖到残疾工人——开玩笑地在我脸上晃了晃肉块。租户倡导者将直言不讳的素食主义斥为“精英主义”,缺乏甘地的谦逊——但甘地比他的时代早了几十年。尽管动物权利活动家绝大多数是女性,但男性更有可能成为这场运动对外世界的代言人,并主导内部决策。
The mass movements that preceded animal rights made such a movement inevitable. Civil rights set the tone and structure that helped the antiwar forces that followed, and the vast numbers of women in these campaignsworking as underlings in movements for the rights of others-naturally led to fighting for their own interests. Patriarchy is synonymous with exploitation, and there is no more accepted form of exploitation than that of animals and the environment.
在动物权利之前的群众运动使这种运动不可避免。民权为随后的反战力量奠定了基调和结构,而这些运动中的大量妇女在争取他人权利的运动中作为下属工作,自然而然地导致了为自己的利益而战。父权制是剥削的代名词,没有比动物和环境更被接受的剥削形式了。
Both woman's secondary status and meat-eating are deeply personal issues. As has been said before, women are the only oppressed people whoas a whole-live intimately with their oppressors. All beings live intimately with food-and if the exploding diet industry and obesity epidemic are any indication, humans are now more dependent on food psychologically than ever before. Since animal liberation relies on weaning ourselves off flesh, milk and eggs, and since food continues to be a chief-if not the chief-emotional support, the animal rights movement faces enormous and violent opposition.
女性的次要地位和吃肉都是非常个人化的问题。如前所述,妇女是唯一与压迫者亲密生活的被压迫者。所有生物都与食物亲密地生活在一起——如果饮食工业的爆炸式增长和肥胖症的流行有任何迹象,那么人类现在在心理上比以往任何时候都更加依赖食物。由於動物解放有賴於讓我們斷掉肉、奶和蛋,而且由於食物仍然是主要的情感支持,動物權利運動面臨著巨大而暴力的反對。
Feminism too has been marginalized, demonized, mocked and ignored, for it shakes society to its very core. Nostalgia is comfort food for the soul, and to abandon it and rewrite history accurately (embracing all people, and all animals) denies the public the archetypes it has grown accustomed to-the strong father, supportive mother, heroic knight, vulnerable maiden. Like meat-eating, women's subservient role is glorified, its benefits far more extolled than its drawbacks. Reading a glossy magazine is like inhaling candy-spending hours getting dressed up is the ultimate fun-the attention that in burgeoning adolescence feels uncomfortable soon grows into something no chick can do without. Women become complicit in their oppression-power can be gained from outward beauty and sexual wiles, for a limited time. The sleight of hand is more apparent when it's applied to the subjugation of non-whites and animals. For centuries-from happy mammies to smiling broiler hens-those on the receiving end of violence have been portrayed as delighted to fulfill the duties of their perceived functions.
女权主义也被边缘化、妖魔化、嘲笑和忽视,因为它动摇了社会的核心。怀旧是灵魂的慰藉,抛弃它并准确地改写历史(包括所有人和所有动物)否认了公众已经习惯的原型——坚强的父亲、支持的母亲、英勇的骑士、脆弱的少女。就像吃肉一样,女性的从属角色被美化,它的好处远比它的坏处更受赞美。阅读一本光鲜亮丽的杂志就像吸入糖果一样——花几个小时打扮是终极乐趣——在新兴的青春期感到不舒服的关注很快就会成长为任何小妞都离不开的东西。女性成为压迫的同谋——权力可以在有限的时间内从外在的美丽和性诡计中获得。当它应用于征服非白人和动物时,这种诡计更加明显。几个世纪以来,从快乐的妈妈到微笑的肉鸡,那些遭受暴力的人一直被描绘成乐于履行他们所感知的职能的职责。
But while the civil rights movement has seen widespread acceptance and honor, women and animals suffer historical absence and modern-day dismissal. Their exploitation is so entrenched that the endless slights coloring our view of ourselves/them (from the invisibility of older women in society to the use of the word "pig" as a putdown) go unnoticed. Martin Luther King, Jr. has a federal holiday; Susan B. Anthony dollars were discontinued in 1999. A quick youtube search is instructive if unscientific: "civil rights" yields a first page of tributes to the 1960s movements, while "feminism" yields Bill Maher, Ali G. and "men on the street" giving their opinions on equality. ("Women's rights" brings higher-minded criticisms of Islamic misogyny, but the first video is an 1899 short featuring "suffragettes" getting their skirts nailed to a wall.) Look up "animal rights" and you'll find comedy sketches galore. Ridicule and outrage continue to be the first reactions to the concept of nonviolence. Socially, it seems odd to see otherwise empathetic companions so up-in-arms, considering that, in the case of animals especially, what one is hoping they'll object to is torture and murder. Likewise, anti-feminism is nursed by a drought of imagination-because there is no easy fix, because equality raises so many questions-people dismiss it, lumping pay equity in with same-sex bathrooms then changing the subject.
但是,尽管民权运动得到了广泛的接受和荣誉,但妇女和动物却遭受了历史的缺席和现代的解雇。她们的剥削是如此根深蒂固,以至于我们对自己/她们的看法无休止的轻视(从老年妇女在社会中的隐形到使用“猪”这个词作为贬低)被忽视了。马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.)有一个联邦假日;Susan B. Anthony 美元于 1999 年停产。在YouTube上快速搜索一下,即使不科学,也是很有启发性的:“民权”在第一页就向1960年代的运动致敬,而“女权主义”则产生了比尔·马赫(Bill Maher)、阿里·G.(Ali G.)和“街上的男人”(men on the street)对平等的看法。(“女权”带来了对伊斯兰厌女症的更高层次的批评,但第一个视频是1899年的短片,其中“女权主义者”将裙子钉在墙上。查找“动物权利”,您会发现大量的喜剧小品。嘲笑和愤怒仍然是对非暴力概念的第一反应。在社会上,看到原本善解人意的同伴如此全副武装似乎很奇怪,考虑到,尤其是在动物的情况下,人们希望他们反对的是酷刑和谋杀。同样,反女权主义也因想象力的枯竭而滋生——因为没有简单的解决办法,因为平等引发了太多的问题——人们不屑一顾,将薪酬平等与同性浴室混为一谈,然后改变话题。
Both animal rights and feminism require perpetual vigilance to a far-off goal. If the root and goal of both oppressions is domination, a consistent activist must fight all forms of amorphous exploitation. To paraphrase Carson McCullers, everything we touch is the result of another's suffering.
动物权利和女权主义都需要对一个遥远的目标保持永远的警惕。如果这两种压迫的根源和目标都是统治,那么一个始终如一的活动家必须与一切形式的无定形剥削作斗争。套用卡森·麦卡勒斯(Carson McCullers)的话来说,我们接触的一切都是他人痛苦的结果。
The book you are holding uncovers the interconnectedness between women's (people's) exploitation and animals. It is as groundbreaking today as when it was first written. Carol J. Adams gets to the heart of our acceptance of institutionalized violence-the systems supporting cruelty and the rationales feeding the system.
你手里拿着的这本书揭示了妇女(人民)剥削与动物之间的相互联系。今天,它和它最初写的时候一样具有开创性。卡罗尔·亚当斯(Carol J. Adams)触及了我们接受制度化暴力的核心——支持残忍的制度和为制度提供动力的理由。

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 确认

In the years during which this book took shape, many people encouraged my ideas and helped me to examine the nature of the sexual politics of meat.
在这本书成型的那些年里,许多人鼓励我的想法,并帮助我研究肉类性政治的本质。
Thanks to Catherine Avril and Mary Sue Henifin who, in 1974, advertised at the Cambridge Women's Center for a feminist-vegetarian roommateand selected me. Thus it all began. Mary Ann Burr who taught me about vegetarianism in exchange for information on feminism; Mary Daly for whom my first paper on the subject was prepared; and Carroll SmithRosenberg who encouraged my early historical excavations.
感谢凯瑟琳·艾薇儿(Catherine Avril)和玛丽·苏·海尼芬(Mary Sue Henifin),她们于1974年在剑桥妇女中心(Cambridge Women's Center)为一位女权主义素食室友做广告,并选择了我。一切就这样开始了。玛丽·安·伯尔(Mary Ann Burr)教我素食主义,以换取有关女权主义的信息;玛丽·戴利(Mary Daly)为我准备了第一篇关于该主题的论文;卡罗尔·史密斯·罗森伯格(Carroll SmithRosenberg)鼓励我进行早期的历史发掘。
Originally a book on feminism and vegetarianism by me was to appear in 1976 but though it identified the overt connections I sensed it was incomplete and I withheld it from publication. Thanks to the Vegetarian Times, Laurel and Gina of Amazon Quarterly, Jean and Ruth Mountaingrove of WomanSpirit, and the women's collective of the second wave: a magazine of the new feminism for publishing my early work, and to the Boston Women's Health Book Collective for mentioning the book that never was in Our Bodies, Ourselves. And to Jane Adams who lived with the dramas of that time.
1976年,我写了一本关于女权主义和素食主义的书,但尽管它确定了明显的联系,但我感觉到它不完整,所以我拒绝出版。感谢《素食时报》、《亚马逊季刊》的 Laurel 和 Gina、WomanSpirit 的 Jean 和 Ruth Mountaingrove,以及第二波女性团体:一本新女权主义杂志出版了我的早期作品,感谢波士顿女性健康图书集体提到了这本从未出现在《我们的身体,我们自己》中的书。还有简·亚当斯(Jane Adams),她生活在那个时代的戏剧中。
I owe much gratitude to Carol Barash of Critical Matrix: Princeton Working Papers in Womens Studies who energized and catalyzed my thoughts; from this catalyst and energy, my feminist-vegetarian theory took shape. I appreciate the ongoing faith that Susan Squier, Helen Cooper, and Adrienne Munich, the editors of Arms and the Woman had in me, and their challenges that helped me refine my ideas. Avis Lang of the Heresies Collective helped me frame arguments fundamental to this book. Theresa Corrigan and Stephanie Hoppe asked me if I had written anything on the history of animal rights; "The Distortion of the Vegetarian Body" evolved in response to this question. A different version of this chapter, which incorporates as well themes in "For a Feminist-Vegetarian Critical Theory," appears in their anthology, And a Deer's Ear, Eagle's Song and Bear's Grace: Relationships between Animals and Women (A Second Collection), from Cleis Press, and I thank them for asking the question and for supporting my work.
我非常感谢《批判矩阵:普林斯顿妇女研究工作论文》的卡罗尔·巴拉什(Carol Barash),她为我的思想注入了活力和催化;从这种催化剂和能量中,我的女权主义素食理论形成了。我感谢《武器与女人》的编辑苏珊·斯奎尔(Susan Squier)、海伦·库珀(Helen Cooper)和阿德里安·慕尼黑(Adrienne Munich)对我的持续信任,以及他们帮助我完善想法的挑战。异端集体(Heresies Collective)的阿维斯·朗(Avis Lang)帮助我构建了本书的基本论点。特蕾莎·科里根(Theresa Corrigan)和斯蒂芬妮·霍普(Stephanie Hoppe)问我是否写过关于动物权利历史的文章;“素食身体的扭曲”就是针对这个问题而演变的。本章的另一个版本,也纳入了“女权主义-素食批判理论”的主题,出现在他们的选集《鹿的耳朵、鹰的歌声和熊的恩典:动物与女性之间的关系(第二集)》中,由克莱斯出版社出版,我感谢他们提出这个问题并支持我的工作。
For affirming my voice, giving me guidance and other forms of moral support over the years, thanks to my parents and my many friends, both those named above and Marie Fortune, Nancy and Merv Fry, Chellis Glendinning, Susi Parks Grissom, Mary Hunt, Diane Miller, Ken Reichley, Bina and Dave Robinson, Nancy Tuana, Melinda Vadas, Ann Valliant, Cathy Weller, and the women of the Bloodroot Collective-who enact feministvegetarian theory at their restaurant in Bridgeport.
感谢我的父母和我的许多朋友,感谢上面提到的玛丽·福吉、南希和梅尔夫·弗莱、切利斯·格伦丁宁、苏西·帕克斯·格里森、玛丽·亨特、黛安·米勒、肯·赖克利、比娜和戴夫·罗宾逊、南希·图阿纳、梅琳达·瓦达斯、安·瓦利安特、 凯茜·韦勒(Cathy Weller)和血根集体(Bloodroot Collective)的女性在布里奇波特(Bridgeport)的餐厅里制定了女权主义素食理论。
For reading and making valuable comments on parts of the book, I thank Maureen Fries, Diana Hume George, Dudley Giehl, Susanne Kappeler, Liz Kelly, Jim Mason, Rose Sebouhian, and Doug Shepard. My gratitude to Geri Pomerantz for her devoted research on the subject. Thanks, too, to David Erdman for assistance with information on John Oswald; Jim Hala, Paula Sue Hayes, Jane Lilienfeld, Karen Lindsey, CeCe Quinlan, Susan Schweik, Marjorie Procter-Smith, and the women of New Words Bookstore in Cambridge for directing me to valuable references; Alex Hershaft of Farm Animal Reform Movement for statistics on animals who are butchered; the late Henry Bailey Stevens for encouraging my research on Agnes Ryan; Connie Salamone for her pioneering work; Josephine Donovan for information on the Crossroad/Continuum Women's Studies Award; Carol Hurd Green and Elizabeth Rechtschaffen of the Award Advisory Committee; Bruce Cassiday, for entering into the spirit of my challenge to conventional language about animals; and my editor, Evander Lomke, for suggestions that helped to shape my manuscript into a book.
感谢莫琳·弗里斯(Maureen Fries)、戴安娜·休姆·乔治(Diana Hume George)、达德利·吉尔(Dudley Giehl)、苏珊娜·卡佩勒(Susanne Kappeler)、丽兹·凯利(Liz Kelly)、吉姆·梅森(Jim Mason)、罗斯·塞布希安(Rose Sebouhian)和道格·谢泼德(Doug Shepard)阅读本书并提出宝贵意见。我感谢 Geri Pomerantz 对这一主题的专注研究。也感谢大卫·厄德曼(David Erdman)在约翰·奥斯瓦尔德(John Oswald)的信息方面提供的帮助;吉姆·哈拉(Jim Hala)、宝拉·苏·海耶斯(Paula Sue Hayes)、简·利林菲尔德(Jane Lilienfeld)、凯伦·林赛(Karen Lindsey)、塞斯·昆兰(CeCe Quinlan)、苏珊·施维克(Susan Schweik)、玛乔丽·普罗克特-史密斯(Marjorie Procter-Smith)和剑桥新词书店(New Words Bookstore)的女性为我提供了有价值的参考资料;农场动物改革运动的亚历克斯·赫沙夫特(Alex Hershaft)对被屠宰的动物进行统计;已故的亨利·贝利·史蒂文斯(Henry Bailey Stevens)鼓励我对艾格尼丝·瑞安(Agnes Ryan)的研究;康妮·萨拉蒙(Connie Salamone)的开创性工作;约瑟芬·多诺万(Josephine Donovan)提供有关十字路口/连续体妇女研究奖的信息;奖项咨询委员会的卡罗尔·赫德·格林(Carol Hurd Green)和伊丽莎白·雷希查芬(Elizabeth Rechtschaffen);布鲁斯·卡西迪(Bruce Cassiday),他进入了我对动物传统语言的挑战精神;还有我的编辑埃文德·洛姆克(Evander Lomke)提出的建议,帮助我将手稿写成一本书。
Over the years I have benefited from my association with the women's communities of Cambridge, Massachusetts, Dunkirk and Fredonia, New York, and Dallas, Texas. Without access to good libraries in these cities and elsewhere, I would have been beref of much historical material that enriches feminist-vegetarian theory. Specifically, the staff of the Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library on the History of Women of Radcliffe College, the British Library, the New York Public Library, the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center of the University of Texas at Austin, and the Dallas Public Library provided much assistance. The interlibrary loan staff of the State University College at Fredonia and the Dallas and Richardson Public Libraries worked diligently on my behalf, miraculously obtaining for me obscure books from the eighteenth century as well as more recent writings. I am very grateful to them for this.
多年来,我从与马萨诸塞州剑桥、纽约敦刻尔克和弗雷多尼亚以及德克萨斯州达拉斯的妇女社区的联系中受益匪浅。如果没有这些城市和其他地方的好图书馆,我就会失去许多丰富女权主义素食理论的历史资料。具体来说,拉德克利夫学院亚瑟和伊丽莎白·施莱辛格妇女历史图书馆、大英图书馆、纽约公共图书馆、德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校哈里·兰瑟姆人文研究中心和达拉斯公共图书馆的工作人员提供了大量帮助。弗雷多尼亚州立大学学院和达拉斯和理查森公共图书馆的馆际互借人员为我努力工作,奇迹般地为我获得了 18 世纪的晦涩书籍以及最近的著作。我非常感谢他们。
Financial support from two sources helped to galvanize my work during the past year and I am deeply indebted to them for their faith in me. My thanks to The Culture and Animals Foundation for funds to complete the
在过去的一年里,来自两个来源的财政支持帮助激发了我的工作,我深深地感谢他们对我的信任。我感谢文化和动物基金会提供资金来完成

book, and Tom and Nancy Regan of the CAF for their support, as well as to the Durfee Foundation which through a Durfee Award provided me with the funds to purchase a computer to expedite writing.
书,以及 CAF 的 Tom 和 Nancy Regan 的支持,以及 Durfee 基金会,该基金会通过 Durfee 奖为我提供了购买计算机以加快写作速度的资金。
During the flurry of revision, Arthur and Virginia Buchanan and Nancy Hayes were immeasurably helpful by providing child care; Melinda Vadas and Cathy Weller attempted to track down the image reproduced on the cover, and Dorothy Teer discovered it in her slide archives. Thanks to each of them for their time. I am grateful as well to the anti-pornography feminist network and specifically Pornography Awareness, Inc. (PO Box 2728 Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 27515-2728), Women Against Pornography, Women Against Violence in the Media, and Women Against Violence Against Women, for recognizing the implications of a beach towel called "Cattle Queen" that encouraged "Break the Dull Beef Habit," and made accessible an image that had permeated popular culture yet was not easily available.
在一连串的修订过程中,亚瑟和弗吉尼亚·布坎南以及南希·海耶斯通过提供托儿服务提供了不可估量的帮助;梅琳达·瓦达斯(Melinda Vadas)和凯茜·韦勒(Cathy Weller)试图追踪封面上复制的图像,多萝西·蒂尔(Dorothy Teer)在她的幻灯片档案中发现了它。感谢他们每个人抽出时间。我还要感谢反色情女权主义网络,特别是色情意识公司(PO Box 2728 Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 27515-2728)、Women Against Pornography、Women Against Violence in the Media 和 Women Against Violence Against Women,他们认识到一条名为“Cattle Queen”的沙滩巾的含义,它鼓励“打破沉闷的牛肉习惯,“,并使一种已经渗透到流行文化中但又不容易获得的图像变得容易获得。
With a topic such as the one this book addresses the research possibilities were endless. I have had to limit my focus to identify the initial issues that arise when engaging in feminist-vegetarian discourse. Otherwise, like Casaubon's work in George Eliot's Middlemarch, my key to the patriarchal meaning of meat eating would have remained only a growing pile of uninterpreted notes. Though in one sense this book is a final product, I see it more as part of a process of analysis that challenges the dominant culture. The issues it has neglected or only partially and perhaps inadequately developed offer future opportunities.
对于本书所讨论的主题,研究的可能性是无穷无尽的。我不得不限制我的注意力,以确定在参与女权主义素食主义话语时出现的最初问题。否则,就像卡苏邦在乔治·艾略特(George Eliot)的《米德尔马契》(Middlemarch)中的作品一样,我对吃肉的父权制意义的关键将只剩下一堆越来越多的未解释的音符。虽然从某种意义上说,这本书是最终产品,但我更把它看作是挑战主流文化的分析过程的一部分。它忽视或只是部分和可能没有得到充分发展的问题提供了未来的机会。
Finally my work owes much to Bruce Buchanan who provided me with the time and space to think and write about this subject and Douglas Buchanan, now nearly five, who enlivens my hope that the next generation can reject the Sexual Politics of Meat.
最后,我的工作很大程度上要归功于布鲁斯·布坎南(Bruce Buchanan),他为我提供了思考和写作这个主题的时间和空间,以及现在快五岁的道格拉斯·布坎南(Douglas Buchanan),他激发了我的希望,即下一代可以拒绝肉类的性政治。
Ten years later . . . and still we struggle to make the connections and be change-agents. For those who have supported me in my writing and my life, I am immensely grateful. I appreciate all those who have written to me over the past decade with stories and examples. I am thankful for those who have worked to bring me to their campuses, and to engage in dialogue with students about the sexual politics of meat. I am pleased to be a part of an ever-expanding network of activists and thinkers who are working for a more compassionate society; they are truly inspiring! For the help I received in preparing the tenth anniversary edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat, I would like to thank: Marie Fortune, Mary Hunt, Pat Davis, Batya Bauman, Martin Rowe, Kim Stallwood, Debbie Tanzer, Trisha Lamb Feuerstein, and
十年后......我们仍然在努力建立联系并成为变革的推动者。对于那些在我的写作和生活中支持我的人,我非常感谢。我感谢所有在过去十年中给我写信的人,他们给我写了故事和例子。我感谢那些努力把我带到他们的校园,并与学生就肉类的性政治进行对话的人。我很高兴能成为不断扩大的活动家和思想家网络的一员,他们正在为一个更富有同情心的社会而努力;他们真的很鼓舞人心!对于我在准备《肉类的性政治》十周年纪念版时得到的帮助,我要感谢:Marie Fortune、Mary Hunt、Pat Davis、Batya Bauman、Martin Rowe、Kim Stallwood、Debbie Tanzer、Trisha Lamb Feuerstein 和
Evander Lomke. For the statistics on the number of land animals killed yearly, I thank the Farm Animal Reform Movement (P.O. Box 30654, Bethesda, MD 20824). For the statistics on the number of sea animals killed yearly, I thank Dawn Carr and the researchers at People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (501 Front St., Norfolk, VA 23510). I remember with gratitude the life of Kenneth Reichley; faithful friend. Bruce, who weathers it all in stride, continues to provide me with time, space, and attentiveness. For Douglas, now fifteen, and Benjamin, ten, my hopes continue.
埃文德·洛姆克。对于每年被杀死的陆地动物数量的统计数据,我感谢农场动物改革运动(P.O. Box 30654, Bethesda, MD 20824)。对于每年被杀死的海洋动物数量的统计数据,我感谢 Dawn Carr 和 People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals(501 Front St., Norfolk, VA 23510)的研究人员。我怀着感激之情回忆起肯尼斯·赖克利(Kenneth Reichley)的一生;忠实的朋友。布鲁斯从容不迫地度过了这一切,继续为我提供时间、空间和注意力。对于现年15岁的道格拉斯和10岁的本杰明,我的希望仍在继续。
Twenty years later . . . and we continue to challenge oppression. Thanks to all the vegan businesses and organizations that have supported my work, especially MooShoes, Sweet and Sara, VegNews, Vegan World Radio, Pangea, Vegan Essentials, the American Vegan Society, the North American Vegetarian Society, the Toronto Vegetarian Association, and the Spiral Diner. I am thankful for feminist and vegan bloggers and activists who notice offensive images and make connections and for the many student activists and professors who have brought me to their campuses.
二十年后......我们继续挑战压迫。感谢所有支持我工作的素食企业和组织,尤其是 MooShoes、Sweet and Sara、VegNews、Vegan World Radio、Pangea、Vegan Essentials、美国素食协会、北美素食协会、多伦多素食协会和 Spiral Diner。我感谢女权主义和纯素博主和活动家,他们注意到令人反感的图像并建立联系,也感谢许多学生活动家和教授将我带到他们的校园。
A big hug and many thanks to Nellie McKay for writing a foreword to this twentieth anniversary edition and for all she does in the world-and a hug to her mother and her sister, Robin Young, too.
一个大大的拥抱,非常感谢 Nellie McKay 为这本 20 周年纪念版撰写前言以及她在世界上所做的一切——也感谢她的母亲和她的妹妹 Robin Young 的拥抱。
Thanks to Pat Davis, Josephine Donovan, Melinda Fox, Matthew Calarco, Martin Rowe for their help with the Preface to the twentieth anniversary. I am grateful to David Barker, Editorial Director at Continuum, for moving this edition through the process of publication.
感谢帕特·戴维斯、约瑟芬·多诺万、梅琳达·福克斯、马修·卡拉科、马丁·罗对二十周年序言的帮助。我感谢 Continuum 的编辑总监 David Barker 推动了这一版的出版过程。
To filmmakers Tami Wilson and Jennifer Abbott, thanks for their interest in The Sexual Politics of Meat.
感谢电影制片人塔米·威尔逊(Tami Wilson)和詹妮弗·阿博特(Jennifer Abbott)对《肉类的性政治》的关注。
I am grateful to Mary Finelli, Batya Bauman, Evander Lomke, Mary Hunt, Marie Fortune, Mary Max, Nancy and Jane Adams, for ongoing support of my work, to Catharine MacKinnon, Tom Tyler, John Jermier, John Sanbonmasto, Cat Clyne, Kim Stallwood, Robin Morgan, Paul Waldau, Lisa Isherwood, and Rosemary Radford Ruether for their engagement with my work, and to the many people who have sent me images and references since the tenth anniversary edition was published, including: Liz Abbott, Tom Abram, Carla Agnesi, Jared Allaway, Michael Angus, Cintia Anselmo, Nicholas Atwood, Jenny Azman, Julianne Baecker, Alexandra Bass, Meghan Beeby, Edita Birnkrant, Diana Blaine, Ryan Blodgett, Janice Blue, Patti Breitman, Patrick Browne, Kristin Burlage, Colleen Buyers, Gregory Carlin, Judy Carman, Anthony Carr, Sarah Carrier, Angela Carter, Avalon Carthew, Jane Cartmill, Liz Chiarello, Bob Chorush, Lydia Comer, Katherine Cooke,
我感谢 Mary Finelli、Batya Bauman、Evander Lomke、Mary Hunt、Marie Fortune、Mary Max、Nancy 和 Jane Adams 对我工作的持续支持,感谢 Catharine MacKinnon、Tom Tyler、John Jermier、John Sanbonmasto、Cat Clyne、Kim Stallwood、Robin Morgan、Paul Waldau、Lisa Isherwood 和 Rosemary Radford Ruether 对我工作的参与,以及自十周年纪念版出版以来向我发送图像和参考资料的许多人, 包括:丽兹·阿博特、汤姆·艾布拉姆、卡拉·阿格尼西、贾里德·阿拉威、迈克尔·安格斯、辛蒂亚·安塞尔莫、尼古拉斯·阿特伍德、珍妮·阿兹曼、朱丽安·贝克尔、亚历山德拉·巴斯、梅根·比比、伊迪塔·伯克兰特、戴安娜·布莱恩、瑞安·布洛杰特、珍妮丝·布鲁、帕蒂·布莱特曼、帕特里克·布朗、克里斯汀·伯拉奇、科琳·买家、格雷戈里·卡林、朱迪·卡曼、安东尼·卡尔、莎拉·开利、安吉拉·卡特、阿瓦隆·卡修、简·卡特米尔、丽兹·基亚雷洛、鲍勃·乔拉什、 莉迪亚·科默、凯瑟琳·库克、
Marj Cramer, Karen Davis, Karen Dawn, David Del Principe, Kelly Coyle DiNorcia, Devery Doleman, Annette Dunkelman, Dave Eaton, Shannon Elliott, Andy Ellis, Margaret Ende, Cath Ens, Allison Ezell, Diane Farsetta, Zoe Fasolo, Beth Fiteni, Deseree Fontenot, Lesley Fox, Jerry Friedman, Jack Furlong, Greta Gaard, Emily Gaarder, Stacy Goldberger, Michael Greger, Jeff Green, Jonathan Grindell, Amie Hamlin, Elizabeth Hartman, Joseph HaynsWorthington, Sarah Hecht, Morian Henderson, Denise Hollenbach, Leslie Holmes, Karen Hofman, Karen Hurley, Avital Isaacs, Nistha Jajal, Matthew Jeanes, pattrice jones, Erin E. Armi Kaipainen, Caroline Kane, Anil Kanji, Erica Kelly, Linda Kelson, Lisa Kemmerer, Jason Ketola, Anna Lappé, Erika Larson, Renée Lauzon, Giulia Levai, Noa Lewis, Matthew Liebman, Donna Litowitz, Bruce Lord, Jayne Loader, Brian Luke, Sheila Mahadevan, Randy Malamud, Richard Marsh, Dave McLaughlin, Matthew Melnyk, Sarah Meng, Catharine Morales, Alan Munro, Pascal Murphy, Deb Murray, Vicki Murray, Amy Tharp Nylund, Benjamin Palmer, Peter Pearson, Emily Pepe, Benjamin Persky, John Phillips, Eric Piotrowski, Rebecca Pitman, Bhaskar Raman, Joanna Randazzo, Marguerite Regan, Pamela Rice, Sarah Sue Roberts, Bina Robinson, Lauren Robinson, Pat Ritz, Carolyn Sawyer, Carol Scherbaum, Judith Schiebout, Mindi Schneider, Naomi Schoenbaum, John Seebach, Lisa Shapiro, Paul Shapiro, Lindsay Spaar, Alison Stanley, Eileen Stark, Katherine Stewart, Cheryl Stibel, Kyle Svendsen, Debby Tanzer, Cathleen Tracy, Jose Valle, Jason Van Glass, Stephen Wells, Mason Weisz, Nancy Williams, Drew Wilson, Tami Wilson, Moni Woweries, Laurel Zastrow, Tita Zierer.
玛吉·克莱默、凯伦·戴维斯、凯伦·道恩、大卫·德尔·普林西比、凯莉·科伊尔·迪诺西亚、德弗里·多尔曼、安妮特·邓克尔曼、戴夫·伊顿、香农·埃利奥特、安迪·埃利斯、玛格丽特·恩德、凯丝·恩斯、艾莉森·埃泽尔、黛安·法塞塔、佐伊·法索洛、贝丝·菲特尼、德塞里·丰特诺、莱斯利·福克斯、杰里·弗里德曼、杰克·弗隆、格蕾塔·加德、艾米莉·加尔德、史黛西·戈德伯格、迈克尔·格雷格、杰夫·格林、乔纳森·格林德尔、艾米·哈姆林、 伊丽莎白·哈特曼、约瑟夫·海恩斯沃辛顿、莎拉·赫克特、莫里安·亨德森、丹尼斯·霍伦巴赫、莱斯利·福尔摩斯、凯伦·霍夫曼、凯伦·赫利、阿维塔尔·艾萨克斯、妮莎·贾贾尔、马修·珍妮斯、帕特里斯·琼斯、艾琳·艾米·凯佩宁、卡罗琳·凯恩、阿尼尔·坎吉、埃里卡·凯利、琳达·凯尔森、丽莎·凯默勒、杰森·凯托拉、安娜·拉佩、埃里卡·拉尔森、蕾妮·劳松、朱莉娅·莱维、诺亚·刘易斯、马修·利布曼、唐娜·利托维茨、布鲁斯·洛德、 杰恩·装载机,布莱恩·卢克,希拉·马哈德文,兰迪·马拉穆德,理查德·马什,戴夫·麦克劳克林,马修·梅尔尼克,莎拉·孟,凯瑟琳·莫拉莱斯,艾伦·门罗,帕斯卡·墨菲,黛布·默里,薇姬·默里,艾米·萨普·尼伦德,本杰明·帕尔默,彼得·皮尔森,艾米莉·佩佩,本杰明·珀斯基,约翰·菲利普斯,埃里克·皮奥特罗夫斯基,丽贝卡·皮特曼,巴斯卡·拉曼,乔安娜·兰达佐,玛格丽特·里根,帕梅拉·赖斯,莎拉·苏·罗伯茨,比娜·罗宾逊, 劳伦·罗宾逊、帕特·里兹、卡罗琳·索耶、卡罗尔·谢尔鲍姆、朱迪思·席博特、明迪·施耐德、娜奥米·舍恩鲍姆、约翰·西巴赫、丽莎·夏皮罗、保罗·夏皮罗、林赛·斯帕尔、艾莉森·斯坦利、艾琳·斯塔克、凯瑟琳·斯图尔特、谢丽尔·斯蒂贝尔、凯尔·斯文森、黛比·坦泽、凯瑟琳·特雷西、何塞·瓦莱、杰森·范·格拉斯、斯蒂芬·威尔斯、梅森·薇兹、南希·威廉姆斯、德鲁·威尔逊、塔米·威尔逊、莫妮·沃弗里斯、劳雷尔·扎斯特罗、蒂塔·齐勒。
Thanks to Bruce, still weathering, still striding, still supporting. For Douglas, twenty-five, and Benjamin, twenty, who help me engage with these ideas and have become good vegetarian cooks, my hopes fulfilled.
多亏了布鲁斯,他仍然风化,仍然大步前进,仍然支持。对于二十五岁的道格拉斯(Douglas)和二十岁的本杰明(Benjamin)来说,他们帮助我参与这些想法并成为优秀的素食厨师,我的希望实现了。

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS TO THE TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY/ BLOOMSBURY REVELATIONS EDITION
致谢二十五周年/布鲁姆斯伯里启示录版

Thank you to David Avital, David Barker, Mark Richardson, and Ian Buck at Bloomsbury for their work to bring out this Bloomsbury Revelations edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat, and their commitment to creating a new afterword with recent examples of the sexual politics of meat. It has been a joy to work with them. I also want to acknowledge the ongoing support of Kevin Ohe, US Publishing Director for US operations, and the work on my behalf of Elizabeth White, Academic Rights Manager for Bloomsbury Academic. Thanks to Evander Lomke, Gene Gollogly, and Martin Rowe, formerly of Continuum and now of Lantern Books, for their thoughtful and loyal support of this author for a quarter of century. It's made all the difference! At a pivotal moment, Jo-Anne McArthur provided important insights.
感谢布鲁姆斯伯里的大卫·阿维塔尔、大卫·巴克、马克·理查森和伊恩·巴克,感谢他们为推出布鲁姆斯伯里启示录版的《肉类的性政治》所做的工作,以及他们致力于用肉类性政治的最新例子来创造一个新的后记。与他们合作很愉快。我还要感谢美国出版总监凯文·奥赫(Kevin Ohe)对美国业务的持续支持,以及布鲁姆斯伯里学术(Bloomsbury Academic)学术权利经理伊丽莎白·怀特(Elizabeth White)为我所做的工作。感谢 Evander Lomke、Gene Gollogly 和 Martin Rowe(以前是 Continuum,现在是 Lantern Books)对这位作者四分之一世纪的深思熟虑和忠诚的支持。这让一切变得不同!在关键时刻,Jo-Anne McArthur 提供了重要的见解。
I am an incredibly lucky author in that readers not only embraced this book but also began conversations with me about images and news that confirmed my thesis. I've benefited from twenty-five years of being in a community that perceives interconnected oppressions and works for liberation. That I've been fed incredible vegan meals around the world by vegan chefs and cooks is like the frosting on the vegan cake; as activists, we have discovered and shared the joy of delicious animal-free food preparation. This nurture and nourishment cannot be underestimated. I remember Shirley Wilkes-Johnson and Marti Kheel, lost to us too soon. Co-authors and co-editors Patti Breitman, Virginia Messina, Marie Fortune, Josephine Donovan, and Lori Gruen have helped to shape my thoughts over the past twenty-five years. I am in their debt for the education and sisterhood that working on books with them engendered.
我是一个非常幸运的作者,因为读者不仅接受了这本书,而且还开始与我谈论证实我论文的图像和新闻。二十五年来,我生活在一个感知相互关联的压迫并为解放而努力的社区中,这让我受益匪浅。素食厨师和厨师在世界各地为我提供了令人难以置信的素食餐,就像素食蛋糕上的糖霜一样;作为活动家,我们发现并分享了美味的无动物食品准备的乐趣。这种养育和滋养不容小觑。我记得雪莉·威尔克斯-约翰逊(Shirley Wilkes-Johnson)和马蒂·凯尔(Marti Kheel)过早地输给了我们。在过去的二十五年里,合著者和共同编辑帕蒂·布莱特曼、弗吉尼亚·梅西纳、玛丽·财富、约瑟芬·多诺万和洛里·格鲁恩帮助塑造了我的想法。我感谢他们与他们一起写书所产生的教育和姐妹情谊。
Thanks to the many people who emailed me, tweeted me, and posted on Facebook images that illustrated ongoing international examples of the sexual politics of meat. Sigh. Thank you to the photographers and organizations
感谢许多人给我发电子邮件,发推文,并在Facebook上发布图片,这些图片说明了正在进行的肉类性政治的国际例子。叹息。感谢摄影师和组织

Acknowledgments 确认

whose images are used in this afterword. The staff at the Richardson Public Library continues to support my (often impatient and always eager) quest for information and books; bless them. To my children, Douglas and his spouse, Kelly, and Benjamin (born the same year as the first edition of The Sexual Politics of Meat, and now himself at a quarter of a century): I'm so grateful to be your feminist-vegan parent. And to Bruce, who continues to support my activism and writing in all the ways that are possible and then some.
其图像用于本后记。理查森公共图书馆的工作人员继续支持我(经常不耐烦,总是渴望)对信息和书籍的追求;祝福他们。对于我的孩子,道格拉斯和他的配偶凯利,以及本杰明(与第一版《肉类的性政治》同年出生,现在他自己已经四分之一个世纪了):我很感激能成为你们的女权主义素食主义者。还有布鲁斯,他继续以各种可能的方式支持我的行动主义和写作,然后是一些。
Finally, I want to thank you, my readers, who have kept this book in print for a quarter of a century. We know that empathy can be learned. May it be contagious! May feminist-vegan theory and practice flourish!
最后,我要感谢你们,我的读者,他们把这本书印刷了四分之一个世纪。我们知道同理心是可以学习的。愿它具有传染性!愿女权主义素食理论和实践蓬勃发展!

PART I
THE PATRIARCHAL TEXTS OF MEAT
第一部分 肉的父权制文本

The selling should always be specific and mention a definite item.
销售应始终是具体的,并提及确定的项目。
Wrong: "Anything else?" 错了:“还有别的吗?
Weak: "What about something for breakfast?"
虚弱:“早餐吃点东西怎么样?
Better: "We have some wonderful ham slices, Mrs. Smith-just the thing for breakfast. They're right in the case."
更好:“我们有一些很棒的火腿片,史密斯夫人——只是早餐的东西。他们在这个案子上是对的。
Watch her face and if she doesn't show interest then say:
观察她的脸,如果她不感兴趣,那就说:
"Or perhaps you'd rather have fresh pork sausage tomorrow for breakfast."
“或者,也许你宁愿明天早餐吃新鲜的猪肉香肠。”
This method centers her interest and attention on one item at a time and plainly implies that some meat item is necessary for breakfast.
这种方法将她的兴趣和注意力一次集中在一个项目上,并明确暗示早餐需要一些肉类项目。
-Hinman and Harris, The Story of Meat
——欣曼和哈里斯,《肉的故事》
The abbess has just put the kipehook on all other purveyors of the French flesh market. She does not keep her meat too long on the hooks, though she will have her price; but nothing to get stale here. You may have your meat dressed to your own liking, and there is no need of cutting twice from one joint; and if it suits your taste, you may kill your own lamb or mutton for her flock is in prime condition, and always ready for sticking. When any of them are fried they are turned out to grass, and sent to the hammer, or disposed of by private contract, but never brought in again; consequently, the rot, bots, glanders, and other diseases incidental to cattle, are not generally known here.
女修道院院长刚刚把 kipehook 放在法国肉类市场的所有其他供应商身上。她不会把肉放在钩子上太久,尽管她会付出代价;但这里没有什么可以陈旧的。您可以根据自己的喜好将肉调味,并且无需从一个关节切两次;如果它适合你的口味,你可以杀死你自己的羊肉或羊肉,因为她的羊群处于最佳状态,随时准备粘住。当它们中的任何一个被油炸时,它们就会被变成草,送到锤子上,或者通过私人合同处理掉,但再也没有被带进来;因此,牛的腐烂病、僵尸病、腺体病和其他疾病在这里并不为人所知。
—From a nineteenth-century guidebook to brothels
——摘自十九世纪的妓院指南

CHAPTER 1
THE SEXUAL POLITICS OF MEAT
第1章 肉食的性政治

In the early times men and women lived apart, the former hunting animals exclusively, the latter pursuing a gathering existence. Five of the men, who were out hunting, being careless creatures, let their fire go out. The women, who were careful and orderly, always kept their fire going. The men, having killed a springbok, became desperate for means to cook it, so one of their number set out to get fire, crossed the river and met one of the women gathering seeds. When he asked her for some fire, she invited him to the feminine camp. While he was there she said, "You are very hungry. Just wait until I pound up these seeds and I will boil them and give you some." She made him some porridge. After he had eaten it, he said, "Well, it's nice food so I shall just stay with you." The men who were left waited and wondered. They still had the springbok and they still had no fire. The second man set out, only to be tempted by female cooking, and to take up residence in the camp of the women. The same thing happened to the third man. The two men left were very frightened. They suspected something terrible had happened to their comrades. They cast the divining bones but the omens were favorable. The fourth man set out timidly, only to end by joining his comrades. The last man became very frightened indeed and besides by now the springbok had rotted. He took his bow and arrows, and ran away.
在早期,男人和女人分开生活,前者只狩猎动物,后者追求聚集的生活。其中五个人外出打猎,是粗心大意的生物,让他们的火熄灭了。妇女们小心翼翼,井然有序,总是保持着她们的火力。男人们杀死了一只跳羚,急需烹饪它的方法,所以他们中的一个人开始生火,过河,遇到了一个收集种子的女人。当他向她要一些火时,她邀请他去女性营地。当他在那里时,她说:“你很饿。等我把这些种子捣碎,我把它们煮沸,给你一些。她给他熬了点粥。吃完后,他说:“嗯,这是好吃的,所以我就和你在一起。剩下的人等待着,想知道。他们仍然有跳羚,他们仍然没有火。第二个男人出发了,只是被女人做饭的诱惑,并在女人的营地里住了下来。同样的事情也发生在第三个人身上。剩下的两个人非常害怕。他们怀疑他们的战友发生了什么可怕的事情。他们铸造了占卜的骨头,但预兆是有利的。第四个人胆怯地出发了,最后才与他的战友们汇合。最后一个人确实变得非常害怕,而且现在跳羚已经腐烂了。他拿起弓箭,逃跑了。
-Myth from the Bushman
-布须曼人的神话
I left the British Library and my research on some women of the 1890s whose feminist, working-class newspaper advocated meatless diets, and went through the cafeteria line in a restaurant nearby. Vegetarian food in hand, I descended to the basement. A painting of Henry VIII eating a steak and kidney pie greeted my gaze. On either side of the consuming Henry were portraits of his six wives and other women. However, they were not
我离开了大英图书馆,离开了我对1890年代一些女性的研究,她们的女权主义工人阶级报纸提倡无肉饮食,并在附近一家餐馆的自助餐厅排队。手里拿着素食,我下到地下室。一幅亨利八世吃牛排和腰子派的画映入了我的视线。在亨利的两边是他的六个妻子和其他女人的肖像。然而,事实并非如此

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

eating steak and kidney pie, nor anything else made of meat. Catherine of Aragon held an apple in her hands. The Countess of Mar had a turnip, Anne Boleyn-red grapes, Anne of Cleaves-a pear, Jane Seymour-blue grapes, Catherine Howard-a carrot, Catherine Parr-a cabbage.
吃牛排和腰子馅饼,也不吃其他任何肉做的。阿拉贡的凯瑟琳手里拿着一个苹果。玛尔伯爵夫人有一个萝卜,安妮·博林(Anne Boleyn)有红葡萄,克利夫斯的安妮(Anne of Cleaves)有梨,简·西摩(Jane Seymour)有蓝葡萄,凯瑟琳·霍华德(Catherine Howard)有胡萝卜,凯瑟琳·帕尔(Catherine Parr)有卷心菜。
People with power have always eaten meat. The aristocracy of Europe consumed large courses filled with every kind of meat while the laborer consumed the complex carbohydrates. Dietary habits proclaim class distinctions, but they proclaim patriarchal distinctions as well. Women, second-class citizens, are more likely to eat what are considered to be secondclass foods in a patriarchal culture: vegetables, fruits, and grains rather than meat. The sexism in meat eating recapitulates the class distinctions with an added twist: a mythology permeates all classes that meat is a masculine food and meat eating a male activity.
有权力的人总是吃肉。欧洲的贵族消费了装满各种肉类的大菜,而劳动者则消费了复杂的碳水化合物。饮食习惯宣告了阶级差异,但它们也宣告了父权制的区别。女性是二等公民,更有可能吃在父权文化中被认为是二等食物的食物:蔬菜、水果和谷物,而不是肉类。吃肉的性别歧视以额外的扭曲概括了阶级差异:一个神话渗透到所有阶级,即肉是男性的食物,吃肉是男性的活动。

Male identification and meat eating
男性身份识别和肉食

Meat-eating societies gain male identification by their choice of food, and meat textbooks heartily endorse this association. The Meat We Eat proclaims meat to be "A Virile and Protective Food," thus "a liberal meat supply has always been associated with a happy and virile people." Meat Technology informs us that "the virile Australian race is a typical example of heavy meat-eaters." Leading gourmands refer "to the virile ordeal of spooning the brains directly out of a barbecued calf's head." Virile: of or having the characteristics of an adult male, from vir meaning man. Meat eating measures individual and societal virility.
肉食社会通过选择食物来获得男性认同,肉类教科书衷心支持这种联系。《我们吃的肉》宣称肉类是“一种阳刚之气和保护性食物”,因此“自由的肉类供应总是与快乐和阳刚之气的人民联系在一起”。 《肉类技术》告诉我们,“阳刚的澳大利亚人种是重度肉食者的典型例子。 领先的美食家提到“直接从烤牛犊的头上舀出大脑的阳刚之气”。 阳刚之气:具有成年男性的特征或具有成年男性的特征,来自vir的意思是男人。吃肉衡量个人和社会的阳刚之气。
Meat is a constant for men, intermittent for women, a pattern painfully observed in famine situations today. Women are starving at a rate disproportionate to men. Lisa Leghorn and Mary Roodkowsky surveyed this phenomenon in their book Who Really Starves? Women and World Hunger. Women, they conclude, engage in deliberate self-deprivation, offering men the "best" foods at the expense of their own nutritional needs. For instance, they tell us that "Ethiopian women and girls of all classes are obliged to prepare two meals, one for the males and a second, often containing no meat or other substantial protein, for the females."
肉对男人来说是恒定的,对女人来说是间歇性的,在今天的饥荒情况下,这种模式是痛苦的。妇女挨饿的速度与男子不成比例。丽莎·莱格霍恩(Lisa Leghorn)和玛丽·鲁德科夫斯基(Mary Roodkowsky)在他们的著作《谁真的挨饿?妇女与世界饥饿。他们得出的结论是,女性故意自我剥夺,以牺牲自己的营养需求为代价为男性提供“最好的”食物。例如,他们告诉我们,“埃塞俄比亚所有阶层的妇女和女孩都必须准备两顿饭,一顿给男性,另一顿,通常不含肉或其他实质性蛋白质,供女性食用。
In fact, men's protein needs are less than those of pregnant and nursing women and the disproportionate distribution of the main protein source occurs when women's need for protein is the greatest. Curiously, we are
事实上,男性的蛋白质需求量低于孕妇和哺乳期女性,当女性对蛋白质的需求最大时,主要蛋白质来源的分布不成比例。奇怪的是,我们是

now being told that one should eat meat (or fish, vegetables, chocolate, and salt) at least six weeks before becoming pregnant if one wants a boy. But if a girl is desired, no meat please, rather milk, cheese, nuts, beans, and cereals.
现在被告知,如果一个人想要一个男孩,应该在怀孕前至少六周吃肉(或鱼、蔬菜、巧克力和盐)。但是,如果想要一个女孩,请不要吃肉,而是牛奶、奶酪、坚果、豆类和谷物。
Fairy tales initiate us at an early age into the dynamics of eating and sex roles. The king in his countinghouse ate four-and-twenty blackbirds in a pie (originally four-and-twenty naughty boys) while the Queen ate bread and honey. Cannibalism in fairy tales is generally a male activity, as Jack, after climbing his beanstalk, quickly learned. Folktales of all nations depict giants as male and "fond of eating human flesh."' Witches-warped or monstrous women in the eyes of a patriarchal world-become the token female cannibals.
童话故事让我们从小就开始了解饮食和性别角色的动态。国王在他的伯爵府里吃了四二十只黑鸟(最初是四二十只顽皮的男孩),而王后则吃面包和蜂蜜。童话故事中的自相残杀通常是一种男性活动,因为杰克在爬上他的豆茎后很快就学会了。所有国家的民间故事都把巨人描绘成男性,“喜欢吃人肉”。在父权制世界眼中,女巫扭曲或可怕的女性成为象征性的女性食人族。
A Biblical example of the male prerogative for meat rankled Elizabeth Cady Stanton, a leading nineteenth-century feminist, as can be seen by her terse comment on Leviticus 6 in The Woman's Bible: "The meat so delicately cooked by the priests, with wood and coals in the altar, in clean linen, no woman was permitted to taste, only the males among the children of Aaron."
《圣经》中男性对肉的特权的例子激怒了十九世纪著名的女权主义者伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿(Elizabeth Cady Stanton),这可以从她在《女人的圣经》中对利未记第6章的简短评论中看出:“祭司们用木头和煤在祭坛上用干净的亚麻布精心烹制的肉,不允许女人品尝, 只有亚伦的子孙中的男性。
Most food taboos address meat consumption and they place more restrictions on women than on men. The common foods forbidden to women are chicken, duck, and pork. Forbidding meat to women in nontechnological cultures increases its prestige. Even if the women raise the pigs, as they do in the Solomon Islands, they are rarely allowed to eat the pork. When they do receive some, it is at the dispensation of their husbands. In Indonesia "flesh food is viewed as the property of the men. At feasts, the principal times when meat is available, it is distributed to households according to the men in them. . . . The system of distribution thus reinforces the prestige of the men in society."
大多数食物禁忌都涉及肉类消费,它们对女性的限制比对男性的限制更多。女性禁止食用的常见食物是鸡肉、鸭肉和猪肉。在非技术文化中,禁止女性吃肉会增加其声望。即使妇女像所罗门群岛那样养猪,也很少被允许吃猪肉。当她们确实得到一些时,那是在她们丈夫的分配下。在印度尼西亚,“肉食被视为男人的财产。在筵席上,也就是有肉的主要时间,肉是按照家里的人分给家家户户的。因此,分配制度加强了男人在社会中的声望。
Worldwide this patriarchal custom is found. In Asia, some cultures forbid women from consuming fish, seafood, chicken, duck, and eggs. In equatorial Africa, the prohibition of chicken to women is common. For example, the Mbum Kpau women do not eat chicken, goat, partridge, or other game birds. The Kufa of Ethiopia punished women who ate chicken by making them slaves, while the Walamo "put to death anyone who violated the restriction of eating fowl."
在世界范围内,这种父权制习俗随处可见。在亚洲,一些文化禁止女性食用鱼、海鲜、鸡肉、鸭肉和鸡蛋。在赤道非洲,禁止妇女吃鸡肉是很普遍的。例如,Mbum Kpau 妇女不吃鸡肉、山羊、鹧鸪或其他野禽。埃塞俄比亚的库法人惩罚吃鸡肉的妇女,让她们成为奴隶,而瓦拉莫人则“处死任何违反吃鸡限制的人”。
Correspondingly, vegetables and other nonmeat foods are viewed as women's food. This makes them undesirable to men. The Nuer men think that eating eggs is effeminate. In other groups men require sauces to disguise
相应地,蔬菜和其他非肉类食品被视为女性食品。这使得它们对男人来说是不受欢迎的。努尔人认为吃鸡蛋是女性化的。在其他群体中,男人需要酱汁来伪装

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

the fact that they are eating women's foods. "Men expect to have meat sauces to go with their porridge and will sometimes refuse to eat sauces made of greens or other vegetables, which are said to be women's food."
他们正在吃女性食物的事实。“男人希望有肉酱来搭配粥,有时会拒绝吃由蔬菜或其他蔬菜制成的酱汁,据说这是女性的食物。”

Meat: For the man only
肉:只适合男人

There is no department in the store where good selling can do so much good or where poor selling can do so much harm as in the meat department. This is because most women do not consider themselves competent judges of meat quality and often buy where they have confidence in the meat salesman.
在商店里,没有一个部门能像肉类部门那样,卖得好,卖得不好,会造成如此大的伤害。这是因为大多数女性不认为自己是合格的肉类质量判断者,并且经常在她们对肉类推销员有信心的地方购买。
-Hinman and Harris, The Story of Meat
——欣曼和哈里斯,《肉的故事》
In technological societies, cookbooks reflect the presumption that men eat meat. A random survey of cookbooks reveals that the barbecue sections of most cookbooks are addressed to men and feature meat. The foods recommended for a "Mother's Day Tea" do not include meat, but readers are advised that on Father's Day, dinner should include London Broil because "a steak dinner has unfailing popularity with fathers." In a chapter on "Feminine Hospitality" we are directed to serve vegetables, salads, and soups. The New McCall's Cookbook suggests that a man's favorite dinner is London Broil. A "Ladies' Luncheon" would consist of cheese dishes and vegetables, but no meat. A section of one cookbook entitled "For Men Only" reinforces the omnipresence of meat in men's lives. What is for men only? London Broil, cubed steak, and beef dinner.
在科技社会中,食谱反映了男人吃肉的假设。对食谱的随机调查显示,大多数食谱的烧烤部分都是针对男性的,并且以肉类为特色。“母亲节茶”推荐的食物不包括肉类,但建议读者在父亲节当天的晚餐应该包括伦敦烤肉,因为“牛排晚餐在父亲中一直很受欢迎”。 在关于“女性热情好客”的一章中,我们被指示提供蔬菜、沙拉和汤。《新麦考尔食谱》表明,男人最喜欢的晚餐是伦敦烤肉。“女士午餐会”包括奶酪菜肴和蔬菜,但没有肉。一本名为“仅限男性”的食谱中有一节强调了肉类在男性生活中无处不在。什么只适合男性?伦敦烤肉、牛排块和牛肉晚餐。
Twentieth- and twenty-first-century cookbooks only serve to confirm the historical pattern found in the nineteenth century, when British working-class families could not afford sufficient meat to feed the entire family. "For the man only" appears continually in many of the menus of these families when referring to meat. In adhering to the mythologies of a culture (men need meat; meat gives bull-like strength) the male "breadwinner" actually received the meat. Social historians report that the "lion's share" of meat went to the husband.
20世纪和21世纪的食谱只是为了证实19世纪的历史模式,当时英国工人阶级家庭买不起足够的肉来养活整个家庭。“只为男人”在这些家庭的许多菜单中不断出现,当提到肉类时。在坚持一种文化的神话(男人需要肉,肉赋予公牛般的力量)时,男性“养家糊口的人”实际上得到了肉。社会历史学家报告说,肉的“最大份额”归丈夫所有。
What then was for women during the nineteenth century? On Sundays they might have a modest but good dinner. On the other days their food was bread with butter or drippings, weak tea, pudding, and vegetables. "The wife, in very poor families, is probably the worst-fed of the house hold," observed Dr. Edward Smith in the first national food survey of British dietary
那么,十九世纪的女性是怎样的呢?在星期天,他们可能会吃一顿朴素但不错的晚餐。在其他日子里,他们的食物是黄油或滴水的面包、淡茶、布丁和蔬菜。“在非常贫穷的家庭中,妻子可能是家里吃得最差的人,”爱德华·史密斯博士在第一次英国饮食全国食品调查中观察到

habits in 1863, which revealed that the major difference in the diet of men and women in the same family was the amount of meat consumed. Later investigators were told that the women and children in one rural county of England, "eat the potatoes and look at the meat."
1863年的习惯,揭示了同一家庭中男性和女性饮食的主要差异是食用的肉类量。 后来调查人员被告知,英格兰一个农村县的妇女和儿童“吃土豆,看肉”。
Where poverty forced a conscious distribution of meat, men received it. Many women emphasized that they had saved the meat for their husbands. They were articulating the prevailing connections between meat eating and the male role: "I keep it for him; he has to have it." Sample menus for South London laborers "showed extra meat, extra fish, extra cakes, or a different quality of meat for the man." Women ate meat once a week with their children, while the husband consumed meat and bacon, "almost daily."
在贫穷迫使人们有意识地分配肉食的地方,人们接受了肉食。许多妇女强调,她们把肉留给了丈夫。他们阐明了吃肉和男性角色之间的普遍联系:“我为他保留它;他必须拥有它。伦敦南部劳工的样本菜单“显示了额外的肉、额外的鱼、额外的蛋糕,或者为男人准备了不同质量的肉。妇女每周和孩子一起吃一次肉,而丈夫则“几乎每天都吃肉和培根”。
Early in the twentieth century, the Fabian Women's group in London launched a four-year study in which they recorded the daily budget of thirty families in a working-class community. These budgets were collected and explained in a compassionate book, Round about a Pound a Week. Here is perceived clearly the sexual politics of meat: "In the household which spends 10 s or even less on food, only one kind of diet is possible, and that is the man's diet. The children have what is left over. There must be a Sunday joint, or, if that be not possible, at least a Sunday dish of meat, in order to satisfy the father's desire for the kind of food he relishes, and most naturally therefore intends to have." More succinctly, we are told: "Meat is bought for the men" and the leftover meat from the Sunday dinner, "is eaten cold by him the next day." Poverty also determines who carves the meat. As Cicely Hamilton discovered during this same period, women carve when they know there is not enough meat to go around.
二十世纪初,伦敦的费边妇女组织发起了一项为期四年的研究,记录了工人阶级社区中三十个家庭的每日预算。这些预算被收集起来,并在一本富有同情心的书中进行了解释,《每周大约一英镑》。这里清楚地认识到肉类的性政治:“在花10秒甚至更少的食物的家庭中,只有一种饮食是可能的,那就是男人的饮食。孩子们有剩下的东西。必须有一个星期天的联合,或者,如果不可能的话,至少要有一个星期天的肉,以满足父亲对他喜欢的那种食物的渴望,因此最自然地打算拥有。更简明扼要地说,我们被告知:“肉是给男人买的”,而星期天晚餐剩下的肉,“第二天被他冷吃”。 贫穷也决定了谁来切肉。正如西西莉·汉密尔顿(Cicely Hamilton)在同一时期发现的那样,当女性知道没有足够的肉可以吃时,她们就会雕刻。
In situations of abundance, sex role assumptions about meat are not so blatantly expressed. For this reason, the diets of English upper-class women and men are much more similar than the diets of upper-class women and working-class women. Moreover, with the abundance of meat available in the United States as opposed to the restricted amount available in England, there has been enough for all, except when meat supplies were controlled. For instance, enslaved black men received half a pound of meat per day, while enslaved black women often found that they received little more than a quarter pound a day. Additionally, during the wars of the twentieth century, the pattern of meat consumption recalled that of English nineteenth-century working-class families with one variation: the "worker" of the country's household, the soldier, got the meat; civilians were urged to learn how to cook without meat.
在富足的情况下,关于肉类的性别角色假设不会如此明目张胆地表达出来。因此,英国上层阶级女性和男性的饮食比上层阶级女性和工人阶级女性的饮食要相似得多。此外,由于美国的肉类供应充足,而英国的肉类供应量有限,除了肉类供应受到控制外,所有人都有足够的肉类供应。例如,被奴役的黑人男性每天得到半磅肉,而被奴役的黑人女性经常发现她们每天得到的肉只超过四分之一磅。 此外,在20世纪的战争中,肉类消费模式让人想起19世纪英国工人阶级家庭的消费模式,但有一种变体:该国家庭的“工人”,即士兵,得到了肉;敦促平民学习如何在没有肉的情况下做饭。

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

The racial politics of meat
肉类的种族政治

The hearty meat eating that characterizes the diet of Americans and of the Western world is not only a symbol of male power, it is an index of racism. I do not mean racism in the sense that we are treating one class of animals, those that are not human beings, differently than we treat another, those that are, as Isaac Bashevis Singer uses the term in Enemies: A Love Story: "As often as Herman had witnessed the slaughter of animals and fish, he always had the same thought: in their behavior toward creatures, all men were Nazis. The smugness with which man could do with other species as he pleased exemplified the most extreme racist theories, the principle that might is right. mean racism as the requirement that power arrangements and customs that favor white people prevail, and that the acculturation of people of color to this standard includes the imposition of white habits of meat eating.
美国人和西方世界饮食中丰盛的肉食不仅是男性权力的象征,也是种族主义的指标。我指的种族主义并不是说我们对待一类动物,那些不是人类的动物,与我们对待另一类动物的方式不同,正如艾萨克·巴舍维斯·辛格(Isaac Bashevis Singer)在《敌人:一个爱情故事》中使用的术语:“赫尔曼经常目睹动物和鱼类的屠杀,他总是有同样的想法: 在对待生物的行为中,所有人都是纳粹分子。人类可以随心所欲地对待其他物种,这种自鸣得意体现了最极端的种族主义理论,即强权即正义的原则。 意味着种族主义要求有利于白人的权力安排和习俗占上风,而有色人种对这一标准的文化适应包括强加白人吃肉的习惯。
Two parallel beliefs can be traced in the white Western world's enactment of racism when the issue is meat eating. The first is that if the meat supply is limited, white people should get it; but if meat is plentiful all should eat it. This is a variation on the standard theme of the sexual politics of meat. The hierarchy of meat protein reinforces a hierarchy of race, class, and sex.
在西方白人世界制定种族主义的问题是吃肉时,可以追溯到两种平行的信念。首先是如果肉类供应有限,白人应该得到它;但如果肉很多,所有人都应该吃。这是对肉类性政治标准主题的变体。肉类蛋白的等级制度强化了种族、阶级和性别的等级制度。
Nineteenth-century advocates of white superiority endorsed meat as superior food. "Brain-workers" required lean meat as their main meal, but the "savage" and "lower" classes of society could live exclusively on coarser foods, according to George Beard, a nineteenth-century medical doctor who specialized in the diseases of middle-class people. He recommended that when white, civilized, middle-class men became susceptible to nervous exhaustion, they should eat more meat. To him, and for many others, cereals and fruits were lower than meat on the scale of evolution, and thus appropriate foods for the other races and white women, who appeared to be lower on the scale of evolution as well. Racism and sexism together upheld meat as white man's food.
十九世纪白人优越论的倡导者认可肉类是优质食物。“脑力劳动者”需要瘦肉作为他们的主餐,但社会的“野蛮人”和“下层”阶级可以完全靠粗粮生活,据专门研究中产阶级疾病的十九世纪医生乔治·比尔德(George Beard)说。他建议,当白人、文明的中产阶级男性容易出现神经衰竭时,他们应该多吃肉。对他和许多其他人来说,谷物和水果在进化的尺度上低于肉类,因此对于其他种族和白人女性来说,食物是合适的,她们在进化尺度上似乎也较低。种族主义和性别歧视共同支持肉类是白人的食物。
Influenced by Darwin's theory of evolution, Beard proposed a corollary for foods; animal protein did to vegetable food what our evolution from the lower animals did for humans. Consequently:
受达尔文进化论的影响,比尔德提出了食物的推论;动物蛋白对植物性食物的影响,就像我们从低等动物进化而来对人类的影响一样。因此:
In proportion as man grows sensitive through civilization or through disease, he should diminish the quantity of cereals and fruits, which
随着人类因文明或疾病而变得敏感,他应该减少谷物和水果的数量,这

are far below him on the scale of evolution, and increase the quantity of animal food, which is nearly related to him in the scale of evolution, and therefore more easily assimilated.
在进化的尺度上远远低于他,并增加了动物食物的数量,这在进化的尺度上与他几乎相关,因此更容易被同化。
In his racist analysis, Beard reconciled the apparent contradiction of this tenet: "Why is it that savages and semi-savages are able to live on forms of food which, according to the theory of evolution, must be far below them in the scale of development?" In other words, how is it that people can survive very well without a great deal of animal protein? Because "savages" are
在他的种族主义分析中,比尔德调和了这一原则的明显矛盾:“为什么野蛮人和半野蛮人能够以食物形式生活,根据进化论,这些食物在发展规模上必须远远低于他们?换句话说,如果没有大量的动物蛋白,人们怎么能很好地生存呢?因为“野蛮人”是
little removed from the common animal stock from which they are derived. They are much nearer to the forms of life from which they feed than are the highly civilized brainworkers, and can therefore subsist on forms of life which would be most poisonous to us. Secondly, savages who feed on poor food are poor savages, and intellectually far inferior to the beef-eaters of any race.
从它们来源的普通动物种群中几乎没有去除。他们比高度文明的脑力劳动者更接近他们所赖以生存的生命形式,因此可以依靠对我们最有害的生命形式生存。其次,以劣质食物为食的野蛮人是可怜的野蛮人,在智力上远不如任何种族的食牛肉者。
This explanation-which divided the world into intellectually superior meat eaters and inferior plant eaters-accounted for the conquering of other cultures by the English:
这种解释——将世界分为智力上优越的肉食者和劣等的植物食者——解释了英国人对其他文化的征服:
The rice-eating Hindoo and Chinese and the potato-eating Irish peasant are kept in subjection by the well-fed English. Of the various causes that contributed to the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo, one of the chief was that for the first time he was brought face to face with the nation of beef-eaters, who stood still until they were killed.
吃米饭的印度人和中国人以及吃土豆的爱尔兰农民被吃饱喝足的英国人所服从。在导致拿破仑在滑铁卢战败的各种原因中,其中一个主要原因是他第一次与吃牛肉的人面对面,他们站在原地不动,直到他们被杀。
Into the twentieth century the notion was that meat eating contributed to the Western world's preeminence. Publicists for a meat company in the 1940s wrote: "We know meat-eating races have been and are leaders in the progress made by mankind in its upward struggle through the ages. They are referring to the "upward struggle" of the white race. One revealing aspect of this "upward struggle" is the charge of cannibalism that appeared during the years of colonization.
进入二十世纪,人们认为吃肉促成了西方世界的卓越地位。1940年代一家肉类公司的公关人员写道:“我们知道,吃肉的种族一直是人类在向上斗争中取得的进步的领导者。 他们指的是白人种族的“向上斗争”。这种“向上斗争”的一个揭示性方面是在殖民化时期出现的自相残杀的指控。
The word "cannibalism" entered our vocabulary after the "discovery" of the "New World." Derived from the Spaniards' mispronunciation of the name of the people of the Caribbean, it linked these people of color with the act. As Europeans explored the continents of North and South
“同类相食”这个词是在“发现”“新大陆”之后进入我们的词汇表的。它源于西班牙人对加勒比人民名字的错误发音,将这些有色人种与该行为联系起来。当欧洲人探索南北大陆时

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

America and Africa, the indigenous peoples of those lands became accused of cannibalism-the ultimate savage act. Once labeled as cannibals, their defeat and enslavement at the hands of civilized, Christian whites became justifiable. W. Arens argues that the charge of cannibalism was part and parcel of the European expansion into other continents.
美洲和非洲,这些土地上的土著人民被指控自相残杀——这是最终的野蛮行为。一旦被贴上食人族的标签,他们在文明的基督教白人手中的失败和奴役变得合理。W·阿伦斯(W. Arens)认为,自相残杀的指控是欧洲向其他大陆扩张的重要组成部分。
Of the charges of cannibalism against the indigenous peoples, Arens found little independent verification. One well-known source of dubious testimony on cannibalism was then plagiarized by others claiming to be eyewitnesses. The eyewitnesses fail to describe just how they were able to escape the fate of consumption they report witnessing. Nor do they explain how the language barrier was overcome, enabling them to report verbatim conversations with "savages." In addition, their reports fail to maintain internal consistency.
在对土著人民的同类相食的指控中,阿伦斯几乎没有发现独立的核实。一个关于同类相食的可疑证词的著名来源随后被其他自称是目击者的人剽窃。目击者没有描述他们如何能够逃脱他们报告目睹的消费命运。他们也没有解释如何克服语言障碍,使他们能够逐字记录与“野蛮人”的对话。此外,他们的报告未能保持内部一致性。
One cause of cannibalism was thought to be lack of animal protein. Yet most Europeans themselves during the centuries of European expansion were not subsisting on animal protein every day. The majority of cultures in the world satisfied their protein needs through vegetables and grains. By charging indigenous peoples with cannibalism (and thus demonstrating their utterly savage ways, for they supposedly did to humans what Europeans only did to animals) one justification for colonization was provided.
同类相食的一个原因被认为是缺乏动物蛋白。然而,在欧洲扩张的几个世纪里,大多数欧洲人自己并不是每天都以动物蛋白为生。世界上大多数文化都通过蔬菜和谷物来满足他们的蛋白质需求。通过指控土著人民自相残杀(从而展示他们完全野蛮的方式,因为他们对人类所做的就像欧洲人只对动物所做的那样),为殖民化提供了一个理由。
Racism is perpetuated each time meat is thought to be the best protein source. The emphasis on the nutritional strengths of animal protein distorts the dietary history of most cultures in which complete protein dishes were made of vegetables and grains. Information about these dishes is overwhelmed by an ongoing cultural and political commitment to meat eating.
每当肉类被认为是最好的蛋白质来源时,种族主义就会长期存在。对动物蛋白营养强度的强调扭曲了大多数文化的饮食历史,在这些文化中,完整的蛋白质菜肴是由蔬菜和谷物制成的。关于这些菜肴的信息被对肉食的持续文化和政治承诺所淹没。

Meat is king 肉为王

During wartime, government rationing policies reserve the right to meat for the epitome of the masculine man: the soldier. With meat rationing in effect for civilians during World War II, the per capita consumption of meat in the Army and Navy was about two-and-a-half times that of the average civilian. Russell Baker observed that World War II began a "beef madness . . . when richly fatted beef was force-fed into every putative American warrior. In contrast to the recipe books for civilians that praised complex carbohydrates, cookbooks for soldiers contained variation upon
在战时,政府的配给政策为男性的缩影保留了吃肉的权利:士兵。由于二战期间对平民实行肉类配给,陆军和海军的人均肉类消费量约为普通平民的两倍半。罗素·贝克(Russell Baker)观察到,第二次世界大战开始了“牛肉的疯狂......当肥美的牛肉被强行喂入每个假定的美国战士时。 与赞美复合碳水化合物的平民食谱书相比,士兵食谱包含以下变体

variation of meat dishes. One survey conducted of four military training camps reported that the soldier consumed daily 131 grams of protein, 201 grams of fat, and 484 grams of carbohydrates. Hidden costs of warring masculinity are to be found in the provision of male-defined foods to the warriors.
肉类菜肴的变化。对四个军事训练营进行的一项调查报告称,这名士兵每天摄入 131 克蛋白质、201 克脂肪和 484 克碳水化合物。 交战的男子气概的隐性成本体现在向战士提供男性定义的食物中。
Women are the food preparers; meat has to be cooked to be palatable for people. Thus, in a patriarchal culture, just as our culture accedes to the "needs" of its soldiers, women accede to the dietary demands of their husbands, especially when it comes to meat. The feminist surveyors of women's budgets in the early twentieth century observed:
妇女是食物的准备者;肉必须煮熟才能让人们可口。因此,在父权制文化中,正如我们的文化满足了士兵的“需要”一样,妇女也满足了丈夫的饮食要求,尤其是在肉类方面。二十世纪初的女权主义妇女预算调查员观察到:
It is quite likely that someone who had strength, wisdom, and vitality, who did not live that life in those tiny, crowded rooms, in that lack of light and air, who was not bowed down with worry, but was herself economically independent of the man who earned the money, could lay out his few shillings with a better eye to a scientific food value. It is quite as likely, however, that the man who earned the money would entirely refuse the scientific food, and demand his old tasty kippers and meat.
很有可能,一个有力量、有智慧、有活力的人,如果不在那些狭小拥挤的房间里,在缺乏光线和空气的地方过着那种生活,他不会忧心忡忡地低头,而是在经济上独立于挣钱的人,他可以更好地看待科学的食物价值。然而,赚到钱的人很可能会完全拒绝科学食品,并要求他的旧美味腌鱼和肉。
A discussion of nutrition during wartime contained this aside: it was one thing, they acknowledged, to demonstrate that there were many viable alternatives to meat, "but it is another to convince a man who enjoys his beefsteak." The male prerogative to eat meat is an external, observable activity implicitly reflecting a recurring fact: meat is a symbol of male dominance.
在关于战时营养的讨论中,撇开这一点不谈:他们承认,证明有许多可行的肉类替代品是一回事,“但说服一个喜欢吃牛排的人是另一回事。 男性吃肉的特权是一种外在的、可观察的活动,隐含地反映了一个反复出现的事实:肉是男性统治地位的象征。
It has traditionally been felt that the working man needs meat for strength. A superstition operates in this belief: in eating the muscle of strong animals, we will become strong. According to the mythology of patriarchal culture, meat promotes strength; the attributes of masculinity are achieved through eating these masculine foods. Visions of meat-eating football players, wrestlers, and boxers lumber in our brains in this equation. Though vegan weight lifters and athletes in other fields have demonstrated the equation to be fallacious, the myth remains: men are strong, men need to be strong, thus men need meat. The literal evocation of male power is found in the concept of meat.
传统上,人们认为工人需要肉来增强力量。迷信在这种信念中运作:吃强壮动物的肌肉,我们会变得强壮。根据父权文化的神话,肉可以增强力量;男性气质的属性是通过吃这些男性食物来实现的。在这个等式中,吃肉的足球运动员、摔跤手和拳击手的景象在我们的大脑中徘徊。尽管其他领域的纯素举重运动员和运动员已经证明这个等式是错误的,但神话仍然存在:男人很强壮,男人需要强壮,因此男人需要肉。从字面上唤起男性权力可以在肉类的概念中找到。
Irving Fisher took the notion of "strength" from the definition of meat eating as long ago as 1906. Fisher suggested that strength be measured
欧文·费舍尔(Irving Fisher)早在1906年就从吃肉的定义中采用了“力量”的概念。费舍尔建议测量强度

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

by its lasting power rather than by its association with quick results, and compared meat-eating athletes with vegetarian athletes and sedentary vegetarians. Endurance was measured by having the participants perform in three areas: holding their arms horizontally for as long as possible, doing deep knee bends, and performing leg raises while lying down. He concluded that the vegetarians, whether athletes or not, had greater endurance than meat eaters. "Even the maximum record of the flesheaters was barely more than half the average for the flesh-abstainers.".
通过其持久的力量而不是与快速结果的联系,并将肉食运动员与素食运动员和久坐不动的素食者进行了比较。耐力是通过让参与者在三个方面进行来衡量的:尽可能长时间地保持手臂水平,做深膝盖弯曲,以及躺下时抬腿。他得出的结论是,素食者,无论是否是运动员,都比肉食者有更强的耐力。“即使是食肉者的最大记录也只不过是食肉者平均水平的一半。”
Meat is king: this noun describing meat is a noun denoting male power. Vegetables, a generic term meat eaters use for all foods that are not meat, have become as associated with women as meat is with men, recalling on a subconscious level the days of Woman the Gatherer. Since women have been made subsidiary in a male-dominated, meat-eating world, so has our food. The foods associated with second-class citizens are considered to be second-class protein. Just as it is thought a woman cannot make it on her own, so we think that vegetables cannot make a meal on their own, despite the fact that meat is only secondhand vegetables and vegetables provide, on the average, more than twice the vitamins and minerals of meat. Meat is upheld as a powerful, irreplaceable item of food. The message is clear: the vassal vegetable should content itself with its assigned place and not attempt to dethrone king meat. After all, how can one enthrone women's foods when women cannot be kings?
肉为王:这个描述肉的名词是表示男性权力的名词。蔬菜是肉食者用来指代所有非肉类食物的通用术语,它与女性的联系就像肉类与男性的联系一样,在潜意识层面上让人想起了采集者女人的日子。由于女性在男性主导的肉食世界中成为附属品,我们的食物也是如此。与二等公民相关的食物被认为是二等蛋白质。正如人们认为女人不能自己做饭一样,我们认为蔬菜不能自己做饭,尽管肉类只是二手蔬菜,而蔬菜提供的维生素和矿物质平均是肉类的两倍多。肉类被认为是一种强大的、不可替代的食物。信息很明确:附庸蔬菜应该满足于其分配的位置,而不是试图废黜国王肉。毕竟,当女人不能成为国王时,怎么能登上女人的宝座呢?

The male language of meat eating
吃肉的男性语言

Men who decide to eschew meat eating are deemed effeminate; failure of men to eat meat announces that they are not masculine. Nutritionist Jean Mayer suggested that "the more men sit at their desks all day, the more they want to be reassured about their maleness in eating those large slabs of bleeding meat which are the last symbol of machismo.".27 The late Marty Feldman observed, "It has to do with the function of the male within our society. Football players drink beer because it's a man's drink, and eat steak because it's a man's meal. The emphasis is on 'man-sized portions,' 'hero' sandwiches; the whole terminology of meat-eating reflects this masculine bias."28 Meat-and-potatoes men are our stereotypical strong and hearty, rough and ready, able males. Hearty beef stews are named "Manhandlers" Head football coach and celebrity Mike Ditka operated a restaurant that featured "he-man food" such as steaks and chops.
决定不吃肉的男人被认为是女性化的;男人不吃肉就宣告他们不是男子气概。营养学家让·梅耶(Jean Mayer)建议,“男人整天坐在办公桌前的时间越多,他们就越想在吃那些大块流血的肉时对自己的男性身份感到放心,而这些肉是大男子主义的最后象征。27 已故的马蒂·费尔德曼(Marty Feldman)说:“这与男性在我们社会中的功能有关。足球运动员喝啤酒是因为这是男人的饮料,吃牛排是因为这是男人的饭菜。重点是“人形大小的部分”,“英雄”三明治;吃肉的整个术语都反映了这种男性偏见。28 吃肉和土豆的男人是我们刻板印象中的强壮、丰盛、粗犷、能干的男性。丰盛的炖牛肉被命名为“Manhandlers” 首席足球教练兼名人迈克·迪特卡 (Mike Ditka) 经营着一家餐厅,以牛排和排骨等“男人食物”为特色。
One's maleness is reassured by the food one eats. During the 1973 meat boycott, men were reported to observe the boycott when dining out with their wives or eating at home, but when they dined without their wives, they ate London Broil and other meats. When in 1955 Carolyn Steedman's mother "made a salad of grated vegetables for Christmas dinner," her husband walked out.
一个人的男性气质会因一个人吃的食物而得到保证。据报道,在1973年的肉类抵制运动中,男性在与妻子外出就餐或在家吃饭时会遵守抵制活动,但是当他们没有妻子用餐时,他们会吃伦敦烤肉和其他肉类。 1955年,当卡罗琳·斯蒂德曼(Carolyn Steedman)的母亲“为圣诞晚餐做了一份磨碎的蔬菜沙拉”时,她的丈夫走了出来。

Gender inequality/species inequality
性别不平等/物种不平等

The men . . . were better hunters than the women, but only because the women had found they could live quite well on foods other than meat.
男人们......她们比女性更善于狩猎,但这只是因为女性发现她们可以靠肉以外的食物过得很好。
-Alice Walker, The Temple of My Familiar
——爱丽丝·沃克(Alice Walker),《我熟悉的神庙》(The Temple of My Familiar)
What is it about meat that makes it a symbol and celebration of male dominance? In many ways, gender inequality is built into the species inequality that meat eating proclaims, because for most cultures obtaining meat was performed by men. Meat was a valuable economic commodity; those who controlled this commodity achieved power. If men were the hunters, then the control of this economic resource was in their hands. Women's status is inversely related to the importance of meat in nontechnological societies:
是什么让肉成为男性统治的象征和庆祝?在许多方面,性别不平等是建立在吃肉所宣告的物种不平等中,因为对于大多数文化来说,获得肉食是由男性完成的。肉类是一种有价值的经济商品;那些控制这种商品的人获得了权力。如果人是猎人,那么这种经济资源的控制权就掌握在他们手中。女性的地位与肉类在非技术社会中的重要性成反比:
The equation is simple: the more important meat is in their life, the greater relative dominance will the men command. . . . When meat becomes an important element within a more closely organized economic system so that there exist rules for its distribution, then men already begin to swing the levers of power. . . . Women's social standing is roughly equal to men's only when society itself is not formalized around roles for distributing meat.
这个等式很简单:肉在他们的生活中越重要,男人的相对主导地位就越大。当肉类成为组织更严密的经济体系中的重要元素,从而存在其分配规则时,人们就已经开始摆动权力的杠杆了。只有当社会本身没有围绕分配肉类的角色正式化时,女性的社会地位才与男性大致相同。
Peggy Sanday surveyed information on over a hundred nontechnological cultures and found a correlation between plant-based economies and women's power and animal-based economies and male power. "In societies dependent on animals, women are rarely depicted as the ultimate source of creative power." In addition, "When large animals are hunted, fathers are more distant, that is, they are not in frequent or regular proximity to infants."
佩吉·桑迪(Peggy Sanday)调查了一百多种非技术文化的信息,发现植物性经济与女性权力以及动物经济与男性权力之间存在相关性。“在依赖动物的社会中,女性很少被描绘成创造力的最终来源。此外,“当大型动物被猎杀时,父亲会更加疏远,也就是说,他们不经常或经常接近婴儿。

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

Characteristics of economies dependent mainly on the processing of animals for food include:
主要依赖动物食品加工的经济特征包括:
  • sexual segregation in work activities, with women doing more work than men, but work that is less valued
    工作活动中的性别隔离,女性比男性做更多的工作,但工作价值较低
  • women responsible for child care
    负责照顾孩子的妇女
  • the worship of male gods
    对男神的崇拜
  • patrilineality 父系
On the other hand, plant-based economies are more likely to be egalitarian. This is because women are and have been the gatherers of vegetable foods, and these are invaluable resources for a culture that is plant-based. In these cultures, men as well as women were dependent on women's activities. From this, women achieved autonomy and a degree of self-sufficiency. Yet, where women gather vegetable food and the diet is vegetarian, women do not discriminate as a consequence of distributing the staple. By providing a large proportion of the protein food of a society, women gain an essential economic and social role without abusing it.
另一方面,以植物为基础的经济更有可能是平等主义的。这是因为妇女过去和过去都是植物性食物的采集者,而这些都是以植物为基础的文化的宝贵资源。在这些文化中,男人和女人都依赖于女人的活动。由此,妇女获得了自主权和一定程度的自给自足。然而,在妇女采集蔬菜食物且饮食是素食的地方,妇女不会因为分发主食而受到歧视。通过提供社会中很大一部分蛋白质食物,妇女在不滥用蛋白质食物的情况下获得了重要的经济和社会作用。
Sanday summarizes one myth that links male power to control of meat:
桑迪总结了一个将男性权力与肉类控制联系起来的神话:
The Mundurucu believe that there was a time when women ruled and the sex roles were reversed, with the exception that women could not hunt. During that time women were the sexual aggressors and men were sexually submissive and did women's work. Women controlled the "sacred trumpets" (the symbols of power) and the men's houses. The trumpets contained the spirits of the ancestors who demanded ritual offerings of meat. Since women did not hunt and could not make these offerings, men were able to take the trumpets from them, thereby establishing male dominance.
蒙杜鲁库人认为,曾经有一段时间,女性统治,性别角色颠倒,但女性不能打猎。在那段时间里,女性是性侵犯者,男性在性方面顺从并从事女性的工作。妇女控制着“神圣的号角”(权力的象征)和男人的房子。喇叭里装着祖先的灵魂,他们要求祭祀肉食。由于女性不打猎,也无法提供这些祭品,因此男性能够从她们手中夺走号角,从而确立了男性的统治地位。
We might observe that the male role of hunter and distributer of meat has been transposed to the male role of eater of meat and conclude that this accounts for meat's role as symbol of male dominance. But there is much more than this to meat's role as symbol.
我们可以观察到,男性作为肉的猎人和分配者的角色已经转移到了吃肉者的男性角色,并得出结论,这解释了肉作为男性统治象征的角色。但肉类作为象征的作用远不止于此。

"Vegetable": Symbol of feminine passivity?
“蔬菜”:女性被动的象征?

Both the words "men" and "meat" have undergone lexicographical narrowing. Originally generic terms, they are now closely associated with
“男人”和“肉”这两个词都经历了词典的缩小。它们最初是通用术语,现在与

their specific referents. Meat no longer means all foods; the word man, we realize, no longer includes women. Meat represents the essence or principal part of something, according to the American Heritage Dictionary. Thus we have the "meat of the matter," "a meaty question." To "beef up" something is to improve it. Vegetable, on the other hand, represents the least desirable characteristics: suggesting or like a vegetable, as in passivity or dullness of existence, monotonous, inactive. Meat is something one enjoys or excels in, vegetable becomes representative of someone who does not enjoy anything: a person who leads a monotonous, passive, or merely physical existence.
他们的特定指称。肉类不再意味着所有食物;我们意识到,男人这个词不再包括女人。根据《美国传统词典》,肉代表某物的本质或主要部分。因此,我们有了“问题的实质”,“一个实质性的问题”。“加强”某事就是改进它。另一方面,蔬菜代表了最不受欢迎的特征:暗示或喜欢蔬菜,如存在的被动或沉闷,单调,不活跃。肉是一个人喜欢或擅长的东西,蔬菜成为什么都不喜欢的人的代表:一个过着单调、被动或仅仅是物质生活的人。
A complete reversal has occurred in the definition of the word vegetable. Whereas its original sense was to be lively, active, it is now viewed as dull, monotonous, passive. To vegetate is to lead a passive existence; just as to be feminine is to lead a passive existence. Once vegetables are viewed as women's food, then by association they become viewed as "feminine," passive.
蔬菜一词的定义发生了完全的逆转。虽然它最初的意义是活泼的、主动的,但现在它被视为沉闷的、单调的、被动的。植物人就是过着被动的生活;就像女性化就是过着被动的生活一样。一旦蔬菜被看作是女性的食物,那么通过联想,它们就会被视为“女性化的”,被动的。
Men's need to disassociate themselves from women's food (as in the myth in which the last Bushman flees in the direction opposite from women and their vegetable food) has been institutionalized in sexist attitudes toward vegetables and the use of the word vegetable to express criticism or disdain. Colloquially it is a synonym for a person severely brain-damaged or in a coma. In addition, vegetables are thought to have a tranquilizing, dulling, numbing effect on people who consume them, and so we can not possibly get strength from them. According to this perverse incarnation of BrillatSavarin's theory that you are what you eat, to eat a vegetable is to become a vegetable, and by extension, to become womanlike.
男人需要与女性的食物脱钩(就像最后一个布须曼人向与女性和他们的蔬菜食物相反的方向逃跑的神话一样)已经制度化为对蔬菜的性别歧视态度和使用蔬菜这个词来表达批评或蔑视。通俗地说,它是严重脑损伤或昏迷的人的同义词。此外,蔬菜被认为对食用它们的人具有镇静、迟钝、麻木的作用,因此我们不可能从中获得力量。根据 BrillatSavarin 的理论的这种反常化身,即你就是你吃的东西,吃蔬菜就是变成蔬菜,进而变得像女人一样。
Examples from the 1988 Presidential Campaign in which each candidate was belittled through equation with being a vegetable illustrates this patriarchal disdain for vegetables. Michael Dukakis was called "the Vegetable Plate Candidate. Northern Sun Merchandising offered T-shirts that asked: "George Bush: Vegetable or Noxious Weed?" One could opt for a shirt that featured a bottle of ketchup and a picture of Ronald Reagan with this slogan: "Nutrition Quiz: Which one is the vegetable?"36 (The 1984 Presidential Campaign concern over "Where's the Beef?" is considered in the following chapter.)
1988年总统竞选的例子中,每个候选人都被贬低为蔬菜,说明了这种父权制对蔬菜的蔑视。迈克尔·杜卡基斯(Michael Dukakis)被称为“蔬菜盘候选人”。 Northern Sun Merchandising 提供的 T 恤上写着:“乔治·布什:蔬菜还是有害杂草?人们可以选择一件衬衫,上面有一瓶番茄酱和罗纳德·里根的照片,上面写着这样的口号:“营养测验:哪一种是蔬菜?36 (1984年總統競選對「牛肉在哪裡?」的關注將在下一章中討論。
The word vegetable acts as a synonym for women's passivity because women are supposedly like plants. Hegel makes this clear: "The difference between men and women is like that between animals and plants. Men correspond to animals, while women correspond to plants because their development is more placid. From this viewpoint, both women and plants are seen as less developed and less evolved than men and animals.
蔬菜这个词是女性被动的同义词,因为据说女性就像植物一样。黑格尔说得很清楚:“男人和女人的区别就像动物和植物的区别一样。男人对应于动物,而女人对应于植物,因为他们的发育更加平静。 从这个角度来看,女性和植物都被认为不如男性和动物发达和进化。

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

Consequently, women may eat plants, since each is placid; but active men need animal meat.
因此,妇女可以吃植物,因为每一种植物都是平静的;但活跃的男人需要动物肉。

Meat is a symbol of patriarchy
肉是父权制的象征

In her essay, "Deciphering a Meal," the noted anthropologist Mary Douglas suggests that the order in which we serve foods, and the foods we insist on being present at a meal, reflect a taxonomy of classification that mirrors and reinforces our larger culture. A meal is an amalgam of food dishes, each a constituent part of the whole, each with an assigned value. In addition, each dish is introduced in precise order. A meal does not begin with a dessert, nor end with soup. All is seen as leading up to and then coming down from the entrée that is meat. The pattern is evidence of stability. As Douglas explains, "The ordered system which is a meal represents all the ordered systems associated with it. Hence the strong arousal power of a threat to weaken or confuse that category. To remove meat is to threaten the structure of the larger patriarchal culture.
著名人类学家玛丽·道格拉斯(Mary Douglas)在她的文章《破译一顿饭》(Deciphering a Meal)中指出,我们提供食物的顺序,以及我们坚持在用餐时出现的食物,反映了一种分类法,反映了并强化了我们更大的文化。一顿饭是食物菜肴的混合体,每道菜都是整体的组成部分,每道菜都有指定的价值。此外,每道菜都按精确的顺序介绍。一顿饭不是从甜点开始的,也不是以汤结束的。一切都被看作是肉主菜的引出,然后从肉的主菜中下来。这种模式是稳定性的证据。正如 Douglas 所解释的那样,“作为一顿饭的有序系统代表了与之相关的所有有序系统。因此,威胁具有削弱或混淆该类别的强大唤醒力。 去除肉是威胁到更大的父权文化的结构。
Marabel Morgan, one expert on how women should accede to every male desire, reported in her Total Woman Cookbook that one must be careful about introducing foods that are seen as a threat: "I discovered that Charlie seemed threatened by certain foods. He was suspicious of my casseroles, thinking I had sneaked in some wheat germ or 'good-for-you' vegetables that he wouldn't like."
玛拉贝尔·摩根(Marabel Morgan)是一位研究女性应该如何满足男望的专家,她在她的《全面女性食谱》中报告说,人们必须小心引入被视为威胁的食物:“我发现查理似乎受到某些食物的威胁。他对我的砂锅菜持怀疑态度,以为我偷偷溜进了一些他不喜欢的小麦胚芽或'对你有益'的蔬菜。
Mary McCarthy's Birds of America provides a fictional illustration of the intimidating aspect to a man of a woman's refusal of meat. Miss Scott, a vegetarian, is invited to a NATO general's house for Thanksgiving. Her refusal of turkey angers the general. Not able to take this rejection seriously, as male dominance requires a continual recollection of itself on everyone's plate, the general loads her plate up with turkey and then ladles gravy over the potatoes as well as the meat, "thus contaminating her vegetable foods." McCarthy's description of his actions with the food mirrors the warlike customs associated with military battles. "He had seized the gravy boat like a weapon in hand-to-hand combat. No wonder they had made him a brigadier general-at least that mystery was solved." The general continues to behave in a bellicose fashion and after dinner proposes a toast in honor of an eighteen-year-old who has enlisted to fight in Vietnam. During the ensuing argument about war the general defends the bombing of Vietnam with the rhetorical question: "What's so sacred about a civilian?" This upsets
玛丽·麦卡锡(Mary McCarthy)的《美国鸟类》(Birds of America)虚构了一个女人拒绝吃肉对男人的恐吓。素食主义者斯科特小姐被邀请到一位北约将军的家里过感恩节。她对火鸡的拒绝激怒了将军。由于男性的主导地位需要在每个人的盘子里不断回忆自己,这位将军无法认真对待这种拒绝,她把火鸡装在盘子里,然后用勺子舀在土豆和肉上,“从而污染了她的蔬菜食物。麦卡锡对食物行为的描述反映了与军事战斗相关的好战习俗。“他在肉搏战中像武器一样抓住了肉汁船。难怪他们让他成为准将——至少这个谜团已经解开了。这位将军继续表现得好战,并在晚餐后提议敬酒,以纪念一名应征入伍在越南作战的十八岁少年。在随后的关于战争的争论中,将军用反问为轰炸越南辩护:“平民有什么神圣的?这让人心烦意乱

the hero, necessitating that the general's wife apologize for her husband's behavior: "Between you and me," she confides to him, "it kind of got under his skin to see that girl refusing to touch her food. I saw that right away."
主人公要求将军的妻子为她丈夫的行为道歉:“在你和我之间,”她向他吐露,“看到那个女孩拒绝碰她的食物,他有点伤心。我马上就看到了。
Male belligerence in this area is not limited to fictional military men. Men who batter women have often used the absence of meat as a pretext for violence against women. Women's failure to serve meat is not the cause of the violence against them. Controlling men use it, like anything else, as an excuse for their violence. Yet because "real" men eat meat, batterers have a cultural icon to draw upon as they deflect attention from their need to control. As one woman battered by her husband reported, "It would start off with him being angry over trivial little things, a trivial little thing like cheese instead of meat on a sandwich." Another woman stated, "A month ago he threw scalding water over me, leaving a scar on my right arm, all because I gave him a pie with potatoes and vegetables for his dinner, instead of fresh meat."
这一领域的男性好战不仅限于虚构的军人。殴打妇女的男人经常以没有肉为借口对妇女施暴。妇女不吃肉并不是对她们施暴的原因。控制欲强的男人像其他任何事情一样,用它作为他们暴力的借口。然而,由于“真正的”男人吃肉,施虐者有一个文化偶像可以借鉴,因为他们将注意力从控制的需求上转移开来。正如一位被丈夫殴打的妇女所报告的那样,“一开始他会因为一些琐碎的小事而生气,比如奶酪而不是三明治上的肉。 另一位女士说:“一个月前,他把滚烫的水泼在我身上,在我的右臂上留下了一道疤痕,这一切都是因为我给了他一个馅饼,里面有土豆和蔬菜作为晚餐,而不是新鲜的肉。
Men who become vegetarians and vegans challenge an essential part of the masculine role. They are opting for women's food. How dare they? Refusing meat means a man is effeminate, a "sissy," a "fruit." Indeed, in 1836, the response to the vegetarian regimen of that day, known as Grahamism, charged that "Emasculation is the first fruit of Grahamism."
成为素食主义者和纯素食主义者的男人挑战了男性角色的重要组成部分。他们选择女性的食物。他们怎么敢?拒绝吃肉意味着一个男人是女性化的,是“娘娘腔”,是“水果”。事实上,在1836年,对当时被称为格雷厄姆主义的素食养生法的回应指责说:“阉割是格雷厄姆主义的第一个果实。
Men who choose not to eat meat repudiate one of their masculine privileges. The New York Times explored this idea in an editorial on the masculine nature of meat eating. Instead of "the John Wayne type," epitome of the masculine meat eater, the new male hero is "Vulnerable" like Alan Alda, Mikhail Baryshnikov, and Phil Donahue. They might eat dead fishes and dead chickens, but not red meat. Alda and Donahue, among other men, have not only repudiated the macho role, but also macho food. According to the Times, "Believe me. The end of macho marks the end of the meat-andpotatoes man. We won't miss either.
选择不吃肉的男人否定了他们男性的特权之一。《纽约时报》在一篇关于吃肉的男性本质的社论中探讨了这个想法。新的男性英雄不是“约翰·韦恩类型”,即男性肉食者的缩影,而是像艾伦·阿尔达、米哈伊尔·巴里什尼科夫和菲尔·多纳休一样“脆弱”。他们可能会吃死鱼和死鸡,但不会吃红肉。阿尔达(Alda)和多纳休(Donahue)等人不仅拒绝了男子气概的角色,而且还拒绝了男子气概的食物。据《泰晤士报》报道,“相信我。男子气概的终结标志着肉和土豆男人的终结。 我们也不会错过。

CHAPTER 2
THE RAPE OF ANIMALS, THE BUTCHERING OF WOMEN
第二章 强奸动物,屠杀妇女

The first metaphor was animal.
第一个比喻是动物。
-John Berger, "Why Look at Animals?"
——约翰·伯杰(John Berger),“为什么要看动物?
He handled my breast as if he were making a meatball.
他抚摸着我的乳房,就好像他在做肉丸一样。
-Mary Gordon, Final Payments
-玛丽·戈登(Mary Gordon),《最终付款》
One could not stand and watch [the slaughtering] very long without becoming philosophical, without beginning to deal in symbols and similes, and to hear the hog-squeal of the universe.
一个人不能站着看[屠杀]很久,而不变得哲学化,不开始处理符号和明喻,不听到宇宙的猪叫声。
-Upton Sinclair, The Jungle
——厄普顿·辛克莱,《丛林》
A healthy sexual being poses near her drink: she wears bikini panties only and luxuriates on a large chair with her head rested seductively on an elegant lace doily. Her inviting drink with a twist of lemon awaits on the table. Her eyes are closed; her facial expression beams pleasure, relaxation, enticement. She is touching her crotch in an attentive, masturbatory action. Anatomy of seduction: sex object, drink, inviting room, sexual activity. The formula is complete. But a woman does not beckon. A pig does. "Ursula Hamdress" appeared in Playboar, a magazine that calls itself "the pig farmer's Playboy."1 How does one explain the substitution of a nonhuman animal for a woman in this pornographic representation? Is she inviting someone to rape her or to eat her? (See Figure 1.)
一个健康的性人在她的饮料附近摆姿势:她只穿比基尼内裤,在一张大椅子上尽情享受,头诱人地靠在优雅的蕾丝上。她诱人的饮料和柠檬味在桌子上等着。她的眼睛是闭着的;她的面部表情散发着愉悦、放松和诱惑的光芒。她正在以一种专注的手淫动作抚摸她的胯部。诱惑剖析:性对象,饮料,邀请房间,性活动。公式已完成。但女人不会招手。一头猪会。“Ursula Hamdress”出现在Playboar杂志上,这本杂志自称是“养猪场的花花公子”。1 如何解释在这种色情表现中用非人类动物代替女人?她是在邀请别人强奸她或吃掉她吗?(请参阅图 1。
In 1987, I described Ursula Hamdress on a panel titled "Sexual Violence: Representation and Reality" at Princeton's Graduate Women's Studies Conference, "Feminism and Its Translations." In the same month, less than sixty miles away, three women were found chained in the basement of Gary Heidnik's house in Philadelphia. In the kitchen body parts of a woman were discovered in the oven, in a stewpot on the stove, and in the refrigerator. Her arms and legs had been fed to the other women held captive there. One of
1987年,我在普林斯顿大学研究生妇女研究会议(Graduate Women's Studies Conference)的“女权主义及其翻译”(Feminism and Its Translations)上,在题为“性暴力:表征与现实”(Sexual Violence: Representation and Reality)的小组讨论中描述了厄休拉·汉德雷斯(Ursula Hamdress)。同月,在不到六十英里远的地方,三名妇女被发现被锁在费城加里·海德尼克家的地下室里。在厨房里,在烤箱、炉子上的炖锅和冰箱里发现了一个女人的身体部位。她的胳膊和腿被喂给了被囚禁在那里的其他妇女。其中之一
Figure 1 "Ursula Hamdress" from Playboar. This copy appeared in The Beast: The Magazine That Bites Back, 10 (Summer 1981), pp. 18-19. It was photographed by animal advocate Jim Mason at the Iowa State Fair where it appeared as a "pinup." (More recent issues of Playboar have renamed "Ursula" "Taffy Lovely.")
图 1 Playboar 中的“Ursula Hamdress”。此副本刊登在《The Beast: The Magazine That Bites Back》第 10 期(1981 年夏季),第 18-19 页。动物倡导者吉姆·梅森(Jim Mason)在爱荷华州博览会上拍摄了它,在那里它以“pinup”的形式出现。(最近几期的Playboar已将“Ursula”更名为“Taffy Lovely”。
the survivors reported that during the time that she was chained, Heidnick repeatedly raped her.
幸存者报告说,在她被锁链锁住的那段时间里,海德尼克多次强奸她。
I hold that Ursula Hamdress and the women raped, butchered, and eaten under Heidnik's directions are linked by an overlap of cultural images of sexual violence against women and the fragmentation and dismemberment of nature and the body in Western culture. Of special concern will be the cultural representations of the butchering of animals because meat eating is the most frequent way in which we interact with animals. Butchering is the quintessential enabling act for meat eating. It enacts a literal dismemberment upon animals while proclaiming our intellectual and emotional separation from animals' desire to live. Butchering as a paradigm provides, as well, an entry for understanding exactly why a profusion of overlapping cultural images exists.
我认为,乌尔苏拉·哈姆德雷斯(Ursula Hamdress)和在海德尼克(Heidnik)的指导下被强奸、屠杀和吃掉的妇女,与西方文化中对妇女的性暴力以及自然和身体的分裂和肢解的文化形象的重叠联系在一起。 特别值得关注的是屠宰动物的文化表现,因为吃肉是我们与动物互动的最常见方式。屠宰是吃肉的典型赋能行为。它对动物进行了字面上的肢解,同时宣告了我们在智力和情感上与动物生存欲望的分离。屠宰作为一种范式,也为理解为什么存在大量重叠的文化形象提供了一个切入点。

The absent referent 缺席的所指对象

Through butchering, animals become absent referents. Animals in name and body are made absent as animals for meat to exist. Animals' lives precede
通过屠宰,动物成为缺席的参照物。动物在名字和身体上都不存在,因为肉是存在的动物。动物的生命先于生命

and enable the existence of meat. If animals are alive they cannot be meat. Thus a dead body replaces the live animal. Without animals there would be no meat eating, yet they are absent from the act of eating meat because they have been transformed into food.
并使肉的存在成为可能。如果动物是活的,它们就不可能是肉。因此,尸体取代了活体动物。没有动物就没有吃肉,但它们没有吃肉的行为,因为它们已经变成了食物。
Animals are made absent through language that renames dead bodies before consumers participate in eating them. Our culture further mystifies the term "meat" with gastronomic language, so we do not conjure dead, butchered animals, but cuisine. Language thus contributes even further to animals' absences. While the cultural meanings of meat and meat eating shift historically, one essential part of meat's meaning is static: One does not eat meat without the death of an animal. Live animals are thus the absent referents in the concept of meat. The absent referent permits us to forget about the animal as an independent entity; it also enables us to resist efforts to make animals present.
在消费者参与食用尸体之前,通过重新命名尸体的语言使动物缺席。我们的文化用美食语言进一步使“肉”一词神秘化,因此我们召唤的不是死去的、被屠宰的动物,而是美食。因此,语言进一步加剧了动物的缺席。虽然肉和吃肉的文化含义在历史上发生了变化,但肉含义的一个基本部分是静态的:没有动物的死亡,人们就不会吃肉。因此,活体动物是肉类概念中不存在的指涉物。缺席的指涉让我们忘记了动物作为一个独立的实体;它还使我们能够抵制让动物存在的努力。
There are actually three ways by which animals become absent referents. One is literally: as I have just argued, through meat eating they are literally absent because they are dead. Another is definitional: when we eat animals we change the way we talk about them, for instance, we no longer talk about baby animals but about veal or lamb. As we will see even more clearly in the next chapter, which examines language about eating animals, the word meat has an absent referent, the dead animals. The third way is metaphorical. Animals become metaphors for describing people's experiences. In this metaphorical sense, the meaning of the absent referent derives from its application or reference to something else.
实际上,动物通过三种方式成为缺席的参照物。一个是字面上的:正如我刚才所论述的,通过吃肉,它们实际上不存在,因为它们已经死了。另一个是定义:当我们吃动物时,我们改变了谈论它们的方式,例如,我们不再谈论小动物,而是谈论小牛肉或羊肉。正如我们将在下一章中更清楚地看到的那样,在下一章中,关于吃动物的语言,肉这个词有一个缺席的指代,死去的动物。第三种方式是隐喻的。动物成为描述人们经历的隐喻。在这种隐喻意义上,缺席所指的意义来自它对其他事物的应用或引用。
As the absent referent becomes metaphor, its meaning is lifted to a "higher" or more imaginative function than its own existence might merit or reveal. An example of this is when rape victims or battered women say, "I felt like a piece of meat." In this example, meat's meaning does not refer to itself but to how a woman victimized by male violence felt. That meat is functioning as an absent referent is evident when we push the meaning of the metaphor: one cannot truly feel like a piece of meat. Teresa de Lauretis comments: "No one can really see oneself as an inert object or a sightless body," and no one can really feel like a piece of meat because meat by definition is something violently deprived of all feeling. The use of the phrase "feeling like a piece of meat" occurs within a metaphoric system of language.
当缺席的指涉物成为隐喻时,它的意义被提升到一个“更高”或更富有想象力的功能,而不是它本身的存在可能值得或揭示的。这方面的一个例子是,当强奸受害者或受虐妇女说:“我觉得自己像一块肉。在这个例子中,肉的意义不是指它本身,而是指一个受男性暴力侵害的女人的感受。当我们推动这个比喻的含义时,肉作为一个缺席的指涉物发挥作用是显而易见的:一个人不能真正感觉自己是一块肉。特蕾莎·德·劳雷蒂斯(Teresa de Lauretis)评论说:“没有人能真正将自己视为惰性物体或失明的身体” ,也没有人能真正感觉自己像一块肉,因为根据定义,肉是被暴力剥夺了所有感觉的东西。“感觉像一块肉”这句话的使用发生在一个隐喻的语言系统中。
The animals have become absent referents, whose fate is transmuted into a metaphor for someone else's existence or fate. Metaphorically, the absent referent can be anything whose original meaning is undercut as it
动物们已经成为缺席的参照物,它们的命运被转化为对他人存在或命运的隐喻。打个比方,缺席的指称可以是任何原意被削弱的东西

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

is absorbed into a different hierarchy of meaning; in this case the original meaning of animals' fates is absorbed into a human-centered hierarchy. Specifically in regard to rape victims and battered women, the death experience of animals acts to illustrate the lived experience of women.
被吸收到不同的意义层次中;在这种情况下,动物命运的原始含义被吸收到以人为中心的等级制度中。具体而言,对于强奸受害者和被殴打的妇女,动物的死亡经历可以说明妇女的生活经历。
The absent referent is both there and not there. It is there through inference, but its meaningfulness reflects only upon what it refers to because the originating, literal, experience that contributes the meaning is not there. We fail to accord this absent referent its own existence.
缺席的参照物既存在又不存在。它通过推理而存在,但它的意义只反映在它所指的内容上,因为贡献意义的原始的、字面上的经验并不存在。 我们没有赋予这个缺席的指称它自己的存在。

Women and animals: Overlapping but absent referents
女性和动物:重叠但不存在的指称

This chapter posits that a structure of overlapping but absent referents links violence against women and animals. Through the structure of the absent referent, patriarchal values become institutionalized. Just as dead bodies are absent from our language about meat, in descriptions of cultural violence women are also often the absent referent. Rape, in particular, carries such potent imagery that the term is transferred from the literal experience of women and applied metaphorically to other instances of violent devastation, such as the "rape" of the earth in ecological writings of the early 1970s. The experience of women thus becomes a vehicle for describing other oppressions. Women, upon whose bodies actual rape is most often committed, become the absent referent when the language of sexual violence is used metaphorically. These terms recall women's experiences but not women.
本章认为,一个重叠但不存在的指称结构将针对妇女和动物的暴力行为联系起来。通过缺席参照物的结构,父权制价值观变得制度化。正如我们关于肉的语言中没有尸体一样,在对文化暴力的描述中,女性也经常是缺席的指代。特别是强奸,带有如此强烈的意象,以至于这个词从女性的字面经验中转移出来,并隐喻地应用于其他暴力破坏的例子,例如1970年代初生态著作中对地球的“强奸”。因此,妇女的经历成为描述其他压迫的工具。妇女的身体最常被强奸,当性暴力的语言被隐喻性地使用时,她们就成了缺席的指涉物。这些术语让人想起女性的经历,但不是女性。
When I use the term "the rape of animals," the experience of women becomes a vehicle for explicating another being's oppression. Is this appropriate? Some terms are so powerfully specific to one group's oppression that their appropriation to others is potentially exploitative: for instance, using the "Holocaust" for anything but the genocide of European Jews and others by the Nazis. Rape has a different social context for women than for the other animals. So, too, does butchering for animals. Yet, feminists among others, appropriate the metaphor of butchering without acknowledging the originating oppression of animals that generates the power of the metaphor. Through the function of the absent referent, Western culture constantly renders the material reality of violence into controlled and controllable metaphors.
当我使用“强奸动物”这个词时,女性的经历成为解释另一个人受压迫的工具。这合适吗?有些术语对一个群体的压迫是如此有力地具体化,以至于它们对其他群体的挪用具有潜在的剥削性:例如,将“大屠杀”用于纳粹对欧洲犹太人和其他人的种族灭绝以外的任何事情。强奸对女性的社会背景与其他动物不同。屠宰动物也是如此。然而,女权主义者等人挪用了屠杀的隐喻,却没有承认对动物的原始压迫产生了隐喻的力量。通过缺席指涉的功能,西方文化不断将暴力的物质现实渲染成可控和可控的隐喻。
Sexual violence and meat eating, which appear to be discrete forms of violence, find a point of intersection in the absent referent. Cultural
性暴力和吃肉似乎是离散的暴力形式,但在缺席的指涉物中找到了交汇点。文化

images of sexual violence, and actual sexual violence, often rely on our knowledge of how animals are butchered and eaten. For example, Kathy Barry tells us of "maisons d'abattage (literal translation: houses of slaughter)" where six or seven girls each serve 80 to 120 customers a night. In addition, the bondage equipment of pornography-chains, cattle prods, nooses, dog collars, and ropes-suggests the control of animals. Thus, when women are victims of violence, the treatment of animals is recalled.
性暴力和实际性暴力的图像往往依赖于我们对动物如何被屠宰和食用的了解。例如,凯西·巴里(Kathy Barry)告诉我们“maisons d'abattage(直译:屠宰场)”,其中六七个女孩每晚为80至120名顾客提供服务。 此外,色情制品的束缚设备——锁链、牛杖、绞索、狗项圈和绳索——暗示了对动物的控制。因此,当妇女成为暴力的受害者时,人们会想起对动物的待遇。
Similarly, in images of animal slaughter, erotic overtones suggest that women are the absent referent. If animals are the absent referent in the phrase "the butchering of women," women are the absent referent in the phrase "the rape of animals." The impact of a seductive pig relies on an absent but imaginable, seductive, fleshy woman. Ursula Hamdress is both metaphor and joke; her jarring (or jocular) effect is based on the fact that we are all accustomed to seeing women depicted in such a way. Ursula's image refers to something that is absent: the human female body. The structure of the absent referent in patriarchal culture strengthens individual oppressions by always recalling other oppressed groups.
同样,在动物屠宰的图像中,色情的暗示表明女性是缺席的参照物。如果动物是“屠杀妇女”一词中缺席的指称,那么在“强奸动物”一词中,妇女就是缺席的指称。一头诱人的猪的影响力依赖于一个缺席但可以想象的、诱人的、肉感十足的女人。厄休拉·哈姆德雷斯(Ursula Hamdress)既是隐喻又是笑话;她不和谐(或开玩笑)的效果是基于这样一个事实,即我们都习惯于看到以这种方式描绘女性。乌尔苏拉的形象指的是一种不存在的东西:人类女性的身体。父权制文化中缺席参照物的结构总是通过回忆其他受压迫群体来加强个人压迫。
Because the structure of overlapping absent referents is so deeply rooted in Western culture, it inevitably implicates individuals. Our participation evolves as part of our general socialization to cultural patterns and viewpoints, thus we fail to see anything disturbing in the violence and domination that are an inextricable part of this structure. Consequently, women eat meat, work in slaughterhouses, at times treat other women as "meat" and men at times are victims of sexual violence. Moreover, because women as well as men participate in and benefit from the structure of the absent referent by eating meat, neither achieve the personal distance to perceive their implication in the structure, nor the originating oppression of animals that establishes the potency of the metaphor of butchering.
由于重叠缺席指称的结构在西方文化中根深蒂固,因此不可避免地牵涉到个人。我们的参与是作为我们文化模式和观点的一般社会化的一部分而演变的,因此我们看不到暴力和统治中任何令人不安的东西,而暴力和统治是这个结构不可分割的一部分。因此,妇女吃肉,在屠宰场工作,有时把其他妇女当作“肉”,男人有时是性暴力的受害者。此外,由于女性和男性都通过吃肉来参与缺席的指涉者的结构并从中受益,因此既没有达到个人距离来感知他们在结构中的含义,也没有建立屠宰隐喻效力的原始对动物的压迫。
The interaction between physical oppression and the dependence on metaphors that rely on the absent referent indicates that we distance ourselves from whatever is different by equating it with something we have already objectified. For instance, the demarcation between animals and people was invoked during the early modern period to emphasize social distancing. According to Keith Thomas, infants, youth, the poor, blacks, Irish, insane people, and women were considered beastlike: "Once perceived as beasts, people were liable to be treated accordingly. The ethic of human domination removed animals from the sphere of human concern. But it also
身体压迫和对依赖缺席所指的隐喻的依赖之间的相互作用表明,我们通过将其等同于我们已经客观化的东西来与任何不同的东西保持距离。例如,在近代早期,动物和人之间的分界线被援引来强调社会疏远。根据基思·托马斯(Keith Thomas)的说法,婴儿、青年、穷人、黑人、爱尔兰人、疯子和妇女都被认为是野兽:“一旦被视为野兽,人们就容易受到相应的对待。人类统治的伦理将动物从人类关注的领域中移除。但它也

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

legitimized the ill-treatment of those humans who were in a supposedly animal condition."7
使那些被认为处于动物状态的人类的虐待合法化。7

Racism and the absent referent
种族主义和缺席的参照物

Through the structure of the absent referent, a dialectic of absence and presence of oppressed groups occurs. What is absent refers back to one oppressed group while defining another. This has theoretical implications for class and race as well as violence against women and animals. Whereas I want to focus on the overlapping oppressions of women and animals, further exploration of the function of the absent referent is needed, such as found in Marjorie Spiegel's The Dreaded Comparison: Human and Animal Slavery. Spiegel discusses the connection between racial oppression and animal oppression and in doing so demonstrates their overlapping relationship.
通过缺席所指的结构,发生了被压迫群体的缺席和存在的辩证法。缺席的是一个被压迫群体,而另一个群体则被剥夺了。这对阶级和种族以及针对妇女和动物的暴力具有理论意义。虽然我想关注对妇女和动物的重叠压迫,但需要进一步探索缺席指涉者的功能,例如玛乔丽·斯皮格尔(Marjorie Spiegel)的《可怕的比较:人类和动物的奴隶制》。斯皮格尔讨论了种族压迫和动物压迫之间的联系,并以此证明了它们的重叠关系。
The structure of the absent referent requires assistants who achieve the elimination of the animal, a form of alienated labor. Living, whole animals are the absent referents not only in meat eating but also in the fur trade. Of interest then is the connection between the oppression of animals through the fur trade and the oppression of blacks as slaves. Black historians suggest that one of the reasons black people rather than Native Americans were oppressed through the white Americans' institution of slavery is because of the slaughter of fur-bearing animals. As Vincent Harding describes it in There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America: "One important early source of income for the Europeans in North America was the fur trade with the Indians, which enslavement of the latter would endanger." While the factors that caused the oppression of Native Americans and blacks is not reducible to this example, we do see in it the undergirding of interactive oppressions by the absent referent. We also see that in analyzing the oppression of human beings, the oppression of animals ought not to be ignored. However, the absent referent, because of its absence, prevents our experiencing connections between oppressed groups.
缺席参照物的结构需要助手来实现动物的消除,这是一种异化劳动的形式。活的、完整的动物不仅在肉食中,而且在毛皮贸易中都是缺席的参照物。因此,有趣的是通过毛皮贸易对动物的压迫与对黑人作为奴隶的压迫之间的联系。黑人历史学家认为,黑人而不是美洲原住民因美国白人的奴隶制制度而受到压迫的原因之一是因为对毛皮动物的屠杀。正如文森特·哈丁(Vincent Harding)在《有一条河:美国黑人争取自由的斗争》(There Is a River: The Black Fight for Freedom in America)一书中所描述的那样:“欧洲人在北美的一个重要早期收入来源是与印第安人的毛皮贸易,而对印第安人的奴役将危及这种贸易。虽然导致美洲原住民和黑人受压迫的因素不能归结为这个例子,但我们确实在其中看到缺席的参照物对互动压迫的支撑。我们还看到,在分析对人类的压迫时,对动物的压迫不应被忽视。然而,由于它的缺席,缺席的指涉物阻止了我们体验被压迫群体之间的联系。
When one becomes alert to the function of the absent referent and refuses to eat animals, the use of metaphors relying on animals' oppression can simultaneously criticize both that which the metaphor points to and that from which it is derived. For instance, when vegetarian and Civil Rights activist Dick Gregory compares the ghetto to the slaughterhouse he does so
当一个人对缺席的指涉者的功能变得警觉并拒绝吃动物时,使用依赖于动物压迫的隐喻可以同时批评隐喻所指向的事物和它所衍生的事物。例如,当素食主义者和民权活动家迪克·格雷戈里(Dick Gregory)将贫民窟比作屠宰场时,他就是这样做的

condemning both and suggesting the functioning of the absent referent in erasing responsibility for the horrors of each:
谴责两者,并建议缺席的参照物在消除对每个人的恐怖的责任方面发挥作用:
Animals and humans suffer and die alike. If you had to kill your own hog before you ate it, most likely you would not be able to do it. To hear the hog scream, to see the blood spill, to see the baby being taken away from its momma, and to see the look of death in the animal's eye would turn your stomach. So you get the man at the packing house to do the killing for you. In like manner, if the wealthy aristocrats who are perpetrating conditions in the ghetto actually heard the screams of ghetto suffering, or saw the slow death of hungry little kids, or witnessed the strangulation of manhood and dignity, they could not continue the killing. But the wealthy are protected from such horror. . . . If you can justify killing to eat meat, you can justify the conditions of the ghetto. I cannot justify either one.
动物和人类一样受苦和死亡。如果你在吃之前必须杀死自己的猪,很可能你做不到。听到猪的尖叫声,看到鲜血溢出,看到婴儿被从妈妈身边带走,看到动物眼中死亡的表情会让你反胃。所以你让包装厂的人为你杀人。同样,如果那些在贫民窟中肆虐的富有贵族真的听到了贫民窟苦难的尖叫声,或者目睹了饥饿的小孩的缓慢死亡,或者目睹了男子气概和尊严的扼杀,他们就不能继续杀戮了。但富人却受到保护,免受这种恐怖的伤害。如果你能为吃肉而杀戮辩护,你就可以证明贫民窟的条件是正当的。我无法为其中任何一个辩护。

Sexual violence and meat eating
性暴力和肉食

To rejoin the issue of the intertwined oppressions with which this chapter is primarily concerned, sexual violence and meat eating, and their point of intersection in the absent referent, it is instructive to consider incidents of male violence. Batterers, rapists, serial killers, and child sexual abusers have victimized animals. They do so for a variety of reasons: marital rapists may use a companion animal to intimidate, coerce, control, or violate a woman. Serial killers often initiate violence first against animals. The male students who killed their classmates in various communities in the 1990s often were hunters or known to have killed animals. Child sexual abusers often use threats and/or violence against companion animals to achieve compliance from their victims. Batterers harm or kill a companion animal as a warning to their partners that she could be next; as a way of further separating her from meaningful relationships; to demonstrate his power and her powerlessness. The threatened woman or child is the absent referent in pet murders. Within the symbolic order the fragmented referent no longer recalls itself but something else. Though this pattern of killing pets as a warning to an abused woman or child is derived from recent case studies of domestic violence, the story of a man's killing his
为了重新讨论本章主要关注的相互交织的压迫问题,性暴力和肉食,以及它们在缺席所指的交汇点,考虑男性暴力事件是很有启发性的。殴打者、强奸犯、连环杀手和儿童性虐待者使动物受害。 他们这样做的原因多种多样:婚内强奸犯可能会使用伴侣动物来恐吓、胁迫、控制或侵犯女性。连环杀手通常首先对动物发动暴力。1990年代在各个社区杀害同学的男学生通常是猎人或已知的杀害动物的人。儿童性虐待者经常对伴侣动物使用威胁和/或暴力来使受害者服从。施虐者伤害或杀死伴侣动物,以警告他们的伴侣她可能是下一个;作为进一步将她与有意义的关系分开的一种方式;以展示他的力量和她的无能为力。受威胁的妇女或儿童是宠物谋杀案中缺席的参照物。在符号秩序中,支离破碎的指涉者不再回忆自己,而是回忆其他东西。 虽然这种杀死宠物作为对受虐待妇女或儿童的警告的模式源自最近的家庭暴力案例研究,但一个男人杀死他的

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

wife's pet instead of his wife can be found in an early twentieth-century short story. Susan Glaspell's "A Jury of Her Peers" exposes this function of the absent referent and the fact that a woman's peers, i.e., other women, recognize this function.
妻子的宠物而不是他的妻子可以在二十世纪初的短篇小说中找到。苏珊·格拉斯佩尔(Susan Glaspell)的《同龄人陪审团》(A Jury of Her Peers)揭露了缺席指涉者的这种功能,以及女性的同龄人(即其他女性)承认这一功能的事实。
Generally, however, the absent referent, because of its absence, prevents our experiencing connections between oppressed groups. Cultural images of butchering and sexual violence are so interpenetrated that animals act as the absent referent in radical feminist discourse. In this sense, radical feminist theory participates in the same set of representational structures it seeks to expose. We uphold the patriarchal structure of absent referents, appropriating the experience of animals to interpret our own violation. For instance, we learn of a woman who went to her doctor after being battered. The doctor told her her leg "was like a raw piece of meat hanging up in a butcher's window." Feminists translate this literal description into a metaphor for women's oppression. Andrea Dworkin states that pornography depicts woman as a "female piece of meat" and Gena Corea observes that "women in brothels can be used like animals in cages. Linda Lovelace claims that when presented to Xaviera Hollander for inspection, "Xaviera looked me over like a butcher inspecting a side of beef." When one film actress committed suicide, another described the dilemma she and other actresses encounter: "They treat us like meat." Of this statement Susan Griffin writes: "She means that men who hire them treat them as less than human, as matter without spirit." In each of these examples, feminists have used violence against animals as metaphor, literalizing and feminizing the metaphor. When one is matter without spirit, one is the raw material for exploitation and for metaphoric borrowing.
然而,一般来说,缺席的指涉物,因为它的缺席,阻止了我们体验被压迫群体之间的联系。屠杀和性暴力的文化形象是如此相互渗透,以至于动物在激进的女权主义话语中充当了缺席的参照物。从这个意义上说,激进的女权主义理论参与了它试图揭露的同一套表征结构。我们坚持缺席参照物的父权制结构,挪用动物的经验来解释我们自己的侵犯行为。例如,我们了解到一名妇女在被殴打后去看医生。医生告诉她,她的腿“就像一块生肉挂在屠夫的窗户上”。 女权主义者将这种字面描述转化为对女性压迫的隐喻。安德里亚·德沃金(Andrea Dworkin)指出,色情作品将女性描绘成“女性的肉块”,而吉娜·科里亚(Gena Corea)观察到,“妓院中的女性可以像笼子里的动物一样使用。 琳达·洛夫莱斯(Linda Lovelace)声称,当被带到泽维拉·霍兰德(Xaviera Hollander)进行检查时,“泽维拉(Xaviera)看着我,就像屠夫检查牛肉的一面一样。 当一位电影女演员自杀时,另一位女演员描述了她和其他女演员遇到的困境:“他们把我们当肉一样对待。苏珊·格里芬(Susan Griffin)写道:“她的意思是,雇用他们的人把他们看得比人还少,没有精神。 在这些例子中,女权主义者都使用对动物的暴力作为隐喻,将隐喻字面化和女性化。当一个人是没有精神的物质时,他就是剥削和隐喻借用的原材料。
Despite this dependence on the imagery of butchering, radical feminist discourse has failed to integrate the literal oppression of animals into our analysis of patriarchal culture or to acknowledge the strong historical alliance between feminism and vegetarianism. Whereas women may feel like pieces of meat, and be treated like pieces of meat-emotionally butchered and physically battered-animals actually are made into pieces of meat. In radical feminist theory, the use of these metaphors alternates between a positive figurative activity and a negative activity of occlusion, negation, and ommission in which the literal fate of the animal is elided. Could metaphor itself be the undergarment to the garb of oppression?
儘管這種依賴於屠殺的意象,激進的女權主義話語也未能將對動物的字面壓迫納入我們對父權文化的分析中,也未能承認女權主義和素食主義之間強大的歷史聯盟。虽然女性可能觉得自己像一块肉,被当作一块块肉——情感上的屠杀和身体上的殴打——但实际上动物被制成了肉块。在激进的女权主义理论中,这些隐喻的使用在积极的比喻活动和遮挡、否定和省略的消极活动之间交替出现,其中动物的字面命运被省略了。隐喻本身会不会是压迫外衣的内衣?

The cycle of objectification, fragmentation, and consumption
物化、碎片化和消费的循环

What we require is a theory that traces parallel trajectories: the common oppressions of women and animals, and the problems of metaphor and the absent referent. I propose a cycle of objectification, fragmentation, and consumption, which links butchering and sexual violence in our culture. Objectification permits an oppressor to view another being as an object. The oppressor then violates this being by object-like treatment: e.g., the rape of women that denies women freedom to say no, or the butchering of animals that converts animals from living breathing beings into dead objects. This process allows fragmentation, or brutal dismemberment, and finally consumption. While the occasional man may literally eat women, we all consume visual images of women all the time. Consumption is the fulfillment of oppression, the annihilation of will, of separate identity. So too with language: a subject first is viewed, or objectified, through metaphor. Through fragmentation the object is severed from its ontological meaning. Finally, consumed, it exists only through what it represents. The consumption of the referent reiterates its annihilation as a subject of importance in itself.
我们需要的是一种追踪平行轨迹的理论:女性和动物的共同压迫,以及隐喻和缺席指涉的问题。我提出了一个物化、碎片化和消费的循环,将我们文化中的屠杀和性暴力联系起来。客体化允许压迫者将另一个存在视为客体。然后,压迫者通过类似物体的处理来侵犯这种存在:例如,强奸妇女剥夺妇女说不的自由,或者屠杀动物,将动物从活生生的呼吸生物变成死物。这个过程允许碎片化,或残酷的肢解,最后被消耗。虽然偶尔的男人可能会吃掉女人,但我们都一直在消费女人的视觉形象。 消费是压迫的实现,意志的湮灭,独立身份的湮灭。语言也是如此:主体首先通过隐喻被观看或客体化。通过碎片化,客体与其本体论意义被割裂开来。最后,消费,它只通过它所代表的东西而存在。所指物的消费重申了它本身作为重要主题的湮灭。
Since this chapter addresses how patriarchal culture treats animals as well as women, the image of meat is an appropriate one to illustrate this trajectory of objectification, fragmentation, and consumption. The literal process of violently transforming living animals to dead consumable ones is emblematic of the conceptual process by which the referent point of meat eating is changed. Industrialized meat-eating cultures such as the United States and Great Britain exemplify the process by which live animals are removed from the idea of meat. The physical process of butchering an animal is recapitulated on a verbal level through words of objectification and fragmentation.
由于本章讨论了父权文化如何对待动物和女性,因此肉类的形象是说明这种物化、碎片化和消费轨迹的合适人选。将活体动物暴力转化为死去的可消耗动物的字面过程象征着概念过程,通过该过程,肉食的指涉点发生了变化。美国和英国等工业化的肉食文化就是将活体动物从肉食观念中移除的过程的例证。屠宰动物的物理过程通过客观化和碎片化的词语在语言层面上被概括。
Animals are rendered being-less not only by technology, but by innocuous phrases such as "food-producing unit," "protein harvester," "converting machine," "crops," and "biomachines." The meat-producing industry views an animal as consisting of "edible" and "inedible" parts, which must be separated so that the latter do not contaminate the former. An animal proceeds down a "disassembly line," losing body parts at every stop. This fragmentation not only dismembers the animal, it changes the way in which we conceptualize animals. Thus, in the first edition of The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, the definition of "lamb" was illustrated not by an image of Mary's little one but by an edible body divided into ribs, loin, shank, and leg.
动物不仅因技术而变得无所适从,而且因“食物生产单位”、“蛋白质收获机”、“转化机”、“农作物”和“生物机器”等无害的短语而变得无与伦比。肉类生产行业认为动物由“可食用”和“不可食用”部分组成,必须将它们分开,以免后者污染前者。动物沿着“拆卸线”前进,每到一站就会失去身体部位。这种碎片化不仅肢解了动物,还改变了我们对动物概念化的方式。因此,在《美国传统英语词典》的第一版中,“羔羊”的定义不是用玛丽的小家伙的形象来说明的,而是用一个可食用的身体来说明的,它分为肋骨、腰肉、小腿和腿。

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

After being butchered, fragmented body parts are often renamed to obscure the fact that these were once animals. After death, cows become roast beef, steak, hamburger; pigs become pork, bacon, sausage. Since objects are possessions they cannot have possessions; thus, we say "leg of lamb" not a "lamb's leg," "chicken wings" not a "chicken's wings." We opt for less disquieting referent points not only by changing names from animals to meat, but also by cooking, seasoning, and covering the animals with sauces, disguising their original nature.
在被屠宰后,碎片化的身体部位经常被重新命名,以掩盖这些曾经是动物的事实。死后,奶牛变成烤牛肉、牛排、汉堡包;猪变成了猪肉、培根、香肠。既然物体是财产,他们就不可能有财产;因此,我们说“羊腿”不是“羊腿”,“鸡翅”不是“鸡翅”。我们选择不那么令人不安的指涉点,不仅将名称从动物改为肉类,而且还通过烹饪、调味和用酱汁覆盖动物,掩盖它们的原始性质。
Only then can consumption occur: actual consumption of the animal, now dead, and metaphorical consumption of the term "meat," so that it refers to food products alone rather than to the dead animal. In a patriarchal culture, meat is without its referent point. This is the way we want it, as William Hazlitt honestly admitted in 1826: "Animals that are made use of as food, should either be so small as to be imperceptible, or else we should . . . not leave the form standing to reproach us with our gluttony and cruelty. I hate to see a rabbit trussed, or a hare brought to the table in the form which it occupied while living. The dead animal is the point beyond the culturally presumed referent of meat.
只有这样,消费才会发生:实际消费已经死去的动物,以及“肉”一词的隐喻消费,因此它仅指食品而不是死去的动物。在父权制文化中,肉没有其指涉点。这就是我们想要的方式,正如威廉·黑兹利特(William Hazlitt)在1826年诚实地承认的那样:“被用作食物的动物,要么应该小到难以察觉,要么我们应该......不要让形式站着,用我们的暴食和残忍来责备我们。我讨厌看到一只兔子被拴住,或者一只野兔以它活着时的形式被带到桌子上。 死去的动物是超越文化上假定的肉类指代的重点。

Consuming meat metaphorically
隐喻性地食用肉类

Without its referent point of the slaughtered, bleeding, butchered animal, meat becomes a free-floating image. Meat is seen as a vehicle of meaning and not as inherently meaningful; the referent "animal" has been consumed. "Meat" becomes a term to express women's oppression, used equally by patriarchy and feminists, who say that women are "pieces of meat" Because of the absence of the actual referent, meat as metaphor is easily adaptable. While phrases such as "Where's the Beef?" seem diametrically opposed to the use of "meat" to convey oppression, "Where's the Beef?" confirms the fluidity of the absent referent while reinforcing the extremely specific, assaultive ways in which "meat" is used to refer to women. Part of making "beef" into "meat" is rendering it nonmale. When meat carries resonances of power, the power it evokes is male. Male genitalia and male sexuality are at times inferred when "meat" is discussed (curious locutions since uncastrated adult males are rarely eaten). "Meat" is made nonmale through violent dismemberment. As an image whose original meaning has been consumed and negated, "meat's" meaning is structured by its environment.
没有了被屠宰、流血、被屠宰的动物的参照点,肉就变成了一个自由漂浮的形象。肉被视为意义的载体,而不是固有的意义;所指的“动物”已被消耗。“肉”成为表达女性受压迫的术语,被父权制和女权主义者平等使用,他们说女性是“肉块”,因为没有实际的指称,肉作为隐喻很容易适应。虽然像“牛肉在哪里?”这样的短语似乎与使用“肉”来表达压迫截然相反,但“牛肉在哪里?”证实了缺席指称的流动性,同时强化了“肉”用来指代女性的极其具体、攻击性的方式。将“牛肉”变成“肉”的一部分是使其非男性化。当肉带有力量的共鸣时,它唤起的力量是男性的。当讨论“肉”时,有时会推断出男性生殖器和男性性行为(奇怪的语言,因为未阉割的成年男性很少被吃掉)。“肉”是通过暴力肢解而成为非男性的。作为一个意象,其原意已被消费和否定,其意义是由其环境构成的。
Meat has long been used in Western culture as a metaphor for women's oppression. The model for consuming a woman after raping her, as noted in the preface (page xxxvi), is the story of Zeus and Metis: "Zeus lusted after Metis the Titaness, who turned into many shapes to escape him until she was caught at last and got with child." When warned by a sibyl that if Metis conceived a second time Zeus would be deposed by the resulting offspring, Zeus swallowed Metis, who, he claimed, continued to give him counsel from inside his belly. Consumption appears to be the final stage of male sexual desire. Zeus verbally seduces Metis in order to devour her: "Having coaxed Metis to a couch with honeyed words, Zeus suddenly opened his mouth and swallowed her, and that was the end of Metis."22 An essential component of androcentric culture has been built upon these activities of Zeus: viewing the sexually desired object as consumable. But, we do not hear anything about dismemberment in the myth of Zeus's consumption of Metis. How exactly did Zeus fit her pregnant body, arms, shoulders, chest, womb, thighs, legs, and feet into his mouth in one gulp? The myth does not acknowledge how the absent referent becomes absent.
长期以来,肉在西方文化中一直被用作女性受压迫的隐喻。正如序言(第三十六页)所指出的,强女后吃掉她的模式是宙斯和梅蒂斯的故事:“宙斯对泰坦女神梅蒂斯产生了欲望,她变成了许多形状来逃避他,直到她最后被抓住并有了孩子。当一个西伯利亚人警告说,如果梅蒂斯第二次怀孕,宙斯将被由此产生的后代废黜时,宙斯吞下了梅蒂斯,他声称,梅蒂斯继续从他的肚子里给他建议。消费似乎是男性的最后阶段。宙斯为了吞噬她而口头勾引梅蒂斯:“宙斯用甜言蜜语将梅蒂斯哄到沙发上,突然张开嘴将她吞下,这就是梅蒂斯的结局。22 男性中心主义文化的一个基本组成部分是建立在宙斯的这些活动之上的:将望视为可消耗的对象。但是,在宙斯食用梅蒂斯的神话中,我们没有听到任何关于肢解的消息。宙斯究竟是如何一口将她怀孕的身体、手臂、肩膀、胸部、子宫、大腿、腿和脚放入嘴里的?这个神话不承认缺席的指涉者是如何变得缺席的。

Eliding fragmentation 消除碎片化

Paralleling the elided relationship between metaphor and referent is the unacknowledged role of fragmentation in eating flesh. Our minds move from objectified being to consumable food. The action of fragmentation, the killing, and the dividing is elided. Indeed, patriarchal culture surrounds actual butchering with silence. Geographically, slaughterhouses are cloistered. We do not see or hear what transpires there. Consequently, consumption appears to follow immediately upon objectification, for consumption itself has been objectified. Discussing the alliance of women and workers during a lively 1907 challenge to vivisection, Coral Lansbury offers this reminder, "It has been said that a visit to an abattoir would make a vegetarian of the most convinced carnivore among us" In "How to Build a Slaughterhouse," Richard Selzer observes that the knowledge that the slaughterhouse offers is knowledge we do not want to know: "Before it is done this field trip to a slaughterhouse will have become for me a descent into Hades, a vision of life that perhaps it would have been better never to know." We don't want to know about fragmentation because that is the process through which the live referent disappears.
与隐喻和指称之间被忽略的关系平行的是碎片化在吃肉中的作用。我们的思想从物化的存在转变为可消费的食物。分裂、杀戮和分裂的行动被省略了。事实上,父权制文化以沉默的方式围绕着实际的屠杀。从地理上看,屠宰场是与世隔绝的。我们看不到或听到那里发生了什么。 因此,消费似乎在客体化之后立即出现,因为消费本身已经被客体化了。在1907年对活体解剖的激烈挑战中,科勒尔·兰斯伯里(Coral Lansbury)讨论了妇女和工人的联盟,他提醒人们:“有人说,参观屠宰场会成为我们中间最有说服力的食肉动物的素食主义者” 在《如何建造屠宰场》一书中,理查德·塞尔泽(Richard Selzer)观察到,屠宰场提供的知识是我们不想知道的知识: “在完成之前,这次屠宰场的实地考察对我来说已经变成了进入阴间,一种也许永远不知道的生活愿景。” 我们不想知道碎片化,因为这是实时参照物消失的过程。

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

Fragment #1: Implemental violence
片段#1:实施性暴力

Abandon self, all ye who enter here. Become component part, geared, meshed, timed, controlled.
所有进入这里的人,都要舍弃自己。成为组件,齿轮,啮合,定时,控制。
Hell . . . Hogs dangling, dancing along the convey, 300,350 an hour; Mary running running along the rickety platform to keep up, stamping, stamping the hides. To the shuddering drum of the skull crush machine, in the spectral vapor clouds, everyone the same motion all the hours through: Kryckszi lifting his cleaver, the one powerful stroke; long continuous arm swirl of the rippers, gut pullers....
地狱。。。猪晃来晃去,在传送带上跳舞,每小时 300,350 头;玛丽沿着摇摇晃晃的平台奔跑,跟上,跺脚,踩着兽皮。在骷髅粉碎机颤抖的鼓声中,在幽灵蒸气云中,每个人在几个小时内都在做着同样的动作:Kryckszi举起他的切肉刀,一个有力的击打;开膛手、拉肠器的长连续手臂漩涡......
Geared, meshed: the kill room: knockers, shacklers, pritcheruppers, stickers, headers, rippers, leg breakers, breast and aitch sawyers, caul pullers, fell cutters, rumpers, splitters, vat dippers, skinners, gutters, pluckers.
齿轮,网状:杀戮室:敲门者、镣铐、枷锁、贴纸、头、开膛手、断腿者、乳房和艾奇锯子、填缝拉手、落下切割者、隆姆舞者、劈裂者、大桶浸泡者、剥皮者、排水沟、拔毛者。
-All through the jumble of buildings . . . of death, dismemberment and vanishing entire for harmless creatures meek and mild, frisky, wild—-Hell.
-穿过杂乱无章的建筑物......死亡、肢解和消失,为无害的生物温顺、温和、活泼、狂野——地狱。
-Tillie Olsen, Yonnondio
-蒂莉·奥尔森(Tillie Olsen),约农迪奥(Yonnondio
The institution of butchering is unique to human beings. All carnivorous animals kill and consume their prey themselves. They see and hear their victims before they eat them. There is no absent referent, only a dead one. Plutarch taunts his readers with this fact in his "Essay on Flesh Eating": If you believe yourselves to be meat eaters, "then, to begin with, kill yourself what you wish to eat-but do it yourself with your own natural weapons, without the use of butcher's knife, or axe, or club." Plutarch points out that people do not have bodies equipped for eating flesh from a carcass, "no curved beak, no sharp talons and claws, no pointed teeth.. We have no bodily agency for killing and dismembering the animals we eat; we require implements.
屠宰制度是人类独有的。所有食肉动物都会自己杀死并吃掉猎物。他们在吃掉受害者之前看到和听到他们。没有缺席的参照物,只有死去的参照物。普鲁塔克在他的《论吃肉的论文》中用这个事实嘲讽他的读者:如果你认为自己是肉食者,“那么,首先,你想吃什么就杀死自己——但要用你自己的天然武器来做,不要使用屠刀、斧头或棍棒。普鲁塔克指出,人们的身体没有吃尸体肉的能力,“没有弯曲的喙,没有锋利的爪子和爪子,没有尖尖的牙齿。 我们没有身体可以杀死和肢解我们吃的动物;我们需要工具。
The essence of butchering is to fragment the animal into pieces small enough for consumption. Implements are the simulated teeth that rip and claws that tear. Implements at the same time remove the referent; they bring about "the vanishing entire for harmless creatures."
屠宰的本质是将动物切成足够小的碎片以供食用。工具是撕裂的模拟牙齿和撕裂的爪子。实现同时删除所指对象;它们带来了“无害生物的整个消失”。
Hannah Arendt claims that violence always needs implements. Without implemental violence human beings could not eat meat. Violence is central to the act of slaughtering. Sharp knives are essential for rapidly rendering the anesthetized living animal into edible dead flesh. Knives are not so much distancing mechanisms in this case as enabling mechanisms. For farm
汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)声称,暴力总是需要工具。 没有实施暴力,人类就不能吃肉。暴力是屠杀行为的核心。锋利的刀具对于快速将麻醉的活体动物变成可食用的死肉至关重要。在这种情况下,刀与其说是疏远机制,不如说是赋能机制。对于农场

slaughter some of the implements required include: hog scraper, iron hog and calf gambrel, stunning instrument, large cleaver, small cleaver, skinning knives, boning knives, hog hook, meat saw, steak knife, pickle pump, sticking knife, and meat grinder. Large slaughterhouses use over thirty-five different types of knives. Selzer notes that the men at a slaughterhouse "are synchronous as dancers and for the most part as silent. It is their knives that converse, gossip, press each other along." Implements used against animals are one of the first things destroyed after the overthrow of people in George Orwell's Animal Farm.
屠宰所需的一些工具包括:猪刮刀、铁猪和小牛犊、电击器、大切肉刀、小切肉刀、剥皮刀、剔骨刀、猪钩、肉锯、牛排刀、泡菜泵、粘刀和绞肉机。大型屠宰场使用超过 35 种不同类型的刀具。塞尔泽指出,屠宰场的男人“像舞者一样同步,而且大部分是沉默的。是他们的刀子交谈,八卦,互相压制。 用来对付动物的工具是乔治·奥威尔的《动物农场》中推翻人类后首先被摧毁的东西之一。

Fragment #2: The slaughterhouse
片段#2:屠宰场

[The slaughterhouse] carries out its business in secret and decides what you will see, hides from you what it chooses.
[屠宰场]秘密地开展业务,并决定你将看到什么,向你隐瞒它选择的东西。
-Richard Selzer
-理查德·塞尔泽
Generally, if we enter a slaughterhouse we do so through the writings of someone else who entered for us. Early in the century, Upton Sinclair entered the slaughterhouse for his readers. He seized the operations of the slaughterhouse as a metaphor for the fate of the worker in capitalism. Jurgis, the worker whose rising consciousness evolves in The Jungle, visits a slaughterhouse in the opening pages. A guide ushers him through the place and he experiences what "was like some horrible crime committed in a dungeon, all unseen and unheeded, buried out of sight and of memory."31 Hogs with their legs chained to a line that moves them forward hang upside down, squealing, grunting, wailing. The line moves them forward, their throats are slit, and then they vanish "with a splash into a huge vat of boiling water." Despite the businesslike aspect of the place, one "could not help thinking of the hogs; they were so innocent, they came so very trustingly; and they were so very human in their protests-and so perfectly within their rights!"
一般来说,如果我们进入屠宰场,我们会通过为我们进入的其他人的著作来进入屠宰场。本世纪初,厄普顿·辛克莱(Upton Sinclair)为他的读者进入了屠宰场。他抓住了屠宰场的运作,作为资本主义中工人命运的隐喻。尤吉斯,在《丛林》中意识不断上升的工人,在开篇参观了一家屠宰场。一位导游带领他穿过这个地方,他体验到了“就像在地牢里犯下的一些可怕的罪行,一切都看不见,不被注意,被埋在看不见和记忆中。31 猪的腿被拴在一条线上,使它们向前移动,倒挂着,尖叫,咕噜,哀嚎。这条线将他们向前移动,他们的喉咙被割开,然后他们消失了,“溅到一大桶沸水中”。尽管这个地方很有商业气息,但人们“不禁想起了猪;他们是如此天真,他们是如此信任地来到这里;他们在抗议中非常人性化,而且完全符合他们的权利!
Then came the dismemberment: the scraping of the skin, beheading, cutting of the breastbone, removal of the entrails. Jurgis marvels at the speed, the automation, the machinelike way in which each man dispatched his job, and he congratulates himself that he is not a hog. The next three hundred pages trace the rising of his consciousness so that he realizes that a hog is exactly what he is-"one of the packer's hogs. What they wanted from a hog was all the profits that could be got out of him; and that was what
然后是肢解:刮擦皮肤,斩首,切割胸骨,去除内脏。尤吉斯惊叹于每个人分配工作的速度、自动化和机器般的方式,他庆幸自己不是一头猪。接下來的三百頁描繪了他意識的上升,使他意識到一隻豬正是他——“驮工的豬之一。他们想从一头猪那里得到的是可以从他那里得到的所有利润;这就是

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

they wanted from the working man, and also that was what they wanted from the public. What the hog thought of it and what he suffered, were not considered; and no more was it with labor and no more with the purchaser of meat."
他们想从工人那里得到,这也是他们想从公众那里得到的。猪对它的看法和他所遭受的痛苦,都没有被考虑在内;不再与劳动力有关,也不再与购买肉类的人有关。
In response to Sinclair's novel people could not help thinking of the hogs. The referent-those few initial pages describing butchering in a book of more than three hundred pages-overpowered the metaphor. Horrified by what they learned about meat production, people clamored for new laws, and for a short time, became, as humorist Finley Peter Dunne's "Mr. Dooley" described it, "viggytaryans." As Upton Sinclair bemoaned, "I aimed at the public's heart and by accident hit it in the stomach." Butchering failed as a metaphor for the fate of the worker in The Jungle because the novel carried too much information on how the animal was violently killed. To make the absent referent present-that is, describing exactly how an animal dies, kicking, screaming, and is fragmented-disables consumption and disables the power of metaphor.
作为对辛克莱小说的回应,人们不禁想到了猪。在一本三百多页的书中,描述屠杀的最初几页压倒了隐喻。人们被他们所学到的关于肉类生产的知识吓坏了,他们大声疾呼要制定新的法律,在很短的时间内,正如幽默家芬利·彼得·邓恩(Finley Peter Dunne)的“杜利先生”所描述的那样,他们变成了“viggytaryans”。 正如厄普顿·辛克莱(Upton Sinclair)哀叹的那样,“我瞄准了公众的心脏,不小心击中了它的肚子。 在《丛林》中,屠杀作为对工人命运的隐喻失败了,因为小说中关于动物如何被暴力杀害的信息太多了。让缺席的指称成为当下——也就是说,准确地描述动物是如何死亡、踢腿、尖叫和支离破碎的——会禁用消费并禁用隐喻的力量。

Fragment #3: The disassembly line as model
片段#3:作为模型的拆卸线

Those who are against Fascism without being against capitalism, who lament over the barbarism that comes out of barbarism, are like people who wish to eat their veal without slaughtering the calf.
那些反对法西斯主义而不反对资本主义的人,那些哀叹野蛮产生的野蛮的人,就像那些希望吃小牛肉而不宰杀小牛的人一样。
-Bertolt Brecht, "Writing the Truth: Five Difficulties"35
——贝托尔特·布莱希特(Bertolt Brecht),《书写真理:五个困难》35
Using the slaughterhouse as trope for treatment of the worker in a modern capitalist society did not end with Upton Sinclair. Bertolt Brecht's Saint Joan of the Stockyards employs butchering imagery throughout the play to depict the inhumanity of large-scale capitalists like the "meat king" Pierpont Mauler. This capitalist does to his employees what he does to the steers; he is a "butcher of men." With the activities of the slaughterhouse as the backdrop, phrases such as "cut-throat prices" and "it's no skin off my back" act as resonant puns invoking the fate of animals to bemoan the fate of the worker. Appropriately, the choice of the trope of the slaughterhouse for the dehumanization of the worker by capitalism rings with historical verity.
在现代资本主义社会中,使用屠宰场作为对待工人的比喻并没有在厄普顿·辛克莱身上结束。贝托尔特·布莱希特(Bertolt Brecht)的《畜牧场的圣贞德》(Saint Joan of the Stockyards)在整部剧中采用了屠宰的意象,描绘了像“肉王”皮尔庞特·莫勒(Pierpont Mauler)这样的大型资本家的不人道行为。这个资本家对他的雇员所做的就像他对舵手所做的那样;他是“人的屠夫”。以屠宰场的活动为背景,“残酷的价格”和“我的背上没有皮肤”等短语充当了共鸣的双关语,唤起了动物的命运来哀叹工人的命运。 恰如其分地,选择屠宰场的比喻来描述资本主义对工人的非人化,是符合历史真相的。
The division of labor on the assembly lines owes its inception to Henry Ford's visit to the disassembly line of the Chicago slaughterhouses. Ford credited the idea of the assembly line to the fragmented activities of animal slaughtering: "The idea came in a general way from the overhead trolley that the Chicago packers use in dressing beef." One book on meat production
装配线上的分工始于亨利·福特(Henry Ford)对芝加哥屠宰场拆解线的访问。福特将流水线的想法归功于动物屠宰的零散活动:“这个想法通常来自芝加哥包装工用来调味牛肉的高架手推车。 一本关于肉类生产的书

(financed by a meat-packing company) describes the process: "The slaughtered animals, suspended head downward from a moving chain, or conveyor, pass from workman to workman, each of whom performs some particular step in the process." The authors proudly add: "So efficient has this procedure proved to be that it has been adopted by many other industries, as for example in the assembling of automobiles. Although Ford reversed the outcome of the process of slaughtering in that a product is created rather than fragmented on the assembly line, he contributed at the same time to the larger fragmentation of the individual's work and productivity. The dismemberment of the human body is not so much a construct of modern capitalism as modern capitalism is a construct built on dismemberment and fragmentation.
(由一家肉类包装公司资助)描述了这一过程:“被屠宰的动物头朝下悬挂在移动的链条或传送带上,从一个工人传递到另一个工人,每个人都在这个过程中执行一些特定的步骤。作者自豪地补充道:“事实证明,这种程序是如此有效,以至于它已被许多其他行业采用,例如在汽车组装中。 尽管福特扭转了屠宰过程的结果,即产品是在装配线上创造而不是碎片化,但他同时也为个人工作和生产力的更大碎片化做出了贡献。人体的肢解与其说是现代资本主义的建构,不如说是建立在肢解和分裂之上的建构。
One of the basic things that must happen on the disassembly line of a slaughterhouse is that the animal must be treated as an inert object, not as a living, breathing, being. Similarly the worker on the assembly line becomes treated as an inert, unthinking object, whose creative, bodily, emotional needs are ignored. For those people who work in the disassembly line of slaughterhouses, they, more than anyone, must accept on a grand scale the double annihilation of self: they are not only going to have to deny themselves, but they are going to have to accept the cultural absent referencing of animals as well. They must view the living animal as the meat that everyone outside the slaughterhouse accepts it as, while the animal is still alive. Thus they must be alienated from their own bodies and animals' bodies as well. Which may account for the fact that the "turnover rate among slaughterhouse workers is the highest of any occupation in the country."
在屠宰场的拆卸线上必须发生的基本事情之一是,必须将动物视为惰性物体,而不是活生生的、会呼吸的生物。同样,流水线上的工人也被视为一个惰性的、没有思想的物体,他们的创造性、身体和情感需求被忽视了。对于那些在屠宰场拆解线上工作的人来说,他们比任何人都更必须大规模地接受自我的双重毁灭:他们不仅要否定自己,而且要接受文化上对动物的缺席。他们必须将活着的动物视为屠宰场外的每个人都接受的肉,而动物还活着。因此,他们必须与自己的身体和动物的身体疏远。 这可能解释了“屠宰场工人的流动率是该国所有职业中最高的”这一事实。
The introduction of the assembly line in the auto industry had a quick and unsettling effect on the workers. Standardization of work and separation from the final product became fundamental to the laborers' experience. The result was to increase worker's alienation from the product they produced. Automation severed workers from a sense of accomplishment through the fragmentation of their jobs. In Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century, Harry Braverman explains the initial results of the introduction of the assembly line, "Craftsmanship gave way to a repeated detail operation, and wage rates were standardized at uniform levels." Working men left Ford in large numbers after the introduction of the assembly line. Braverman observes: "In this initial reaction to the assembly line we see the natural revulsion of the worker against the new kind of work. Ford dismembered the meaning of work, introducing productivity without the sense of being productive. Fragmentation of the human body in
装配线在汽车工业中的引入对工人产生了迅速而令人不安的影响。工作的标准化和与最终产品的分离成为工人体验的基础。 其结果是增加了工人对他们生产的产品的疏远。自动化通过工作的碎片化切断了工人的成就感。在《劳动与垄断资本:二十世纪工作的退化》一书中,哈里·布雷弗曼(Harry Braverman)解释了引入流水线的初步结果,“手工艺让位于重复的细节操作,工资率在统一的水平上标准化。在引入装配线后,大量工人离开了福特。布雷弗曼说:“在对流水线的最初反应中,我们看到了工人对新工作的自然厌恶。 福特肢解了工作的意义,引入了生产力,却没有生产力的感觉。人体碎片化

The Sexual Politics of Meat
肉类的性政治

late capitalism allows the dismembered part to represent the whole. Because the slaughterhouse model is not evident to assembly line workers, they do not realize that as whole beings they too have experienced the impact of the structure of the absent referent in a patriarchal culture.
晚期资本主义允许被肢解的部分代表整体。因为屠宰场的模式对流水线工人来说并不明显,他们没有意识到,作为一个整体,他们也经历了父权制文化中缺席参照物结构的影响。

Fragment #4: The rape of animals
片段#4:强奸动物

"Chickens fly in on the table with knife and fork in their thighs," begging to be eaten.
“鸡飞到桌子上,大腿上插着刀叉,”乞求被吃掉。
-Nineteenth-century Swedish ballad writer on the plenitude of meat in the United States