тHEODOR REUS S, Ordo Templi Orientis Constitution, revised edition, 1917
тHEODOR REUS S，Ordo Templi Orientis Constitution，修订版，1917 年

In August 1917, Theosophists, Freemasons, mystics, and magicians from all over Europe made their way to the Monte Verità commune in Ascona, Switzerland, the headquarters of the Hermetic Brotherhood of Light (also known as the Ordo Templi Orientis). They had been summoned by the order's leader, the Anglo-German opera singer turned sex magician Theodor Reuß (1855-1923), who had organized a ten-day antinationalist occult congress of like-minded fellow travelers - one that aimed to heal the ravages of war by reaffirming a spiritual community that knew no national distinctions. This well-attended conference included lectures on theosophy and magic, Masonic rituals, performance art, readings of Aleister Crowley's mystical poetry, and even a Gnostic mass.
1917 年 8 月，来自欧洲各地的神智论者、共济会成员、神秘主义者和魔术师来到了瑞士阿斯科纳的维里塔山公社，这里是光明隐修士会（又称东方圣殿骑士团）的总部。 他们是被该组织的领导人--由英裔德国歌剧演员变身为性魔术师的西奥多-罗伊斯（Theodor Reuß，1855-1923 年）--召集来的。西奥多-罗伊斯组织了一次为期十天的反民族主义神秘学大会，与会的都是志同道合的同道中人--这次大会旨在通过重申不分民族的精神共同体来治愈战争的创伤。 这次参加人数众多的会议包括神哲学和魔法讲座、共济会仪式、行为艺术、阿莱斯特-克劳利的神秘诗歌朗诵，甚至还有诺斯替派的弥撒。

Max Weber (1864-1920) might seem to have lived in a totally different world. After all, the pioneering sociologist is famous for his pronouncement: "The fate of our times is characterized by rationalization and intellectualization and, above all, by the "disenchantment of the world."'4 That Weber uttered this statement on November 7, 1917, less than three months after the occult congress, might imply a deep fissure between academic and magical milieus.
马克斯-韦伯（1864-1920 年）似乎生活在一个完全不同的世界。毕竟，这位先驱社会学家因其宣言而闻名于世："4 韦伯是在 1917 年 11 月 7 日，即神秘学大会之后不到三个月的时间里说出这句话的，这可能意味着学术界与魔法界之间存在着深刻的裂痕。

Weber, however, was no stranger to Monte Verità. He knew Ascona well. Indeed, he likely came to his famous concept of disenchantment while vacationing at the neo-pagan commune and after socializing with some of Reuß's fellow occultists. Weber was at the apex of many of the trends discussed thus far in the monograph; he socialized with Kosmikers and was drawn to Christian mysticism. Hence, the contemporary mytheme of alienation from magic-
然而，韦伯对蒙特维利塔并不陌生。他对阿斯科纳非常熟悉。事实上，他很可能是在新异教公社度假时，在与罗伊斯的一些神秘主义同道交往后，提出了著名的 "失魅 "概念。韦伯处于本专著迄今所讨论的许多趋势的顶点；他与科斯米克人交往，并被基督教神秘主义所吸引。因此，当代与魔法疏远的神话
"the disenchantment of the world"-was likely born of an excess of enchantment, not of its absence. The business of this chapter is to make sense of this connection.
"世界的失魅"--很可能源于过度的迷醉，而非迷醉的缺失。本章的目的就是要弄清这种联系。

Weber is generally recognized as one of the master theorists of modernity. Even so, there are remarkably diverse interpretations of the central problematic of his project. Was Weber primarily a sober-minded comparative sociologist aiming to put the human sciences on a sounder footing? Was he first and foremost a pragmatic political theorist trying to solve the problems of democracy and liberalism in modernizing Germany Or was he principally a historian of capitalism, mapping its affective registers and social resonances Was he basically an apologist for nationalism and empire? Or was he a quasioutsider intellectual in the model of Nietzsche, Kafka, or Foucault, focused on diagnosing the disorders of Western modernity? Was Weber predominantly a Protestant thinker grappling with the implications of modernization for his faith? Or was he an abstract philosopher of history, aiming to discover the meaning of rationality and rationalization? This list is not exhaustive, and given the multiplicity of readings, it might seem that Weber's unfinished and often fragmentary corpus is a Rorschach test designed to reflect the reader's own presuppositions.
韦伯被公认为现代性理论大师之一。即便如此，人们对他的核心问题的解释却大相径庭。韦伯是否首先是一位头脑清醒的比较社会学家，旨在为人文科学奠定更坚实的基础？ 他是否首先是一位务实的政治理论家，试图解决现代化德国的民主和自由主义问题？ 或者，他是否主要是一位资本主义历史学家，描绘资本主义的情感寄托和社会共鸣？ 他是否基本上是一位民族主义和帝国的辩护士？ 或者，他是尼采、卡夫卡或福柯式的准局外知识分子，专注于诊断西方现代性的失调？ 韦伯是否主要是一位新教思想家，致力于解决现代化对其信仰的影响？ 抑或他是一位抽象的历史哲学家，旨在探索理性和合理化的意义？ 这份清单并非详尽无遗，而且鉴于解读的多样性，韦伯未完成的、往往是支离破碎的文集似乎是一个罗夏克测试，旨在反映读者自己的预设。

In this chapter, I wade into the thorny world of Weberian scholarship to make a pair of targeted interventions. First, I problematize popular misreadings of Weber, and locate "the disenchantment of the world" in the multiple forms of rationality that make up his implicit system. Having complicated the picture of magic and its relationship to his broader theory of rationalization, the open question then involves both the history of disenchantment and the inevitability of its trajectory. Did Weber envision himself as standing at the end of history? Did he see re-enchantment as a possibility?
在本章中，我涉足韦伯学术研究的荆棘世界，进行了一对有针对性的干预。首先，我对流行的对韦伯的误读提出质疑，并将 "世界的失魅 "定位在构成韦伯隐含体系的多种理性形式上。在复杂化了魔法的图景及其与韦伯更广泛的合理化理论的关系之后，一个悬而未决的问题就涉及到 "世界失魅 "的历史及其轨迹的必然性。韦伯是否认为自己站在了历史的尽头？他是否认为重新着魔是一种可能？

The second part of the chapter will answer these questions by exploring how Weber came to the myth of disenchantment in the middle of an occult revival and what it means that he did so. It will also attempt to make sense of his complex, and perhaps ambivalent, relationship to mysticism.
本章的第二部分将回答这些问题，探讨韦伯如何在神秘主义复兴的过程中创造出 "失魅 "的神话，以及他这样做的意义。本章还将试图解释他与神秘主义之间复杂的、也许是矛盾的关系。

The complete disenchantment of the world has only been carried out to its full conclusion [in Puritanism]. But that did not mean freedom from what we are today accustomed
对世界的彻底失望只是在[清教徒主义]中才得以完全实现。但这并不意味着摆脱了我们今天所习惯的东西
to call "superstition." Witch trials also flourished in New England. ... [The Puritans] came to believe all magic to be diabolical.
称之为 "迷信"。女巫审判在新英格兰同样盛行。...[清教徒]开始相信所有的魔法都是邪恶的。

M A х W E в E R, Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen, 1916
M A х W E в E R, Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen, 1916 年

Magic, for example, has been just as systematically "rationalized" as physics.
例如，魔术和物理学一样被系统地 "合理化 "了。

Max weber, Der Sinn der "Wertfreiheit," 1917
马克斯-韦伯，《"自由 "的真谛》，1917 年

If you come to the "disenchantment of the world" with the presuppositions of most contemporary theorists, the quotes above are going to bother you. The problem is that for many nonspecialists, disenchantment is understood either as a poetical synonym for secularization or modern rationalization; even most Weber scholars take the phrase at face value (Die Entzauberung der Welt means literally "the de-magic-ing of the world") and assume that a disenchanted world has absolutely no magic in it. The quotes above begin to put pressure on these views, because it would seem that disenchantment culminates not in the end of religion, but rather within Protestantism (even if it will later come to capture religion in turn). Disenchantment also persists alongside belief in magic. Witchcraft has been condemned but not eliminated. Moreover, those used to seeing rationality and enchantment as opposites will have trouble reckoning with how magic can itself be rationalized.
如果你带着大多数当代理论家的预设前提来看待 "世界的失魅"，上面的引文会让你感到困扰。问题在于，对于许多非专业人士来说，"失魅 "要么被理解为世俗化的诗意同义词，要么被理解为现代合理化；甚至大多数韦伯学者也只是从表面上理解这个短语（Die Entzauberung der Welt的字面意思是 "世界的去魔法化"），并假定一个失魅的世界绝对没有魔法。上述引文开始对这些观点施加压力，因为失魅似乎并没有导致宗教的终结，而是在新教内部达到了顶峰（即使它后来会反过来俘获宗教）。失魅与魔法信仰同时存在。巫术受到谴责，但并未被消灭。此外，那些习惯于将理性与魔法视为对立面的人很难理解魔法本身是如何被合理化的。

The pages that follow will aim to clarify misunderstandings by rereading Weberian disenchantment in the context of his notions of magic and rationalization. But first there is another minor confusion I must address. Both specialists and nonspecialists often assert that the expression "the disenchantment of the world" came to Weber from Friedrich Schiller. Weber did indeed read Schiller. Weber also refers to a "godless mechanism of the world" (entgotteten Mechanismus der Welt), which is likely an allusion to Schiller's "de-deified nature." Thus, one can see Weber as a broad inheritor of Schiller's original lament. But "Die Entzauberung der Welt" is not one of Schiller's phrases. Neither was Weber the first to use the phrase. It first occurs in 1837 in the writings of the neo-Kantian philosopher Jakob Friedrich Fries. Fries suggestively uses Entzauberung dieser Welt (disenchantment of this world) in a discussion of Balthasar Bekker, De Betoverde Weereld (The bewitched world, 1691). Bekker's title is rendered in German as Bezauberte Welt (literally "enchanted world"), and Fries uses disenchantment to describe Bekker's repudiation of ghosts and witches. But while the influence of neo-Kantian thought on Weber is well known, there is no evidence that he read this particular work. Hence, while Weber was the lineage of the Schiller's notion of de-divination, Weber's disenchantment is doing a different kind of work.
下文将从韦伯的 "魔力 "与 "合理化 "概念出发，重新解读韦伯的 "幻灭"，以澄清误解。但首先，我必须解决另一个小困惑。无论是专家还是非专家，都经常断言韦伯的 "世界的失魅 "一词来自弗里德里希-席勒。 韦伯确实读过席勒的作品。 韦伯还提到了 "世界的无神机制"（entgotteten Mechanismus der Welt），这很可能是在暗指席勒的 "去神化的自然"。 因此，我们可以将韦伯看作是席勒最初悲叹的广泛继承者。但 "Die Entzauberung der Welt "并非席勒的用语。韦伯也不是第一个使用这个短语的人。它最早出现在 1837 年新康德主义哲学家雅各布-弗里德里希-弗里斯（Jakob Friedrich Fries）的著作中。弗里斯在讨论巴尔塔萨-贝克尔（Balthasar Bekker）的著作《被迷惑的世界》（De Betoverde Weereld，1691 年）时暗示性地使用了 "这个世界的迷失"（Entzauberung dieser Welt）。贝克尔的书名在德语中被译为 Bezauberte Welt（字面意思为 "着魔的世界"），弗里斯用 disenchantment 来描述贝克尔对鬼魂和女巫的否定。 虽然新康德思想对韦伯的影响众所周知，但没有证据表明韦伯读过这本著作。 因此，虽然韦伯是席勒去分化概念的传承者，但韦伯的失魅却在做另一种工作。

Disenchantment is often mistakenly identified with rationalization as a whole. Nonetheless, Weber's writings suggest that while disenchantment and rationalization are related, they are not in fact identical. Our first step is to clarify their relationship. The root of the problem is that for Weber, rationalization was a multifaceted process: he once remarked that he aspired to "bring out the complexity (Vielseitigkeit) of the only superficially simple concept of the 'rational."'18 Weber was particularly interested in disaggregating rationality and exploring the quite different modes of thought and action that go under that broad heading. Accordingly, he described multiple types of rationality, operating in diverse value spheres, according to different cultural logics and over the course of multiple historical phases. Although he left some intimations of what he had in mind, he died before he could complete the work of systematically relating these components together.
人们常常错误地将 "失魅 "与 "合理化 "混为一谈。然而，韦伯的著作表明，虽然失恋与合理化是相关的，但它们实际上并不完全相同。 我们首先要做的就是澄清它们之间的关系。问题的根源在于，对韦伯来说，合理化是一个多层面的过程：他曾说过，他渴望 "揭示出'理性'这个表面上简单的概念的复杂性（Vielseitigkeit）"18 。韦伯尤其热衷于分解理性，探索在这个大标题下的各种不同的思想和行动模式。因此，他描述了多种类型的理性，这些理性在不同的价值领域、不同的文化逻辑和多个历史阶段中运作。虽然他对自己的想法留下了一些暗示，但他还没来得及完成将这些组成部分系统地联系在一起的工作就去世了。

Later scholars have proposed radically divergent readings of Weber's system of rationalization, suggesting everything from sixteen versions of rationality to arguing that Weber essentially thought rationalization could mean anything. For our purposes, I adapt the schema put forward by Stephan Kalberg, which, while incomplete, has the advantage that it convincingly extrapolates Weber's typology of social action into a plausible larger system of rationality. Kalberg divides Weber's conception of social action into four ideal types of rationality and two ideal types of irrationality. I will largely adapt Kalberg's broad reconstruction, but not his terminology (see note 23). I parse Weber's notion of social orientations into instrumental, value, theoretical, and formalized rationality, versus habitual and affectual irrationality.
后来的学者对韦伯的合理化体系提出了截然不同的解读，从十六种版本的合理性到认为韦伯本质上认为合理化可以指任何东西，不一而足。 为了我们的目的，我改编了斯蒂芬-卡尔伯格（Stephan Kalberg）提出的方案，虽然不完整，但其优点在于它令人信服地将韦伯的社会行动类型学推演为一个可信的更大的合理性体系。 卡尔伯格将韦伯的社会行动概念分为四种理想的理性类型和两种理想的非理性类型。 我将在很大程度上采用卡尔伯格的大致重构，但不采用他的术语（见注 23）。我将韦伯的社会取向概念解析为工具理性、价值理性、理论理性和形式化理性，以及习惯性和情感性非理性。

Weber defined instrumental rationality (Zweckrationalität) in the following: "Action is instrumentally rational (zweckrational) when the end, the means, and the secondary results are all rationally taken into account and weighed."22 Although not identical with current rational choice theory, this is basically practical ends-means rationality. Weber's second type of rational orientation is what he referred to as value rationality (Wertrationalität), or rationality vis-à-vis a particular value or conviction. He stated that the example "of pure value-rational orientation would be the actions of persons who, regardless of possible cost to themselves, act to put into practice their convictions." This is the kind of rational orientation we might associate with religious or political convictions.
韦伯对工具理性（Zweckrationalität）下了如下定义："当目的、手段和次要结果都被理性地考虑和权衡时，行动就是工具理性的（zweckrational）。"22 虽然与当前的理性选择理论不尽相同，但这基本上是实用的目的-手段理性。韦伯的第二种理性取向是他所说的价值理性（Wertrationalität），即相对于特定价值或信念的理性。他指出，"纯粹价值理性取向的例子是那些不计自身可能付出的代价，为实践自己的信念而采取行动的人"。 "这就是我们可能与宗教或政治信仰联系在一起的那种理性取向。

Theoretical rationality (generally referred to as "intellectual rationality"
理论理性（一般称为 "知识理性"
or "intellectualization") describes a type of rationality directed toward "increasing theoretical mastery of reality by means of increasingly precise and abstract concepts." Theoretical rationality is rooted in a "natural rationalistic need to conceive of the world as a meaningful cosmos. Accordingly, Weber described this type of rationality as originating within religion. The core of the difference between theoretical and instrumental rationality is that theoretical rationality is rooted in an intellectualization process that aims toward increasing abstraction, while instrumental rationality is based in pragmatic decision-making.
或 "知识化"）描述的是一种理性，其目的是 "通过越来越精确和抽象的概念，在理论上越来越多地掌握现实"。 理论理性植根于 "自然理性主义的需要，即把世界想象成一个有意义的宇宙"。 因此，韦伯将这种理性描述为源于宗教。 理论理性与工具理性的核心区别在于，理论理性植根于旨在提高抽象程度的知识化过程，而工具理性则以实用决策为基础。

Weber also described the institutionalization of various forms of rationality and their incarnation in courts, markets, and other bureaucratic organizations. Although Weber did not have a master category for institutional rationality as such, we will employ formalized rationality to refer to this general type, which he suggested shared a common attempt to determine action based on previous procedures and precedents. In his discussion of law courts and economic markets, Weber specified two subtypes of institutionalized rationality (or originally rationally oriented actions): formal (formale) and substantive (materiale) rationality. Formal rationality is a "quantitative calculation" in terms of profit, which when institutionalized leads toward greater uniformity and exchangeability. Substantive rationality is an institutionalized incentive toward a particular value criteria, and in that respect it is an institutionalized form of value rationality. One might think of substantive rationality as the codification of norms that have taken on a logic of their own.
韦伯还描述了各种形式理性的制度化及其在法院、市场和其他官僚组织中的体现。虽然韦伯并没有为制度化理性划分出一个总的类别，但我们将用形式化理性来指代这种一般类型，他认为这种理性的共同点是试图根据以往的程序和先例来决定行动。 韦伯在讨论法院和经济市场时，明确指出了制度化理性（或最初以理性为导向的行动）的两种子类型：形式理性（formale）和实质理性（materiale）。 形式理性是一种以利润为基础的 "量化计算"，当它制度化时，就会导致更大的统一性和可交换性。实质合理性是对特定价值标准的制度化激励，在这方面，它是价值合理性的制度化形式。 我们可以把实质合理性看作是对规范的编纂，而这些规范已经有了自己的逻辑。

In general, Weber associated formalized rationality with the empty formalism of ritual (perhaps echoing older anti-Catholic or anti-Jewish rhetoric), but he also connects it to the calculating thinking of modern bureaucracies and markets. Basically, a bureaucrat acts not according to what is morally right or pragmatically good, but according to the rulebook or the norm of the institution. Modern economic markets are similar in Weber's account because they are based on formalized procures and, as within big bureaucracies, the individual is insignificant.
一般而言，韦伯将形式化的理性与仪式的空洞形式主义联系在一起（或许是在呼应更早的反天主教或反犹太教的言论），但他也将其与现代官僚机构和市场的精打细算的思维联系在一起。从根本上说，官僚不是根据道德上正确或实用上良好的东西行事，而是根据机构的规则或规范行事。韦伯认为，现代经济市场与此类似，因为它们以正规化的采购为基础，就像在大型官僚机构中一样，个人微不足道。

Weber argued that forms of rationality can come into conflict. A particular course of action might be irrational on instrumentalist grounds, but might be perfectly rational from the perspective of an actor's value orientation. For example, it might make sense to lie down in front of a military tank based on your convictions, even if it might cost you your life.
韦伯认为，各种形式的理性可能会发生冲突。从工具主义的角度来看，某种特定的行动方案可能是非理性的，但从行为者的价值取向来看，却可能是完全理性的。例如，根据自己的信念躺在军用坦克前可能是合理的，即使这可能会让你付出生命的代价。

Alongside these types of rationality, Weber also referred to two different forms of irrationally directed actions. He described habitual irrationality as when an "almost automatic reaction to habitual stimuli guide behavior
除了这些类型的理性，韦伯还提到了两种不同形式的非理性行为。他将 "习惯性非理性 "描述为 "对习惯性刺激的近乎自动的反应指导 行为"。
in a course which has been repeatedly followed," and he noted it slides over into various forms of rationality to the degree that it becomes self-reflexive. Moreover, formalized rationality comes closest to habitual irrationality the less reflexive it becomes. Finally, Weber mentioned in passing a second type of affectual (affektuell) irrationality that refers to emotional reactions that are not themselves rooted in a conscious or rational decision. Here he is deploying an old opposition between emotion and reason that we might dispute today.
他指出，"在反复遵循的过程中"，理性会滑向各种形式的理性，以至于成为自我反思的理性。 此外，形式化的理性越是缺乏自反性，就越接近于习惯性的非理性。最后，韦伯顺便提到了第二种情感性（affektuell）非理性，指的是本身并非源于有意识或理性决定的情绪反应。 在这里，他使用了情感与理性之间的古老对立，而我们今天可能会对此提出异议。

Additionally, Weber's writings suggest some undergirding notions about rationalization in general. He described the rationalization of six different value spheres-religious, economic, political, aesthetic, erotic, intellectual-in terms of their coming increasingly into accord with their own particular ultimate values, means, and ends. As a general pattern, rationalization has led toward value spheres becoming increasingly autonomous and therefore fragmented. He also suggested that different disciplines, professions, and so on can be rationalized according to their own internal logics. Further, Weber's use of rationalization suggested that it is in general a trend toward standardization, consistency, and decreased complexity (or decreased entropy). Moreover, Weber implied that all forms of rationality tend to absorb irrationality, in that respect liquidating habit, tradition, and emotion into rationalized (or we might say, repressed) norms of behavior.
此外，韦伯的著作还提出了一些关于一般合理化的基本概念。他描述了六个不同价值领域--宗教、经济、政治、美学、情色、知识--的合理化，即它们越来越符合各自特定的终极价值、手段和目的。 作为一种普遍的模式，合理化导致价值领域变得越来越自主，从而变得支离破碎。他还提出，不同的学科、专业等都可以根据自身的内在逻辑进行合理化。 此外，韦伯对合理化的使用表明，合理化总体上是一种标准化、一致性和复杂性降低（或熵降低）的趋势。 此外，韦伯还暗示，所有形式的理性都倾向于吸收非理性，在这方面，将习惯、传统和情感清算为合理化（或我们可以说是压抑）的行为规范。

Finally, Weber sometimes described the rationalization of whole cultures, famously asking: "Why did not the scientific, the artistic, the political, or the economic development [in China] enter upon that path of rationalization which is peculiar to the Occident? We'll discuss the specifically Occidentalmodern trajectory of rationalization below, but our primary question becomes, how do magic and disenchantment fit into this schema?
最后，韦伯有时会描述整个文化的合理化，他提出了一个著名的问题："为什么[中国]的科学、艺术、政治或经济发展没有走上西方特有的理性化道路？ 我们将在下文讨论具体的西方现代理性化轨迹，但我们的首要问题是，魔法和失魔如何融入这一模式？

For a variety of reasons, specialists and nonspecialists alike have had difficulty getting a handle on Weber's conception of disenchantment. Part of the issue is that they have often taken as given an anachronistic opposition between rationality and magic. Although there are some exceptions, as recently as 2014, even leading Weber scholars like Peter Ghosh could argue that
由于种种原因，专家和非专家都很难理解韦伯的 "幻灭 "概念。部分原因在于，他们往往将理性与魔力之间不合时宜的对立视为既定事实。尽管有一些例外，但就在 2014 年，即使像彼得-戈什这样的韦伯著名学者也可以认为

for Weber, by contrast, the defining feature of "magic" (if such a thing existed at all) was that it formed a conceptual antithesis to rational conduct. . . We-
相比之下，韦伯认为，"魔术"（如果存在这种东西的话）的决定性特征是它在概念上与理性行为相对立。. .我们
ber had no developed idea of magic as such, except as the miscellany of nonrational behaviour.
除了作为非理性行为的杂项，贝 尔对魔法本身并没有形成概念。

This is far from the only thinker who has treated Weber's conception of magic in these terms. Much of the discourse around the disenchantment of the world assumes an opposition between rationalization and magic. Even Stephen Kalberg, whose typology of Weberian rationality has set the gold standard, has suggested that Weber saw severing "the bonds of primitive magic" as key to the growth of instrumental rationality.
用这些术语处理韦伯的魔法概念的思想家远不止这一位。围绕世界失魅的许多论述都假定理性化与魔法是对立的。就连斯蒂芬-卡尔伯格（Stephen Kalberg）--他的韦伯理性类型学已成为黄金标准--也认为韦伯将切断 "原始魔法的束缚 "视为工具理性发展的关键。

Nevertheless, the contemporary German sociologist Stefan Breuer has demonstrated that magic was not a major category for Weber until late in his intellectual career. References to magic in the first edition of the Protestant Ethic (1904/05) are scant, and it is not until Weber turned his attention to researching Asian religions shortly before the First World War that he became seriously interested in theorizing enchantment. Moreover, as Johannes Winckelmann has observed, Weber began using "disenchantment" as an interpretive category for the first time in Taken together, this means that Weber's interest in enchantment and disenchantment roughly coincided. Moreover, the timing is important because it broadly overlaps with Weber's visits to the Monte Verità commune. Hence, before we turn to the disenchantment of the world, we need to understand Monte Verità.
然而，当代德国社会学家斯特凡-布鲁尔（Stefan Breuer）指出，直到韦伯思想生涯的后期，魔法才成为他的一个主要研究领域。 在《新教伦理》第一版（1904/05 年）中，有关魔法的内容寥寥无几，直到第一次世界大战前不久，韦伯将注意力转向研究亚洲宗教时，他才开始对魔法理论产生了浓厚的兴趣。此外，正如约翰内斯-温克尔曼（Johannes Winckelmann）所言，韦伯在 首次将 "失魅 "作为一个解释范畴。此外，这个时间也很重要，因为它与韦伯访问维里塔山公社的时间大致重合。因此，在探讨世界的失魅之前，我们需要先了解一下维里塔山。

Max Weber spent two significant periods (1913 and 1914) with the Mountain of Truth (Monte Verità) community in Ascona, Switzerland. The Mountain of Truth was an early prototype for a hippie commune, full of nature people (Naturmenschen), and complete with nudity, free love, and vegetarianism. It also billed itself as a "nature cure." In contemporary terms, we might call it a holistic spa. It was organized around two charismatic figures, the radical psychoanalyst Otto Gross and the poet and nature prophet Gusto Gräser. According to one account, "Ascona itself was always full of people experimenting with everything between palm reading and tea-leaf reading to spells and séances and Ouija boards." Moreover, Gräser was drawn to Asian religions (in particular, Taoism), and other members of the community were practicing theosophists who focused their attention on India. Thus, this group may have inspired Max Weber's own attitude toward Eastern religions. Weber spent two springs there looking for relaxation and an improvement in his health. From
马克斯-韦伯在瑞士阿斯科纳的真理山（Monte Verità）社区度过了两个重要时期（1913 年和 1914 年）。真理之山是嬉皮士公社的早期雏形，那里充满了自然人（Naturmenschen），还有裸体、自由恋爱和素食主义。它还标榜自己是一种 "自然疗法"。用现代术语来说，我们可以称之为整体水疗中心。它的组织围绕着两位魅力非凡的人物：激进的精神分析学家奥托-格罗斯（Otto Gross）和诗人兼自然预言家古斯托-格莱瑟（Gusto Gräser）。有一种说法是，"阿斯科纳本身总是充满了人，他们尝试着从看手相、茶叶阅读到咒语、降灵会和显灵板等各种方法"。 此外，格莱瑟对亚洲宗教（尤其是道教）情有独钟，而该社区的其他成员则是专注于印度的神智学家。因此，这个团体可能启发了马克斯-韦伯本人对东方宗教的态度。韦伯在那里度过了两个春天，寻求放松和改善健康。从
his letters, we know that Weber was not fully taken in by the community, but he also respected its idealistic spirit and became friends with various community members, including Countess Franziska zu Reventlow.
从韦伯的书信中，我们可以了解到韦伯并没有被社区完全接纳，但他也尊重社区的理想主义精神，并与包括弗朗西斯卡-祖-雷文特洛伯爵夫人在内的多名社区成员成为朋友。

Crucially for our purposes, in a letter dating April 4, 1913, Weber told his wife, Marianne, that he had just finished Reventlow's new novel, which he praised as "well-written." 42 What is important is not his literary taste, but that he had just read Herrn Dames Aufzeichnungen (Notes of Mr. Lady, 1913), which if you'll remember was an exposé of Ludwig Klages and the neo-pagan Munich Cosmic Circle (discussed in chapter 8). Strikingly, Herrn Dames often referred to the Kosmikers' belief in magic, even going so far as to give their philosophical account of enchantment; specifically, that when "one's essence is completely permeated by the primordial cosmic substance ... then one is made just as powerful and those who are all-powerful can work magic (zaubern)"; it also recounted the Kosmikers' version of disenchantment - namely, that Protestant anti-paganism and "the light of reason" had extinguished the maternal "blood-light" (Blutleuchte) of magic.
对我们来说至关重要的是，在 1913 年 4 月 4 日的一封信中，韦伯告诉妻子玛丽安，他刚刚读完雷文特洛的新小说，并称赞其 "写得不错"。42 重要的不是他的文学品味，而是他刚刚读完《Herrn Dames Aufzeichnungen》（《女士先生的笔记》，1913 年），如果你还记得的话，这本书揭露了路德维希-克莱格斯和新异教慕尼黑宇宙圈（第 8 章中讨论过）。令人震惊的是，Herrn Dames 经常提到科斯米克人对魔法的信仰，甚至还对魔法进行了哲学阐述；具体而言，当 "一个人的本质完全被原始宇宙物质所渗透......，那么他就会变得同样强大，同样有能力。那么一个人就会变得同样强大，那些无所不能的人就能施展魔法（zaubern）"；它还叙述了科斯米克人对失魔的看法--即新教的反异教主义和 "理性之光 "熄灭了魔法的母性 "血光"（Blutleuchte）。

Weber recognized Herrn Dames a thinly veiled roman à clef depicting real people in the Schwabing district of Munich, some of whom he knew (such as Stefan George, discussed below). This is significant because it would have suggested to the sociologist that some contemporary Germans continued to believe in magic, and yet saw it challenged by the rationalization of modernity. Indeed, Weber began writing about disenchantment at the end of that year, and this novelistic depiction of occult Munich was likely an influence.
韦伯认为《Herrn Dames》是一部描写慕尼黑施瓦宾区真实人物的虚构小说，他认识其中的一些人（如斯特凡-乔治，下文将讨论）。 这一点意义重大，因为它向这位社会学家表明，一些当代德国人仍然相信魔法，但却看到它受到现代合理化的挑战。事实上，韦伯在那年年底就开始撰写关于失恋的文章，这部描写慕尼黑神秘事件的小说很可能对他产生了影响。

Although it is unclear if Weber and Klages were acquainted by 1913, Weber began reading Klages's works sometime in that period as well. It is possible that Max came to know about Klages through his brother Alfred Weber, because in 1913 Alfred and Klages were both involved in the Free German Youth movement. But Max and Klages had many friends in common. Later Weber even had his handwriting analyzed by Klages, whose readings he thought were accurate. Above all, they read each other's work. As noted in a previous chapter, the Neo-Pagan philosopher adopted Weber's "disenchantment of the world." But the conversation went both ways; Weber cited Klages on several occasions. Weber observed, for example, that Klages's writings contained "very good remarks" on "the peculiar contraction and repression of natural life-impulses" brought about by rationalization.
虽然尚不清楚韦伯和克拉格是否在 1913 年就已相识，但韦伯也是在那个时期开始阅读克拉格的作品的。马克斯可能是通过他的兄弟阿尔弗雷德-韦伯（Alfred Weber）了解克拉格的，因为在 1913 年，阿尔弗雷德和克拉格都参加了自由德国青年运动。 但马克斯和克拉格有很多共同的朋友。 后来，韦伯甚至请克莱格斯分析他的笔迹，他认为克莱格斯的分析很准确。 最重要的是，他们互相阅读对方的作品。正如前一章所述，这位新异教哲学家采纳了韦伯的 "对世界的失望"。但两人的对话是双向的，韦伯曾多次引用克拉格的观点。 例如，韦伯指出，克拉格的著作中包含了关于理性化带来的 "自然生命冲动的特殊收缩和压抑 "的 "非常好的论述"。

All told, Monte Verità seems to have left a strong impression on Weber. Returning to the community on April 9, 1914, Weber remarked in a letter to Marianne:
总之，维里塔山似乎给韦伯留下了深刻的印象。1914 年 4 月 9 日回到社区后，韦伯在给玛丽安的信中写道

Now it is time to return 'home' [to Ascona], if one can refer so to this world full of enchantresses, charm, peril, and the yearning for happiness (Glücksbegier) . . I must say: between this beautiful but in that sense "human" world based on superficial sensations, [Ascona] was a sort of oasis of purity.
现在是时候回到 "家"[阿斯科纳]了，如果可以这么说的话，这个世界充满了妖娆、魅力、危险和对幸福的向往（Glücksbegier）......我必须说：在这个美丽但在某种意义上 "人类 "的、基于肤浅感觉的世界之间，[阿斯科纳]是某种纯净的绿洲。

Here Weber is using "enchantresses" (Zauberweiber) to talk about Ascona in words that hint at the inversion of his famous "disenchantment" (Entzauberung). Perhaps having been confronted with a community that had turned its back on the iron cage of modernity to take refuge in enchantment and mysticism, Weber was struck by it as in some ways a viable alternative. Moreover, it may have been this group Weber was discussing in the "Science as Vocation" lecture when he said: "It is, however, no humbug but rather something very sincere and genuine if some of the youth groups who during recent years have quietly grown together give their human community the interpretation of a religious, cosmic, or mystical relation, although occasionally perhaps such interpretation rests on misunderstanding of self."51 To be fair, earlier in the same lecture, Weber criticized inauthentic religious eclecticism, but in these lines at least, he seems to be describing a positive, if somewhat naïve, model of utopian enchantment. At the very least, it shows that Weber was no stranger to his period's occult revival.
在这里，韦伯用 "女魔法师"（Zauberweiber）来谈论阿斯科纳，暗示了他著名的 "失魅"（Entzauberung）的反义词。也许，韦伯面对的是一个背弃现代性的铁笼而躲进魔法和神秘主义的群体，他认为这在某种程度上是一种可行的选择。此外，韦伯在 "作为天职的科学 "演讲中所说的 "科学 "可能就是指这一群体："51 平心而论，韦伯在同一演讲的前半部分批评了不真实的宗教折衷主义，但至少在这几句话中，他似乎在描述一种积极的、尽管有些天真的乌托邦迷幻模式。至少，这表明韦伯对他所处时代的神秘主义复兴并不陌生。

Weber's "disenchantment of the world" first appeared in print in the article "Ueber einige Kategorien der verstehenden Soziologie" (Some categories of interpretive sociology, 1913). His initial tantalizing reference to disenchantment came as an example of the differences between psychology and sociology. Weber was in the process of arguing that actions can be rational for a given actor even if they are directed toward an aim that sociologists might not grant as rational. As he went on to note:
韦伯的 "对世界的失迷 "首次出现在《解释性社会学的一些分类》（Ueber einige Kategorien der verstehenden Soziologie）一文中。 他最初诱人地提到 "失恋"，以此为例说明心理学与社会学之间的差异。韦伯当时正在论证，对于某个行为者来说，即使其行为的目的不被社会学家认为是合理的，他们的行为也可能是合理的。他接着指出

For instance, action that is oriented to magical notions is subjectively of an often much more instrumentally rational character than any non-magical "religious" conduct, since as the disenchantment of the world increases, religiosity is compelled increasingly to adopt subjectively, instrumentally irrational meanings (Sinnbezogenheiten) (for example, of a "conscientious" [Gesinnungshaft] or mystical kind).
例如，与任何非魔法性的 "宗教 "行为相比，以魔法观念为导向的行为在主观上往往更具有工具理性的特征，因为随着对世界的迷失感的增加，宗教性越来越被迫采用主观的、工具性的非理性含义（Sinnbezogenheiten）（例如，"良心"[Gesinnungshaft]或神秘主义的含义）。

Restated, for Weber, magic is subjectively instrumentally rational. People cast spells for specific pragmatic purposes. In an increasingly disenchanted world, by contrast, Weber thinks that having foreclosed meaning in nature, religiously motivated actors often perform actions that are instrumentally irrational: in other words, actions that are directed against their seemingly rational interests, but instead invested with subjective meaning rooted in their specific conviction or mystical experiences.
重述一下，在韦伯看来，魔法是主观工具理性的。人们为了特定的实用目的而施法。相比之下，韦伯认为，在一个日益迷失的世界里，宗教动机的行动者在剥夺了自然的意义之后，往往会采取一些工具性的非理性行动：换句话说，这些行动违背了他们看似理性的利益，但却被赋予了植根于他们特定信念或神秘体验的主观意义。

To really understand Weber's conception of disenchantment, we also need to clarify what he meant by magic. He frequently referred to magic and enchantment in the context of his later writings on religion, but the closest he came to making an explicit definition is in a footnote in the section of Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen (The economic ethics of the world religions) dealing with the religions of China. In the relevant section of the text, Weber remarks:
要真正理解韦伯的 "失魅 "概念，我们还需要弄清楚他所说的 "魔法 "是什么意思。他在后来关于宗教的著作中经常提到魔法和魔力，但他最接近明确定义的一次是在《世界宗教的经济伦理》（Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen）一书中关于中国宗教部分的脚注中。韦伯在文中的相关部分指出：

A strict separation between what is "enchantment" (Zauber) and what is not is impossible in the world of pre-animististic and animistic ideas. Even plowing and other everyday achievement-oriented activities were "enchantment" in the sense of employing specific "forces" and later "spirits."
在前万物有灵论和万物有灵论思想的世界里，不可能严格区分什么是 "魔法"（Zauber），什么不是。即使是耕作和其他以成就为导向的日常活动，在使用特定 "力量 "和后来的 "精神 "的意义上也是 "魔法"。

It appears that enchantment or magic (the German Zauber could mean either) was initially rational. Indeed, Weber elsewhere associates magical powers with "world-mastery" or "world-domination" (Weltbeherrschung). At the very least, early magic was not different from practical technologies except insofar as it was connected to the notion of spirits and pre-animistic occult forces. That Weber saw a connection between (at least early) enchantment and technology is worth underscoring because multitudes of contemporary theorists think they are contravening Weber when they point to enchanting technology But Weber would not have been surprised by this, especially as this passage was not the only place where he theorized the coincidence of magic and technology. 58
看来，魔法或魔力（德语中的 "Zauber "既可以指魔法，也可以指魔力）最初是理性的。事实上，韦伯在其他地方将魔力与 "世界主宰 "或 "世界统治"（Weltbeherrschung）联系在一起。 至少，早期的魔法与实用技术并无不同，除非它与神灵和先验的神秘力量的概念相关联。 韦伯认为（至少是早期）魔法与技术之间存在联系，这一点值得强调，因为当代许多理论家在指出魔法技术时，都认为自己与韦伯的观点相悖 ，但韦伯对此并不会感到惊讶，尤其是这段话并不是他提出魔法与技术巧合理论的唯一地方。58

Significantly, Weber provides both his most systematic theorization of magic and even charts a whole trajectory of the history of enchantment in his incomplete final work, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (1922; Economy and Society). In brief, here Weber reiterated that magic was originally this-worldly instrumentally rational, focused on producing particular ends like starting fires and calling rain. cautioned his readers against anachronistically viewing the past from the standpoint of the modern view of nature and thereby assuming that we "can objectively distinguish in such behaviors those which
值得注意的是，韦伯在其未完成的最后一部著作《经济与社会》（Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft，1922 年）中对魔法进行了最系统的理论阐述，甚至描绘了整个魔法史的轨迹。简而言之，韦伯在此重申，魔法最初是现世的工具理性，专注于产生特定的目的，如起火和呼风唤雨。 ，他告诫读者不要不合时宜地从现代自然观的角度来看待过去，从而认为我们 "可以客观地从这些行为中区分出那些与现代自然观相悖的行为"。
are 'correct' from those which are 'incorrect,' and then designate the [false] attributions of causality as irrational, and the corresponding actions as 'magic' (Zauberei).
正确的 "与 "不正确的 "区别开来，然后将[错误的]因果关系归因定为非理性，并将相应的行为定为 "魔法"（Zauberei）。

Weber thought that early magic was founded on neither irrationality, nor a belief in the ability to violate the laws of nature. Instead, as he elaborated, belief in magic was rooted in the sense that some objects and people possesses "extraordinary powers," often referred to as " 'mana,' 'orenda,' and the Iranian ' ' (which became 'magic'), and which we will henceforth call "charisma." Crucially, magic and charisma are equivalent. Charisma, as Weber elaborated, can be an attribute of both people and objects, and is either claimed for one's self or bestowed, such as in an act of consecration.. Given that Weber is famous for importing a theory of charisma into sociology, it is striking that in this usage, it is primarily a synonym for magic.
韦伯认为，早期的魔法既不是建立在非理性的基础上，也不是建立在对违反自然规律的能力的信仰上。相反，正如他所阐述的，对魔法的信仰植根于这样一种感觉，即某些物体和人拥有 "非凡的力量"，通常被称为"'mana'、'orenda'和伊朗语中的' '（后来成为'魔法'），我们以后称之为'魅力'"。 至关重要的是，魔法和魅力是等同的。正如韦伯所阐述的那样，魅力既可以是人的属性，也可以是物的属性，既可以为自己要求，也可以被赐予，比如在一种献祭行为中。 鉴于韦伯因将魅力理论引入社会学而闻名于世，令人惊讶的是，在这种用法中，魅力主要是魔法的同义词。

The important thing about the reference to "mana" is that this allows Weber to describe magic as prior to any notion of spirits or gods. Although Weber read James Frazer and was likely influenced by his notion of magic, this was not a Frazerian point about magic as a cultural practice before the appearance of religion. Rather, Weber believed that religion and magic both initially existed in a pre-animistic phase and that an early process of abstraction causes people to believe "that there are certain beings concealed 'behind" the charismatically endowed natural objects, artifacts, animals, or persons, that give them their powers. This is belief in spirits. The 'spirit' is initially neither soul, nor demon, nor god, but something indeterminate, material yet invisible, impersonal and yet it is something thought to be possessed of volition." cording to Weber, this early idea of spirits then eventually tends to differentiate into separate notions of souls, gods, demons, and supernatural powers. This is a key shift for Weber:
提到 "法力 "的重要意义在于，这使得韦伯可以将魔法描述为先于任何神灵或神明的概念。 虽然韦伯读过詹姆斯-弗雷泽（James Frazer）的著作，并很可能受到他的魔法概念的影响，但这并不是弗雷泽关于魔法是宗教出现之前的一种文化习俗的观点。 相反，韦伯认为，宗教和魔法最初都存在于前万物有灵阶段，早期的抽象过程使人们相信 "在被赋予魅力的自然物、人工制品、动物或人的'背后'隐藏着某些生命，赋予它们力量。这就是对精神的信仰。'精神'最初既不是灵魂，也不是恶魔，更不是神，而是一种不确定的、物质的但又看不见的、非个人的东西，但它又被认为是具有意志的东西。" 根据韦伯的观点，这种早期的精神观念最终会分化为灵魂、神、恶魔和超自然力量等不同的概念。 这是韦伯的一个关键转变：

Once the notion of a realm of souls, demons, and gods emerged, which is not tangible in the everyday sense, but regularly accessible only through symbols and meanings [seen] behind worldly existence ... this reflected back on the meaning of the magical arts. . . It was assumed that behind objects and events there was another more real, spiritual [realm] of which [ordinary life] was only a symptom or symbol [and then new types of professionals tried to influence or control this in symbolic ways] . . . Thus a tidal wave of symbolic action buries primitive naturalism, with far-reaching consequences.
一旦出现了灵魂、恶魔和神的领域的概念，这个领域在日常意义上是不可见的，只能通过象征和意义[看到]世俗存在的背后......这反映了魔法艺术的意义........ .人们认为，在事物和事件的背后存在着另一个更真实的精神[领域]，而[普通生活]只是其表象或象征[，然后新型专业人士试图以象征性的方式影响或控制它].. .因此，象征性行动的浪潮掩埋了原始自然主义，产生了深远的影响。

To paraphrase, a crucial turning point in history is when humanity begins to produce a concept of a spiritual realm full of gods, demons, and dead souls.
打个比方，当人类开始产生一个充满神、恶魔和亡灵的精神领域的概念时，就是历史的一个关键转折点。

This transforms the basic orientation toward the natural world, making it symbolic. The magical arts then come to occupy the position of interpretation (divination) and manipulation (spells) of this invisible, symbolic world. Later magicians and priests will professionalize partially according to whether they compel gods or worship them, although Weber noted that this differentiation is incomplete. But the important thing is that humanity has come to read this world as symbolically significant by producing a contrasting other world.
这改变了人们对自然世界的基本定位，使其具有象征意义。于是，魔法艺术便占据了解释（占卜）和操纵（咒语）这个无形的象征性世界的位置。后来，魔术师和祭司会根据他们是蛊惑神灵还是崇拜神灵而部分地职业化，尽管韦伯指出这种区分并不完全。 但重要的是，人类通过制造一个与之形成对比的另一个世界，将这个世界解读为具有象征意义的世界。

Human cultures eventually then encounter a fork in the road. They can, as Weber elaborated elsewhere, cling to their notion of magic as he thinks happened in China and India. This preserves the culture's image of the world as a meaningful "enchanted garden" (Zaubergarten) but it comes at a cost. In part this is because Weber thought that over time, magic/charisma gets invested in particular institutions (like the Brahmans or the Chinese emperor), which then exert a conservative function on the culture that delays its growth.
人类文化最终会遇到一个岔路口。正如韦伯在其他地方阐述的那样，他们可以像他认为在中国和印度发生的那样，坚持自己的魔法概念。这样做可以保留文化中的世界形象，使之成为一个有意义的 "魔法花园"（Zaubergarten），但这是有代价的。 部分原因是韦伯认为，随着时间的推移，魔法/神学会被投入到特定的制度中（如婆罗门或中国皇帝），然后这些制度会对文化产生保守作用，从而延缓文化的发展。

According to Weber, however, the Occident took a different route-namely disenchantment. The history of the West's rejection of magic is a story that Weber sketched many times, but never finished elaborating. One version occurs in a famous passage from the second edition of The Protestant Ethic: "That great historic process in the development of religions, the disenchantment of the world, which had begun with the old Hebrew prophets and, in conjunction with Hellenistic scientific thought, had repudiated all magical means to salvation as superstition and sin, came here to its logical conclusion. The genuine Puritan even rejected all signs of religious ceremony at the grave and buried his nearest and dearest without song or ritual in order that no superstition, no trust in the effects of magical and sacramental forces on salvation, should creep in." Paraphrased, instead of producing an entrenched magical caste in the Occident, the Hebrew prophets' demonization of magic culminated in the Protestant-and especially Puritan-disenchantment of the world.
然而，韦伯认为，西方人走了一条不同的道路--即迷失方向。韦伯曾多次勾勒西方摒弃魔法的历史，但从未完成对这一历史的阐述。其中一个版本出现在《新教伦理》第二版中的一段著名论述中："宗教发展的伟大历史进程，即对世界的解魅，始于古老的希伯来先知，与希腊化的科学思想相结合，摒弃了一切救赎的魔法手段，将其视为迷信和罪恶。真正的清教徒甚至摒弃了坟墓中的一切宗教仪式迹象，他将自己最亲近的人埋葬时不唱诗也不举行仪式，以免迷信、不相信魔法和圣礼对救赎的影响悄然而至"。 换句话说，希伯来先知对魔法的妖魔化非但没有在西方产生根深蒂固的魔法种姓，反而将新教--尤其是清教徒--对世界的迷信推向了高潮。

The claim that Protestants were against magic and superstitious rituals seems straightforward enough, but is worth remembering that Weber asserted elsewhere that Puritans and Jews did not doubt "the reality of magic," and repeatedly reminded his readers that "witches were also burned in New England."기 Moreover, Protestants continued to believe in angels and demons. So it is important to underscore what the "disenchantment of the world" is not. It is not the end of belief in magic. It is not the end of belief in some types of animating spirits. It is not a new pessimistic mood, nor is it the fragmentation of social cohesion. It is not the rise of instrumental reason, because magic is itself instrumental. It is not yet secularization insofar as disenchantment hap-
新教徒反对魔法和迷信仪式的说法看似简单明了，但值得注意的是，韦伯在其他地方断言，清教徒和犹太人并不怀疑 "魔法的真实性"，并一再提醒他的读者，"在新英格兰，女巫也被烧死。 因此，有必要强调一下 "世界的迷失 "并不是什么。它不是魔法信仰的终结。它不是对某些灵的信仰的终结。它不是一种新的悲观情绪，也不是社会凝聚力的分裂。它不是工具理性的兴起，因为魔法本身就是工具。它还不是世俗化，只要不迷恋就可以了。
pens earlier and is first and foremost internal to religion. It is not the evolution of magic into religion, and religion in turn, into science à la Frazer, because Weber repeatedly reminds his readers that magic and religion often coincide. Many scholars, even sophisticated Weberians, mistake disenchantment for the various things I have dismissed above. Having rejected these, the question becomes: What, then, is disenchantment? Keeping in mind Weber's multiplicities of rationality and his grand history of magic, I will now turn to Weber's more famous passages about disenchantment and give them a fresh look.
这并不是像弗雷泽所说的那样，魔法演变为宗教，而宗教又演变为科学，因为韦伯一再提醒他的读者，魔法与宗教往往是相通的。它不是像弗雷泽那样由魔法演变为宗教，再由宗教演变为科学，因为韦伯一再提醒他的读者，魔法与宗教常常是并存的。 许多学者，甚至是老练的韦伯学者，都把失恋误认为是我在上文所否定的各种东西。 在否定了这些观点之后，问题就来了：那么，什么是幻灭？考虑到韦伯的理性多重性及其宏大的魔法史，我现在将转向韦伯关于 "失魅 "的著名段落，并对其进行重新审视。

Weber's main clue in The Protestant Ethic is the reference to the repudiation of the "magical means to salvation." He continued the above by arguing, "There was not only no magical means of attaining the grace of God for those to whom God had decided to deny it, but no means whatever. Succinctly put, it would seem that alongside the demonization of magic, what ultimately disenchanted the world was the Protestant conception of grace-that salvation is solely due to the sovereign grace of God (sola gratia). We might think especially of Calvinist notions of predestination, which suggest that salvation has nothing to do with the individual's "free" will, much less other rituals or symbolic performances. In this account, there is nothing a person can do to change God's mind. The oddity is that Weber reads irresistible grace as the epitome of disenchantment. But this was not his only word on disenchantment.
韦伯在《新教伦理》中的主要线索是对 "神奇的救赎手段 "的否定。他接着说："对于那些上帝决定拒绝给予恩典的人来说，不仅没有获得上帝恩典的神奇手段，而且没有任何手段。 简而言之，除了将魔法妖魔化之外，最终让世人失望的似乎是新教的恩典概念--救赎完全归功于上帝至高无上的恩典（sola gratia）。我们可能会特别想到加尔文教派的宿命论，它认为救赎与个人的 "自由 "意志无关，更与其他仪式或象征性表演无关。在这种说法中，一个人根本无法改变上帝的心意。奇怪的是，韦伯将不可抗拒的恩典解读为失望的缩影。但这并不是他关于迷失的唯一说法。

To return to "Science as Vocation" (Wissenschaft als Beruf, 1917) mentioned above, Weber's original topic was career opportunities for students who study the sciences; but by the end of his lecture he has strayed rather far from this theme. The key passage for our purposes is a moment in the talk when Weber began reflecting on the nature of scientific progress and what we have been calling intellectual or theoretical rationalization: "Let us first clarify what this intellectualist rationalization, created by science and by scientifically oriented technology, means practically. Does it mean that we, today, for instance, everyone sitting in this hall, have a greater knowledge of the conditions of life under which we exist than has an American Indian or a Hottentot? Hardly. . . . The savage knows incomparably more about his tools.
回到上文提到的 "科学是天职"（Wissenschaft als Beruf，1917 年），韦伯最初的主题是学习科学的学生的职业机会，但在演讲结束时，他已经偏离了这一主题。对我们来说，关键的段落是韦伯在演讲中开始反思科学进步的本质以及我们所说的知识或理论合理化的时刻："让我们首先澄清一下，科学和以科学为导向的技术所创造的这种知识分子的合理化实际上意味着什么。这是否意味着我们，比如今天坐在这个大厅里的每一个人，对我们生存的生活条件的了解比美国印第安人或霍屯督人还要多？很难说。. . .野蛮人对其工具的了解要多得多。

Paraphrased, "savages" may not know much about the grand scheme of things, but an individual "savage" understands the functioning of all his or her culture's technologies and has mastered all that culture's knowledge. In a parallel passage in the 1913 "Kategorien" essay discussed above, Weber also
换句话说，"野蛮人 "可能不太了解事物的全貌，但个别 "野蛮人 "了解其文化中所有技术的运作，并掌握了该文化的所有知识。在上文讨论的 1913 年 "分类 "一文中，韦伯也有类似的论述
contrasted savage and civilized knowledge, and argues that civilized people are no more subjectively "instrumentally rational" than savages. By contrast, Western modernity is at the end of a long process of theoretical rationalization, meaning that it is impossible for a modern individual to master all our culture's knowledge and technology. Sociologists have long argued that one of the central features of modernization has been an increasing differentiation of labor. In both his speech and the "Kategorien" essay, Weber amplified this theme to describe modernization as a kind of hyper-specialization in which we each know proportionally less about the world around us.
他对比了野蛮人和文明人的知识，认为文明人在主观上的 "工具理性 "并不比野蛮人强。 相比之下，西方现代性处于漫长的理论合理化过程的末端，这意味着现代人不可能掌握我们文化的所有知识和技术。长期以来，社会学家一直认为，现代化的核心特征之一是劳动分工的日益分化。韦伯在演讲和 "分类 "一文中将这一主题进一步放大，将现代化描述为一种超级专业化，在这种专业化中，我们每个人对周围世界的了解都成比例地减少。

Crucially, "civilized people" have a different attitude toward ignorance than Weber's hypothetical "savage." Even when they lack knowledge, civilized people believe that they could know everything. As Weber put it in his lecture: "Unless he is a physicist, one who rides on the streetcar has no idea how the car happened to get into motion. And he does not need to know. He is satisfied that he may 'count' on the behavior of the streetcar, and he orients his conduct according to this expectation; but he knows nothing about what it takes to produce such a car so that it can move. Modern people may be oblivious to even the most basic technology they interact with every day (e.g., how a computer monitor works), but they believe "that if one but wished one could learn it at any time." 980 The consequence of this presumption of knowledge is that in principle, "there are no mysterious (geheimnisvollen) unpredictable powers that come into play, but rather that one can, in principle, master all things by calculation. This means that the world is disenchanted."
至关重要的是，"文明人 "对无知的态度与韦伯假设的 "野蛮人 "不同。即使缺乏知识，文明人也相信自己可以知道一切。正如韦伯在演讲中所说"除非他是物理学家，否则乘坐电车的人根本不知道电车是如何启动的。他也不需要知道。他对自己可以'指望'有轨电车的行为感到满意，并根据这种期望来指导自己的行为；但他对制造这样一辆车使其能够行驶的过程一无所知。 现代人可能对他们每天接触的最基本的技术（如电脑显示器的工作原理）都一无所知，但他们相信 "只要愿意，随时都能学会"。980 这种知识假定的后果是，原则上，"没有神秘的（geheimnisvollen）不可预测的力量发挥作用，相反，原则上，人们可以通过计算掌握一切。这意味着世界是无趣的"。

Weber's main argument about the ascent of theoretical rationality can be described dialectically. First, the more society knows, the less the individual knows; second, the less the modern individual knows, the more he or she thinks someone else knows. In this account we have banished occult forces not because the average American knows significantly more about the nature of, say, sunspots than people did five hundred years ago. But we are less likely to imagine that it is mysterious or magical and more likely to assume that there is a scientific explanation, even if we do not know what it is. Basically, moderns are less skeptical than primitive "savages," or perhaps we are more likely to assume that the world can be apprehended according to our subjective rationality.
韦伯关于理论理性上升的主要论点可以用辩证法来描述。首先，社会知道的越多，个人知道的就越少；其次，现代个人知道的越少，他或她认为别人知道的就越多。我们之所以驱逐神秘力量，并不是因为普通美国人比五百年前的人更了解太阳黑子等现象的本质。但是，我们不太可能认为它是神秘或神奇的，而更可能认为它是有科学解释的，即使我们不知道它是什么。从根本上说，现代人没有原始 "野蛮人 "那么多疑，或者说，我们更倾向于认为世界可以根据我们的主观理性来理解。

A certain amount of the secondary literature promotes the idea that disenchantment means banishing the "mysterious" or a sense of wonder. But the parallel passage in the "Kategorien" essay makes no mention of mystery in reference to "savage" belief. Instead, Weber referred to the functionally unpredictable "powers that the savage wants to influence through his magician." 82 The main argument of the essay is also that it is not actual knowledge of the
一定数量的二手文献宣扬这样一种观点，即 "失魅 "意味着摒弃 "神秘 "或惊奇感。但《分类》一文中的平行段落在提到 "野蛮人 "信仰时并未提及神秘感。相反，韦伯提到了功能上不可预测的 "野蛮人希望通过魔术师影响的力量"。82 这篇文章的主要论点也是，对 "野蛮人 "信仰的实际了解并不是 "野蛮人 "的 "魔法"。
world that strips it of its hidden powers, but a subjective sense that the world is predictable or rational.
我认为，这个世界并不是被剥夺了隐藏的力量，而是一种主观感觉，即世界是可预测的或理性的。

Taken to its fullest extension, intellectualization/theoretical rationalization produces a particular conundrum. Weber described this impasse in two key passages from different points of his corpus. In Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Weber argued: "[Theoretical rationality] conceives of the 'world' as a problem of 'meaning.' The more intellectualism suppresses the belief in magic and hence 'disenchants' the operations of the world - so that they lose their magical meaning and only 'are' and 'happen' but no longer signify anything - the more urgently the demand grows for the world and 'the orientation toward life' (Lebensführung) to appear ordered in a meaningful and significant way."83 Theoretical rationalization is based in the need to make sense of the world, and it starts in religion, but having come to apprehend the world as rational, it has stripped the world of incalculable magic and thus meaning. This leads toward an impasse in which reason is unable to provide an orientation to life. As Weber argued in "Zwischenbetrachtung: Stufen und Richtungen der religiösen Weltablehnung" (Intermediate analysis: Levels and directions in the religious rejection of the world, 1916):
知识化/理论合理化在最大程度上产生了一个特殊的难题。韦伯在其著作中的两个关键段落中描述了这一僵局。在《经济与社会》（Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft）一书中，韦伯指出"[理论理性]将'世界'视为一个'意义'问题。知识论越是压制对魔法的信仰，从而'使'世界的运作'失魅'--使它们失去魔法的意义，而只是'是'和'发生'，但不再意味着任何东西--人们就越迫切地要求世界和'生活的取向'（Lebensführung）以一种有意义和重要的方式出现秩序。"83理论合理化是基于对世界进行合理解释的需要，它始于宗教，但在将世界理解为合理的同时，它也剥夺了世界不可估量的魔力，因而也剥夺了世界的意义。这导致了一种僵局，理性无法为生活提供方向。正如韦伯在 "Zwischenbetrachtung：Stufen und Richtungen der religiösen Weltablehnung》（《中间分析：对世界的宗教排斥的层次和方向，1916 年）中所论述的：

Wherever rational, empirical knowledge has effected the disenchantment of the world and consequently transformed it into a causal mechanism, it comes into tension with the demands of the ethical postulate - that the world is divinely ordered, and so somehow an ethically and meaningfully oriented cosmos. For the empirical and completely mathematically oriented worldview rejects in principle any approach which asks for "meaning" from inner-worldly events. With every increase of empirical scientific rationalism, religion is increasingly pushed from the rational into the irrational realm.
只要理性的、经验的知识使世界失去了魅力，并因此将其转化为一种因果机制，那么它就会与伦理假设的要求产生矛盾--即世界是神圣有序的，因此某种程度上是一个伦理的、有意义的宇宙。因为完全以数学为导向的经验主义世界观原则上拒绝任何从内在世界事件中寻求 "意义 "的方法。随着实证科学理性主义的发展，宗教越来越多地被从理性领域推向非理性领域。

In effect, the advance of theoretical rationalization has become grounded in the assumption that the world is not directed by God, but is merely a causal mechanism. Moreover, Weber long argued against the idea that one could draw ethical value from a scientific or calculating enterprise. The result of the advancement of the Occidental search for meaning is a sense that ethical values are no longer located in the world, and the various areas of society are left to their own logics, leading toward a "polytheism" or fragmentation of value spheres. Although it might be tempting to see Weber's complaint as an example of a conflict between religion and science, it is worth remembering that the Puritans also disenchanted the world by taking the theology of grace to its fullest logical extension.
实际上，理论合理化的进步是建立在这样一种假设之上的，即世界并非由上帝指引，而只是一种因果机制。此外，韦伯长期以来一直反对从科学或计算事业中汲取伦理价值的观点。西方人对意义的探求不断推进，其结果是人们感到伦理价值不再位于世界之中，社会的各个领域被置于各自的逻辑之中，从而走向 "多神论 "或价值领域的碎片化。尽管我们很容易将韦伯的抱怨看作是宗教与科学冲突的一个例子，但值得记住的是，清教徒也曾通过将恩典神学的逻辑延伸发挥到极致而使世界失去了意义。

Strikingly, Weber did not think this direction of Occidental rationality was a foregone conclusion. In Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, he suggested that Asian religions and Occidental religions parted ways because Asian thinkers "never abandoned the 'meaningfulness' of the empirical world." Instead they saw "karmic causality" as a "path toward illumination (Erleuchtung) and accordingly as a unity of 'knowledge' and [ethical] action." By contrast, this route was closed to monotheistic religions that encountered the "absolute paradox" of "an imperfect world created by a perfect God." "$5 Accordingly, for this sort of religion, the intellectual attempt to find meaning in the world "led away from God, not toward him." However, Weber concluded this passage not by suggesting conversion to Buddhism, but by noting that the closest thing to this sort of orientation in the Occidental tradition is "philosophical" forms of "Occidental mysticism."
令人震惊的是，韦伯并不认为西方理性的这种发展方向是必然的。在《经济与社会》（Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft）一书中，他认为亚洲宗教与西方宗教之所以分道扬镳，是因为亚洲思想家 "从未放弃经验世界的'意义性'"。相反，他们将 "业力因果关系 "视为 "通往觉悟（Erleuchtung）的道路，并相应地将其视为'知识'与[道德]行动的统一体"。与此相反，这条道路对一神教是封闭的，因为一神教遇到了 "完美的上帝创造了一个不完美的世界 "这一 "绝对悖论"。"5因此，对这类宗教而言，试图从世界中寻找意义的思想 "远离上帝，而不是走向上帝"。然而，韦伯在结束这段话时并没有建议人们皈依佛教，而是指出西方传统中最接近这种取向的是 "西方神秘主义 "的 "哲学 "形式。

We will turn to Weber's notion of mysticism in the next section, but before concluding I want to refer to another of Weber's criticisms of the hypertrophy of Western rationalization. If the disenchantment of the world is primarily a problem of theoretical rationality, Weber also spent a lot of time thinking about the negative consequences of the bureaucratization or overextension of formalized rationality.
我们将在下一节讨论韦伯的神秘主义概念，但在结束之前，我想提及韦伯对西方合理化过度膨胀的另一种批评。如果说对世界的失望主要是理论理性的问题，那么韦伯也花了大量时间思考官僚化或形式化理性过度扩张的负面影响。

Weber's famous condemnation of the "Iron Cage" (stahlhartes Gehäuse, literally "steel-hard shell") is often conflated with his discussion of the disenchantment of the world. One can see why these two concepts have been discussed together, especially given passages like this:
韦伯对 "铁笼子"（stahlhartes Gehäuse，字面意思是 "钢铁般的坚硬外壳"）的著名谴责常常被与他对世界失魅的讨论混为一谈。我们可以理解为什么这两个概念被放在一起讨论，尤其是考虑到这样的段落：

No one knows who will live in this cage in the future, or whether at the end of this tremendous development entirely new prophets will arise, or there will be a great rebirth of old ideas and ideals, or, if neither, mechanized petrification, embellished with a sort of convulsive self-importance. For of the last stage of this cultural development, it might well be truly said: "Specialists without spirit, sensualists without heart; this nullity imagines that it has attained a level of civilization never before achieved."87
没有人知道未来谁会生活在这个笼子里，也没有人知道在这个巨大发展的末期是否会出现全新的先知，或者是旧思想和旧理想的伟大重生，或者，如果两者都不是，那就是机械化的石化，点缀着一种令人震惊的自负。对于这一文化发展的最后阶段，可以这样说"没有精神的专家，没有心灵的感官主义者；这种虚无的东西自以为达到了前所未有的文明水平 "87。

Scholars have spent a long time searching for the source of the reference in the conclusion to this passage. Although Weber is often assumed to be quoting Goethe or Nietzsche, I have found an alternate and more plausible source in the writings of the economic historian Gustav von Schmoller, who is largely
学者们花了很长时间来寻找这段话结尾的出处。 虽然韦伯经常被认为是在引用歌德或尼采的话，但我在经济史学家古斯塔夫-冯-施莫勒（Gustav von Schmoller）的著作中找到了另一个更可信的出处。
remembered today for being on the losing side of the famous Methodenstreit. In Grundriss der allgemeinen volkswirtschaftslehre (Outline of general economics, 1900), Schmoller remarked,
今天，人们还记得他在著名的 "方法论之争"（Methodenstreit）中败下阵来。 施莫勒在《Grundriss der allgemeinen volkswirtschaftslehre》（《一般经济学大纲》，1900 年）一书中指出：

For some years, a great technocrat could characterize our haughty time not untruthfully by saying: "Sensualists without love and specialists without spirit, this nothingness imagines it stands on a height unequaled in the history of humanity." To which it is always possible to answer, all true human happiness lies in the balance between drives and ideals, between hopes and the practical possibility of satisfaction.
若干年来，一位伟大的技术官僚可以这样形容 我们这个傲慢的时代："没有爱的感官主义者和没有精神的专家" "这种虚无自以为站在人类历史上无可比拟的高度"对此，我们总是可以这样回答：人类真正的幸福在于动力与理想之间的平衡，在于希望与满足的实际可能性之间的平衡。

To be sure, Weber reverses the expression, and there is a slight difference in wording. Nevertheless, he made reference to this work in Die Stadt portion of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. In the work as a whole, Schmoller argued for the capacity of the state to harmonize or balance these competing impulses. This quote from Schmoller suggests that Weber was also characterizing contemporary civilization in terms of an imbalance of drives and ideals, although Weber was significantly more pessimistic about the capabilities of the state.
可以肯定的是，韦伯颠倒了表达方式，措辞也略有不同。 尽管如此，他还是在《经济与社会》中的《城市》部分提到了这部著作。 在整部著作中，施莫勒主张国家有能力协调或平衡这些相互竞争的冲动。施莫勒的这段话表明，韦伯也是从动力和理想失衡的角度来描述当代文明的，尽管韦伯对国家的能力明显更加悲观。

Weber's iron cage would seem to reflect the suppression of irrational life impulses. As he discussed elsewhere in The Protestant Ethic: "The great historical significance of Western monasticism ... [is that it] developed a systematic method of rational conduct with the purpose of overcoming the status nature, to free man from the power of irrational impulses and his dependence on the world and on nature. It attempted to subject man to the supremacy of a purposeful will, to bring his actions under constant self-control with a careful consideration of their ethical consequences."93
韦伯的铁笼似乎反映了对非理性生活冲动的压制。正如他在《新教伦理》一书中所论述的："西方修道的伟大历史意义......[在于它]发展了一套系统的理性行为方法，目的是克服人的地位天性，使人摆脱非理性冲动的力量，摆脱对世界和自然的依赖。它试图使人服从于有目的的意志，使人的行为始终处于自我控制之下，并认真考虑其伦理后果 "93。

Weber described the Puritans channeling this repression of irrational impulses into their daily lives, which became a kind of asceticism in the world, expressed in constant toil and labor. He observed that "when asceticism was carried out of monastic cells into everyday life, and began to dominate worldly morality, it did its part in building the tremendous cosmos of the modern economic order. If this sounds familiar, it is probably because Weber thought Klages was right: that modern society has alienated humanity from our basic life impulses. Moreover, the modern world focuses various forces of restraint into conflicting cultural norms and institutionalized in law and economic policy. This has resulted in constant, if often unexamined, value conflict between individual ethical orientations, norms that have been legally formalized, and the various competing demands of the capitalist economy.
韦伯描述了清教徒将这种对非理性冲动的压抑带入日常生活的情况，这种压抑成为一种世俗的禁欲主义，表现为持续不断的劳作和劳动。他指出："当禁欲主义走出修道院的牢房，进入日常生活，并开始主导世俗道德时，它就为建立现代经济秩序的巨大宇宙做出了自己的贡献。 如果这句话听起来耳熟，那可能是因为韦伯认为克拉格说得没错：现代社会使人类远离了基本的生命冲动。此外，现代社会将各种约束力量集中到相互冲突的文化规范中，并将其制度化为法律和经济政策。这就导致了个人道德取向、法律上正式确定的规范以及资本主义经济中各种相互竞争的需求之间持续不断的价值冲突，尽管这种冲突往往未经审视。

In conclusion, it is worth reiterating that Weber described magic as based in the pre-animistic belief that some objects and people have special powers. Weberian disenchantment describes a world without ethical foundation, produced by the hypertrophy of theoretical rationality that has stripped everything in the world of its meaningful specialness. Again, it is worth emphasizing that this is a logic that emerges from within religion as a basic impulse to understand the world as meaningful. But in the hands of Occidental monotheisms, it runs into trouble. On the one side is a predestination that renders ethical action in the world irrelevant, and on the other is a scientific reduction of the world to causal mechanism that similarly undercuts the grounding for ethical action. In both cases, the world is no longer symbolic and nothing is truly special.
最后，值得重申的是，韦伯将魔法描述为建立在对某些物体和人具有特殊力量的前灵论信念之上。韦伯的 "失魅 "描述的是一个没有伦理基础的世界，它是由理论理性的膨胀所产生的，而理论理性的膨胀则剥夺了世界上一切事物的特殊意义。值得再次强调的是，这是一种从宗教内部产生的逻辑，是将世界理解为有意义的基本冲动。但在西方一神论的手中，它却遇到了麻烦。一方面，宿命论使世界上的伦理行动变得无关紧要；另一方面，科学将世界还原为因果机制，同样削弱了伦理行动的基础。在这两种情况下，世界都不再具有象征意义，没有什么是真正特殊的。

To put this in more systematic terms, Weber's disenchantment of the world, as a characterization of popular mentality, had four levels:
从更系统的角度来看，韦伯的 "对世界的失望 "作为对大众心态的描述，有四个层次：

Weber also described a related conundrum: the iron cage of modernity. As mentioned above, this too had religious roots, representing the transformation of Puritan toil into capitalist labor. Nonetheless, the iron cage would not necessarily be shattered by a return of magic. For instance, in his writings on China, Weber described Confucian governance as magical, but no less bureaucratic.
韦伯还描述了一个相关的难题：现代性的铁笼。如上所述，这也有宗教根源，代表着清教徒的劳作向资本主义劳动的转变。然而，铁笼并不一定会因为魔法的回归而被打破。 例如，韦伯在其关于中国的著作中将儒家治理描述为神奇的，但也不乏官僚主义。

I discuss what I think Weber imagined as a solution in the next section, but the majority of scholars do not think that Weber had much of a positive counterproject. To be sure, a few old-fashioned Whig Weberians may think of him reveling in the triumph of rationalization, but it seems like quite a stretch to impose on a thinker whose characterization of modernity is so evocative of loss. Also, some scholars have read into Weber a cyclical return of re-enchantment, but there is scant evidence in his writings (discussed below). From the vantage
我将在下一节讨论我认为韦伯想象的解决方案，但大多数学者并不认为韦伯有什么积极的反计划。 当然，少数老派辉格党人可能会认为韦伯陶醉于理性化的胜利，但这似乎是强加在一位对现代性的描述如此令人联想到失落的思想家身上的一种牵强附会。此外，一些学者从韦伯身上读出了重新迷恋的周期性回归，但在他的著作中却鲜有证据（下文将讨论）。从
of the Jena Romantics, the oddity of Weberian disenchantment is that it is an incomplete spiral. There are intimations of a return that Weber never completely articulated, leaving it to others to fill in the gaps. It is here that a turn toward Weber's unrecognized engagement with mysticism is in order.
在耶拿浪漫派看来，韦伯式失恋的奇特之处在于它是一种不完全的螺旋式上升。韦伯从未完整地阐述过回归的迹象，而是让其他人来填补空白。在此，我们有必要转向韦伯未被承认的与神秘主义的接触。

maх weber, Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen, 1916
马х 韦伯，《世界宗教的经济伦理》，1916 年

Scholars of religion are used to thinking of Max Weber as a secular sociologist with next to no personal faith. The quote that best exemplifies this aspect of Weber is taken from a letter Weber sent to Ferdinand Tönnies on February 19, 1909: "It is true that I am absolutely unmusical religiously and have no need or ability to erect any psychic edifices of a religious character within me. But a thorough self-examination has told me that I am neither antireligious nor irreligious. Reading this quote, you might imagine Weber to be a man tonedeaf to religion, who nevertheless is not antireligious. This is the restrained and sensible Weber promoted by Talcott Parsons and a whole senior generation of sociologists. It is a portrait that has its roots in the biography written by Max's widow, Marianne Weber (1870-1954), Max Weber: Ein Lebensbild (1926), which has until recently been the single overriding source for Weber's life, and which quoted the letter above. While a number of intellectual and political biographies have been written since, Max Weber's personal life until recently had been largely unexplored. This is primarily because Weber's archive has been closely guarded by the family trust, which only slowly allowed the publication of edited versions of Weber's works, lectures, and letters-a project that is still incomplete.
研究宗教的学者习惯于认为马克斯-韦伯是一位几乎没有个人信仰的世俗社会学家。1909 年 2 月 19 日韦伯写给费迪南德-唐尼斯（Ferdinand Tönnies）的一封信中的一句话最能体现韦伯的这一特点："诚然，我在宗教上绝对没有音乐细胞，没有必要也没有能力在内心建立任何宗教性质的精神大厦。但彻底的自我检查告诉我，我既不是反宗教的，也不是无宗教的。 读到这段话，你可能会想象韦伯是一个对宗教漠不关心的人，但他并没有反宗教。这就是塔尔科特-帕森斯（Talcott Parsons）和整整一代社会学家所推崇的克制而理智的韦伯。这幅肖像源于马克斯的遗孀玛丽安-韦伯（Marianne Weber，1870-1954 年）所写的传记《马克斯-韦伯》（Max Weber：直到最近，这本传记一直是了解韦伯生平的唯一最重要的资料来源，其中引用了上述信件。虽然此后有许多知识分子和政治人物传记问世，但直到最近，马克斯-韦伯的个人生活在很大程度上仍未得到探讨。 这主要是因为韦伯的档案一直由家族信托基金严密保管，直到后来才允许出版韦伯作品、演讲和书信的编辑版本--这个项目至今仍未完成。

In this section, I aim to revise the old portrait of Max Weber. This is possible because we have now have to access sources outside of Marianne's biography: the reminiscences of his friends and family; a new biography Joachim Radkau's Max Weber: Die Leidenschaft des Denkens (Max Weber: The passion of thought), based on unprecedented access to Weber's archives; and more
在本节中，我的目标是修正马克斯-韦伯的旧形象。之所以能够做到这一点，是因为我们现在能够获得玛丽安传记以外的资料：他的朋友和家人的回忆；约阿希姆-拉德考（Joachim Radkau）的新传记《马克斯-韦伯：思想的激情》（Max Weber：马克斯-韦伯：思想的激情》，该书是在前所未有地查阅韦伯档案的基础上完成的。
important, in 2012 the Max Weber-Gesamtausgabe finally finished publishing its edition of Weber's letters. The Weber that appears in these sources was far from a value-free scientist-ascetic, and we can now recover his intense grappling with religious issues and even his flirtations with mysticism.
重要的是，《马克斯-韦伯书信集》（Max Weber-Gesamtausgabe）终于在 2012 年完成了韦伯书信的出版工作。 在这些资料中出现的韦伯绝非一个毫无价值的科学狂热分子，我们现在可以重温他对宗教问题的激烈探讨，甚至他对神秘主义的调侃。

Returning to the oft-quoted letter addressing Weber's religious "unmusicality" will help us begin unraveling the classical portrayal. The very next sentence of his letter to Tönnies-omitted from Marianne's Max Weber-Weber added, "In this respect I see myself as a cripple, as a mutilated man whose inner destiny is to have to confess this [unmusicality] honestly." Here he is expressing not a restrained neutrality toward all things religious, but an internal conflict. This is even clearer in the follow-up letter Weber wrote to Tönnies less than two weeks later (March 2, 1909):
回到那封经常被引用的关于韦伯的宗教 "非音乐性 "的信，将有助于我们开始揭开这一经典描述。韦伯在写给托尼斯的信中的下一句--从玛丽安的《马克斯-韦伯》中摘录--补充道："在这方面，我把自己看作一个残废，一个残缺不全的人，他的内心命运就是必须诚实地承认这种[非音乐性]"。 在这里，他表达的不是对所有宗教事物的克制中立，而是内心的冲突。在不到两周后（1909 年 3 月 2 日）韦伯写给托尼斯的后续信件中，这一点表现得更为明显：

Numerous problems of cultural history an outsider cannot [fathom], no matter their amount of detailed knowledge, especially once you get to the problems of the historical meaning of mysticism. There, and only there, do I have the impression that .. I must experience these psychological states to understand their consequences. I have to confess this even thought I myself am religiously "unmusical."103
文化史上的许多问题是外人无论有多少详细知识都无法[理解]的，尤其是一旦涉及到神秘主义的历史意义问题。在那里，也只有在那里，我才会感到......我必须体验这些心理状态，才能理解它们的后果。我必须承认这一点，即使我自己在宗教上 "不懂音乐 "103。

It seems that what Weber meant by his unmusicality is that he has never had a mystical experience, but he also feels that this makes him spiritually "crippled" because he would like to have such an experience if only to understand the internal meaning of mysticism. Weber later wrote about mystical experiences and did so in detail. Indeed, most of Weber's writings on mysticism postdate this letter. This has led Joachim Radkau to argue that Weber must have had a mystical experience himself.
韦伯所说的 "非音乐性 "似乎是指他从未有过神秘体验，但他又觉得这使他在精神上 "残缺不全"，因为只要能理解神秘主义的内在含义，他就希望有这样的体验。韦伯后来撰写了关于神秘主义经历的文章，并且写得很详细。 事实上，韦伯关于神秘主义的大部分著作都是在这封信之后发表的。因此，约阿希姆-拉德考（Joachim Radkau）认为韦伯本人一定有过神秘主义经历。

I address what Weber meant by "mysticism" below, but first I will examine evidence that he later saw himself as a mystic. Even Marianne reproduced a note in which Weber wrote to a young colleague, "To me the limit of 'confessing' is where things are involved that are "sacred," they belong "within a circle of people who are personally very close to one another," and adding that "only a prophet or saint . . . is allowed to act differently." 106 Although Marianne located this quote alongside Max's rejection of any attempt to publically "awaken feelings of religious community," this suggests that he saw some
我将在下文讨论韦伯所说的 "神秘主义 "是什么意思，但首先我要研究一下他后来将自己视为神秘主义者的证据。玛丽安甚至复制了韦伯写给一位年轻同事的便条："对我来说，'忏悔'的界限是涉及到'神圣'的事情，它们属于'个人关系非常亲密的人的圈子'，"她还补充说，"只有先知或圣人......才可以采取不同的行动。106 虽然玛丽安将这段话与马克思拒绝任何公开 "唤醒宗教团体情感 "的尝试放在一起，但这表明他认为某些......
things as sacred and believed that they needed to be kept inside the circle of close friends and family.
他们认为这些东西是神圣的，需要保存在亲朋好友的圈子里。

It is from these circles that we have the most evidence of Weber's mysticism. Max Weber's friend and colleague Karl Jaspers described Weber's series of emotional breakdowns had from 1897 to 1900 that ultimately let to his resignation from his teaching post. While many scholars suggest that this emotional crisis was triggered by the death of Weber's father, it was Jaspers's impression that Weber had undergone a profound spiritual crisis, following an illness during which he came to obsess on the existence of God.
正是从这些圈子中，我们获得了有关韦伯神秘主义的最多证据。马克斯-韦伯的朋友和同事卡尔-雅斯贝尔斯（Karl Jaspers）描述了韦伯在 1897 年至 1900 年间的一系列情绪崩溃，最终导致他辞去教职。虽然许多学者认为韦伯的父亲去世引发了这场情感危机，但雅斯贝尔斯的印象是，韦伯经历了一场深刻的精神危机，在患病期间，他开始沉迷于上帝的存在。

In later reminiscences, Weber's nephew Eduard Baumgarten described his uncle's religious life in terms of a grand sense of heroic destiny or fate (Schicksal). Even more important, Baumgarten reported a conversation between Max and Marianne, which ran as follows:
在后来的回忆录中，韦伯的侄子爱德华-鲍姆加滕（Eduard Baumgarten）用一种英雄命运的宏大感来描述他叔叔的宗教生活（Schicksal）。 更重要的是，鲍姆加滕（Baumgarten）报告了马克斯和玛丽安之间的一段对话，内容如下：

[MAx]: Tell me, can you imagine yourself as a mystic?
[告诉我］告诉我，你能把自己想象成一个神秘主义者吗？

[MARIANne]: That is certainly the last thing I could imagine of myself. Can you imagine it of yourself, then?
[玛丽安]：这当然是我最无法想象的事了那你自己能想象吗？

[MAX]: It might be that I am one. . . It is as if I could (and would) just as well withdraw myself entirely from everything.
[马克思]：也许我就是一个.. .就好像我可以（也愿意）完全退出一切。

This dialogue is telling because throughout his work, Max Weber would describe mysticism in terms of a contemplative withdrawal from the world. But it is also far from conclusive.
这段对话很能说明问题，因为马克斯-韦伯在他的作品中始终以一种沉思的方式远离世界来描述神秘主义。但这也远非定论。

In another set of reminiscences, first published in 1963, however, Weber's friend and colleague Paul Honigsheim recalled that Weber's personal religion was rooted in his ongoing conversation with God. As befitting this proximity to the divine, Honigsheim thought that Weber considered himself to be a mystic and thus he "had a feel for mysticism" and was infuriated by what he saw as sham or inauthentic mysticism. This is far from the unmusicality suggested by the original letter to Tönnies.
然而，韦伯的朋友和同事保罗-霍尼希斯海姆（Paul Honigsheim）在 1963 年首次出版的另一套回忆录中回忆说，韦伯的个人宗教根植于他与上帝的持续对话。 霍尼希斯海姆认为，韦伯认为自己是一位神秘主义者，因此他 "对神秘主义有一种感觉"，并对他所认为的虚假或不真实的神秘主义感到愤怒。 这与写给托尼斯的原信中所说的非音乐性相去甚远。

These scattered reminiscences are not conclusive evidence that Weber thought of himself as a mystic, but they suggest that he at least flirted with the idea. This is important because the frequent references to "mysticism" in Weber's published corpus are generally read as pejorative, but if he himself was even somewhat sympathetic to mysticism, they suggest instead (as I argue below) that he saw mysticism as a potential way out of disenchantment. Nor was his time in Ascona his only encounter with mystics firsthand, as the next pages will explore.
这些零散的回忆并不是韦伯将自己视为神秘主义者的确凿证据，但它们表明他至少曾有过这种想法。这一点很重要，因为在韦伯出版的文集中经常提到 "神秘主义"，这通常被解读为贬义词，但如果他本人甚至对神秘主义有点同情，那么这些回忆反而表明（正如我在下文中论述的那样），他将神秘主义视为摆脱迷失的潜在出路。他在阿斯科那的经历也不是他唯一一次与神秘主义者的直接接触，下文将对此进行探讨。

We are still very much under the spell of [Stefan George,] who conceives of his poetic profession as a prophet's office.
我们仍然深受[斯特凡-乔治]的影响，他将自己的诗歌职业视为先知的职位。

MARIANnE WEBER, Max Weber: Ein Lebensbild, 1926
玛丽安娜-韦伯，马克斯-韦伯：Ein Lebensbild》，1926 年

A people is dead when its gods are dead.
神死了，民族也就死了。

STEFAN GEORGE, "Der Krieg," 1917
斯特凡-乔治，《战争》，1917 年

We have already encountered the German poet, mystic, and prophet Stefan George (1868-1933) in chapter 8 as one of the Kosmikers. Indeed, he is today the most famous member of that group. George is remembered as an influential poet who had a role in the Conservative Revolutionary movement that sprang up in Germany in the wake of the First World War. In his own day, George was a significant cultural force, developing a tight inner circle of followers who revered him as a master and even as a prophet. This George Circle was drawn from the German academic and artistic elite, including the historian Friedrich Wilhelm Wolters, the wealthy industrialist Robert Boehringer, and influential German-Jewish scholars and artists such as Friedrich Gundolf, Karl Wolfskehl, and Ernst Kantorowicz. For a time, George was a member of Klages's Cosmic Circle, or perhaps more accurately, their circles merged for a while until struggles over vision and leadership ultimately caused them to separate.
在第 8 章中，我们已经认识了德国诗人、神秘主义者和预言家斯特凡-乔治（1868-1933 年），他是科斯米克派的一员。事实上，他是今天该团体中最著名的成员。在人们的记忆中，乔治是一位颇具影响力的诗人，他在第一次世界大战后德国兴起的保守派革命运动中发挥了作用。 在他自己的时代，乔治是一股重要的文化力量，形成了一个紧密的追随者圈子，这些追随者尊他为大师，甚至是先知。乔治圈子的成员来自德国学术界和艺术界的精英，包括历史学家弗里德里希-威廉-沃尔特斯、富有的实业家罗伯特-勃林格，以及弗里德里希-贡多夫、卡尔-沃尔夫斯凯尔和恩斯特-康托罗维茨等有影响力的德国犹太学者和艺术家。 乔治曾一度是克拉泽斯宇宙圈子的成员，或许更准确地说，他们的圈子曾一度合并，直到最终因理念和领导权的争夺而分道扬镳。

The George Circle is relevant to our concerns because, as contemporary sociologist Wolf Lepenies has elaborated, it had an outsized influence on the early history of German sociology. For instance, Georg Simmel often described his own work as a sociological parallel to George's poetry. Indeed, according to contemporaries, Simmel was sufficiently enthralled by the movement that he even adopted George's distinctive style of dress. When Talcott Parsons was in Germany, he also studied sociology under a member of the George Circle. Not to mention George's influence on less well-known social scientists (e.g.. Kurt Breysig and Edgar Salin). Given that these were Max Weber's friends and colleagues, it is no surprise that Weber and George eventually came into contact.
乔治圈 "与我们所关注的问题息息相关，因为正如当代社会学家沃尔夫-莱佩尼斯（Wolf Lepenies）所阐述的那样，"乔治圈 "对德国社会学的早期历史产生了巨大的影响。例如，格奥尔格-西美尔（Georg Simmel）经常将自己的作品描述为与乔治诗歌平行的社会学作品。 事实上，根据同时代人的说法，西美尔对这一运动非常着迷，甚至采用了乔治独特的着装风格。 塔尔科特-帕森斯（Talcott Parsons）在德国时，也曾师从乔治圈子的一位成员学习社会学。 更不用说乔治对不太知名的社会科学家（如库尔特-布雷西格和埃德加-萨林）的影响了。 鉴于这些人都是马克斯-韦伯的朋友和同事，韦伯和乔治最终有了接触也就不足为奇了。

One clue to the George Circle can be found in their references to their project as "Geheimes Deutschland" (Occult or Secret Germany). For George and company, "Occult Germany" was a visionary and mystical political order, which lay hidden beneath the surface of mundane Germany. Succinctly put, they were trying to blend artistic, political, and religious registers to imagine
乔治圈子的一条线索可以从他们将自己的项目称为 "神秘德国"（Geheimes Deutschland）中找到。 对乔治等人来说，"神秘的德国 "是一种隐藏在世俗德国表面之下的具有远见卓识的神秘政治秩序。 简而言之，他们试图将艺术、政治和宗教元素融合在一起，以想象出
an alternate "German spirit" heavily tinged with a language of mystical communion and their version of neo-paganism. Although perhaps more artistic and less magical than the Munich Kosmikers, it is clear that the George Circle represented a similar nexus of enchantment.
这种另类的 "德国精神 "带有浓厚的神秘共融语言和新异教色彩。虽然与慕尼黑科斯米克人相比，乔治圈的艺术性可能更强，魔幻性可能更弱，但很明显，乔治圈代表着一种类似的魔幻联系。

An example of the group's project can be seen in George's eulogy for Hölderlin, in which he might just have easily been describing his vision of himself: "Those to whom the era of enlightenment had bequeathed a feeling for nature and a love of reason, called him a stranger on earth, forgetting that their much vaunted experience is vain and superfluous for one who has a covenant with the gods and with Destiny. . . Not that his mystic and volcanic rhythms are intended as a model for the apprentice to poetry-more is at stake! . . . His unambiguous predictions which cannot be pried apart make him the pivot of Germany's immediate future and the prophet of a new god." The themes in this passage - a suspicion of reason and embrace of destiny, mysticism, and a polytheistic sense of prophecy-were all central to George's project. It was a re-enchantment of the sort that might have appealed to Hölderlin and his fellows. Indeed, the idea that aestheticism could serve as a fortification against modernity was a common theme in the George Circle.
乔治为荷尔德林所写的悼词就是该小组计划的一个例子："那些被启蒙时代赋予了对自然的感情和对理性的热爱的人，称他为人间异客，却忘记了他们所吹嘘的经验对于一个与神灵和命运有约的人来说是虚妄和多余的。. .他的神秘主义和火山韵律并不是要作为诗歌学徒的典范--这关系到更多！. . .......""他毫不含糊的预言让他成为德国近期未来的枢纽和新神的预言家。 这段话中的主题--对理性的怀疑和对命运的拥抱、神秘主义和多神教的预言意识--都是乔治计划的核心。这是一种可能会吸引荷尔德林和他的伙伴们的重新陶醉。事实上，审美主义可以作为抵御现代性的防御工事，这是乔治圈子的一个共同主题。

In Marianne's biography, she discussed Weber's encounter with George in some detail. He had originally encountered George's poetry in the 1890 os, but it had not left much of an impression on him. But later, after his nervous breakdown and ensuing depression, Marianne recounted that he "opened secret chambers of his soul that had previously been closed," which led to an appreciation of George's poetry. In 1909, Weber met Gundolf, George's main disciple, and the two quickly became friends. Weber became fascinated with the figure of George and avidly devoured his writings. From his side, Gundolf often described Max (and his brother Alfred) Weber as fellow travelers, writing to George in a letter: "Of all the professors, the two Webers seem to me to have felt most a sense of the deeper life." Moreover, George's disciples praised Weber's Protestant Ethic for providing "evidence for the mechanizing effects of Protestantism," and suggested both movements had common cause in their opposition to "rationalism, Protestantism, and capitalism."" 2
在玛丽安的传记中，她详细讨论了韦伯与乔治的相遇。他最初是在 1890 年代接触到乔治的诗歌，但并没有留下什么印象。但后来，在他精神崩溃和随之而来的抑郁之后，玛丽安回忆说，他 "打开了以前封闭的心灵密室"，从而开始欣赏乔治的诗歌。 1909 年，韦伯遇到了乔治的主要弟子冈道夫，两人很快成为朋友。 韦伯对乔治的形象非常着迷，并热衷于阅读他的著作。贡多夫经常把马克斯-韦伯（和他的兄弟阿尔弗雷德-韦伯）称为自己的同路人，他在给乔治的信中写道"在所有教授中，在我看来，两位韦伯最能感受到更深层次的生活"。 此外，乔治的弟子们还称赞韦伯的《新教伦理》为 "新教的机械化影响提供了证据"，并认为这两场运动在反对 "理性主义、新教和资本主义 "方面有着共同的事业""。2

But Weber was not without his criticisms of George's project and, according to Marianne, remarked in 1910 :
但韦伯对乔治的计划也不无批评，据玛丽安说，他在 1910 年说过：

It is not easy to stop discussing a phenomenon that has aspects of real greatness like that of Stefan George. ... And it seems to me that the only remaining positive goal is the striving for self-deification (Selbstvergottung), for the immediate enjoyment of the divine in his own soul. The path to this is either
要停止讨论像斯特凡-乔治这样真正伟大的现象并非易事。...在我看来，唯一剩下的积极目标就是努力实现自我神化（Selbstvergottung），在自己的灵魂中直接享受神性。实现这一目标的途径要么是
through ecstatic rapture or through contemplative mysticism. George and his school has, it seems to me, chosen the first path . . . but this path-and this is fatality - never leads to a mystical experience.
通过狂喜或通过沉思的神秘主义。在我看来，乔治和他的学派选择了第一条道路......但这条道路--这是致命的--永远不会通向神秘的体验。

Weber was admitting his fascination with George's "real greatness," even as he was not without his criticism. This passage is important for our purposes because Weber referred to a mystical experience of being filled with divinity, and then at the same time rejected "ecstatic rapture" as a route to it, suggesting that "contemplative mysticism" is a better path. Moreover, this was all before having encountered George in person.
韦伯承认自己对乔治的 "真正伟大 "着迷，但同时也不无批评。这段话对我们来说很重要，因为韦伯提到了一种被神性充满的神秘体验，但同时又拒绝将 "狂喜 "作为通往这种体验的途径，他认为 "沉思的神秘主义 "是一条更好的道路。此外，这一切都发生在与乔治会面之前。

According to Marianne, when Max Weber and Stefan George finally met later that year, Max found that his reservations were largely unwarranted, and while uninterested in becoming a follower, he found George to be a kindred spirit. They met several more times over the following two years, and while they disagreed about many things - including the First World War-they seemed to have much in common. Although Marianne noted that they lost touch with George, it seems that Weber kept up with George's poetry, and even years later he liked to recite it to guests.
据玛丽安说，当马克斯-韦伯和斯特凡-乔治在那年晚些时候终于见面时，马克斯发现自己的保留意见在很大程度上是多余的，虽然他对成为乔治的追随者并不感兴趣，但他发现乔治是他的同类。 在接下来的两年里，他们又见了几次面，虽然在很多事情上，包括第一次世界大战，他们意见相左，但似乎有很多共同点。 虽然玛丽安指出他们与乔治失去了联系，但韦伯似乎一直在关注乔治的诗歌，甚至多年后他还喜欢向客人朗诵。

We also have another version of the encounter from George's disciple Friedrich Wolters. According to this account, George thought that Weber had a "great force" of character and praised his intelligence. In the occultists" interpretation:
我们还从乔治的弟子弗里德里希-沃尔特斯（Friedrich Wolters）那里得到了关于这次会面的另一个版本。根据这一说法，乔治认为韦伯具有 "伟大的力量"，并赞扬了他的智慧。 在神秘主义者的解释中

The main oppositional forces, which Max Weber saw in effect in human history, were magic and knowledge. The realm of magic and charismatic enchantment (Bezauberung) achieved its aim through the means of illumination (Erleuchtung). . . . In contrast the realm of mental cognition achieved its aims through the means of [superficial] understanding (Verstand)... [But these two realms had become separated] because mankind had followed the path of logical disenchantment of the world (Entzauberung der Welt) through science and transformed [the world] into a causal mechanism.
马克斯-韦伯在人类历史中看到的主要对立力量是魔法和知识。魔法和魅力施展（Bezauberung）的领域通过照明（Erleuchtung）的手段达到其目的。. . .相反，精神认知领域则通过[肤浅的]理解（Verstand）来实现其目标.......[但这两个领域之所以分离]，是因为人类通过科学走上了使世界失去逻辑的道路（Entzauberung der Welt），把[世界]变成了一种因果机制。

While they agreed with this sentiment, according to Wolters, the end result was that while the Weber was trapped, unable to reconcile these competing historical forces, his master George had found the way out. He was unable to lead Weber there because Weber had rejected George's charisma and ultimately was too much of a Protestant to understand George's paganism.
沃尔特斯认为，虽然他们同意这种观点，但最终的结果是，当韦伯陷入困境，无法调和这些相互竞争的历史力量时，他的主人乔治却找到了出路。他之所以无法带领韦伯找到出路，是因为韦伯拒绝了乔治的魅力，而且他最终还是一个新教徒，无法理解乔治的异教思想。

But Weber may have been closer to this understanding than George and Wolters imagined. Indeed, it was in Weber's encounter with George that he
但韦伯可能比乔治和沃尔特斯想象的更接近这种理解。事实上，正是在韦伯与乔治的相遇中，他
first began to theorize charisma and its connection to magic and mysticism. Weber first wrote about "charisma" in a letter about George to his student Dora Jellinek. Even in his published writings about charisma, Weber later made reference to George and his circle. Moreover, there are hints that Weber had something in mind as a way to reconcile these contradictory impulsesnamely, mysticism.
韦伯首次将 "魅力 "及其与魔法和神秘主义的联系理论化。韦伯在写给他的学生多拉-耶利内克（Dora Jellinek）的一封关于乔治的信中首次提到了 "魅力"。 后来，韦伯在他发表的有关魅力的著作中也提到了乔治和他的圈子。 此外，有迹象表明，韦伯心目中有某种东西可以调和这些矛盾的冲动，那就是神秘主义。

Even if Max Weber's personal religiosity is discounted, by attending to references to "mysticism," one can find another thread through Weber's work that connects a number of his major conceptual formations. Mysticism will turn out to be not an archaism for Weber, but one of the remaining possibilities for religion in the face of the disenchantment of modernity.
即使不考虑马克斯-韦伯个人的宗教信仰，通过关注 "神秘主义 "的提法，我们也可以发现韦伯作品中的另一条主线，它将韦伯的一些主要概念形式联系在一起。对韦伯来说，神秘主义并不是一种陈词滥调，而是面对现代性的迷失，宗教尚存的可能性之一。

References to "mysticism" appear in Max Weber's earliest writings on religion. Mysticism is already present in the first edition of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, which was published initially as articles in 1904 and 1905. This text was influenced in part by a regular discussion group called the Eranos Circle, founded in Heidelberg in February 1904 by the Protestant theologian Gustav Adolf Deissmann. This group is not to be confused with the later Eranos Circle established in the 1930s at the Mountain of Truth in Ascona (frequented by C. G. Jung and Gershom Scholem), but it may be its distant ancestor. The earlier group had also focused on the study of religious perennialism, including a positively valenced mysticism and Eastern religion, and among its regular participants were Ernst Troeltsch, Max Weber, and Weber's brother Alfred Weber. Incidentally, Troeltsch was another scholar of religion who not only wrote on mysticism, but-as he confessed to his student Gertrud von Le Fort-was also himself a mystic in the model of Jakob Böhme. Given that most of Weber's work prior to this discussion group was focused on economic history, it is no surprise that like Troeltsch and company, Weber came to understand mysticism as cross-cultural phenomenon based in a common human experience.
"神秘主义 "的提法出现在马克斯-韦伯最早的宗教著作中。在《新教伦理与资本主义精神》第一版中，神秘主义就已出现，该书最初以文章形式发表于 1904 年和 1905 年。新教神学家古斯塔夫-阿道夫-戴斯曼（Gustav Adolf Deissmann）于 1904 年 2 月在海德堡成立了一个名为 "埃拉诺斯圈子"（Eranos Circle）的定期讨论小组，对该书产生了部分影响。这个小组不能与后来于 20 世纪 30 年代在阿斯科纳真理山成立的埃拉诺斯小组（荣格和格肖姆-肖勒姆经常光顾）相混淆，但它可能是埃拉诺斯小组的远祖。 早先的小组也侧重于宗教常年主义的研究，包括正面价值的神秘主义和东方宗教，其经常参与者包括恩斯特-特罗尔茨、马克斯-韦伯和韦伯的兄弟阿尔弗雷德-韦伯。 顺便提一下，特罗尔茨是另一位宗教学者，他不仅撰写了关于神秘主义的文章，而且--正如他向自己的学生格特鲁德-冯-勒福特所坦白的那样--他本人也是一位以雅各布-伯姆为榜样的神秘主义者。 鉴于韦伯在参加这个讨论小组之前的大部分工作都集中在经济史方面，因此，像特罗尔茨等人一样，韦伯将神秘主义理解为基于人类共同经验的跨文化现象，也就不足为奇了。

The main problematic of The Protestant Ethic was an attempt to figure out how modern capitalism came to have its particular character or spirit. To do so, Weber traced the influence of the "religious forces" unleashed by the Protestant Reformation on particular "concrete aspects of capitalist culture," which were born in the Occident and later extended over the globe. Importantly, the first edition lacked the discussion of "the disenchantment of the world," which was inserted later and has come to dominate subsequent
新教伦理》的主要问题是试图弄清现代资本主义是如何形成其特殊性质或精神的。为此，韦伯追溯了新教改革所释放的 "宗教力量 "对特定的 "资本主义文化的具体方面 "的影响，这些文化诞生于西方，后来扩展到全球。 重要的是，第一版缺乏对 "世界的迷失 "的论述，而这一论述是后来插入的，并在后来的著作中占据了主导地位。
readings of the work in terms of Protestant (and particularly Calvinist) rationalization. Compressing some of the nuance out of Weber's sophisticated argument, the main thrust of the first edition was that the character of modern capitalism emerged in two moments: with the birth of a notion of a calling or vocation, and its subsequent transformation by Calvinists into a kind of worldly asceticism. In brief, for the contemporary version of capitalism to take hold, people had to be convinced to dedicate their lives to a profession and to practice salvation by way of savings.
从新教（尤其是加尔文教）合理化的角度来解读这部著作。第一版压缩了韦伯复杂论证中的一些细微差别，其主旨是现代资本主义的特征出现于两个时刻：召唤或天职概念的诞生，以及随后加尔文教派将其转化为一种世俗的禁欲主义。简而言之，当代版本的资本主义要想站稳脚跟，就必须说服人们将自己的生命献给一种职业，并通过储蓄来实践救赎。

For our purposes, The Protestant Ethic is relevant because Weber read the early Protestant Reformation and the notion of the calling in terms of mysticism. As he put it in the text:
就我们的目的而言，《新教伦理》具有现实意义，因为韦伯从神秘主义的角度解读了早期新教改革和召唤的概念。正如他在文中所说

The highest religious experience which the Lutheran faith strives to attain, especially as it developed in the course of the seventeenth century, is the unio mystica with the deity. As the name itself, which is unknown to the Reformed faith in this form, suggests, it is a feeling of actual absorption in the deity, that of a real entrance of the divine into the soul of the believer. It is qualitatively similar to the aim of the contemplation of the German mystics and is characterized by its passive search for the fulfillment of the yearning for rest in God.
路德教信仰所追求的最高宗教体验，尤其是在十七世纪的发展过程中，就是与神的合一（unio mystica）。正如改革宗信仰所不知道的这个名称本身所暗示的那样，这是一种真正融入神灵的感觉，是神灵真正进入信徒灵魂的感觉。它在本质上类似于德国神秘主义者的沉思目的，其特点是被动地寻求在上帝那里实现对安息的渴望。

This passage gives us a sense of what Weber meant by "mysticism," or at least, mystical union: an experience of "the divine entering into the soul of the believer." While granting that the terminology of mystical union is unknown to the Lutheran confession, Weber nevertheless argued that by this period in Protestant history, it has become the highest experience of God possible. Moreover, as he argued elsewhere in the text, "mystical" experience is the pinnacle of religious experience.
这段话让我们了解了韦伯所说的 "神秘主义"，或至少是神秘的结合：一种 "神进入信徒灵魂 "的体验。韦伯承认，路德宗的教义中并没有神秘结合的术语，但他认为，在新教历史的这一时期，神秘结合已成为对上帝的最高体验。此外，正如他在文中其他地方所论证的，"神秘 "体验是宗教体验的顶峰。

In a footnote to this passage in the first edition, Weber noted that "mystic contemplation and a rational attitude toward the calling are not in themselves mutually contradictory." 142 The compatibility between mysticism and rational attitudes is a theme Weber amplified in the second edition. We'll discuss that momentarily, but the point Weber subsequently elaborated is that the "calling" had its true origins in German mysticism. One of the typical criticisms of The Protestant Ethic is that Weber gives too much weight to Luther. But this is only on the surface level of the text, the argument at its most superficial reading. If we examine the asides and especially the footnotes, we find that the author of the calling was not Luther but a particular mystic of great personal interest to Weber, Johannes Tauler (1300-61).
韦伯在第一版这段话的脚注中指出，"神秘主义的沉思与对召唤的理性态度本身并不矛盾"。142 韦伯在第二版中扩大了神秘主义与理性态度之间的兼容性这一主题。我们稍后再讨论这个问题，但韦伯随后阐述的观点是，"召唤 "真正起源于德国的神秘主义。对《新教伦理》的典型批评之一是韦伯过于重视路德。但这只是文本的表层，是论点最肤浅的解读。如果我们研究一下旁注，尤其是脚注，就会发现呼吁的作者并不是路德，而是韦伯个人非常感兴趣的一位神秘主义者，约翰内斯-陶勒（Johannes Tauler，1300-61 年）。

To explain, "the calling" (Beruf) went from meaning "a task set by God"
解释一下，"召唤"（Beruf）从 "上帝安排的任务 "变成了 "召唤"（Beruf）。
to being the standard name for one's profession or livelihood. The term is therefore a key notion in Weber's works, occurring for instance in his famous vocation (Beruf) lectures. In The Protestant Ethic, Weber largely argued for the importance of Luther for popularizing the notion of a this-worldly calling. But as Weber put it in an important footnote: "The idea [of the calling] is found before Luther in Tauler, who holds the spiritual and the worldly Ruf (call) to be in principle of equal value." 144 This notion of worldly (as opposed to other-worldly or inner-worldly) mysticism is one that will come to be of particular interest to Weber, and here he is associating it with the mystic Tauler. The closest that Weber came to making this point in the body of the text is when he stated:
是一个人的职业或生计的标准名称。 因此，这个词是韦伯作品中的一个关键概念，例如出现在他著名的天职（Beruf）演讲中。在《新教伦理》一书中，韦伯主要论证了路德在普及世俗召唤概念方面的重要性。但正如韦伯在一个重要脚注中所说："在路德之前，陶勒就有了[召唤]这一概念，他认为精神和世俗的Ruf（召唤）原则上具有同等价值"。144 这种世俗的（相对于他世或内心世界的）神秘主义的概念是韦伯特别感兴趣的一个概念，他在这里将其与神秘主义者陶勒联系起来。韦伯在正文中最接近于表达这一观点的地方是他说："我的意思是......"：

In this Lutheran form the idea of a calling had to a considerable extent been anticipated by the German mystics. Especially in Tauler's equalization of the values of religious and worldly occupations, and the decline in valuation of the traditional forms of ascetic practices on account of the decisive significance of the ecstatic-contemplative absorption of the divine spirit by the soul. To a certain extent Lutheranism means a step backward from the mystics, in so far as Luther, and still more his Church, had, as compared with the mystics, partly undermined the psychological foundations for a rational ethics.
路德宗的这种召唤思想在很大程度上是德国神秘主义者所预料到的。特别是陶勒将宗教职业和世俗职业的价值等同起来，以及传统形式的苦行因灵魂对神圣精神的狂喜-沉思-吸收的决定性意义而价值下降。在某种程度上，路德宗意味着从神秘主义者那里倒退了一步，因为与神秘主义者相比，路德以及他的教会部分地破坏了理性伦理的心理基础。

Here Weber is describing Luther as a step back from the mystics' calling. Weber was likely alluding to the concept of salvation by grace (discussed above), which he thought in some respect renders action in this world meaningless. What fits much better is Tauler's concept of "vocation," which encourages one to dedicate one's heart toward God and engage in a "poverty" of the soul, instead of a literal poverty of the flesh. Nevertheless, Weber went to some length in the pages to follow to discuss how, having given birth to the notion of a calling, the mysticism (of Luther or Tauler) was effectively suppressed by a Calvinism that allowed for a practical, this-worldly religiosity to come to the fore. Although this argument is never made explicitly, we might see the whole narrative of The Protestant Ethic as charting the gradual domestication and eventual rationalization of the original spirit of mysticism.
在这里，韦伯将路德描述为从神秘主义者的呼唤中后退了一步。 韦伯很可能是在暗指 "恩典救赎 "的概念（上文已有论述），他认为在某种程度上，恩典救赎使得在这个世界上的行动变得毫无意义。陶勒的 "天职 "概念更符合这一概念，它鼓励人们将自己的心献给上帝，从事灵魂上的 "贫困"，而不是肉体上的贫困。 尽管如此，韦伯在接下来的篇幅中还是不厌其烦地讨论了神秘主义（路德或陶勒的神秘主义）是如何被加尔文主义有效压制的，加尔文主义允许实用的、今世的宗教性脱颖而出。虽然这一论点从未被明确提出，但我们可以把《新教伦理》的整个叙事看作是神秘主义原始精神逐渐被驯化并最终合理化的过程。

It might appear that after providing the model of unio mystica as the calling, the mystic no longer has any place in the modern world and is fated to vanish like the magician or archaic prophet. But in Weber's later works, there are signs that mysticism began to emerge as both source and paradoxical counter weight to rationalization.
在提供了作为召唤的神秘主义统一体的模式之后，神秘主义似乎在现代世界中不再有任何地位，就像魔术师或古老的先知一样注定要消失。但在韦伯的晚期作品中，有迹象表明神秘主义开始出现，它既是合理化的源泉，也是合理化的悖论。

At the very least, as Hans Kippenberg has argued, when Weber returned to
正如汉斯-基彭伯格（Hans Kippenberg）所指出的那样，当韦伯回到
rewriting The Protestant Ethic with his concept of disenchantment in hand, he was led to reevaluate his understanding toward mysticism, shifting it from a mere "residual category" to a living possibility comparable to asceticism. Indeed, the reading of Protestantism in mystical terms is further reinforced in the second edition, when Weber built on his previous observation to point out that the mystical and rational impulses are not fully opposed: "Now the history of philosophy shows that religious belief which is primarily mystical may very well be compatible with a pronounced sense of reality in the field of empirical fact. . . Furthermore, mysticism may indirectly even further the interests of rational conduct." Here we can see Weber working to suture magic and rationality; or in Wolters's conception, it might suggest that the realms of magic and knowledge intersect in the realm of mysticism. There are clues to the redemptive function of mysticism in other moments in Weber's writings.
韦伯在重写《新教伦理》时提出了 "失魅 "的概念，这促使他重新评估了自己对神秘主义的理解，将其从单纯的 "残余范畴 "转变为与禁欲主义相媲美的活生生的可能性。 事实上，在第二版中，韦伯进一步强化了从神秘主义角度解读新教的观点，他在之前观点的基础上指出，神秘主义和理性冲动并非完全对立："现在，哲学史表明，以神秘主义为主的宗教信仰很可能与经验事实领域中明显的现实感相容。. .此外，神秘主义甚至可以间接地促进理性行为的利益"。 在这里，我们可以看到韦伯在努力缝合魔法与理性；或者在沃尔特斯的概念中，这可能意味着魔法与知识的领域在神秘主义的领域中交汇。在韦伯著作的其他章节中，我们也能找到神秘主义救赎功能的线索。

In one of the most systematic reconstructions of Weber's concept of mysticism, the contemporary sociologist Volkhard Krech has demonstrated the importance of this concept in Weber's religious system. Krech notes that mysticism functions in different ways in Weber's sociological typology and in his historical description of the development of religion. In sociological sections of Weber's Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (1922), the mystic is a contrasting type to the ascetic, but while the ascetic is inner-worldly or world-denying, the mystic is world-fleeing. Mysticism is described as a kind of passive escapism, directed toward inner illumination (Erleuchtung).
当代社会学家沃尔哈德-克雷赫（Volkhard Krech）对韦伯的神秘主义概念进行了最系统的重构，证明了这一概念在韦伯宗教体系中的重要性。 Krech 指出，神秘主义在韦伯的社会学类型学和他对宗教发展的历史描述中发挥着不同的作用。 在韦伯的《经济与社会》（Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft，1922 年）的社会学章节中，神秘主义与苦行僧形成对比，但苦行僧是内心世界的或否定世界的，而神秘主义则是逃离世界的。 神秘主义被描述为一种被动的逃避现实的行为，其目标是内心的照亮（Erleuchtung）。

In the same text's account of religious history, however, Weber described the mystic as a cousin of the mystagogue (the leader of initiatory rites and ecstatic rituals). Both traditions, for Weber, are based in the idea of salvation as a union with the Godhead and hence are rooted in the individual intellectual need for redemption. But while these are distinct figures with regard to their focus on contemplation and asceticism, for Weber the mystic can be possessed by the deity in such a way as to become the medium of revelation and in that sense take on the functions of a magician, mystagogue, or prophet. Likewise, the mystic might seem to be a fulcrum figure capable of reviving a sense of connection to the divine and moving from passivity into action. sum, if selfdeification is the ideal, then the mystagogue is the paramount type of mystic.
然而，在同一文本关于宗教史的论述中，韦伯将神秘主义者描述为神秘术士（启蒙仪式和狂喜仪式的领导者）的表亲。在韦伯看来，这两种传统都基于救赎是与神的结合的观念，因此都植根于个人对救赎的知识需求。 不过，虽然这两种人物在专注于沉思和禁欲主义方面截然不同，但在韦伯看来，神秘主义者可以被神灵附身，成为启示的媒介，并在这个意义上承担起魔术师、神秘术士或先知的职能。 同样，神秘主义者似乎也是一个支点人物，能够重新唤起与神的联系感，并从被动转为行动。 总之，如果自我神化是理想，那么神秘主义者就是最重要的神秘主义者类型。

We can see evidence for this throughout Weber's corpus where disenchantment and mysticism are often juxtaposed; for example, in the passage from Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen used as an epigraph: "The unity of the primitive world image in which everything was concrete magic, has tended to split-on one side, into a rational cognition and rational mastery of nature; on the other, into 'mystical' experiences. The ineffable content of such expe-
我们可以在韦伯的作品中看到这一点的证据，在韦伯的作品中，失魅与神秘主义经常并列在一起；例如，在《世界宗教的经济学》（Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen）中作为题记的一段话："原始世界形象的统一性，在其中一切都是具体的魔法，已经趋于分裂--一边是理性认识和对自然的理性驾驭；另一边是'神秘'体验。这种体验的不可言喻的内容是......"。
riences is the only possible 'otherworld' alongside the de-deified (entgotteten) mechanism of the world.".157 Here it would seem the otherworld of mystical experience is the only site for values that have not been stripped from this world. In the famous lines of his Munich speech: "Precisely the ultimate and most sublime values have retreated from public life either into the transcendental realm of mystic life or into the brotherliness of direct and personal human relations." Although it would take a whole monograph to finish elaborating the full structure of Weber's project, if one grants that some forms of mysticism are positive for Weber, one can see him working toward a set of oppositions: on one side, the alienation produced by bureaucracy, routinization, intellectual hyper-specialization; and on the other side, the potentially (but not necessarily) redemptive charisma, mysticism, and authentic prophecy. This Weber sounds more like Ludwig Klages than readers of either thinker would expect.
157 在这里，神秘体验的另一个世界似乎是这个世界上未被剥离的价值的唯一场所。他在慕尼黑演讲中的名句是他在慕尼黑演讲中的名言是："恰恰是终极和最崇高的价值从公共生活中退缩了，要么进入了神秘生活的超验领域，要么进入了直接和个人的人际关系的兄弟情谊之中"。 尽管需要一整本专著才能阐述完韦伯项目的全部结构，但如果我们承认某些形式的神秘主义对韦伯来说是积极的，那么我们就可以看到他在努力实现一系列对立：一边是官僚主义、常规化、知识分子超专业化所产生的异化；另一边是潜在的（但不一定是）救赎魅力、神秘主义和真实的预言。这位韦伯听起来更像路德维希-克莱格斯（Ludwig Klages），而不是这两位思想家的读者所想象的那样。

Weber argued that science did not produce values and that social scientists should steer toward value neutrality themselves. Building on Hume's famous -ought distinction, Weber showed that the more we know of , the less room there is for the ought. Put differently, greater knowledge of being means there is less room for us to locate ethics. It might seem therefore that there is no way to return value to a mechanized cosmos. It is clear that Weber believed that ethical ends cannot be determined on the basis of rationality. This might suggest a certain fatalism, as though he were looking at the end of history itself and imagining an inescapable unfolding of rationalization. But I think this is a mistaken reading.
韦伯认为，科学并不产生价值，社会科学家本身应趋向价值中立。韦伯以休谟著名的 -ought 区别为基础，指出我们对 的了解越多，"应该 "的空间就越小。换句话说，对 "存在 "的了解越多，就意味着我们找到伦理的空间越小。因此，似乎没有办法将价值回归到机械化的宇宙。很显然，韦伯认为伦理的目的无法在理性的基础上确定。这可能暗示了某种宿命论，就好像他看到的是历史本身的终结，想象的是理性化的不可避免的展开。但我认为这是一种错误的解读。

I suggest instead that Weber sometimes imagined a way out of this impasse via a kind mystical experience that allows for a retrieval of values outside the frame of the purely rational. The route back from a world that has been dedeified might appear to be self-deification. But this is a seemingly lost path in the Occident, as Weber argued: "The redemptive method that was thus the path of self-deification and genuine mystical experience of the divine was foreclosed as blasphemous deification of the creaturely, and accordingly the final pantheistic consequences [of this genuine mysticism] were declared heterodox." In effect, by way of self-deification or a nonordinary experience of oneness with the divine, it might appear that one could forge a new pantheistic prophecy. The world might be made meaningful and divine again. Weber was critical of those who went falsely in search of mystical experience, but he did seem to think that one might still find them. Furthermore, with mystical ex-
相反，我认为韦伯有时会通过一种神秘的体验来想象摆脱这种僵局的途径，这种体验允许在纯粹理性的框架之外找回价值。从一个被去中心化的世界回归的途径似乎是自我神化。但正如韦伯所言，这在西方似乎是一条迷失之路："因此，作为自我神化和对神的真正神秘体验之路的救赎方法被视为对生物的亵渎性神化，因此，[这种真正神秘主义的]最终泛神论后果被宣布为异端"。 实际上，通过自我神化或与神合一的非凡体验，人们似乎可以创造出一种新的泛神论预言。世界可能重新变得有意义和神圣。韦伯对那些虚假地寻求神秘体验的人持批评态度，但他似乎认为人们仍有可能找到这些人。此外，有了神秘的前
perience as the key, a leader could tap into charisma (think gift of charismata) and prophecy and in so doing escape the chains of bureaucracy and rationalization (at least before routinization set in).
经验是关键，领导者可以利用魅力（想想魅力的礼物）和预言，从而摆脱官僚主义和合理化的枷锁（至少在常规化开始之前是这样）。

Mysticism seems to be both the distant progenitor of capitalist modernity and perhaps one of its last remaining options. A person can still choose the contemplative life of transcendence pursued individually and on a mystical level. The mystic does not seem to be vanishing in modernity; if anything, it seems to be one of the positions suggested by the current age. We might imagine that for Weber, mysticism is the last route to access the transcendent God expelled by reason.
神秘主义似乎既是资本主义现代性遥远的起源，也可能是其最后的选择之一。一个人仍然可以选择个人和神秘层面上追求超越的沉思生活。神秘主义似乎并没有在现代性中消失；如果有的话，它似乎是当前时代提出的立场之一。我们可以想象，对韦伯来说，神秘主义是通往被理性驱逐的超验上帝的最后一条道路。

In my reading, this is not about cycles of disenchantment and reenchantment. Weber never uses the term re-enchantment. He does remark in the "Science as Vocation" lecture that "only the bearing of man has been disenchanted" and that "we live as did the ancients when their world was not yet disenchanted of its gods and demons, only we live in a different sense. ... As everybody sacrificed to the gods of his city, so do we still nowadays." But in the parallel writings to this speech (such as the Kategorien essay that largely covers the same ground), these disenchanted gods are not mentioned. Indeed, the most straightforward interpretation of them is in the context of the First World War, unfolding at that moment. These gods are just the nation-states warring with each other, calling on us to sacrifice ourselves for nations instead of cities. So it might look as though the old unities and mysteries of primitive magic are gone for good. But if we read Weber as a Romantic in the mode of Schiller, what he was looking for was a higher-order synthesis, a return of enchantment or value in a higher key. This would be nothing less than the birth of a new religion.
在我的解读中，这并不是指失恋和再失恋的循环。韦伯从未使用过 "再迷恋 "一词。他确实在 "科学作为天职 "的演讲中说过，"只有人类的承载力已经失魅"，"我们的生活就像古人的生活一样，当时他们的世界还没有被神魔所魅惑，只是我们的生活意义不同。.........每个人都向自己城市的神灵献祭，如今我们也是如此"。 但是，在与这篇演讲平行的著作中（如《分类学》一文，该文大体上涵盖了相同的内容），却没有提到这些失意的神灵。事实上，对它们最直截了当的解释是在当时正在进行的第一次世界大战的背景下。这些神只是民族国家之间的战争，号召我们为国家而不是城市牺牲自己。因此，看起来似乎原始魔法的古老统一性和神秘性已经一去不复返了。但是，如果我们把韦伯当作席勒式的浪漫主义者来解读，他所追求的是一种更高阶的综合，一种更高调的魔法或价值的回归。 这无异于一种新宗教的诞生。

Max Weber knew that many of his contemporaries believed in magic. Even if he had never met Stefan George, read Reventlow's novel, or gone to Ascona, Weber would have had only to open a German newspaper to see evidence of popular belief in bibliomancy ("Zauberbibel und Wünschelrute," February 9, 1913), witches ("Die Hexe im Backofen," June 26, 1913), spiritualism and angels ("Die Engel von Mons," August 15, 1916). It would have been hard for him to imagine that in Europe belief in magic had vanished completely.
马克斯-韦伯知道，他同时代的许多人都相信魔法。即使他从未见过斯特凡-乔治，从未读过雷文特洛的小说，也从未去过阿斯科纳，韦伯只要翻开一份德国报纸，就会看到民众相信藏书术（"Zauberbibel und Wünschelrute"，1913 年 2 月 9 日）、女巫（"Die Hexe im Backofen"，1913 年 6 月 26 日）、灵异主义和天使（"Die Engel von Mons"，1916 年 8 月 15 日）的证据。 他很难想象在欧洲，对魔法的信仰已经完全消失。

Many scholars have argued that what Weber had in mind with "the disenchantment of the world" was a culture in which a sense of mystery and wonder had vanished. This interpretation is plausible insofar as Weber made
许多学者认为，韦伯心目中的 "世界的失魅 "是一种神秘感和惊奇感消失的文化。这种解释是有道理的，因为韦伯认为
one statement to that effect in his most oft-quoted lecture (even if it is not emphasized in those terms in the essay that parallels the lecture). This version of disenchantment might still allow for the claim that it emerges from the very logic of religious impulses and that banishing a sense of mystery is not the same thing as understanding. As an account of popular epistemology, this may be plausible but has obvious shortcomings.
在他最常被引用的演讲中，有一句话大意如此（即使在与该演讲平行的文章中没有用这些措辞强调）。这一版本的 "失迷 "可能仍然允许这样的说法，即它产生于宗教冲动的逻辑本身，而消除神秘感与理解并不是一回事。作为大众认识论的一种解释，这种说法可能是可信的，但也有明显的缺陷。

This reading of Weber does not square well with what we know of European history. As far as we can reconstruct, medieval European peasants did not generally think of the world as mysterious. They understood their trades and tools, and insofar as they needed an explanation, they could turn to their priests for reassurance that the cosmos functioned according to God's plan and any seeming mystery was his will. Moreover, when we look toward extant European texts of magic, they often provide explanations for the way the world works and techniques for the control of the world. So it is rather hard to imagine "magic" in these sources as either irrational or steeped in mystery.
韦伯的这种解读与我们所了解的欧洲历史并不相符。据我们所知，中世纪的欧洲农民一般不认为世界是神秘的。他们了解自己的行业和工具，如果需要解释，他们可以向祭司寻求保证，即宇宙是按照上帝的计划运行的，任何看似神秘的东西都是上帝的旨意。此外，当我们研究现存的欧洲魔法文本时，它们往往提供了对世界运行方式的解释和控制世界的技巧。因此，很难想象这些文献中的 "魔法 "是非理性的或充满神秘色彩的。

One would also think that according to the model, as things became less comprehensible, they would become more magical. If Weberian magic stood for the unknown, the mysterious, the unpredictable, then we seem to have sidestepped disenchantment, since it would seem that the more complex our common theoretical knowledge gets, the more abstract and more disenchanted things get. Read another way, we might take it to mean that magic is really equivalent to skepticism (Agrippa would make a fine illustration). But if so, then we might have Hume, Derrida, or even Kant (see chapter 7) to blame for inadvertently providing philosophical justifications for regarding the world as fundamentally unknowable and therefore mysterious.
人们还会认为，根据这一模式，随着事物变得越来越难以理解，它们也会变得越来越神奇。如果韦伯的魔力代表着未知、神秘和不可预知，那么我们似乎就避开了迷失，因为我们的普通理论知识似乎越复杂，事物就越抽象、越迷失。换个角度看，我们可能会认为，魔术其实等同于怀疑论（阿格里帕就是一个很好的例子）。但如果是这样的话，我们可能要责怪休谟、德里达，甚至康德（见第 7 章），因为他们无意中为把世界视为根本不可知因而是神秘的世界提供了哲学理由。

Again I want to underscore that this is not what Weber mainly meant by magic or disenchantment. Weber described magic as instrumentally rational and directed toward world mastery. The "magic garden" was not a state of complete harmony with nature, and recovering magic would not heal nature. Indeed, the whole line of critique that reads the disenchantment of the world as the domination of nature is left-Klages, not left-Weber (Adorno and company notwithstanding).
我想再次强调的是，这并不是韦伯所说的魔法或幻灭的主要含义。韦伯将魔法描述为工具理性的，旨在掌握世界。魔法花园 "并不是与自然完全和谐的状态，恢复魔法也不会治愈自然。事实上，将世界的失魅解读为自然的主宰的整个批判思路是左派克拉格，而非左派韦伯（尽管有阿多诺等人）。

Weber's image of a disenchanted cultural sphere is one in which meaning has been pushed out of existence, rendering it no longer symbolic and ethical action meaningless. This was an impasse that could be arrived at by either denying the existence of God or by imagining a transcendent God who had preordained all things. It resulted in a state where mana/charisma/specialness no longer marked out specific individuals, rites, and objects with the same power. Crucially, disenchantment arose from a hypertrophy of theoretical rationality.
韦伯所描绘的失意的文化领域是这样的：意义被挤出了存在，使其不再具有象征意义，伦理行动也失去了意义。这种僵局可以通过否认上帝的存在，也可以通过想象一个预设万物的超验上帝来打破。其结果是，"法力"/"神力"/"特殊性 "不再以同样的力量标示出特定的个人、仪式和物品。最重要的是，迷失产生于理论理性的膨胀。

The basic need for a rationally meaningful cosmos had stripped the world of all irrationalities, and in so doing located ethics in a transcendent realm, which increasingly receded from sight. Nevertheless, the same basic needs remained.
对一个有理性意义的宇宙的基本需求剔除了世界上所有的不合理之处，从而将伦理定位于一个超验的领域，而这个领域正日益从人们的视线中消失。然而，同样的基本需求依然存在。

Above I divided Weberian disenchantment into metaphysical realism, ontological homogeneity, ethical predeterminism/value nihilism, and epistemic overconfidence. There is counterevidence for these forms of disenchantment as well. Religious believers and philosophical skeptics often reject metaphysical realism. Moreover, charisma and even extramundane objects/people have far from vanished in contemporary Euro-American culture, where we have everything from fetishized celebrity artifacts to haunted houses. In the United States, epistemic overconfidence has withered in the face of right- and left-wing skepticism (against climate change and vaccines and so on). The popular faith in technology remains largely unchecked, but science is routinely attacked in the public sphere. I am more sympathetic to the issue of value nihilism, but it would be a mistake to think that it characterizes even most sectors of society. On a more sympathetic reading of Weber's model, one could argue that instead of a culture-wide "disenchantment of the world," the result has rather been a drive toward the disenchantment of the intellectual value sphere or specific disciplines. But there is more fundamental intervention I want to make in the standard interpretation of Weberian disenchantment.
上文我将韦伯式的迷失分为形而上学的现实主义、本体论的同一性、伦理上的预定论/价值虚无主义以及认识论上的过度自信。这些形式的迷失也有反证。宗教信仰者和哲学怀疑论者往往拒绝形而上学的现实主义。此外，在当代欧美文化中，魅力甚至超凡脱俗的事物/人物远未消失，从拜物教的名人文物到闹鬼的房子，应有尽有。在美国，面对右翼和左翼的怀疑论（反对气候变化和疫苗等），认识论上的过度自信已经枯萎。大众对技术的信仰在很大程度上仍然没有受到遏制，但科学却经常在公共领域受到攻击。我更同情价值虚无主义的问题，但如果认为它甚至是社会大多数阶层的特征，那就大错特错了。如果对韦伯的模式进行更有同情心的解读，我们可以说，与其说是整个文化 "对世界的迷失"，不如说是对知识价值领域或特定学科的迷失。但是，我想对韦伯失魅的标准解释进行更根本的干预。

Popular interpretations of Weber tend to assume that he was describing a world without magic. This reading is easy to dismiss both in terms of Weber's own understanding of the Puritan witch trials and knowledge of magical revivals. Indeed, I cannot emphasis this enough - the disenchantment of the world does not mean there is no magic. We understand Weber better if we read him as also theorizing the persistence of magic into modernity. What Weber envisioned can be further clarified on basic philological grounds. Entzauberung in German signals something that is in process. One of the most straightforward implications of this chapter would be to translate Weber's famous phrase not as "the disenchantment of the world" but instead as "the disenchanting of the world." "Disenchantment" suggests an accomplished state of affairs. But what Weber has in mind is not just a process, but also a program. All he's doing is identifying that this program is in place, not that it is completed. For there to be an active, ongoing disenchanting of the world, magic has to be intactsomewhere, among some groups. There must therefore be pockets, entire regions, groups or classes where magic remains. If anything, disenchanting the world might seem destined to produce a "magic sphere" with a new host of professionals, subject to its own internal rationalization process.
对韦伯的流行解读倾向于认为他描述的是一个没有魔法的世界。从韦伯本人对清教徒女巫审判的理解和对魔法复兴的了解来看，这种解读很容易被否定。事实上，我无论如何强调这一点都不为过--世界的失魅并不意味着没有魔法。如果我们把韦伯也理解为将魔法的顽固性理论化为现代性，我们就能更好地理解韦伯。韦伯的设想可以从基本的语言学角度得到进一步澄清。在德语中，"Entzauberung "表示正在进行中的事物。本章最直接的含义之一，就是将韦伯的名言翻译为 "世界的失魅"，而不是 "世界的失魅"。"disenchantment "意指一种既成的状态。但韦伯想到的不仅是一个过程，也是一个计划。他所做的只是确定这个计划已经到位，而不是它已经完成。要想让世界积极地、持续地失去魅力，魔法就必须在某些地方、某些群体中保持完整。因此，必须有一些地方、整个地区、群体或阶级仍然存在魔法。如果有的话，对世界的去魔法化似乎注定会产生一个 "魔法领域"，其中有一大批新的专业人士，并受制于其自身的内部合理化过程。

Moreover, it is important to emphasize that for Weber to be right, the dis-
此外，有必要强调的是，如果韦伯的观点是正确的，那么，"不......
enchanters do not have to be denying the existence of magic. They merely have to demonize it. The disenchanting of the world is in place once there are some elites who want to cut off magic as a path to salvation. In the first instance, disenchanting does not strip the earth of supernatural beings, so much as it depicts the world as demon haunted. This allows us also to see that "the disenchanting of the world" is not identical to the (putatively) anonymous process of rationalization. Yet, it is still alienating.
魔法师不必否认魔法的存在。他们只需将魔法妖魔化。一旦有一些精英想要切断魔法这条通往救赎之路，就会对世界进行 "失魔"。首先，"去魔法化 "并不是将地球上的超自然生物剥离，而是将世界描绘成恶魔出没的世界。这也让我们看到，"世界的失魅 "并不等同于（假定的）匿名的合理化过程。然而，它仍然是异化的。

When Weber theorized rationalization, he argued that in the modern Occident, theoretical rationalization has if anything been further subsumed by the onset of formalized/institutionalized rationality, resulting in an iron cage. Weber spent time discussing the many forms of domination and violence enshrined in the modern state. To these we could add the ideas of Marx and a host of different condemnations of the contemporary capitalist world order. I mention this here because the iron cage and disenchantment are often entangled. Framed this way, however, it seems unlikely that re-enchantment (either a naïve revival of magic or even a recovery of ethics) would solve any of these issues. Leaving aside his Orientalist binary between a magical Asia and a magicless West, Weber himself seems to have both believed that Asia had not yet been disenchanted, and yet also been pessimistic about it.
当韦伯将合理化理论化时，他认为在现代西方，理论上的合理化被形式化/制度化的合理性进一步淹没，从而形成了一个铁笼。韦伯花了很多时间来讨论现代国家的多种统治和暴力形式。除此之外，我们还可以加上马克思的思想以及对当代资本主义世界秩序的一系列不同谴责。我之所以在此提及这一点，是因为铁笼和失望常常纠缠在一起。然而，从这个角度来看，重新着魔（无论是魔法的天真复兴还是伦理的恢复）似乎都不可能解决这些问题。撇开他的东方学在有魔法的亚洲和无魔法的西方之间的二元对立不谈，韦伯本人似乎既相信亚洲尚未失魅，又对此持悲观态度。

Weber suggested that what the world needed was a new prophet. But he gave few clues as to where such could be found. Mysticism might be a potential way to bring God back into a godless world, mystical union as the path to re-deifying the cosmos. A charismatic magician could overturn the laws of bureaucracy and institute a new world-affirming ethical code, perhaps, but even this charisma would ultimately become routinized yet again. In my reading, Weber toyed with the idea of mysticism as a solution, but never fully committed to it, perhaps for good reason. Instead, Weber hinted at a messianic expectation or a longing for "genuine prophecy" in a prophetless age.
韦伯认为，世界需要的是一位新的先知。但他几乎没有给出从哪里可以找到这样一位先知的线索。神秘主义可能是将上帝带回无神世界的一种潜在方式，神秘主义的结合是重新神化宇宙的途径。或许，一位魅力非凡的魔术师可以推翻官僚体制的法则，并制定新的世界伦理准则，但即使是这种魅力，最终也会再次被常规化。在我的阅读中，韦伯将神秘主义作为一种解决方案的想法玩弄于股掌之间，但从未完全致力于此，这或许是有道理的。相反，韦伯暗示了一种救世主式的期待，或者说是对无预言时代 "真正预言 "的渴望。