The Symbolism of the Early Stūpa*
早期斯图巴* 的象征意义

In this paper, I wish to focus on the symbolism of the Buddhist stūpa. In its simplest sense, this is a “(relic) mound” and a symbol of the Buddha’s parinibbanna. I wish to show, however, that its form also comprises a system of overlapping symbols which make the stūpa as a whole into a symbol of the Dhamma and of the enlightened state of a Buddha.
在本文中，我想重点谈谈佛教 "舍利塔 "的象征意义。从最简单的意义上讲，这是一个"（舍利）冢"，是佛陀般涅盘的象征。不过，我想说明的是，它的形式还包括一个重叠的象征系统，使整个佛塔成为达摩和佛陀觉悟状态的象征。

Some authors, such as John Irwin, ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} Ananda Coomaraswamy, ${}^2$${}^2$^(2){ }^{2} and, to some extent, Lama Anagarika Govinda, ${}^3$${}^3$^(3){ }^{3} have seen a largely pre-Buddhist, Vedic meaning in the stūpa’s symbolism. I wish to bring out its Buddhist meaning, drawing on certain evidence cited by Irwin in support of his interpretation, and on the work of such scholars as Gustav Roth. ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4}
一些作者，如约翰-欧文 (John Irwin)、 ${}^1$${}^1$^(1){ }^{1} 阿南达-库马拉斯瓦米 (Ananda Coomaraswamy)、 ${}^2$${}^2$^(2){ }^{2} 以及喇嘛阿那加里卡-戈文达 (Lama Anagarika Govinda)， ${}^3$${}^3$^(3){ }^{3} 在一定程度上认为，"stūpa "的象征意义在很大程度上是佛教之前的吠陀意义。我希望借助欧文为支持他的解释而引用的某些证据，以及古斯塔夫-罗斯等学者的研究成果，引出其佛教含义。 ${}^4$${}^4$^(4){ }^{4}

From pre-Buddhist times, in India and elsewhere, the remains of kings and heroes were interred in burial mounds (tumuli), out of both respect and fear of the dead. Those in ancient India were low, circular mounds of earth, kept in place by a ring of boulders; these boulders also served to mark off a mound as a sacred area.
在印度和其他地方，从佛教之前的时代开始，出于对死者的尊敬和恐惧，国王和英雄的遗体就被安葬在坟丘（tumuli）中。古印度的墓冢是低矮的圆形土丘，由一圈巨石固定；这些巨石也是墓冢圣地的标志。

According to the account in the Mahäparinibbāna Sutta (D.II.141-3), when the Buddha was asked what was to be done
根据《大毗婆沙论》（Mahäparinibbāna Sutta）（D.II.141-3）中的记载，当佛陀被问及该怎么做时
*First given at the Eighth Symposium on Indian Religions (British Association for the History of Religion), Oxford, April 1982
*首次在第八届印度宗教研讨会上发表（英国宗教史协会），牛津，1982 年 4 月
with his remains after death, he seems to have brought to mind this ancient tradition. He explained that his body should be treated like that of a Cakkavatti emperor: after wrapping it in many layers of cloth and placing it within two iron vessels, it should be cremated; the relics should then be placed in a stūpa “where four roads meet” (cātummahäpathe). The relics of a “disciple” (sāvaka) of a Tathagāta should be treated likewise. At the stūpa of either, a person’s citta could be gladdened and calmed at the thought of its significance.
他似乎想到了这一古老的传统。他解释说，他的遗体应该像卡卡瓦提皇帝的遗体一样处理：用多层布包裹后，放在两个铁器中火化；然后将遗体放在 "四条道路交汇处"（cātummahäpathe）的 "塔帕"（stūpa）中。塔塔迦塔 "弟子"（sāvaka）的舍利也应如此处理。无论在哪种情况下，一想到它的意义，人的心就会感到欣喜和平静。

After the Buddha’s cremation, his relics (sariras) are said to have been divided into eight portions, and each was placed in a stūpa. The pot (kumbha) in which the relics were collected and the ashes of the cremation fire were dealt with in the same way (D.II.166).
据说佛陀火化后，他的舍利（sariras）被分成八份，每份舍利都被放置在一个舍利塔（stūpa）中。收集舍利的罐（kumbha）和火化后的灰烬也以同样的方式处理（D.II.166）。

One of the things which Asoka (273-232 B.C.) did in his efforts to spread Buddhism, was to open up these original ten stūpas and distribute their relics in thousands of new stūpas throughout India. By doing this, the stūpa was greatly popularised. Though the development of the Buddha-image, probably in the second century A.D., provided another focus for devotion to the Buddha, stūpas remain popular to this day, especially in Theravādin countries. They have gone through a long development in form and symbolism, but I wish to concentrate on their early significance.
阿育王（公元前 273-232 年）在传播佛教的过程中做了一件事，那就是开放最初的十座佛塔，并将它们的舍利分布在印度各地数以千计的新佛塔中。通过这种方式，佛塔得到了极大的普及。虽然佛像的发展（大概在公元二世纪）为人们对佛陀的虔诚提供了另一个焦点，但佛塔至今仍然很受欢迎，尤其是在上座部佛教国家。它们在形式和象征意义上经历了漫长的发展，但我想重点谈谈它们早期的意义。

Before dealing with the stūpa itself, it is necessary to say something about the relics contained in it. The contents of a stūpa may be the reputed physical relics (sarīas or dhätus) of Gotama Buddha, of a previous Buddha, of an Arahant or other saint, or copies of these relics; they may also be objects used by such holy beings, images symbolising them, or texts seen as the “relics” of the “Dhamma-body” of Gotama Buddha.
在讨论佛塔本身之前，有必要先介绍一下佛塔中的舍利。舍利塔中的内容可能是圣人、前佛、阿罗汉或其他圣人的肉身舍利（sarīas 或 dhätus）或这些舍利的复制品；也可能是这些圣人使用过的物品、象征这些圣人的图像或被视为圣人 "法身 "的 "舍利 "的文本。

Physical relics are seen as the most powerful kind of contents. Firstly, they act as reminders of a Buddha or saint: of their spiritual qualities, their teachings, and the fact that they have actually lived on this earth. This, in turn, shows that it is possible for a human being to become a Buddha or saint. While
肉身舍利被视为最有威力的物品。首先，它们可以提醒人们注意佛陀或圣人：他们的精神品质、他们的教诲以及他们曾真实地生活在这个世界上这一事实。这反过来又表明，人类有可能成为佛陀或圣人。虽然
even copies of relics can act as reminders, they cannot fulfill the second function of relics proper. This is because these are thought to contain something of the spiritual force and purity of the person they once formed part of. As they were part of the body of a person whose mind was freed of spiritual faults and possessed of a great energy-for-good, it is believed that they were somehow affected by this. Relics are therefore seen as radiating a kind of beneficial power. This is probably why ch. 28 of the Buddhavamsa says:
即使是圣物的复制品也能起到提醒作用，但它们无法实现圣物本身的第二项功能。这是因为人们认为这些遗物包含了遗体的精神力量和纯洁性。由于这些遗物曾是一个人身体的一部分，而这个人的思想已经摆脱了精神上的缺陷，并拥有巨大的向善能量，因此人们认为这些遗物在某种程度上受到了这种能量的影响。因此，人们认为文物散发着一种有益的力量。这可能就是《佛说》第 28 章所说的原因：

The ancients say that the dispersal of the relics of Gotama, the great seer, was out of compassion for living beings.
古人说，伟大先知乔达摩舍利的流散是出于对众生的慈悲。

Miraculous powers are also attributed to relics, as seen in a story of the second century B.C. related in the Mahävamisa XXXI v.97-100. When king Duțṭhāgāmaṇi was enshrining some relics of Gotama in the Great Stūpa at Anurādhapura, they rose into the air in their casket, and then emerged to form the shape of the Buddha. In a similar vein, the Vibhanga Atṭhakath $\overline{a}$$\overline{a}$bar(a)\bar{a} p. 433 says that at the end of the 5000 year period of the sāsana, all the relics in Sri Lanka will assemble, travel through the air to the foot of the Bodhi tree in India, emit rays of light, and then disappear in a flash of light. This is referred to as the parinibbāna of the dhätus. Relics, then, act both as reminders of Gotama, or some other holy being, and as actual tangible links with them and their spiritual powers. The Mahāvamsa XXX v .100 says, indeed, that there is equal merit in devotion to the Buddha’s relics as there was in devotion to him when he was alive.
圣物也被赋予了神奇的力量，《大梵天经》(Mahävamisa) XXXI v.97-100 中记载的公元前二世纪的一个故事就说明了这一点。当国王杜哈加马尼（Duțṭhāgāmaṇi）在阿努拉达普拉（Anurādhapura）的大圣塔（Great Stūpa）中供奉哥达摩（Gotama）的一些舍利时，舍利在匣子里升到空中，然后浮现出佛陀的形状。同样，《Vibhanga Atṭhakath 》 $\overline{a}$$\overline{a}$bar(a)\bar{a} 第 433 页说，在 5000 年的舍利期结束时，斯里兰卡的所有舍利将聚集在一起，在空中飞行到印度的菩提树脚下，发出光芒，然后在一道光中消失。这被称为 "陀罗尼旁生"。因此，圣物既是对悟达摩或其他圣者的提醒，也是与他们及其精神力量的实际联系。摩诃婆罗多》(Mahāvamsa) XXX v .100 说，对佛陀舍利的虔诚与对佛陀在世时的虔诚具有同等功德。
IV. The Symbolism of the Stüpa’s Components
IV.Stüpa 各组成部分的象征意义

The best preserved of the early Indian stūpas is the Great Stūpa at Sāñcī, central India. First built by Aśoka, it was later enlarged and embellished, up to the first century A.D. The diagramatic representation of it in figure 1 gives a clear indication of the various parts of an early stūpa.
保存最完好的早期印度佛塔是位于中印度萨尼奇的大佛塔。图 1 中的示意图清楚地显示了早期佛塔的各个部分。

The four toranas, or gateways, of this stūpa were built between the first centuries B.C. and A.D., to replace previous
这座庙宇的四座 Toranas（或称大门）建于公元前一世纪至公元前二世纪之间，以取代之前的建筑。
wooden ones. Their presence puts the stūpa, symbolically, at the place where four roads meet, as is specified in the Mahäparinibbāna Sutta. This is probably to indicate the openness and universality of the Buddhist teaching, which invites all to come and try its path, and also to radiate loving-kindness to beings in all four directions.
木制的。正如《大毗婆沙论》（Mahäparinibbāna Sutta）所述，它们的存在象征性地将 "窣堵波 "置于四条道路的交汇处。这可能是为了表明佛教教义的开放性和普遍性，它邀请所有人前来尝试其道路，并向四方众生散发慈爱。

In a later development of the stūpa, in North India, the orientation to the four directions was often expressed by means of a square, terraced base, sometimes with staircases on each side in place of the early gateways. At Sāñcī, these gateways are covered with carved reliefs of the Bodhisatta career of Gotama and also, using aniconic symbols, of his final life as a Buddha. Symbols also represent previous Buddhas. In this way, the gates convey Buddhist teachings and the life of the Buddhas to those who enter the precincts of the stūpa.
在北印度，"窣堵波 "的后期发展通常是通过方形、阶梯状的基座来表达对四方的朝向，有时在两侧用楼梯来代替早期的门廊。在萨尼奇（Sāñcī），这些门廊上都雕刻有浮雕，表现了哥达摩的菩萨生涯，并用象征性符号表现了他最后的佛陀生活。这些符号还代表了以前的佛陀。通过这种方式，大门向进入寺院的人传达佛教教义和佛陀的生平。

Encircling Sāñcī stūpa, connecting its gateways, is a stone vedika, or railing, originally made of wood. This encloses and marks off the site dedicated to the stūpa and a path for circumambulating it. Clockwise circumambulation, or padakkhinā/ pradaksinin, literally “keeping to the right,” is the main act of devotion performed at a stūpa. It is also performed round a Bodhi tree and, especially in Tibet, round any sacred object, building or person. Keeping one’s right side towards someone is a way of showing respect to them: in the Palli Canon, people are often said to have departed from the Buddha keeping their right side towards him. The precedent for actual circumambulation may bave been the Brahmanical practice of the priest walking around the fire-sacrifice offerings, or of a bride walking around the domestic hearth at her marriage. ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} All such practices demonstrate that what is walked around is, or should be, the “centre” of a person’s life.
环绕萨尼奇神庙并连接其大门的是一条最初由木头制成的石制维迪卡（vedika）或栏杆。它围住并标出了供奉 "stūpa "的地点和环绕 "stūpa "的路径。顺时针绕行，或称 "padakkhinā/ pradaksinin"，字面意思是 "向右转"，是在寺院进行的主要虔诚活动。在菩提树周围，尤其是在西藏，在任何神圣的物品、建筑或人物周围，也会进行这种仪式。保持右侧朝向某人是对其表示尊敬的一种方式：在《帕利经》中，人们常说在离开佛陀时保持右侧朝向佛陀。实际绕行的先例可能是婆罗门教的做法：祭司绕着火祭的供品走一圈，或者新娘在结婚时绕着家里的炉台走一圈。 ${}^5$${}^5$^(5){ }^{5} 所有这些习俗都表明，绕行的东西是或应该是一个人生活的 "中心"。

From the main circumambulatory path at Sāñī, a devotee can mount some stairs to a second one, also enclosed by a vediká. This second path runs round the top of the low cylindrical drum of the stūpa base. The Divyāvadäna refers to this as the medhi, or platform, while some modern Sinhalese sources refer to it as the assana, or throne. This structure serves to elevate the main body of the stūpa, and so put it in a place of honour. In later stūpas, it was multiplied into a series of terraces, to raise the stūpa dome to a yet more honourific height. These terraces
《从萨尼寺的主要环绕路径，信徒们可以爬上一些台阶，到达同样由吠狄卡围起来的第二条路径。第二条路绕着stūpa底座的圆柱形矮鼓顶部延伸。狄维雅瓦达纳》将其称为 "medhi "或 "平台"，而一些现代僧伽罗语资料则将其称为 "assana "或 "宝座"。这种结构的作用是抬高 stūpa 的主体，使其处于尊贵的地位。在后来的佛塔中，它被增加为一系列梯田，将佛塔的穹顶提升到更高的荣誉高度。这些梯田
were probably what developed into the multiple rooves of the East Asian form of the stūpa, often known in the West as a pagoda.
这可能就是东亚形式的 "塔"（stūpa，西方通常称为 "宝塔"）的多檐结构。

The most obvious component of the stūpa is the solid dome, resting on the base. Its function is to house the precious relics within (the Burmese say that the presence of relics gives a stūpa a “heart”). The relics are kept in a relic-chamber, usually somewhere on the central axis of the dome. In this, they are often found to rest in a golden container, placed within a silver, then bronze, then earthenware ones. The casing of the stūpa dome seems therefore to be seen as the outermost and least valuable container of the relics. Indeed, the usual term for the dome of a stūpa, both in the Sinhalese tradition and in two first century A.D. Sanskrit texts, translated from their Tibetan versions by Gustav Roth, ${}^6$${}^6$^(6){ }^{6} is kumbha, or pot. The Sanskrit Mahäparinirväna Sūtra also reports the Buddha as saying that his relics should be placed in a golden kumbha, ${}^7$${}^7$^(7){ }^{7} while the Pāli Mahāparinibbäna Sutta says that the Buddha’s relics were collected in a kumbha before being divided up. Again, kumbha is used as a word for an urn in which the bones of a dead person are collected, in the Brahmanical Āśvalāyana Gṛhya-Sūtra. ${}^8$${}^8$^(8){ }^{8} These facts reinforce the idea of the stūpa dome being seen as the outermost container of the relics.
佛塔最明显的组成部分是底座上坚固的圆顶。穹顶的作用是存放珍贵的圣物（缅甸人说，圣物的存在让佛塔有了 "心脏"）。圣物被存放在圣物室中，通常位于穹顶中轴线的某处。在这里，它们通常被放在一个金色的容器中，然后依次放在银器、铜器和陶器容器中。因此，Stūpa 穹顶的外壳似乎被视为最外层、最不值钱的文物容器。事实上，无论是在僧伽罗传统中，还是在古斯塔夫-罗斯（Gustav Roth）从藏文版本翻译过来的公元一世纪的两部梵文典籍中，"穹顶"（stūpa）的通常说法都是 "kumbha"，即 "罐"。梵文的《大般涅槃经》（Mahäparinirväna Sūtra）也记载佛陀说过，他的舍利应该放在一个金色的kumbha中， ${}^7$${}^7$^(7){ }^{7} 而《帕利大般涅槃经》（Pāli Mahāparinibbäna Sutta）则说，佛陀的舍利在被分割之前被收集在一个kumbha中。同样，在婆罗门教的《阿śvalāyana Gṛhya-Sūtra》中，"kumbha "被用作收集死者遗骨的瓮。 ${}^8$${}^8$^(8){ }^{8} 这些事实加强了将穹顶视为舍利子最外层容器的观点。

The dome of the stūpa is a “kumbha” not only as a relic pot, but also because of symbolic connotations of the word kumbha. At S.II.83, it is said that the death of an Arahant, when feelings “grow cold” and sarīas remain, is like the cooling off of a kumbha taken from an oven, with kapalläni remaining. Woodward’s translation gives “sherds” for this, but the Rhys Davids and Stede Pali-English Dictionary gives “a bowl in the form of a skull . . . an earthenware pan used to carry ashes.” The implication of the cited passage would seem to be that a (cold) kumbha is itself like the relics of a saint; certainly Dhp. v. 40 sees the body (käya) as like a kumbha (in its fragility, says the commentary). Thus, the stūpa dome both is a container of the relics, and also an analogical representative of the relics.
圣塔的穹顶是一个 "昆巴"，这不仅是因为它是一个遗物罐，还因为 "昆巴 "一词具有象征意义。S.II.83 中说，当感情 "变冷 "而萨里亚斯（sarīas）仍然存在时，阿罗汉的死亡就像从烤箱中取出的 "kumbha "冷却，卡帕莱尼（kapalläni）仍然存在。伍德沃德的翻译对此给出的解释是 "碎片"，但 Rhys Davids 和 Stede 巴利语-英语词典给出的解释是 "颅骨形状的碗......用来装灰烬的陶盘"。引用这段话的意思似乎是，（冰冷的）"昆巴 "本身就像圣人的遗物；当然，Dhp. v. 40 认为身体（käya）就像 "昆巴"（注释说，就其脆弱性而言）。因此，穹顶既是遗物的容器，也是遗物的类比代表。

The use of the term kumbha for the stūpa dome may well have further symbolic meaning. It may relate to the pürna-ghata (or pürna-kumbha), or vase of plenty. This is one of the eight auspicious symbols in the Sinhalese and Tibetan traditions, and
在 stūpa 穹顶中使用 "昆巴"（kumbha）一词可能还有其他象征意义。它可能与 pürna-ghata（或 pürna-kumbha）或丰饶之瓶有关。在僧伽罗和西藏传统中，这是八大吉祥符号之一，而且
is found as a decoration in ancient Indian Buddhist art. Pūrnaghata designs, for example, were among those on the dome of the Great Stūpa at Amarāvatī. ${}^9$${}^9$^(9){ }^{9} The pürna-ghata is also an auspicious symbol in Hinduism, where it is probably equivalent to the golden kumbha, containing amrta (the gods’ nectar of immortality), which emerged at the churning of the cosmic ocean. ${}^{10}$${}^{10}$^(10){ }^{10}
是古印度佛教艺术中的一种装饰。例如，阿马拉瓦蒂（Amarāvatī）大圣塔穹顶上就有 Pūrnaghata 图案。 ${}^9$${}^9$^(9){ }^{9} 在印度教中，pürna-ghata 也是吉祥的象征，在印度教中，它可能相当于金色的 kumbha，内含 amrta（众神的长生不老之甘露），在宇宙海洋的搅动中出现。 ${}^{10}$${}^{10}$^(10){ }^{10}

To decide on the symbolic meanings of kumbha in Buddhism, we may fruitfully look at further uses of the word kumbha in sutta similies. At S.V. 48 and A.V.337, water pouring out from an upturned kumbha is likened to an ariyan disciple getting rid of unskilful states, while at Dhp. v.121-2, a kumbha being gradually filled by drops of water is likened to a person gradually filling himself with evil or merit. In this way, the kumbha is generally likened to the personality as a container of bad or good states. A number of passages, though, use a full kumbha as a simile for a specifically positive state of being. At A.II.104, a person who understands, as they really are, the four ariyan truths, is like a full (pūro)kumbha. Miln.414, with Sn. v. 721-2, sees one who has perfected his recluseship (an Arahant, surely) as being like a full kumbha, which makes no sound when struck: his speech is not boastful, but he teaches Dhamma. At A.I.131, a person of wide wisdom (puthupañno), who bears in mind the Dhamma he has heard, is like an upright kumbha which accumulates the water poured into it. The implication of these passages is that the stūpa dome, if known as a kumbha and even decorated with pürna-ghaṭa motifs, would be a natural symbol for the personality of someone who is “full” of Dhamma: a Buddha or saint. While the Hindu pürna-ghaṭa contains amrta, the Buddhist one contains Dhamma, that which brings a person to the amata and which in the highest sense (Nibbāna) is this “deathless” state.
为了确定 "空行 "在佛教中的象征意义，我们可以进一步了解 "空行 "一词在佛经譬喻中的用法。在《上五 48》和《上五 337》中，水从翻转的 "空行 "中涌出，比喻阿赖耶识弟子摆脱了不善的状态；在《下五 121-2》中，水滴逐渐充满 "空行"，比喻一个人逐渐充满邪恶或功德。因此，"昆巴 "一般被比喻为人格，是恶或善状态的容器。不过，也有一些段落用满满的 "昆巴 "来比喻具体的积极状态。在《阿含经》第二章第 104 节中，一个真正理解了四阿赖耶识真理的人就像一个完整的（pūro）"昆巴"。Miln.414 和 Sn.v.721-2 认为，一个圆满的隐修者（当然是阿罗汉）就像一个饱满的 "昆巴"，敲击时不会发出声音：他的言语不夸夸其谈，但他会传授达摩。在《阿含经》第 131 段，一个具有广博智慧（puthupañno）的人，如果能牢记他所听闻的佛法，就像一个直立的 "水桶"，能积聚倒入其中的水。这些段落的意思是，如果 stūpa 圆顶被称为 "昆巴"，甚至装饰有 "pürna-ghaṭa "图案，那么它自然会成为 "充满 "佛法的人（佛陀或圣人）的人格象征。印度教的 pürna-ghaṭa 包含 "阿摩塔"，而佛教的 pürna-ghaṭa 则包含 "达摩"，"达摩 "能使人达到 "阿摩塔"，而最高意义上的 "达摩"（Nibbāna）就是这种 "无死 "的境界。

The above symbolism neatly dove-tails with another indication of the dome’s meaning. As stūpas developed, they sometimes came to have interior strengthening walls radiating from the centre, as in figure 2. As the stūpa dome, in plan, is circular, the impression is strongly given of the Dhamma-wheel symbol. This symbolises both the Buddha and the Dhamma-teaching, path and culmination-in a number of ways. For example, i) its regularly spaced spokes suggest the spiritual order and mental
上述象征意义与穹顶的另一个含义不谋而合。随着 "斯塔帕 "的发展，它们有时会有从中心向外辐射的内部加固墙，如图 2 所示。由于穹顶在平面上是圆形的，因此给人留下了 "达摩轮 "符号的强烈印象。这在很多方面都象征着佛陀和达摩--教义、道路和顶点。例如，i) 它的辐条间距有规律，暗示着精神秩序和心理状态；ii) 它的辐条间距有规律，暗示着精神秩序和心理状态。
integration produced in one who practices Dhamma; ii) as the spokes converge in the hub, so the factors of Dhamma, in the sense of the path, lead to Dhamma, in the sense of Nibbāna; iii) as the spokes stand firm in the hub, so the Buddha was the discoverer and teacher of the Dhamma: he firmly established its practice in the world. The Dhamma-wheel is also a symbol of universal spiritual sovereignty, which aligns with the significance of the stūpa’s openness to the four directions (see above).
ii) 正如辐条汇聚于轮毂一样，"达摩 "的各种因素（从道路的意义上来说）也通向 "达摩"（从 "涅盘 "的意义上来说）；iii) 正如辐条稳固地矗立于轮毂一样，佛陀是 "达摩 "的发现者和导师：他在世界上稳固地确立了 "达摩 "的实践。达摩轮也是普遍精神主权的象征，这与 "stūpa "向四方开放的意义相一致（见上文）。

The stūpa dome, then, is not only a container of the Buddha’s relics and their power, but also symbolises both the state of the Buddha, and the Dhamma he encompassed. The dome is also known, in the third century A.D. Divyāvadāna, as the anda, or egg. The meaning of this must be that, just as an egg contains the potential for growth, so the stūpa dome contains relics, sometimes known as bijas, or seeds. By devotion to the stūpa and its relics, a person’s spiritual life may grow and be fruitful. This connotation is a neat parallel to that of the dome as a “vase of plenty.”
因此，穹顶不仅是佛陀舍利及其力量的容器，还象征着佛陀的境界和他所包含的佛法。在公元三世纪的 Divyāvadāna 中，穹顶还被称为 "anda "或 "蛋"。其含义是，就像鸡蛋含有生长的潜能一样，穹顶也含有遗物，有时被称为 bijas 或种子。通过虔诚地供奉圣塔及其圣物，一个人的精神生活就会成长并结出丰硕的果实。这一内涵与穹顶作为 "丰饶的花瓶 "的内涵相得益彰。

Another connection with spiritual growth is provided by the association of the stūpa dome with the lotus (which, incidentally, is often portrayed growing out of a pürna-ghatala). Domes are often decorated with lotus designs, and their circular plans resemble the circle of an open lotus flower, as in the lotus-medallion shown in figure 3. In addition, the Burmese see the shape of the stūpa (whose bulk is its dome) as that of a lotus bud, with the name of its components recalling the idea of a flower bud with its young leaves folded in adoration. ${}^{11}$${}^{11}$^(11){ }^{11} We see, then, that a further Buddhist symbol is included in the stūpa as a symbol-system.
stūpa 圆顶与莲花（顺便说一句，莲花经常被描绘成从 Pürna-ghatala 中生长出来的）的联系提供了与精神成长的另一种联系。穹顶通常装饰有莲花图案，其圆形平面类似于开放的莲花的圆形，如图 3 所示的莲花徽章。此外，缅甸人认为穹隆塔（穹隆塔的主体是圆顶）的形状就像莲花花蕾，其组成部分的名称也让人联想到花蕾折叠着嫩叶以示崇拜。 ${}^{11}$${}^{11}$^(11){ }^{11} 因此，我们可以看到，作为一个符号系统，"佛塔 "中还包含了另一个佛教符号。

The lotus, of course, is a common Buddhist symbol from early times. While it is a popular pan-Indian symbol for birth, its meaning in Buddhism is best given by a passage frequently recurring in the suttas (e.g., S.III.140):
当然，莲花自古以来就是佛教的常用符号。虽然莲花是印度流行的出生象征，但佛经中经常出现的一段话（如 S.III.140）最能说明莲花在佛教中的意义：
“Just as, monks, a lotus, blue, red, or white, though born in
"僧侣们，就像一朵莲花，无论青色、红色还是白色，虽然生于
the water, grown up in the water, when it reaches the sur-
在水中生长，当它到达海面上时，就会被海水冲走。
face stands unsoiled by the water; just so, monks, though
僧侣们也是如此，虽然
born in the world, grown up in the world, having over-
生在这个世界，长在这个世界，拥有过
come the world, a Tathāgata abides unsoiled by the world.”
大迦叶不染世间尘埃"。
“Just as, monks, a lotus, blue, red, or white, though born in the water, grown up in the water, when it reaches the surface stands unsoiled by the water; just so, monks, though born in the world, grown up in the world, having overcome the world, a Tathāgata abides unsoiled by the world.”
"僧侣们，就像一朵青莲、红莲或白莲，虽然生于水中，长于水中，但当它到达水面时，却不会被水所玷污；僧侣们，就像一位大乘佛陀，虽然生于世间，长于世间，却不会被世间所玷污。

Just as the beautiful lotus blossom grows up from the mud and
正如美丽的荷花出淤泥而不染，濯清涟而不妖。
water, so one with an enlightened mind, a Buddha, develops out of the ranks of ordinary beings, by maturing, over many lives, the spiritual potential latent in all. He thus stands out above the greed, hatred and delusion of the world, not attached to anything, as a lotus flower stands above the water, unsoiled by it. The lotus, then, symbolises the potential for spiritual growth latent in all beings, and the complete non-attachment of the enlightened mind, which stands beyond all defilements.
一朵莲花在水中绽放，一尊佛陀也是如此，他从普通人的行列中脱颖而出，经过无数次生命的磨练，成熟了潜藏在所有人心中的精神潜能。这样，他就超越了世间的贪婪、仇恨和妄想，不执着于任何事物，就像莲花一样傲立于水之上，不为水所染。因此，莲花象征着潜藏在众生身上的精神成长潜能，也象征着开悟之心的完全不执着，它超越了一切污秽。

Not only are the Dhamma-wheel and lotus symbols incorporated within the stūpa but, as we shall now see, the other key symbol, the Bodhi tree, also finds a place in this symbol-system. On top of Sāñcī stūpa can be seen a yaști, or pole, with three discs on it (figure1). These discs represent ceremonial parasols, the ancient Indian emblems of royalty. Large ceremonial parasols are still used in South-East Asia, for example to hold over a man about to be ordained, i.e., over someone in a role parallel to that of prince Siddhattha. In Tibetan Buddhism, such parasols are held over the Dalai Lama on important occasions. By placing parasols on a stūpa, there is expressed the idea of the spiritual sovereignty of the Buddha and his teachings (also expressed by the Dhamma-wheel symbol). In accordance with this interpretation of a stūpa’s pole and discs, we see that king Duṭṭhāgāmani of Sri Lanka (second century B.C.), when he had finished the Great Stūpa at Anurādhapura, placed his royal parasol on it, conferring on it sovereignty over Sri Lanka for seven days (Mahāvaṃsa XXXI v. 90 and 111); he later replaced his parasol with a wood or stone copy.
不仅达摩轮和莲花符号被纳入了 "佛塔"，而且正如我们现在要看到的，另一个关键符号菩提树也在这个符号系统中占有一席之地。在萨谛佛塔的顶部，可以看到一根杆子，上面有三个圆盘（图 1）。这些圆盘代表礼伞，是古印度王室的标志。东南亚仍在使用大型礼仪伞，例如用来遮住即将受戒的人，也就是遮住与悉达多王子类似角色的人。在藏传佛教中，达赖喇嘛在重要场合也使用这种阳伞。在 "佛塔 "上放置遮阳伞，表达了佛陀及其教义的精神主权思想（也用 "达摩轮 "符号表示）。根据对佛柱和佛盘的这一解释，我们可以看到斯里兰卡国王杜特哈加马尼（Duṭṭhāgāmani，公元前二世纪）在完成阿努拉达普拉（Anurādhapura）的大佛柱后，将他的皇家阳伞放在佛柱上，并授予佛柱对斯里兰卡七天的主权（Mahāvaṃsa XXXI v. 90 和 111）；后来他将阳伞换成了木制或石制的复制品。

While there are three honourific parasol-discs at Sāñcī, on later stūpas these generally increased in number, so as to increase the inferred honour. ${}^{12}$${}^{12}$^(12){ }^{12} Sometimes, they came to fuse into a spire, as seen in the present super-structure of the Great Stūpa at Anurādhapura (figure 4). Another phase in the development of a spire can be seen in the 14-16th century Shwe Dagōn Stūpa in Rangoon (figure 5). Here, the dome is bellshaped and has come to merge with the spire, to form one flowing outline. Because the spire no longer really conveys the impression of a series of parasol-discs, a separate, large metal parasol is placed at its summit.
虽然萨尼奇有三个荣誉伞盘，但在后来的佛塔上，这些伞盘的数量普遍增加，从而增加了推断出的荣誉。 ${}^{12}$${}^{12}$^(12){ }^{12} 有时，它们会融合成一个尖塔，就像现在阿努拉达普拉（Anurādhapura）大圣塔的上层建筑一样（图 4）。尖塔的另一个发展阶段可见于 14-16 世纪仰光的瑞达贡寺（Shwe Dagōn Stūpa）（图 5）。这里的穹顶呈钟形，与尖塔融为一体，形成一个流动的轮廓。由于尖顶不再给人以一系列阳伞盘的印象，因此在其顶端放置了一个单独的大型金属阳伞。

The use of the parasol as an emblem of royalty probably derives from the ancient custom of a ruler sitting under the shade of a sacred tree, at the centre of a community, to admin-
使用阳伞作为王权的象征，可能源于古代的习俗，即统治者坐在社区中心的神树荫下，管理社区。
ister justice. The shading tree thus became an insignia of sovereignty. When the ruler moved about, it came to be represented by a parasol. The parasols on a stūpa, then, while being an emblem of sovereignty, also connote a sacred tree. Indeed, a second century B.C. relief from Amarāvatī depicts a stūpa which, in place of the yast $ti$$ti$tit i and parasol discs, has a tree with parasol-shaped leaves (figure 6).
更公正。遮阳树因此成为主权的象征。当统治者四处走动时，遮阳伞就成了他的象征。因此，stūpa 上的遮阳伞在作为主权标志的同时，也寓意着一棵神圣的树。事实上，公元前二世纪阿马拉瓦蒂（Amarāvatī）的一幅浮雕就描绘了这样一个stūpa，它用一棵长着阳伞形状叶子的树（图 6）代替了亚斯特 $ti$$ti$tit i 和阳伞圆盘。

Of course, the Buddhist sacred tree is the Bodhi tree, ${}^{13}$${}^{13}$^(13){ }^{13} so the yasți and parasols on a stūpa must symbolically represent this, itself a potent Buddhist symbol. This idea is re-inforced by the fact that, in Burma, free-standing parasols are sometimes worshipped as Bodhi tree symbols, and the metal parasols on stūpas sometimes have small brass Bodhi leaves hanging from them. That the yasti and parasol-discs represent a Bodhi tree is also supported when we examine the structure immediately below them on a stūpa. Figure 1 shows that, at Sãñcī, this is a cubical stone, surrounded by another vedik $\overline{a}$$\overline{a}$bar(a)\bar{a}, or railing. Now these two features are reminiscent of ones found at pre-Buddhist tree-shrines, which had an altar-seat at their base, and a railing to surround their sacred enclosure. In Buddhism, descendants of the original Bodhi tree became objects of devotion for, as in the case of physical relics, they were a tangible link with the departed Buddha and his spiritual power. Such Bodhi trees were enclosed by railings in the same way as the previous tree shrines. As the style of the stūpa developed, the cubical stone structure expanded in size and came to incorporate the vedik $\overline{a}$$\overline{a}$bar(a)\bar{a} in the form of a carved relief on its surface, as in figure 4. The important point to note is that Bodhi tree shrines developed into more complex forms, as seen for example in figure 7; as this happened, the superstructure of stūpas mirrored this development, as seen in figure 8. This is clear evidence that the superstructure of a stūpa was symbolically equated with a Bodhi tree and its shrine.
当然，佛教圣树是菩提树， ${}^{13}$${}^{13}$^(13){ }^{13} 因此，佛塔上的伞和阳伞必须象征性地代表菩提树，而菩提树本身就是一个强有力的佛教符号。在缅甸，人们有时会把独立的阳伞当作菩提树的象征来崇拜，而佛塔上的金属阳伞有时会挂上小巧的黄铜菩提叶，这些都强化了这一想法。如果我们仔细观察一下佛塔上紧靠伞盘下方的结构，就会发现伞盘和亚斯提（Yasti）代表着一棵菩提树。图 1 显示，在萨尼奇，这是一块立方体石头，周围有另一个吠陀 $\overline{a}$$\overline{a}$bar(a)\bar{a} ，即栏杆。现在，这两个特征让人想起佛教以前的树神龛，它们的底部有一个祭坛座位，周围有栏杆围绕着神圣的围墙。在佛教中，原始菩提树的后代成为人们虔诚膜拜的对象，因为它们与实物文物一样，是与逝去的佛陀及其精神力量的有形联系。这些菩提树与以前的树神龛一样，都被栏杆围了起来。随着寺庙风格的发展，长方体石雕结构的尺寸也在扩大，并开始在其表面雕刻浮雕形式的吠陀 $\overline{a}$$\overline{a}$bar(a)\bar{a} ，如图 4 所示。值得注意的是，菩提树神龛发展成了更复杂的形式，如图 7 所示；如图 8 所示，随着菩提树神龛的发展，佛塔的上层建筑也随之发展。这清楚地表明，佛塔的上层建筑在象征意义上等同于菩提树及其神龛。

The Bodhi tree, of course, as the kind of tree under which the Buddha attained enlightenment, became established as a symbol for that enlightenment, in early Buddhism. ${}^{14}$${}^{14}$^(14){ }^{14} Like the lotus, it is a symbol drawn from the vegetable kingdom. While both, therefore, suggest spiritual growth, the lotus emphasizes the potential for growth, whereas the Bodhi tree indicates the culmination of this growth, enlightenment.
当然，菩提树作为佛陀在其下悟道的树种，在早期佛教中已成为悟道的象征。 ${}^{14}$${}^{14}$^(14){ }^{14} 菩提树和莲花一样，都是来自植物王国的象征。因此，两者都暗示着精神的成长，但莲花强调的是成长的潜力，而菩提树则表示这种成长的顶点，即开悟。

The structure underneath the royal/Bodhi tree symbol
皇家/菩提树标志下的结构
came to be known, e.g., in the Divyāvadāna, as the harmikā, or “top enclosure.” This was the name for a cool summer chamber on the roof of a building. This connection need not contradict the idea of the structure as a symbolic Bodhi tree shrine, for both a cool “top enclosure” and a Bodhi tree can symbolise the enlightened mind: the chamber suggests its “coolness,” and the tree suggests its enlightened nature.
例如，在 Divyāvadāna 中，"屋顶 "被称为 "harmikā "或 "顶部围墙"。这是建筑物屋顶上凉爽的避暑室的名称。这种联系不一定与该建筑是象征性的菩提树圣地的想法相矛盾，因为凉爽的 "顶围 "和菩提树都可以象征开悟的心灵：密室暗示其 "凉爽"，而菩提树则暗示其开悟的本性。

While all the components of the stūpa seem now to have been discussed, there remains one of crucial importance: the axial pillar running down the centre of the dome. This is hidden in most stūpas, but it can be seen in the stūpa shown in figure 9. John Irwin has reported the finding of axis holes in early stūpas, some containing fragments of a wooden axis pole. ${}^{15}$${}^{15}$^(15){ }^{15} In the case of the Lauriya-Nandagarh Stūpa (excavated 1904-5), he reports the finding of a waterlogged wooden axisstump, penetrating deep below the original ground-level. Irwin regards this stūpa as a very ancient one, pre-third century B.C., but S.P. Gupta argues against this. ${}^{16}$${}^{16}$^(16){ }^{16} In the most ancient stūpas known (fourth-fifth centuries B.C.), Vaiśālī and Piprahwa, we find, respectively, only a pile of earth and a pile of mud faced with mud bricks. They had no axial pole or shaft. Irwin’s evidence, however, is well marshalled, and shows that a wooden axis pole had become incorporated in Buddhist stūpas by the third-second centuries B.C.; S. Paranavitana also has found evidence of what can only have been stone axial pillars in the ruins of early Sinhalese stūpas. ${}^{17}$${}^{17}$^(17){ }^{17} Axial pillars were also a very important feature of East Asian “pagodas,” as shown in figure 10. The pagoda form probably developed from a late form of the Indian stūpa and certain multi-rooved Chinese buildings. It is important to note, though, that none of the pre-Buddhist Chinese precursors had an axial pillar: this must have derived from the Indian stūpa, therefore. ${}^{18}$${}^{18}$^(18){ }^{18}
虽然现在似乎已经讨论了 "斯塔帕 "的所有组成部分，但还有一个至关重要的部分：贯穿穹顶中心的轴柱。这在大多数石窟中都是隐藏的，但在图 9 所示的石窟中可以看到。约翰-欧文（John Irwin）报告说，在早期的石塔上发现了轴孔，有些轴孔中还有木制轴杆的碎片。 ${}^{15}$${}^{15}$^(15){ }^{15} 在劳里亚-南达伽尔斯塔帕（1904-5 年发掘）的案例中，他报告说发现了一个积水的木制轴墩，深入原地面以下。Irwin 认为这座 Stūpa 非常古老，在公元前三世纪之前，但 S.P. Gupta 对此持反对意见。 ${}^{16}$${}^{16}$^(16){ }^{16} 在已知的最古老的石塔（公元前四至五世纪）--瓦伊希里石塔和皮普拉瓦石塔中，我们分别只发现了一堆泥土和一堆用泥砖砌成的泥土。它们没有轴杆或轴。不过，欧文的证据非常详尽，表明在公元前三世纪到公元前二世纪，木质轴柱已被纳入佛教寺院；S. Paranavitana 也在早期僧伽罗寺院的废墟中发现了只能是石质轴柱的证据。 ${}^{17}$${}^{17}$^(17){ }^{17} 轴柱也是东亚 "宝塔 "的一个非常重要的特征，如图 10 所示。塔的形式可能是由印度的 "斯塔帕"（stūpa）和中国的某些多檐柱建筑的晚期形式发展而来的。但值得注意的是，中国佛教之前的建筑都没有中轴柱：因此，中轴柱一定是从印度的 "塔 "发展而来的。 ${}^{18}$${}^{18}$^(18){ }^{18}

The archaeological evidence, then, indicates that in early Indian stūpas, after the most ancient period, wooden axial pillars were incorporated, and that in later ones, they were superseded by stone pillars. Originally, they projected above the stūpa dome, with the yasti $i$$i$ii and parasols as separate items, as in the case of the Amarāvatī Stūpa (dating from Astokan times) shown in figure 9. When, however, the domes of stūpas came to be enlarged, the axes became completely buried within, and the yastis were fixed on top of them, as if being their extensions.
因此，考古证据表明，在印度早期的佛塔中，在最古老的时期之后，加入了木制中轴柱，而在后来的佛塔中，木柱被石柱取代。最初，它们突出于佛塔的穹顶，与亚斯提 $i$$i$ii 和遮阳伞分开，如图 9 所示的阿马拉瓦提佛塔（可追溯到阿斯托坎时代）。但是，当斯塔帕的穹顶扩大时，轴就完全被埋在里面，而阳伞则被固定在轴的上面，就像是轴的延伸。

The Divyāvadāna refers to a " $y\overline{u}pa-yaṣti$$y\overline{u}pa-yaṣti$y bar(u)pa-yaṣtiy \bar{u} p a-y a s ̣ t i " being implanted in the summit of an enlarged stūpa. ${}^{19}\mathrm{This}$${}^{19}\mathrm{This}$^(19)This{ }^{19} \mathrm{This}, and other references, shows that the usual term for the axial pillar of a stūpa was $y\overline{p}pa$$y\overline{p}pa$y bar(p)pay \bar{p} p a. Somewhat surprisingly, this was the term for the wooden post where, in Vedic religion, an animal would be tethered before it was sacrificed to the gods. There is a parallel in more than name, however. The Vedic yūpa was square at the bottom, octangular in the middle, and round at the top, while the stone axial pillars of ancient Sinhalese stūpas are found to be of the same basic shape. ${}^{20}$${}^{20}$^(20){ }^{20} Clearly, then, the axial pillars of stūpas had close associations with the Vedic sacrificial post. How can this be explained? While the non-violent teachings of Buddhism rejected animal sacrifice, early Buddhist stūpas may well have been built round Vedic sacrificial posts by converted Brahmins. Indeed, excavation of the early Gotihawa Stūpa, by which Aśoka placed a pillar, has revealed animal bones below the original ground level at the base of the stūpa axis, where a wooden post once stood. The most ancient stūpas lack signs of any axial pillar, probably because Buddhism was not sufficiently well established in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. for the conversion of a Brahmanic site to have been acceptable. With the increasing popularity of Buddhism, it would have come to be acceptable for stūpas to be built around existing Vedic yūpas. These already marked sacred spots of sorts: building stūpas on these spots showed that they were now taken over by the new religion. In such early stūpas, the original wooden Vedic yūpa was probably retained to form the stūpa axis, but later on, a stone $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a would have been erected to mark the sacred spot which would be the centre of a new stūpa.
Divyāvadāna 提到" $y\overline{u}pa-yaṣti$$y\overline{u}pa-yaṣti$y bar(u)pa-yaṣtiy \bar{u} p a-y a s ̣ t i "被植入扩大的 stūpa 的顶端。 ${}^{19}\mathrm{This}$${}^{19}\mathrm{This}$^(19)This{ }^{19} \mathrm{This} 和其他参考文献表明，Stūpa 的轴柱通常称为 $y\overline{p}pa$$y\overline{p}pa$y bar(p)pay \bar{p} p a 。令人惊讶的是，在吠陀宗教中，动物在被献祭给神之前会被拴在木柱上。然而，这不仅仅是名称上的相似之处。吠陀 "yūpa "底部呈方形，中部呈八角形，顶部呈圆形，而古代僧伽罗 "stūpas "的石轴柱的基本形状也是如此。 ${}^{20}$${}^{20}$^(20){ }^{20} 显然，石柱的轴心与吠陀祭祀柱有着密切的联系。如何解释这一点呢？虽然佛教的非暴力教义拒绝动物祭祀，但早期的佛教佛塔很可能是由皈依佛教的婆罗门围绕吠陀祭祀柱建造的。事实上，对阿育王放置柱子的早期哥提诃瓦佛塔的发掘，在佛塔轴线底部的原始地面以下发现了动物骨头，那里曾经竖立着一根木柱。最古老的佛塔没有任何轴柱的痕迹，这可能是因为公元前五世纪和四世纪佛教还没有得到充分发展，对婆罗门教遗址进行改建是可以接受的。随着佛教的日益盛行，在现有的吠陀 "优婆塞 "周围建造 "斯塔帕 "也是可以接受的。这些地方已经标志着某种圣地：在这些地方建造佛塔表明这些地方现在已被新宗教接管。 在这些早期的 "驿站 "中，原来的木制吠陀 "驿站 "很可能被保留下来作为 "驿站 "的中轴线，但后来会竖立一块石头 $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 来标记圣地，作为新 "驿站 "的中心。

The axial $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a of a stūpa surely had a further symbolic function. To fully explore this, it is also necessary to note an alternative name for the stūpa axis. Paranarvitana has reported that the monks of Sri Lanka (in the 1940s) gave the traditional term for the stūpa axis as Inda-khīla, equivalent to the Sanskrit Indra-kila, Indra’s stake. ${}^{21}$${}^{21}$^(21){ }^{21} The monks did not know the reason for this name, however. John Irwin has argued that both the terms $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a and Indra-kila show the stūpa axis to symbolise the axis mundi: the world pillar or world tree of Vedic mythology. ${}^{22}$${}^{22}$^(22){ }^{22} I shall summarise Irwin’s arguments below before going on to my own preferred interpretation. Firstly, he argues that the Vedic sacrificial $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a was itself a substitute for the axial world
stūpa的轴 $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 肯定还有其他象征性功能。要充分探讨这一点，还必须注意到 stūpa 轴的另一个名称。帕拉纳维塔纳 (Paranarvitana) 曾报告说，斯里兰卡的僧侣（20 世纪 40 年代）将 stūpa 轴的传统名称定为 Inda-khīla，相当于梵文 Indra-kila，即因陀罗的木桩。 ${}^{21}$${}^{21}$^(21){ }^{21} 不过，僧侣们并不知道这个名字的由来。约翰-欧文（John Irwin）认为， $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 和因陀罗-基拉（Indra-kila）这两个词都表明 stūpa 轴象征着吠陀神话中的世界柱或世界树（axis mundi）。 ${}^{22}$${}^{22}$^(22){ }^{22} 我将在下文中总结欧文的论点，然后再谈我自己倾向的解释。首先，他认为吠陀祭祀 $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 本身就是轴心世界的替代物
tree, as demonstrated by the way it is addressed in Brahmanic texts, and the fact that the tree sections of the $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a (square, octagonal and round) are regarded as representing, respectively, the earth, the atmosphere, and the heavens. ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23} Secondly, Irwin notes that “Indra’s stake” is the designation, in the Vedas, for the stake with which Indra pegged the primaeval mound to the bottom of the cosmic ocean on which it floated, thus giving our world stability. ${}^{24}$${}^{24}$^(24){ }^{24} Thirdly, Irwin argues that this stake is mythologically synonymous with the Vedic world axis. ${}^{25}\mathrm{He}$${}^{25}\mathrm{He}$^(25)He{ }^{25} \mathrm{He} refers to a Vedic cosmogonic myth in which Indra, with his vajra, slays the obstructing dragon Vịtra, so as to release the waters of fertility and life locked up in the primaeval mound, floating on the cosmic ocean. At the same time, Indra props up the atmosphere and heavens with the world axis or tree (which seems equivalent to his vajra), and pegs the mound to the ocean bottom, as above. The world axis and Indra’s stake can therefore be seen as running into each other, merging into one. ${}^{26}$${}^{26}$^(26){ }^{26} Fourthly, Irwin cites certain archaeological evidence which might suggest that Buddhist stūpa builders actually conceived of the stūpa axis as symbolising the world axis or world tree of the above Vedic myth. ${}^{27}$${}^{27}$^(27){ }^{27} Some of this evidence is as follows:
$y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 其次，欧文指出，"因陀罗的木桩 "在《吠陀经》中是指因陀罗用木桩将原始土丘钉在地上的木桩。 ${}^{23}$${}^{23}$^(23){ }^{23} 其次，欧文指出，在《吠陀经》中，"因陀罗的木桩 "是因陀罗用木桩将原始土丘固定在宇宙海洋的底部，使我们的世界得以稳定。 ${}^{24}$${}^{24}$^(24){ }^{24} 第三，欧文认为这个木桩在神话中是吠陀世界轴的同义词。 ${}^{25}\mathrm{He}$${}^{25}\mathrm{He}$^(25)He{ }^{25} \mathrm{He} 指的是一个吠陀宇宙神话，在这个神话中，因陀罗用他的金刚杵杀死了碍事的龙维斯特拉，从而释放了被锁在原始土丘中、漂浮在宇宙海洋上的肥沃之水和生命之水。与此同时，因陀罗用世界轴或树（似乎相当于他的金刚杵）支撑起大气层和天空，并如上所述将土丘钉在海底。因此，世界轴和因陀罗的木桩可以看作是相互碰撞、合二为一的。 ${}^{26}$${}^{26}$^(26){ }^{26} 第四，欧文引用了某些考古证据，这些证据可能表明，佛教的 "窣堵波 "建造者实际上认为 "窣堵波 "轴线象征着上述吠陀神话中的世界轴线或世界树。 ${}^{27}$${}^{27}$^(27){ }^{27} 其中一些证据如下：
i) a reliquary from the Great Stūpa at Anurādhapura has a yūpa obtruding from its top, sprouting leaves as if it were a tree (as shown in figure 11 ).
i) Anurādhapura 大圣塔中的一个灵位顶端突出一个 "yūpa"，像树一样长出叶子（如图 11 所示）。
ii) the description of the relic chamber of the above stūpa at Mahāvaṃsa XXX 63 ff . refers to a huge golden Bodhi tree standing at the centre of the stūpa, as if the tree were the stūpa axis. ${}^{28}$${}^{28}$^(28){ }^{28}
ii) Mahāvaṃsa XXX 63 ff 中对上述佛塔舍利室的描述提到，佛塔中心矗立着一棵巨大的金色菩提树，仿佛这棵树就是佛塔的中轴线。 ${}^{28}$${}^{28}$^(28){ }^{28}
iii) the circumambulatory paths of some early stūpas were paved with azure-blue glass tiles, or glazed tiles decorated with water-symbols, suggesting, perhaps, that the stūpa dome symbolically rests on the cosmic ocean, as did the primaeval mound of Vedic myth. ${}^{29}$${}^{29}$^(29){ }^{29}
iii) 一些早期的 "斯塔帕"（stūpas）的环绕路径铺有蔚蓝色的玻璃砖或装饰有水符号的琉璃瓦，这或许暗示着 "斯塔帕 "穹顶象征性地靠在宇宙海洋上，就像吠陀神话中的原始土丘一样。 ${}^{29}$${}^{29}$^(29){ }^{29}

Irwin, therefore, sees the stūpa as an image of the creation of the universe (the archetype of regeneration), with the stūpa axis founded on the waters and rising through the earth, atmosphere and heavens so as to unite them and form a communicating link between them. ${}^{30}$${}^{30}$^(30){ }^{30}
因此，欧文将 "星巴 "视为宇宙创世的形象（再生的原型），"星巴 "轴建立在水域之上，并通过大地、大气层和天体上升，从而将它们连接起来，并在它们之间形成沟通的纽带。 ${}^{30}$${}^{30}$^(30){ }^{30}

I do not want to rule out Irwin’s interpretation (though it seems unlikely), but I feel that there are more “Buddhist” ones easier to hand: after all, the Bodhi tree and water-born lotus are well established Buddhist symbols. Moreover, Irwin himself thinks that while the above Vedic myth affected stūpa construction and the meaning of the axis, the Vedic significance came to be mostly forgotten as the old meaning was adapted for the new and increasingly dominant doctrinal scheme.
我不想排除欧文的解释（尽管似乎不太可能），但我觉得有更 "佛教 "的解释更容易理解：毕竟，菩提树和水生莲花是公认的佛教符号。此外，欧文自己也认为，虽然上述吠陀神话影响了stūpa 的构造和轴线的含义，但随着旧的含义被改编为新的、日益占主导地位的教义方案，吠陀神话的意义大多被遗忘了。

Inasmuch as the stūpa axis seems to have originated as a Vedic sacrificial post, it can surely have taken on a symbolic meaning from this association. To see what this was, we have, firstly, to examine what the Buddhist equivalent of “sacrifice” was. In the Kütadanta Sutta (D.I. 144 ff.) it is said that the Buddha was once asked by a Brahmin about the best form of “sacrifice.” Instead of describing some bloody Brahmanical sacrifice, he answers by talking about giving alms-food and support to monks, Brahmins and the poor, about living a virtuous life, being self-controlled, practicing samatha and vipassanä meditations, and attaining Nibbāna. He describes each such stage of the Buddhist path as a kind of “sacrifice,” with the attainment of its goal being the highest and best kind. Again, at D.III. 76 it is said that a $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a is the place where a future Cakkavatti emperor will distribute goods to all, renounce his royal life to become a monk under Metteyya Buddha, and go on to become an Arahant. Therefore, what was once a sacrificial post could naturally come, in the new religion of Buddhism, to symbolise the Buddhist path and goal-the Dhamma-and all the “sacrifices” involved in these. Indeed, at Miln. 21-22, it is said of the monk Nägasena that he is engaged in
由于 "stūpa "轴似乎起源于吠陀祭祀岗哨，它肯定会从这种联系中获得象征意义。要了解其象征意义，我们首先要研究佛教中的 "牺牲 "是什么。库塔丹塔经》（D.I. 144 ff. ）中说，有一次，一位婆罗门向佛陀询问 "牺牲 "的最佳形式。佛陀没有描述一些血腥的婆罗门祭祀，而是回答说要施舍食物，供养僧侣、婆罗门和穷人，要过有德行的生活，要自制，要练习三摩他和毘婆奢那（vipassanä）禅定，要达到涅盘（Nibbāna）。他将佛教道路的每一阶段都描述为一种 "牺牲"，而实现目标则是最高和最好的牺牲。同样，在 D.III.76 中说， $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 是未来的卡卡瓦提（Cakkavatti）皇帝向所有人分发物品、放弃王室生活、在梅蒂亚佛陀门下出家并成为阿罗汉的地方。因此，在新的佛教中，曾经的祭祀岗亭自然而然地成为佛教道路和目标--达摩--以及其中所有 "牺牲 "的象征。事实上，在 Miln.21-22 中提到僧侣 Nägasena 时说，他正在从事
pointing out the way of Dhamma, carrying the torch of
指出达摩之道，高举达摩火炬
Dhamma, bearing aloft the yūpa of Dhamma, offering the gift
达摩，高举达摩之柱，献上礼物
of Dhamma… sounding the drum of Dhamma, roaring
......敲响达摩之鼓，咆哮着
the lion’s roar, thundering out Indra’s thunder and thor-
狮子的咆哮，发出因陀罗的雷鸣和荆棘的声音
oughly satisfying the whole world by thundering out sweet
以雷鸣般的甜美歌声，让全世界都感到心满意足
utterances and wrapping them round with the lightning
并用闪电将它们包裹起来
flashes of superb knowledge, filling them with the waters
闪烁着高超的知识，使他们充满了水
of compassion and the great cloud of the Deathlessness of
慈悲和无死的大云
Dhamma… 达摩...
pointing out the way of Dhamma, carrying the torch of Dhamma, bearing aloft the yüpa of Dhamma, offering the gift of Dhamma . . . sounding the drum of Dhamma, roaring the lion’s roar, thundering out Indra’s thunder and thoroughly satisfying the whole world by thundering out sweet utterances and wrapping them round with the lightning flashes of superb knowledge, filling them with the waters of compassion and the great cloud of the Deathlessness of Dhamma . . .
指出达摩之道，高举达摩之炬，高举达摩之玉帕，献上达摩之礼......敲响达摩之鼓，发出狮子之吼，发出因陀罗之雷，以雷鸣般的甜言蜜语彻底满足整个世界，用精湛知识的闪电将他们包裹起来，用慈悲之水和达摩无死之云将他们灌满......。

This passage certainly shows that Buddhism could draw on
这段话无疑表明，佛教可以借鉴

Vedic symbolism, but also shows that such symbolism is fully Buddhicized when it is used. “Yupa” is used as a metaphor for Dhamma: the Buddhist teaching, path and goal, and Indra’s releasing of the cosmic waters is a metaphor for a great Dhamma-teacher’s compassionate bestowal of that which brings Deathlessness.
吠陀的象征意义，但也表明这种象征意义在使用时是完全佛教化的。尤帕 "被用来比喻 "达摩"：佛教的教义、道路和目标，而因陀罗释放宇宙之水则比喻伟大的达摩导师慈悲地赐予带来无死的东西。

When we look at the other term for the stūpa axis, “Indra’s stake,” we also see that this came to have a clear Buddhist meaning. Firstly, we see that from the Vedic myth about Indra’s stabilising stake, Indra-kila came to be a term for the huge pillars standing firmly in the ground at the entrance to ancient Indian and Sinhalese cities, being used to secure the heavy gates when they stood open. It also became a term for the gateposts of houses. Indeed, Indra-kila became a term for anything which was stable and firmly rooted and which secured the safety of something. While it might be thought that the stūpa axis was called an Indra-kila because it structurally stabilised the stūpa, this does not seem to have been the case, architecturally. ${}^{31}$${}^{31}$^(31){ }^{31} It is more likely that the axis was an “Indra’s stake” in a purely symbolic sense, symbolising the Dhamma, the stable centre of a Buddhist’s life, which secures his safety in life’s troubles and also acts as a “gateway” to a better life and, ultimately, to Deathlessness. The use of “Indra’s stake” in metaphors in the suttas indicates that, in particular, the term symbolises that aspect of the Dhamma which is the unshakeable state of mind of Arahants and other ariyan persons. At S.V.444, one who understands the four ariyan truths and has sure and well-founded knowledge is like an unshakeable Inda-khilla, while at Sn.v.229, we read:
当我们看到 stūpa 轴的另一个术语 "因陀罗的木桩 "时，我们也会发现它具有明确的佛教含义。首先，我们可以看到，从吠陀神话中关于因陀罗稳固木桩的说法中，因陀罗-基拉（Indra-kila）逐渐成为古印度和僧伽罗城市入口处稳固矗立在地面上的巨大支柱的专有名词，当沉重的城门打开时，这些支柱被用来稳固城门。它也成为房屋门柱的专有名词。事实上，Indra-kila 成为了任何稳定、扎根牢固、确保安全的事物的专有名词。人们可能会认为，stūpa 轴之所以被称为因陀罗-基拉，是因为它在结构上稳定了 stūpa 的结构，但从建筑学的角度来看，情况似乎并非如此。 ${}^{31}$${}^{31}$^(31){ }^{31} 中轴线更可能是纯粹象征意义上的 "因陀罗的木桩"，象征着佛法，佛法是佛教徒生活的稳定中心，它确保佛教徒在生活中的安全，同时也是通往美好生活的 "门户"，最终通往无死。佛经中使用 "因陀罗的木桩 "作为比喻，表明这个词尤其象征着达摩的那一面，即阿罗汉和其他阿赖耶识者不可动摇的心境。在《中阿含经》第 V.444 节中，了解四阿赖耶真理并拥有确定而有根据的知识的人就像不可动摇的印塔基拉，而在《中阿含经》第 V.229 节中，我们读到：
“As an Inda-khila resting in the earth would be unshakeable
"就像安息在大地上的印塔吉拉一样不可动摇
by the four winds, of such a kind I say is the good man,
我说这样的人才是好人、
who having understood the ariyan truths, sees them (clear-
理解了阿赖耶识真理的人，会看到它们（清澈的--）。
ly). This splendid jewel is the Sangha; by this truth may
ly）。这颗灿烂的明珠就是僧伽；通过这一真理，我们可以
there be well-being.” 有福祉"。
“As an Inda-khila resting in the earth would be unshakeable by the four winds, of such a kind I say is the good man, who having understood the ariyan truths, sees them (clearly). This splendid jewel is the Sangha; by this truth may there be well-being.”
"就像安放在大地上的印塔吉拉不会被四面的风所撼动一样，我说，理解了阿赖耶识真理并（清楚地）看到它们的善人就是这样的人。这颗灿烂的明珠就是僧伽；有了这一真理，才会有幸福。

Dhp.v. 95 uses the metaphor specifically of an Arahant:
Dhp.v. 95 特别使用了 "阿罗汉 "的比喻：
Like the earth, he does not resent; a balanced and well disciplined person is like an Inda-khīla.
就像大地一样，他不会怨恨；一个平衡而有节制的人就像 Inda-khīla 一样。

This is probably also the case at Thag.v.663:
这可能也是 Thag.v.663 的情况：

But those who in the midst of pain and happiness have overcome the seamstress (craving), stand like an Inda-khīla; they are neither elated nor cast down.
而那些在痛苦和幸福中战胜了裁缝（渴求）的人，就像印度教中的 "印度教"（Inda-khīla）一样屹立不倒；他们既不欣喜，也不沮丧。

Referring to the stūpa axis as “Indra’s stake,” then, would seem to imply that the axis was seen as symbolising the unshakeable state of an ariyan person’s Dhamma-filled mind. ${}^{32}$${}^{32}$^(32){ }^{32} Such symbolism harmonises with that of the axis as a $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a, and also with that of the dome as a kumbha, representing the personality of someone full of Dhamma.
因此，将 stūpa 轴称为 "因陀罗的木桩 "似乎意味着，该轴象征着阿利安人充满达摩的心灵不可动摇的状态。 ${}^{32}$${}^{32}$^(32){ }^{32} 这种象征意义与轴作为 $y\overline{u}pa$$y\overline{u}pa$y bar(u)pay \bar{u} p a 的象征意义以及穹顶作为 "昆巴"（kumbha）的象征意义相吻合，后者代表充满达摩的人的个性。

A final aspect of the symbolism of the stūpa axis is that it was seen to represent Mount Meru, the huge axial world mountain of Hindu and Buddhist mythology, with the circular plan of the stūpa dome representing the circle of the earth. That the stūpa was seen in this way, even in Theravāda lands, can be seen from several pieces of evidence. Firstly, the huge Bodhi tree which Mahävamsa XXX v. 63 ff . describes as being in the relic chamber of the Great Stūpa at Anurādhapura, is said to have a canopy over it on which are depicted the sun, moon and stars-which are said to revolve round Meru. Around the trees are said to be placed statues of the gods, the Four Great Kings who are said to guard the slopes of Meru; while the relic chamber walls are said to have painted on them zig-zag shaped walls-such walls, at least in the Tibetan tradition, are used to portray the rings of mountains on the disc of the earth. Secondly, the harmikā of ancient Sinhalese stūpas sometimes has the sun on the east face and the moon on the west face. Thirdly, in late Sinhalese texts, the term for the drum at the base of the stūpa spire (see figure 4) is devata kotuva, enclosure of the deities. This corresponds to the idea that the lower gods dwell on Meru, with Indra’s palace at its summit. ${}^{33}$${}^{33}$^(33){ }^{33}
佛塔中轴线象征意义的最后一个方面是，它被视为代表印度教和佛教神话中巨大的轴心世界山--梅鲁山，而佛塔穹顶的圆形平面则代表地球的圆周。从几个证据中可以看出，即使在小乘佛教国家，人们也是这样看待佛塔的。首先，《摩诃婆沙》第三十章第 63 节及以下描述了位于阿努拉达普拉大菩提树舍利室中的巨大菩提树，据说树冠上有太阳、月亮和星星，据说它们围绕着默鲁旋转。据说在树的周围摆放着四大天王的神像，他们据说守护着梅鲁的山坡；而据说遗迹室的墙壁上绘有之字形的墙壁--至少在西藏的传统中，这种墙壁是用来描绘地球圆盘上的山环的。其次，古代僧伽罗stūpas的harmikā有时东面是太阳，西面是月亮。第三，在晚期僧伽罗语文本中，"stūpa "尖塔底部的鼓（见图 4）被称为 "devata kotuva"，即神灵的围墙。这与下位神居住在梅鲁山上，因陀罗的宫殿位于梅鲁山顶的说法相吻合。 ${}^{33}$${}^{33}$^(33){ }^{33}

I would see the significance of the Meru symbolism as being that the stūpa axis and dome represent the world of gods and men; the implication of this will be brought out below.
我认为梅鲁象征意义在于，"stūpa "轴线和穹顶代表了神和人的世界；下文将介绍其中的含义。

So far, I have assigned various symbolic meanings to the components of the stūpa. The dome, container of the precious relics, can be seen to represent a pot full of Dhamma, a
到目前为止，我已经为 "佛塔 "的各个组成部分赋予了不同的象征意义。穹顶是珍贵文物的容器，可以看作是一个装满达摩的罐子，一个

Dhamma-wheel, a lotus flower, or the circle of the earth. The stūpa axis, as a yūpa, symbolises the Dhamma (teaching, path and realizations) and all its “sacrifices,” and, as Inda-khila, symbolises the great stability of the Dhamma and the unshakeable nature of the mind full of Dhamma; it also represents Mount Meru, home of the gods. On top of the stūpa dome is a cool “top enclosure” and a yasti complete with honourific parasoldiscs, equivalent to a Bodhi tree, symbol of a Buddha’s enlightenment and his enlightened mind.
达摩轮、莲花或地球的圆圈。作为 "瑜珈"（yūpa），"stūpa "轴象征着达摩（教义、道路和觉悟）及其所有 "祭品"；作为 "因陀吉罗"（Inda-khila），它象征着达摩的巨大稳定性和充满达摩之心的不可动摇性；它还代表着众神的故乡梅鲁山。在穹顶上有一个凉爽的 "顶围 "和一个带有尊贵伞盖的亚斯提，相当于一棵菩提树，象征着佛陀的觉悟和觉醒之心。

While a stūpa is worthy of devotion due to the relics it contains, it also serves to inspire because the symbols of its separate components unite together to make an overall spiritual statement. The whole symbolises the enlightened mind of a Buddha (represented by the yaṣ $ti$$ti$tit i and parasol-discs as Bodhi tree symbols) standing out above the world of gods and humans (represented by the axis and dome). The symbolism shows that the enlightened mind arises from within the world by a process of spiritual growth (represented by the dome as a lotus symbol, or as a vase of plenty) on a firm basis of the practice of Dhamma (represented by the dome as a Dhamma-wheel). This Dhamma (now represented by the axis) is also the path which leads up out of the world of humans and gods to enlightenment (represented by the yastit and parasol-discs, resting on top of the axis as its uppermost portion). A personality (the dome as a kumbha) full of such Dhamma is worthy of reverence and has an unshakeable mind (represented by the axis as Inda-khila, with the yasti as its extension). In brief, we could say that the stūpa symbolises the Dhamma and the transformations it brings in one who practices it, culminating in enlightenment. It is not surprising, then, that at an early date, the various layers of the stūpa’s structure were explicitly seen as symbolising specific aspects of the Dhamma (teaching, path and culmination) and of a Buddha’s nature. Gustav Roth has translated, from their Tibetan versions, two ancient Sanskrit texts which see the stūpa as symbolising the Dharmakaya in the sense of the 37 “requisites of enlightenment” (bodhipaksiya-dharmas) and certain other spiritual qualities. ${}^{34}$${}^{34}$^(34){ }^{34} These texts are the first century A.D. Caitya-vibhāga-vinayabhāva Sūtra, fragments of an unknown Vinaya, and the second century A.D. Stūpa-laksana-kārikä-vivecana of the Lokottaravādin Vinaya. A scheme of symbolic corre-
虽然佛塔因其所包含的舍利而值得虔诚供奉，但它也有启迪人心的作用，因为其各个组成部分的符号结合在一起，构成了一个整体的精神宣言。整体象征着佛陀的觉悟之心（以象征菩提树的 "地藏" $ti$$ti$tit i 和 "伞盘 "为代表）屹立于人神世界（以轴线和穹顶为代表）之上。这一象征意义表明，开悟之心是在修持达摩（穹顶代表达摩轮）的坚实基础上，通过精神成长过程（穹顶代表莲花或丰盛的花瓶）从世界内部产生的。达摩（现在以中轴线为代表）也是人类和神灵世界通往觉悟之路（以 "雅斯提 "和 "伞盘 "为代表，位于中轴线的最上方）。充满这种达摩的人格（作为穹顶的 "昆巴"）值得尊敬，并拥有不可动摇的心灵（以 "因陀吉拉 "为轴，以 "雅斯提 "为其延伸）。简而言之，我们可以说 "斯塔帕 "象征着达摩和达摩给修行者带来的转变，最终达到证悟的境界。因此，在很早的时候，"stūpa "结构的各个层次就被明确地视为佛法（教义、道路和顶点）和佛性特定方面的象征，这并不奇怪。古斯塔夫-罗斯（Gustav Roth）从藏文版本中翻译了两部古代梵文文献，这些文献认为 "如来藏 "象征着 37 种 "证悟的必要条件"（bodhipaksiya-dharmas）意义上的 "法身"（Dharmakaya）以及某些其他精神品质。 ${}^{34}$${}^{34}$^(34){ }^{34} 这些文本是公元一世纪的作品。 Caitya-vibhāga-vinayabhāva Sūtra》、不知名的《吠陀经》片段以及公元二世纪的《Lokottaravādin 吠陀经》Stūpa-laksana-kārikä-vivecana。一个象征性的对应方案
spondences identical with that outlined in the first of these texts is shown in figure 12. Each layer of the stūpa’s structure represents a group of spiritual qualities cultivated on the path, while the spire represents the powers of a Tathāgata. ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35}
如图 12 所示，该塔的结构与上述第一部经文中的结构相同。佛塔结构的每一层都代表了在修行道路上培养的一组精神品质，而塔尖则代表了大成就者的能力。 ${}^{35}$${}^{35}$^(35){ }^{35}

Another interesting passage quoted by Roth, from the first century A.D. Mūlasarvāstivādin Vinaya Kṣudraka-vastu, also links the stūpa with the bodhipaksiyadharmas. The passage deals with the death of S̄ariputra, at which Ānanda-who has Sāriputra’s relics-evinces dismay to the Buddha. The Buddha consoles him by asking him if Śarriputra has taken with him the aggregates of śila, samādhi, prajñā, vimukti, or vimuktijñānadarśana. He then asks if Śāriputra has:
罗思引用的另一段有趣的文字出自公元一世纪的《Mūlasarvāstivādin Vinaya Kṣudraka-vastu》，也将 "stūpa "与 "bodhipaksiyadharmas "联系在一起。这段经文讲述了萨利普特罗（S̄ariputra）之死，拥有萨利普特罗舍利的阿难陀向佛陀表达了失望之情。佛陀安慰他，问他圣羯磨是否带走了śila、samādhi、prajñā、vimukti 或 vimuktijñānadarśana。然后他又问：Śāriputra 有吗？
“taken away that which is the substance of my enlightened perception: the four applications of mindfulness … (the bodhipaksiyadharmas are listed)?”
"拿走了作为我开悟感知实质的东西：四种正念的应用......（列出了菩提心的应用）？

That is, though only the relics of Sāriputra remain, in the physical sense, the dharmas cultivated by him still remain; i.e., the Dharmakāya remains. With such passages in mind, it would have been very natural for Buddhists to look on the stūpa not only as a container of physical relics of a Buddha or saint, but also as symbolising the essential Dharma-qualities which such a person embodied, and which still exist, inviting others to embody.
也就是说，虽然萨利普陀的舍利仅存，但从实体意义上讲，他所修持的法仍然存在，即 "达摩迦叶"（Dharmakāya）仍然存在。考虑到这些经文，佛教徒很自然地认为，佛塔不仅是佛陀或圣人遗物的容器，而且还象征着佛陀或圣人所体现的基本佛法品质，这些品质现在仍然存在，并邀请其他人来体现。

In the Pāli passage on the death of Sāriputta (S.IV.161-3), the bodhi-pakkhiyadhammas are not specifically mentioned, though Ānanda says that he will bear in mind the strengthgiving Dhamma of Sāriputta, and the Buddha recommends him, even after the Buddha’s own parinibbāna, to abide with himself and Dhamma as refuge. This is to be done by way of the four satipaṭthanas, the first set of dhammas in the list of the 37 bodhipakkhiyadhammas. In two Pāli passages on the death of the Buddha, however, there is reference to the bodhipakkhiyadhammas (though not by this name). At D.II.120, in the Mahäparinibbāna Sutta, the Buddha lists the 37 dhammas as those known and taught by him, which his disciples should master, meditate on and spread abroad so that the holy life will last long and there shall be good and happiness for many. He then refers to his parinibbāna as being in three months time, and exhorts his monks, as he does on his death-bed:
在关于萨利普陀（Sāriputta）之死的《帕利经》（S.IV.161-3）中，虽然阿难陀说他将铭记萨利普陀的 "给力佛法"，而且佛陀建议他，即使在佛陀自己的般涅槃之后，也要以自己和佛法为皈依处。要做到这一点，就必须修习四萨提婆达那，这是三十七菩提道次第中的第一组陀罗尼。然而，在两段有关佛陀圆寂的帕利文中，都提到了菩提道次第广论（虽然不是这个名称）。在《大毗婆沙论》（Mahäparinibbāna Sutta）D.II.120 中，佛陀列出了他所熟知和传授的 37 种禅法，弟子们应掌握、禅修并传播这些禅法，以使圣寿长久，并为许多人带来美好和幸福。然后，佛陀提到他将在三个月后证得般涅槃，并像临终时一样告诫他的僧侣们：
“All conditioned phenomena are subject to decay; perfect yourselves with diligence.”
"一切有条件的现象都会衰变，你们要勤奋完善自己"。

At M.II.243-5, Ānanda asks the Buddha to ensure that when he dies, there will be no unseemly disputes among his disciples, or harm to the manyfolk, as he has heard that there have been at the death of Mahāvirra, the Jain leader. In reply, the Buddha rhetorically asks Ānanda whether any of his monks differ over what he has taught out of his abhiñ$\tilde{a}$$\tilde{a}$tilde(a)\tilde{a}, i.e., the 37 bodhipakkiyadhammas. He goes on to imply that these comprise the essential magga and patipada; if disputes arise after his death, they will only be on matters of Vinaya, and be of trifling importance.
在 M.II.243-5 中，阿难陀请求佛陀确保他圆寂时，他的弟子之间不会发生不体面的争执，也不会伤害许多人，就像他听说耆那教领袖马哈维拉圆寂时发生的那样。佛陀在回答时反问阿难陀，他的僧侣中是否有人对他的 abhiñ $\tilde{a}$$\tilde{a}$tilde(a)\tilde{a} 即 37 部《菩提道次第广论》中的教义有不同意见。他接着暗示说，这些内容包括基本的 magga 和 patipada；如果在他死后出现争议，争议也只是在 Vinaya 方面，而且无关紧要。

These passages all emphasize the idea that, even though a Buddha or Arahant dies, there still remains the essence of the path he taught and realized, in the form of the 37 bodhipakkiyadhammas, and that bearing these in mind, and practicing them, will be of great benefit to people. After the Buddha’s parinib$b\overline{a}na$$b\overline{a}na$b bar(a)nab \bar{a} n a, while physical relics were important, the Dhamma is more so, as the Buddha emphasized to Vakkali when he said, “He who sees the Dhamma sees me, he who sees me sees the Dhamma.” It is not surprising, then, that the stūpa, the primary focus of early Buddhist devotion, should not only contain the relics of the Buddha or a saint, but should also symbolise the Dhamma, or the Buddha in the form of his Dhammakāya. Such a symbolic equation of the stūpa with the Buddha is, in fact, reflected in the early Vinayas, in which, where a stūpa is seen as having its own property (land and offerings), it is sometimes seen as “the property of the stūpa,” and sometimes as the “property of the Buddha.”
这些经文都强调了这样一个观点：即使佛陀或阿罗汉圆寂了，他所教导和证悟的道路的精髓仍以三十七菩提道次第的形式存在，铭记并实践这些精髓将对人们大有裨益。佛陀圆寂后，虽然肉身舍利很重要，但佛法更重要，正如佛陀对瓦卡利强调的那样："见佛法者见我，见我者见佛法"。因此，作为早期佛教信仰的主要中心，佛塔不仅包含佛陀或圣人的舍利，还象征着 "达摩 "或佛陀的 "达摩迦叶"，这就不足为奇了。事实上，早期的《维那雅》就反映了这种将佛塔等同于佛陀的象征意义，在《维那雅》中，佛塔有时被视为拥有自己的财产（土地和供品），有时被视为 "佛塔的财产"，有时被视为 "佛陀的财产"。

As a final point, I would like to try to tie together the functions of the stūpa as a reliquary with that of it as a Buddhasymbol, so as to show how the stūpa may be seen to depict both the Buddha’s physical and spiritual personality. The classical stūpa contains relics of the Buddha, i.e., some of the mahäbhütas which composed his body, and should be placed “where four roads meet” (cätummahäpathe) (D.II.142). Even ignoring the fact that the stūpa dome came to be known as a kumbha, a common metaphor for the personality, these facts suggest that the stūpa may originally have been intended as a model of the enlightened personality. This can be seen from a passage at S.IV.194-
最后，我想尝试将佛塔作为灵位的功能与作为佛像的功能结合起来，以说明佛塔是如何被视为同时描绘佛陀的肉体和精神人格的。经典中的舍利塔包含佛陀的遗物，即构成佛陀身体的一些玛哈布塔，应放置在 "四条道路交汇的地方"（cätummahäpathe）（D.II.142）。即使不考虑 "斯塔帕 "穹顶后来被称为 "昆巴"（kumbha）这一人格的常见比喻，这些事实也表明，"斯塔帕 "最初可能是作为开悟人格的模型。这可以从 S.IV.194- 中的一段话中看出。
5. Here, a simile is given in which a town stands for the käya (the body, or perhaps the personality other than viñañna), the “lord” of the town stands for viñanana, the “lord” of the town sits “in the midst in a square (where four roads meet)” (majjhe singhätako), which represents the four mahäbhütas (extension, cohesion, heat and motion), and the “lord” receives a “message of truth,” representing Nibbāna. As the classical stūpa contains the four mahäbhütas of the Buddha and stands at the meeting of four roads, its dome can be seen to represent his kāya (Dhp.v. 40 sees the kāya as like a kumbha), the relics represent the essentials of his body, and the central yasti $i$$i$ii and parasol-discs (and later the axis, too), represents his viññaña, which has received the “message” of Nibbāna, and been transformed by it.
这里给出了一个比喻，城镇代表 käya（身体，或者可能是 viñañna 以外的人格），城镇的 "主人 "代表 viñanana，城镇的 "主人 "坐在 "广场（四条道路的交汇处）的中间"（majjhe singhätako），广场代表四种摩诃比丘（扩展、凝聚、热和运动），"主人 "接受 "真理的信息"，代表 Nibbāna。由于经典佛塔包含佛陀的四无量心，并矗立在四条道路的交汇处，其穹顶可视为佛陀的刹土（《大毗婆沙论》第 40 章将刹土视为 "昆巴"），舍利子代表佛陀身体的精华，而中央的亚斯提 $i$$i$ii 和伞盘（以及后来的轴心）则代表佛陀的毘奈耶（viñña），毘奈耶接受了尼婆罗那的 "信息"，并因此而改变。

In this paper, I hope to have shown that, even prior to its complex symbolism in the Vajrayāna tradition, the stūpa had developed, from simple beginnings, into system of inter-locking and mutually supporting symbols representing the Dhamma (teaching, path and realizations) and the enlightened personality embodying the culmination of Dhamma-practice.
在本文中，我希望说明的是，即使在金刚乘传统中使用复杂的符号之前，"stūpa "已经从最初的简单符号发展成为一个相互联系、相互支持的符号系统，代表着达摩（教义、道路和觉悟）和体现达摩修行顶峰的证悟者。

Figure 1 图 1

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Figure 3 图 3