1. Introduction 一、简介
The opposition of "hot" and "cold," like that of "dry and "moist, ' is an inevitable by-product of our sense of touch. These antitheses, noted by the pre-Socratic philosophers of Greek antiquity, were used by Aristotle in the formation of his doctrine of opposites, while from their combinations the four elementsearth, water, air, and fire--were built up. In doing this, Aristotle made no attempt to assign numbers to these qualities. The great physician Galen seems to have introduced the idea of "degrees of heat and cold," four in number each way from a neutral point in the middle. The neutral point was to be a mixcure of equal quantities of ice and boiling water, substances that Galen seems to have thought of as the hottest and coldest of materials. Whether the quantities were weights or volumes is not certain, and we may wonder whether Galen ever made such an experiment;? but it is the earliest notion of a fixed point or standard of temperature.
“热”和“冷”的对立，就像“干”和“湿”的对立一样，是我们触觉不可避免的副产品。古希腊前苏格拉底哲学家注意到了这些对立，亚里士多德在形成他的对立学说时使用了这些对立，而通过它们的组合，建立了土、水、空气和火四种元素。在这样做时，亚里士多德并没有尝试为这些品质分配数字。伟大的医生盖伦似乎引入了“热度和冷度”的概念，从中间的中性点开始各有四度。中性点是等量的冰和沸水的混合物，盖伦似乎认为这些物质是最热和最冷的材料。这些量是重量还是体积并不确定，我们可能想知道盖伦是否做过这样的实验？但这是最早的固定点或温度标准的概念。
“热”和“冷”的对立，就像“干”和“湿”的对立一样，是我们触觉不可避免的副产品。古希腊前苏格拉底哲学家注意到了这些对立，亚里士多德在形成他的对立学说时使用了这些对立，而通过它们的组合，建立了土、水、空气和火四种元素。在这样做时，亚里士多德并没有尝试为这些品质分配数字。伟大的医生盖伦似乎引入了“热度和冷度”的概念，从中间的中性点开始各有四度。中性点是等量的冰和沸水的混合物，盖伦似乎认为这些物质是最热和最冷的材料。这些量是重量还是体积并不确定，我们可能想知道盖伦是否做过这样的实验？但这是最早的固定点或温度标准的概念。
Strange as it may seem, the idea of a scale of temperature was familiar to physicians before they had any instrument to measure it with. This is illustrated by the De logistica medica of Johannis Hasler of Berne. Hasler's very first "Problem" is entitled "To find the natural degree of temperature of each man, as determined by his age, the time of year, the elevation of the pole [i.e., the latitude] and other influences." It was believed that the body temperature of dwellers in the tropics was higher than those living in higher latitudes. Hasler showed this supposed relationship by an elaborate table' (Fig. 1.1), in which the nine degrees of heat in the first column and the Galenic degrees of heat and cold in the second (divided into three parts in the fourth and third columns respectively) are set opposite the latitude. From this table the physician could read the normal degree of heat or cold to be expected in an inhabitant of any place and thus decide how to mix his medicines.
尽管看起来很奇怪，但在没有任何测量温度的仪器之前，温度标度的概念对于医生来说是很熟悉的。伯尔尼的约翰尼斯·哈斯勒 (Johannis Hasler) 的《医学物流》对此进行了说明。哈斯勒的第一个“问题”的标题是“根据每个人的年龄、一年中的时间、极点海拔（即纬度）和其他影响因素确定每个人的自然温度。”人们认为，热带地区居民的体温高于高纬度地区居民。哈斯勒通过一张详尽的表格展示了这种假设的关系（图1.1），其中第一列是九度热度，第二列是盖伦热度和冷度（分别在第四列和第三列中分为三部分） ) 与纬度相反。从这张表中，医生可以读出任何地方的居民预期的正常热度或冷度，从而决定如何混合他的药物。
尽管看起来很奇怪，但在没有任何测量温度的仪器之前，温度标度的概念对于医生来说是很熟悉的。伯尔尼的约翰尼斯·哈斯勒 (Johannis Hasler) 的《医学物流》对此进行了说明。哈斯勒的第一个“问题”的标题是“根据每个人的年龄、一年中的时间、极点海拔（即纬度）和其他影响因素确定每个人的自然温度。”人们认为，热带地区居民的体温高于高纬度地区居民。哈斯勒通过一张详尽的表格展示了这种假设的关系（图1.1），其中第一列是九度热度，第二列是盖伦热度和冷度（分别在第四列和第三列中分为三部分） ) 与纬度相反。从这张表中，医生可以读出任何地方的居民预期的正常热度或冷度，从而决定如何混合他的药物。
This was the medical scale. There was also a "philosophical scale" with eight degrees of heat and eight of cold. As we shall see, the first thermometer of which we have a description and illustration has a scale of "degrees of cold that goes from one to eight.
这就是医学尺度。还有一个“哲学尺度”，八度热，八度冷。正如我们将看到的，我们有描述和插图的第一个温度计具有“从一到八度的冷度”的刻度。
这就是医学尺度。还有一个“哲学尺度”，八度热，八度冷。正如我们将看到的，我们有描述和插图的第一个温度计具有“从一到八度的冷度”的刻度。
Questions of priority are loaded with embarrassment for the historian of science and technology, even if they are of great interest to the general reader. The thermometer provides a particularly acute example, at least partly because more than a piece of apparatus is involved. Its "invention" cannot be considered apart from its use and calibration. According to the point of view adopted in this chapter a distinction must be made between the terms thermoscope and thermometer, in which a thermometer is simply a thermoscope provided with a scale. This may seem too elementary to be worth notice; but if it had been kept in mind, many gallons of ink might have been saved in the attempt to establish when, where, and by whom "the thermometer was invented." I propose to regard it as axiomatic that a "meter" ' must have a scale or something equivalent. If this is admitted, the problem of the invention of the thermometer becomes more straightforward; that of the invention of the thermoscope remains as obscure as ever.
对于科学技术史家来说，优先级问题充满了尴尬，即使普通读者对此非常感兴趣。温度计提供了一个特别尖锐的例子，至少部分是因为涉及的不仅仅是一个设备。它的“发明”不能脱离它的使用和校准来考虑。根据本章所采用的观点，必须区分测温仪和温度计这两个术语，其中温度计只是带有刻度的测温仪。这似乎太简单了，不值得关注。但如果记住这一点，在尝试确定“温度计是何时、何地以及由谁发明的”时可能会节省许多加仑的墨水。我建议将“米”必须有一个刻度或类似的东西视为公理。如果承认这一点，温度计发明的问题就变得更加简单了。测温仪的发明仍然像以前一样晦涩难懂。
对于科学技术史家来说，优先级问题充满了尴尬，即使普通读者对此非常感兴趣。温度计提供了一个特别尖锐的例子，至少部分是因为涉及的不仅仅是一个设备。它的“发明”不能脱离它的使用和校准来考虑。根据本章所采用的观点，必须区分测温仪和温度计这两个术语，其中温度计只是带有刻度的测温仪。这似乎太简单了，不值得关注。但如果记住这一点，在尝试确定“温度计是何时、何地以及由谁发明的”时可能会节省许多加仑的墨水。我建议将“米”必须有一个刻度或类似的东西视为公理。如果承认这一点，温度计发明的问题就变得更加简单了。测温仪的发明仍然像以前一样晦涩难懂。
As to the thermoscope, a further preliminary question must be answered: when does a pneumatic experiment, of whatever sort, become a thermoscope? I take it as essential that the experi menter should have had clearly in view the construction of an instrument intended to give some visible indication of changes in its condition with respect to heat. It is not enough that the behavior of some instrument should be interbretable in this way.
至于测温仪，必须回答一个进一步的初步问题：无论何种类型的气动实验何时成为测温仪？我认为至关重要的是，实验者应该清楚地了解仪器的构造，该仪器旨在给出有关热条件变化的一些可见指示。某些仪器的行为以这种方式可互译是不够的。
至于测温仪，必须回答一个进一步的初步问题：无论何种类型的气动实验何时成为测温仪？我认为至关重要的是，实验者应该清楚地了解仪器的构造，该仪器旨在给出有关热条件变化的一些可见指示。某些仪器的行为以这种方式可互译是不够的。
Pneumatic experiments that could form the basis of a thermoscope were made in antiquity by Philo of Byzantium, who probably flourished about the end of the second century B.C.,' and also by Hero of Alexandria, possibly in the first half of the first century B.C, but perhaps much later. Philo's work, lost in the original Greek, remained in Latin and Arabic manuscripts, unpublished, until the end of the nineteenth century.• Hero's Pneumatics fared better, having been published in Latin in 1575,10 in an Italian translation in 1589,11 and again in Italian in 1592,12 the year in which Galileo took up his post at Padua.
可以构成测温仪基础的气动实验是由拜占庭的斐洛（Philo）在古代进行的，他可能在公元前二世纪末左右进行，亚历山大的希罗（Hero of Alexandria）也可能在公元前一世纪上半叶进行，但也许要晚得多。斐洛的著作在希腊语原文中已失传，直到 19 世纪末才以拉丁文和阿拉伯文手稿的形式出版。• 《英雄的气动学》表现较好，已于 1575 年出版了拉丁文版，10 于 1589 年出版了意大利文译本，11 1592 年，12 伽利略在帕多瓦上任。
可以构成测温仪基础的气动实验是由拜占庭的斐洛（Philo）在古代进行的，他可能在公元前二世纪末左右进行，亚历山大的希罗（Hero of Alexandria）也可能在公元前一世纪上半叶进行，但也许要晚得多。斐洛的著作在希腊语原文中已失传，直到 19 世纪末才以拉丁文和阿拉伯文手稿的形式出版。• 《英雄的气动学》表现较好，已于 1575 年出版了拉丁文版，10 于 1589 年出版了意大利文译本，11 1592 年，12 伽利略在帕多瓦上任。
Hero's work was studied a great deal in Italy toward the end of the sixteenth century, as Hellmann has found.13 Galileo is known to have read it by 1594.14 Meanwhile Giambattista della Porta had read about Hero's experiment, of a "fountain that drips in the sun," and described an apparatus that could have been used as an air thermoscope but was in fact intended only to show that water could be raised by the action of heat.15 Even in 1606 it is plain that a similar experiment described by Della Porta merely shows the expansion of air by heat and its contraction by cold, but that he had no idea of making a measuring instrument.1 Like many others, he was repeating some of Hero's experiments, with variations.
正如赫尔曼所发现的那样，在 16 世纪末，意大利对希罗的著作进行了大量研究。13 据了解，伽利略在 1594 年就读过该书。14 与此同时，詹巴蒂斯塔·德拉波塔 (Giambattista della Porta) 读到了有关希罗的实验，即“滴在水里的喷泉”。太阳”，并描述了一种可以用作空气测温仪的装置，但实际上只是为了表明水可以通过热作用而升高。15 即使在 1606 年，德拉波塔 (Della Porta) 描述的类似实验也很明显仅仅显示了空气因热而膨胀和因冷而收缩，但他不知道制造测量仪器。1像许多其他人一样，他正在重复希罗的一些实验，但有一些变化。
正如赫尔曼所发现的那样，在 16 世纪末，意大利对希罗的著作进行了大量研究。13 据了解，伽利略在 1594 年就读过该书。14 与此同时，詹巴蒂斯塔·德拉波塔 (Giambattista della Porta) 读到了有关希罗的实验，即“滴在水里的喷泉”。太阳”，并描述了一种可以用作空气测温仪的装置，但实际上只是为了表明水可以通过热作用而升高。15 即使在 1606 年，德拉波塔 (Della Porta) 描述的类似实验也很明显仅仅显示了空气因热而膨胀和因冷而收缩，但他不知道制造测量仪器。1像许多其他人一样，他正在重复希罗的一些实验，但有一些变化。
The serious candidates for the honor of having "invented the thermometer" are usually considered to be four in number: Galileo, Santorio (or Sanctorius), Drebbel, and Fludd. The first two lived in Italy, the other two lived north of the Alps. As interaction across the Alps is very unlikely in this case, we may profitably consider the two pairs separately.
获得“温度计发明者”荣誉的严肃候选人通常被认为是四位：伽利略、桑托里奥（或桑克托里乌斯）、德雷贝尔和弗卢德。前两人住在意大利，另外两人住在阿尔卑斯山以北。由于在这种情况下跨越阿尔卑斯山的相互作用非常不可能，因此我们可以单独考虑这两对货币对。
获得“温度计发明者”荣誉的严肃候选人通常被认为是四位：伽利略、桑托里奥（或桑克托里乌斯）、德雷贝尔和弗卢德。前两人住在意大利，另外两人住在阿尔卑斯山以北。由于在这种情况下跨越阿尔卑斯山的相互作用非常不可能，因此我们可以单独考虑这两对货币对。
2. Galileo and Santorio.
2. 伽利略和圣托里奥。
Like the British idolators of Newton, the Italian parti. sans of Galileo have done their best to magnify the achievements of their hero, often with scant regard for historical method, or even for probability. It may now, I think, be maintained categorically that Santorio applied a measuring device to the air thermoscope, at least as early as 1612, thus making an air thermometer; although he was not the only one to have done this, as we shall see. Whether he or Galileo, or someone else, first made an air thermoscope is much less clear. I suspect that if the great name of Galileo were not involved it would not really be of much importance, in view of the very small utility of the thermoscope.
就像英国人崇拜牛顿一样，意大利人也是如此。伽利略的后裔们竭尽全力夸大他们英雄的成就，往往很少考虑历史方法，甚至不考虑概率。我认为，现在可以断然地认为，桑托里奥至少早在 1612 年就将测量装置应用于空气温度计，从而制成了空气温度计；尽管他并不是唯一一个这样做的人，正如我们将看到的那样。究竟是他、伽利略，还是其他人，首先制造了空气测温仪，目前还不清楚。我怀疑，如果不涉及伽利略的伟大名字，鉴于测温仪的效用很小，它实际上并没有多大重要性。
就像英国人崇拜牛顿一样，意大利人也是如此。伽利略的后裔们竭尽全力夸大他们英雄的成就，往往很少考虑历史方法，甚至不考虑概率。我认为，现在可以断然地认为，桑托里奥至少早在 1612 年就将测量装置应用于空气温度计，从而制成了空气温度计；尽管他并不是唯一一个这样做的人，正如我们将看到的那样。究竟是他、伽利略，还是其他人，首先制造了空气测温仪，目前还不清楚。我怀疑，如果不涉及伽利略的伟大名字，鉴于测温仪的效用很小，它实际上并没有多大重要性。
Three pieces of documentary evidence are usually cited in support of Galileo's claim to the invention. The first consists of a series of letters from Giovanfrancesco Sagredo to Galileo in the period June, 1612, to April, 1615. The second is a letter from Benedetto Castelli to Ferdinando Cesarini, written in 1638. The third is Vincenzio Viviani's biography of Galileo, written in 1654.
通常会引用三份文件证据来支持伽利略的发明主张。第一份是 1612 年 6 月至 1615 年 4 月期间乔万弗朗西斯科·萨格雷多 (Giovanfrancesco Sagredo) 写给伽利略的一系列信件。第二份是 1638 年贝内代托·卡斯泰利 (Benedetto Castelli) 写给费迪南多·切萨里尼 (Ferdinando Cesarini) 的一封信。第三份是文森齐奥·维维亚尼 (Vincenzio Viviani) 写的伽利略传记，写于 1654 年。
通常会引用三份文件证据来支持伽利略的发明主张。第一份是 1612 年 6 月至 1615 年 4 月期间乔万弗朗西斯科·萨格雷多 (Giovanfrancesco Sagredo) 写给伽利略的一系列信件。第二份是 1638 年贝内代托·卡斯泰利 (Benedetto Castelli) 写给费迪南多·切萨里尼 (Ferdinando Cesarini) 的一封信。第三份是文森齐奥·维维亚尼 (Vincenzio Viviani) 写的伽利略传记，写于 1654 年。
On June 30, 1612, Sagredo wrote a letter to Galileo in which the following passage occurs:
1612 年 6 月 30 日，萨格雷多给伽利略写了一封信，其中有这样一段话：
1612 年 6 月 30 日，萨格雷多给伽利略写了一封信，其中有这样一段话：
Signor Mula . . . told me about an instrument of Santorio's, with with which cold and heat were measured by means of compasses;17 and finally let me know that this is a large glass bulbs with a long neck. I immediately devoted myself to making some very fine and elegant ones.19
穆拉先生。 。 。告诉我桑托里奥的一种仪器，用它通过罗盘测量冷热；17最后让我知道这是一个长颈的大玻璃灯泡。我立即投入精力制作一些非常精美和优雅的作品。19
Sagredo was apparently much taken with this new invention, for he goes on:
萨格雷多显然对这项新发明很着迷，因为他继续说道：
萨格雷多显然对这项新发明很着迷，因为他继续说道：
I make the ordinary ones at a cost of four lire each, for a wine glass with a foot, a small ampoule, and a glass tube; and I work so fast that in an hour I finish as many as ten of them. The finest that I have made was worked at the lamp, and it is in all its parts as in the enclosed scale drawing.20
我制作的普通酒杯每个要花四里拉，包括一个带脚的酒杯、一个小安瓿和一个玻璃管；而且我做事的速度非常快，一个小时之内我就完成了多达十个。我制作的最好的作品是在灯上加工的，它的所有部件都如所附比例图所示。20
It may be supposed that the ordinary ones were assembled with mastic and perhaps a cork, in view of the reference to glass blowing in the description of the finest one.
鉴于在最好的玻璃的描述中提到了玻璃吹制，可以认为普通的玻璃是用乳香和软木塞组装的。
鉴于在最好的玻璃的描述中提到了玻璃吹制，可以认为普通的玻璃是用乳香和软木塞组装的。
Galileo's reply to this has not been preserved, but within the next few months Sagredo had been told that this was an invention made by the great philosopher, for on May 9, 1613, we find him writing again:
伽利略对此的答复并未保存下来，但在接下来的几个月内，萨格雷多被告知这是这位伟大哲学家的发明，因为在 1613 年 5 月 9 日，我们发现他再次写道：
伽利略对此的答复并未保存下来，但在接下来的几个月内，萨格雷多被告知这是这位伟大哲学家的发明，因为在 1613 年 5 月 9 日，我们发现他再次写道：
forms,22 so that the difference in temperature between one room and another is seen to be as much as 100 degrees. With these I have found various marvellous things, as, for example, that in winter the air may be colder than ice or snow; that the water just now appears colder than the air; that small bodies of water are colder than large ones, and similar subtle matters.
形成 22，因此一个房间与另一个房间之间的温差高达 100 度。通过这些我发现了各种奇妙的事情，例如，冬天的空气可能比冰或雪还冷；刚才的水看起来比空气更冷；小水体比大水体冷，以及类似的微妙问题。
He goes on to say that the Aristotelian philosopher Bernardino Gaio cannot understand how it works, thinking that the "attractive virtue of heat should make the liquid rise farther in the tube when the bulb is hotter.
他接着说，亚里士多德哲学家贝尔纳迪诺·盖奥无法理解它是如何工作的，认为“当灯泡更热时，热量的吸引力应该使液体在管子中上升得更远。
他接着说，亚里士多德哲学家贝尔纳迪诺·盖奥无法理解它是如何工作的，认为“当灯泡更热时，热量的吸引力应该使液体在管子中上升得更远。
By July 27 of the same year the really hot weather had arrived, and Sagredo wrote a charming letter that deserves a special place in the history of meteorology, because of the following paragraph:
同年 7 月 27 日，真正炎热的天气到来了，萨格雷多写了一封迷人的信，在气象史上值得拥有一个特殊的位置，因为其中有这样一段话：
同年 7 月 27 日，真正炎热的天气到来了，萨格雷多写了一封迷人的信，在气象史上值得拥有一个特殊的位置，因为其中有这样一段话：
With the arrival of your most precious wine, and with this heat, my meditation is about measuring the aforesaid heat and cooling the wine. The measurement of the heat is already reduced almost to perfection, and I have made records of it for the last 15 days; I shall send a copy of these by the next post, not having had time to copy them. I have also found a funnel that quickly cools wine when it is passed through it. ...23
随着您最珍贵的葡萄酒的到来，以及这种热量，我的冥想是测量上述热量并冷却葡萄酒。热量的测量已经近乎完美，我已经记录了过去15天的情况；我将在下一篇文章中发送这些内容的副本，但没有时间复制它们。我还发现了一种漏斗，当酒通过时可以快速冷却。 ...23
These records must be by far the earliest systematic records of temperature. Like all Sagredo's letters that I have read, it shows him as a man of great charm, and one can believe the editors of Galileo's works when they say that Sagredo "was Galileo's dearest friend." He certainly was one of the most fervent admirers of the great man. Apart from these letters we know little about him except that he held various diplomatic and other posts in the Venetian government service. In his spare time he was a devotee of the new science.
这些记录一定是迄今为止最早的系统温度记录。就像我读过的所有萨格雷多的信一样，这表明他是一个极具魅力的人，当伽利略著作的编辑们说萨格雷多“是伽利略最亲密的朋友”时，人们可以相信他们。他无疑是这位伟人最狂热的崇拜者之一。除了这些信件之外，我们对他知之甚少，只知道他在威尼斯政府部门担任过各种外交和其他职务。在业余时间，他是新科学的奉献者。
这些记录一定是迄今为止最早的系统温度记录。就像我读过的所有萨格雷多的信一样，这表明他是一个极具魅力的人，当伽利略著作的编辑们说萨格雷多“是伽利略最亲密的朋友”时，人们可以相信他们。他无疑是这位伟人最狂热的崇拜者之一。除了这些信件之外，我们对他知之甚少，只知道他在威尼斯政府部门担任过各种外交和其他职务。在业余时间，他是新科学的奉献者。
On February 7, 1615, Sagredo returned to the subject again, finding that well water is actually colder in winter than in summer, "though our senses judge differently."25 On March 15 the thermometer appears again:
1615 年 2 月 7 日，萨格雷多再次回到这个话题，发现井水实际上冬天比夏天更冷，“尽管我们的感官判断不同。”25 3 月 15 日，温度计再次出现：
1615 年 2 月 7 日，萨格雷多再次回到这个话题，发现井水实际上冬天比夏天更冷，“尽管我们的感官判断不同。”25 3 月 15 日，温度计再次出现：
I have been making additions and changes every day to the instrument for measuring temperatures, so that if I were able to discuss it with you by word of mouth, in your presence, I could, beginning ab ovo, easily recount to you the whole story of my inventions, or more correctly my improvements. But because, as you wrote to me and as I certainly believe, you were the first author and inventor [of it], I am therefore sure that the instruments you made with your exquisite skill very greatly surpass mine. ...20
我每天都在对测量温度的仪器进行补充和修改，所以如果我能在你在场的情况下通过口口相传与你讨论，我可以从头开始，轻松地向你讲述整个故事我的发明，或更准确地说是我的改进。但是，正如您写信给我的那样，并且我确信您是该乐器的第一作者和发明者，因此我确信您以精湛的技艺制作的乐器远远超过了我的乐器。 ...20
It would be interesting to know what Galileo had written to inspire this self-negation. The mystery is not lessened by a later passage in the same letter:
了解伽利略写了什么来激发这种自我否定会很有趣。同一封信中后来的一段话并没有减轻这个谜团：
了解伽利略写了什么来激发这种自我否定会很有趣。同一封信中后来的一段话并没有减轻这个谜团：
The man who supposes himself the inventor of these instruments is not very able, indeed entirely unfit to instruct me according to my wish and desire, for I have striven vainly to make him understand the cause of the effects that seem composite and multiple in some of my instruments (if I may so call them).
自认为是这些工具的发明者的人不太能够，实际上完全不适合根据我的愿望和愿望来指导我，因为我徒劳地努力让他理解在某些方面似乎是复合和多重的效果的原因。我的乐器（如果我可以这样称呼它们的话）。
If we are to assume that this sentence refers to Santorio, it is very hard not to believe that Sagredo was not simply trying to flatter Galileo.
如果我们假设这句话指的是圣托里奥，那么很难不相信萨格雷多不仅仅是为了奉承伽利略。
如果我们假设这句话指的是圣托里奥，那么很难不相信萨格雷多不仅仅是为了奉承伽利略。
Let us now consider Castelli's letter, written on September 20, 1638, to Mgr. Ferdinando Cesarini. "I remember," he writes,
现在让我们考虑一下卡斯泰利 1638 年 9 月 20 日写给主教的信。费迪南多·切萨里尼。 “我记得，”他写道，
现在让我们考虑一下卡斯泰利 1638 年 9 月 20 日写给主教的信。费迪南多·切萨里尼。 “我记得，”他写道，
an experiment shown me by our Signor Galileo more than thirty-five years ago.28 He took a small glass flask, about as large as a small hen's egg, with a neck about two spans long and as fine as a wheat straw, and warmed the flask well in his hands, then turned its mouth upside down into a vessel placed underneath, in which there was a little water. When he took away the heat of his hands from the flask, the water at once began to rise in the neck, and mounted to more than a span above the level of the water in the vessel. The same Sig. Galileo had then made use of this effect in order to construct an instrument for examining the degrees of heat and cold.29 There follows a long discussion of the phenomenon. Finally, there is Viviani, whose biography of his great teacher is infinitely laudatory. Writing about the events of Galileo's early days at Padua, that is to say between 1592 and about 1597, Viviani asserts that, "In these same years he discovered thermometers, that is to say those instruments of glass, with water and air, for discerning the changes of heat and cold, and the changeableness of the temperature of places. . ..
三十五年前，我们的伽利略先生向我展示了一项实验。28他拿了一个小玻璃烧瓶，大约有一个小鸡蛋那么大，瓶颈大约有两跨长，细如麦秆，然后加热他把烧瓶拿在手里，然后把瓶口倒过来，放到下面的一个容器里，里面装了一点水。当他把手的热量从烧瓶上拿开时，瓶颈处的水立刻开始上升，高出容器中的水位一尺多。同一个西格。伽利略随后利用这种效应建造了一种用于检查冷热程度的仪器。29 接下来是对这一现象的长时间讨论。最后是维维亚尼，他的伟大导师的传记备受赞誉。维维亚尼在写到伽利略早年在帕多瓦（即 1592 年至 1597 年左右）的事件时断言，“在这些年里，他发现了温度计，即那些装有水和空气的玻璃仪器，用于辨别温度。”冷热的变化，以及地方温度的变化..
We must now turn to Santorio Santorre, often called Sanctorius. Born in 1561 at Capodistria, he studied medicine at Padua and after practicing at Padua, in Poland, and elsewhere, he went to Venice in 1601. He was elected Professor of Medicine at Padua on October 6, 1611, the year after Galileo left that famous university for Florence. He died at Venice in 1636. He is famous as the first to apply the quantitative methods of physical science systematically to medicine, and his interest in the air thermometer grew out of his clinical and physiological studies. Fortunately, Santorio's work on the thermometer is much better documented than that of Galileo. Apart from the reference in Sagredo's letter of June 30, 1612, mentioned above, Santorio himself published a reference to it in the same year. This is in the Commentaria in artem medicinalem Galeni, Part III:32:
我们现在必须转向圣托里奥·桑托雷（Santorio Santorre），通常被称为“Sanctorius”。他于 1561 年出生于卡波迪斯特里亚，在帕多瓦学习医学，在帕多瓦、波兰和其他地方行医后，于 1601 年前往威尼斯。1611 年 10 月 6 日，即伽利略离开帕多瓦的第二年，他被选为帕多瓦医学教授。佛罗伦萨著名大学。他于 1636 年在威尼斯去世。他因第一个将物理科学的定量方法系统地应用于医学而闻名，他对空气温度计的兴趣源于他的临床和生理研究。幸运的是，桑托里奥在温度计方面的工作比伽利略的工作有更好的记录。除了上面提到的萨格雷多 1612 年 6 月 30 日信中的引用外，桑托里奥本人也在同年发表了对此的引用。这是在 artemmedicineem Galeni 的评论中，第 III 部分：32：
我们现在必须转向圣托里奥·桑托雷（Santorio Santorre），通常被称为“Sanctorius”。他于 1561 年出生于卡波迪斯特里亚，在帕多瓦学习医学，在帕多瓦、波兰和其他地方行医后，于 1601 年前往威尼斯。1611 年 10 月 6 日，即伽利略离开帕多瓦的第二年，他被选为帕多瓦医学教授。佛罗伦萨著名大学。他于 1636 年在威尼斯去世。他因第一个将物理科学的定量方法系统地应用于医学而闻名，他对空气温度计的兴趣源于他的临床和生理研究。幸运的是，桑托里奥在温度计方面的工作比伽利略的工作有更好的记录。除了上面提到的萨格雷多 1612 年 6 月 30 日信中的引用外，桑托里奥本人也在同年发表了对此的引用。这是在 artemmedicineem Galeni 的评论中，第 III 部分：32：
I wish to tell you about a marvellous way in which I am accustomed to measure, with a certain glass instrument, the cold and hot temperature of the air of all regions and places, and of all parts of the body;and so exactly, that we can measure with the compass the degrees and ultimate limits of heat and cold at any time of day. It is in our house at Padua and we show it very freely to all. We promise that a book about medical instruments that are not well known will shortly appear, in which we shall give an illustration of this instrument and describe its construction and uses.
我想告诉你一种奇妙的方法，我习惯用某种玻璃仪器来测量所有地区和地方以及身体所有部位的空气的冷热温度；而且如此准确，我们可以用指南针测量一天中任何时间的冷热度和极限。它就在我们位于帕多瓦的房子里，我们非常自由地向所有人展示它。我们保证很快就会出现一本关于不为人知的医疗器械的书，其中我们将对该器械进行说明并描述其构造和用途。
Later on he makes an interesting addition which makes it even clearer that his thermometer was a meteorological as well as a medical instrument:
后来他做了一个有趣的补充，更清楚地表明他的温度计既是气象仪器，也是医疗仪器：
后来他做了一个有趣的补充，更清楚地表明他的温度计既是气象仪器，也是医疗仪器：
the temperature of the air can be observed not only in so far as it belongs to the body, but also as a thing in itself; so that the mean between very hot and cold temperatures of the air can be exactly perceived. For we have an instrument with which not only the heat and cold of the air is measured, but all the degrees of heat and cold of all the parts of the body, as we show to our students at Padua, teaching them its uses; and they have heard about this novelty with no little astonishment.34
空气的温度不仅可以从属于身体的角度来观察，而且可以作为一个物体本身来观察；这样就可以准确地感知极热和极冷空气温度之间的平均值。因为我们有一种仪器，不仅可以测量空气的热度和冷度，还可以测量身体所有部位的冷热程度，正如我们向帕多瓦的学生展示的那样，教他们使用它；他们听到这个新奇事物时感到非常惊讶。34
A new edition of the Commentaries on Galen was published in Venice in 1630, which differs somewhat from the 1612 edition. For my present purpose it is important to note one or two differences. In Part II we find an added paragraph, as follows:
新版《盖伦评》于 1630 年在威尼斯出版，与 1612 年版有所不同。就我目前的目的而言，重要的是要注意一两个差异。在第二部分中，我们发现增加了一段内容，如下：
新版《盖伦评》于 1630 年在威尼斯出版，与 1612 年版有所不同。就我目前的目的而言，重要的是要注意一两个差异。在第二部分中，我们发现增加了一段内容，如下：
By means of the glass instrument with which we observe temperaments,38 we learn the extremes and the mean thus: we apply snow to the sphere of the glass instrument so that the water may ascend to its upper limit. Then with the flame of a candle we make the water descend as far as it will go. Knowing the extremes we shall at once find the mean and temperate, and it will be easy to determine how far any part [of the body?] departs from this.36
通过我们观察气质的玻璃仪器，38我们可以这样了解极端和平均：我们将雪涂在玻璃仪器的球体上，以便水可以上升到其上限。然后用蜡烛的火焰让水尽可能下降。了解了极端，我们将立即找到平均和温和，并且很容易确定[身体的任何部分？] 与此的偏离程度。36
On the evidence of this passage, but incorrectly supposing that it is in the first edition, Dorsey has claimed for Santorio that he was the first to attempt to define a scale of temperature by means of two fixed points,3 even if the upper one would not be very well fixed. In point of fact the honor seems to belong to Sagredo, who tried an experiment of this kind in 1615. Near the end of his letter of February 7, 1615, to Galileo, Sagredo wrote:
根据这段话的证据，但错误地假设它是在第一版中，多尔西为圣托里奥声称，他是第一个尝试通过两个固定点来定义温标的人，3即使上面的那个不能很好地固定。事实上，这一荣誉似乎属于萨格雷多，他在 1615 年尝试了此类实验。萨格雷多在 1615 年 2 月 7 日给伽利略的信的末尾写道：
根据这段话的证据，但错误地假设它是在第一版中，多尔西为圣托里奥声称，他是第一个尝试通过两个固定点来定义温标的人，3即使上面的那个不能很好地固定。事实上，这一荣誉似乎属于萨格雷多，他在 1615 年尝试了此类实验。萨格雷多在 1615 年 2 月 7 日给伽利略的信的末尾写道：
two days ago it snowed. Here in the room my instrument showed 130 degrees of heat more than there was two years ago at the time of the very rigorous and extraordinary cold; which instrument, immersed and buried in snow, showed 30 degrees fewer, that is to say only 100. But then, immersed in snow mixed with salt, it showed another 100 fewer; and I believe that it might have showed fewer still, but this could not be seen for lack of snow and salt. Thus, as the instrument had gone up to 360 degrees in the greatest heat of summer, it appears that salt combined with snow increases the cold by as much as amounts to a third of the difference between the excessive heat of summer and the excessive cold of winter--a thing so wonderful, that I can provide no credible reason for it. 38
前两天下雪了。在这个房间里，我的仪器显示出的温度比两年前严酷且异常寒冷时的温度还要高出 130 度。哪个仪器浸入并埋在雪中，显示的温度减少了 30 度，也就是说只有 100 度。但是，浸入与盐混合的雪中，显示的温度又减少了 100 度；我相信它可能显示得更少，但由于缺乏雪和盐而无法看到。因此，由于仪器在最热的夏季温度达到了 360 度，看来盐与雪的结合使寒冷程度增加了多达夏季酷热与冬季寒冷之间差异的三分之一。冬天——这是一件如此美妙的事情，我无法提供任何可信的理由。 38
If we might take the extreme summer and winter temperatures at Venice in those years to be about 34°C. and -5°C., this would bring his mixture of ice and salt to -18°C., a very likely value.
如果我们将那些年威尼斯夏季和冬季的极端气温定为 34°C 左右。 -5°C，这将使他的冰和盐的混合物达到-18°C，这是一个很可能的值。
如果我们将那些年威尼斯夏季和冬季的极端气温定为 34°C 左右。 -5°C，这将使他的冰和盐的混合物达到-18°C，这是一个很可能的值。
While Sagredo's lower fixed point was not much more stable than Santorio's upper one, it is evident that he did a great deal of experimenting with these air thermometers. In 1615 he made one using a short column of liquid as an indicator and noted that it works better if the tube is bent twice so that most of the tube is horizontal.
虽然萨格雷多的下固定点并不比桑托里奥的上固定点稳定多少，但显然他对这些空气温度计进行了大量的实验。 1615 年，他使用一小段液体作为指示剂制作了一个，并指出如果将管子弯曲两次以使管子的大部分处于水平状态，效果会更好。
虽然萨格雷多的下固定点并不比桑托里奥的上固定点稳定多少，但显然他对这些空气温度计进行了大量的实验。 1615 年，他使用一小段液体作为指示剂制作了一个，并指出如果将管子弯曲两次以使管子的大部分处于水平状态，效果会更好。
From the reference to the compass it would appear that in 1612 Santorio's instrument did not have a scale. This is confirmed by the first published figure of a thermoscope (Fig. 1.2), contained in the Sphaera mundi of Giuseppe Biancani, apparently written by 1617.41 Biancani describes the instrument, noting that the water was colored in order to make it visible enough, and explains its action. He goes on:
从指南针的参考来看，1612 年 Santorio 的仪器似乎没有刻度。首次发表的测温仪图（图 1.2）证实了这一点，该图包含在朱塞佩·比安卡尼 (Giuseppe Biancani) 的 Sphaera mundi 中，显然是于 1617.41 撰写的。比安卡尼 (Biancani) 描述了该仪器，指出水被着色是为了使其足够可见，并且解释了它的作用。他继续说道：
从指南针的参考来看，1612 年 Santorio 的仪器似乎没有刻度。首次发表的测温仪图（图 1.2）证实了这一点，该图包含在朱塞佩·比安卡尼 (Giuseppe Biancani) 的 Sphaera mundi 中，显然是于 1617.41 撰写的。比安卡尼 (Biancani) 描述了该仪器，指出水被着色是为了使其足够可见，并且解释了它的作用。他继续说道：
With the help of this instrument, which I might well call the thermoscope (thermoscopium), many things may be found out about the nature of the air. I have heard that the inventor of this is a certain Doctor of Medicine called Santorius, who lives at Padua.
借助这种仪器（我可以称之为测温仪（thermoscopium）），可以发现有关空气性质的许多信息。我听说这个发明者是一位住在帕多瓦的医学博士，名叫桑托里乌斯。
借助这种仪器（我可以称之为测温仪（thermoscopium）），可以发现有关空气性质的许多信息。我听说这个发明者是一位住在帕多瓦的医学博士，名叫桑托里乌斯。
As far as I know, this is the first appearance of the word "thermoscope."
据我所知，这是“测温仪”这个词第一次出现。
据我所知，这是“测温仪”这个词第一次出现。
But an air thermometer with a scale is described and figured, though not very clearly, in an unpublished manuscript bearing the date 1611. This manuscript has been comprehensively dealt with, as far as the thermometer is concerned, by J. A. Chaldecott, whose paper I have used.
但是，在一份日期为 1611 年的未出版手稿中，对带有刻度的空气温度计进行了描述和图示，尽管不是很清楚。就温度计而言，这份手稿已由 J. A. Chaldecott 进行了全面处理，我有他的论文用过的。
但是，在一份日期为 1611 年的未出版手稿中，对带有刻度的空气温度计进行了描述和图示，尽管不是很清楚。就温度计而言，这份手稿已由 J. A. Chaldecott 进行了全面处理，我有他的论文用过的。
The figure of the thermometer in the manuscript by Telioux is reproduced in Fig. 1.3. It is quite clear from the accompanying text that Telioux did not understand how the instrument worked.
Telioux 手稿中的温度计图如图 1.3 所示。从随附的文字中可以清楚地看出，Telioux 并不了解该仪器的工作原理。
Telioux 手稿中的温度计图如图 1.3 所示。从随附的文字中可以清楚地看出，Telioux 并不了解该仪器的工作原理。
Fig. 1.3 The first known drawing of a thermometer, 1611. (Courtesy of the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal [Paris].)
图 1.3 第一张已知的温度计图，1611 年。（由 Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal [巴黎] 提供。）
图 1.3 第一张已知的温度计图，1611 年。（由 Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal [巴黎] 提供。）
Take two flasks with necks at least a foot in length, one flask being slightly larger to enable them to be inserted one into the other. Then fill the larger until a quarter of its volume remains empty, and insert the smaller into it until the opening of the neck is far enough into the water so that it cannot take in air. I might explain that the water will rise or fall according to how hot or cold it is. Because, heat causing expansion, the water needs more room and thus, confined by the narrowness of the neck, rises. Then when the cold comes, the expanded water condenses and, desiring less room, descends. The various changes are estimated by means of the degrees and minutes placed at the side for that purpose.11
取两个瓶颈至少一英尺长的烧瓶，其中一个烧瓶稍大一些，以便可以将它们插入另一个中。然后将较大的容器装满，直到其体积的四分之一为空，然后将较小的容器插入其中，直到颈部的开口足够深地进入水中，使其无法吸入空气。我可能会解释说，水会根据冷热程度而上升或下降。因为，热量导致膨胀，水需要更多的空间，因此，在颈部狭窄的限制下，水会上升。然后，当寒冷来临时，膨胀的水会凝结，并且由于需要更少的空间而下降。各种变化是通过为此目的放置在侧面的度数和分钟来估计的。 11
There are two difficulties about this description considered together with the figure. The first is that if the smaller flask had had a flared mouth as shown, the apparatus could not have been assembled. But this is a minor matter; the important thing is that the action of the instrument is quite wrongly described by Telioux. This discrepancy between the figure and the text led the historian G. Libri to state that Telioux was the first to make a sealed thermometer, free from the influence of atmospheric pressure. 1 Telioux nowhere states that the instrument is sealed and rather makes a point of the immersion of the end of the neck of the inverted flask into the water. Nor would anyone intending to make a thermometer with a liquid as the thermometric substance have left a quarter of the lower flask empty. Finally, if the expansion of the water had been used, and the proportions of the instrument had been anything like those shown in the figure, the total motion of the liquid with meteorological temperature changes would have been scarcely perceptible. We can conclude, with Chaldecott, only that "Telioux was setting down something that he had heard about, but did not fully understand."46
结合附图考虑该描述有两个困难。首先，如果较小的烧瓶具有如图所示的喇叭口，则无法组装该装置。但这是小事；重要的是，Telioux 对仪器的作用的描述是相当错误的。由于图形和文字之间的差异，历史学家 G. Libri 指出，Telioux 是第一个制造不受大气压力影响的密封温度计的人。 1 Telioux 没有指出仪器是密封的，而是强调将倒置烧瓶的颈部末端浸入水中。也没有人打算用液体制作温度计，因为测温物质已经使下烧瓶的四分之一是空的。最后，如果利用了水的膨胀，并且仪器的比例如图所示，那么液体随气象温度变化的总运动将几乎不可察觉。与查尔迪科特一样，我们只能得出这样的结论：“特利乌写下了一些他听说过但并不完全理解的东西。”46
结合附图考虑该描述有两个困难。首先，如果较小的烧瓶具有如图所示的喇叭口，则无法组装该装置。但这是小事；重要的是，Telioux 对仪器的作用的描述是相当错误的。由于图形和文字之间的差异，历史学家 G. Libri 指出，Telioux 是第一个制造不受大气压力影响的密封温度计的人。 1 Telioux 没有指出仪器是密封的，而是强调将倒置烧瓶的颈部末端浸入水中。也没有人打算用液体制作温度计，因为测温物质已经使下烧瓶的四分之一是空的。最后，如果利用了水的膨胀，并且仪器的比例如图所示，那么液体随气象温度变化的总运动将几乎不可察觉。与查尔迪科特一样，我们只能得出这样的结论：“特利乌写下了一些他听说过但并不完全理解的东西。”46
At any rate, there was a thermometer--a thermoscope with a scale--in 1611. The scale, as will be seen from the figure, has eight "degrees," each divided into "minutes," numbered 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, and 60, as might well seem obligatory to an engineer. If we are to believe the drawing, these are "degrees of cold," the highest temperature being at zero. If Telioux's explanation could be right, they would of course be degrees of heat.
无论如何，1611年就出现了温度计——带有刻度的测温仪。从图中可以看出，刻度有八个“度”，每个“分”分为“分”，编号为10、20、30 、40、50 和 60，这对工程师来说似乎是必须的。如果我们相信这张图，这些就是“冷度”，最高温度为零。如果泰卢克斯的解释是正确的，那么它们当然是热度。
无论如何，1611年就出现了温度计——带有刻度的测温仪。从图中可以看出，刻度有八个“度”，每个“分”分为“分”，编号为10、20、30 、40、50 和 60，这对工程师来说似乎是必须的。如果我们相信这张图，这些就是“冷度”，最高温度为零。如果泰卢克斯的解释是正确的，那么它们当然是热度。
Apart from its early date, the instrument is of special interest because of the fact that the manuscript is dated from Rome, a city with which none of the candidates for the honor of having invented the thermoscope or the thermometer are especially associated. It seems strange, if either Santorio or Galileo is the inventor, that the instrument should have been known in Rome before it was known in Padua or Venice.
除了它的年代较早之外，该仪器还特别令人感兴趣，因为手稿的日期可以追溯到罗马，而没有一位发明测温仪或温度计的荣誉候选人与这座城市有特别的联系。如果桑托里奥或伽利略是发明者，那么这种乐器应该在帕多瓦或威尼斯为人所知之前就在罗马为人所知，这似乎很奇怪。
除了它的年代较早之外，该仪器还特别令人感兴趣，因为手稿的日期可以追溯到罗马，而没有一位发明测温仪或温度计的荣誉候选人与这座城市有特别的联系。如果桑托里奥或伽利略是发明者，那么这种乐器应该在帕多瓦或威尼斯为人所知之前就在罗马为人所知，这似乎很奇怪。
Santorio took a long time to redeem his promise to describe his instrument; thirteen years, in fact. For good measure, he then described several, some of which are shown in Figs. 1.4 and 1.5. The first of these (Fig. 1.4)19 still has no scale but has two threads tied around the stem, presumably to be shifted to mark a change in temperature, which would then be measured with the compasses, as before. We are told that for clinical purposes the rate of change of the temperature was measured by observing the change in the reading during ten beats of a small pendulum, called a pulsilogium, after the thermometer had been put in the patient's mouth, or into his hand. As the peripheral circulation is much more rapid in fever, this apparently strange method was probably excellent.
桑托里奥花了很长时间才兑现了描述他的乐器的承诺。事实上，十三年了。为了更好地衡量，他随后描述了几个，其中一些如图 1 和 2 所示。 1.4 和 1.5。第一个（图 1.4）19 仍然没有刻度，但有两根线绑在茎上，大概是为了标记温度的变化，然后像以前一样用圆规测量温度的变化。我们被告知，出于临床目的，温度变化率是通过观察小摆（称为脉钟）在将温度计放入患者口中或手中后十次跳动期间读数的变化来测量的。 。由于发烧时末梢循环要快得多，这种看似奇怪的方法可能非常好。
桑托里奥花了很长时间才兑现了描述他的乐器的承诺。事实上，十三年了。为了更好地衡量，他随后描述了几个，其中一些如图 1 和 2 所示。 1.4 和 1.5。第一个（图 1.4）19 仍然没有刻度，但有两根线绑在茎上，大概是为了标记温度的变化，然后像以前一样用圆规测量温度的变化。我们被告知，出于临床目的，温度变化率是通过观察小摆（称为脉钟）在将温度计放入患者口中或手中后十次跳动期间读数的变化来测量的。 。由于发烧时末梢循环要快得多，这种看似奇怪的方法可能非常好。
Later in the book other types of thermometer are illustrated (Fig. 1.5);50 these have scales. While they are of various shapes, they all have a bulb at the top, and a tube dipping into an open vessel.
本书后面对其他类型的温度计进行了说明（图 1.5）；50 这些温度计都有刻度。虽然它们的形状各异，但它们的顶部都有一个灯泡，还有一个浸入开放容器中的管子。
本书后面对其他类型的温度计进行了说明（图 1.5）；50 这些温度计都有刻度。虽然它们的形状各异，但它们的顶部都有一个灯泡，还有一个浸入开放容器中的管子。
It is noteworthy that Santorio says that the instrument is derived from "a vessel proposed by Hero for another purpose, "81 and the question thereby arises whether his original invention was inspired by Hero's "sun fountain," as seems to be generally conceded, or was quite independent. Apart from the very slight resemblance between Hero's apparatus and his, I think that a comparison of the 1612 and 1630 editions of the Commentaries on Galen throws some light on the matter. Let us compare the last sentence of the passage quoted above from column 62 of the 1612 editions with the corresponding passage from the later one: "We promise that a book about medical instruments will shortly appear, in which we shall give an illustration of this very old instrument and describe its construction and uses." The phrase that I have italicized is absent from the 1612 edition. It seems probable that at some time between 1612 and 1625 (when he published his commentaries on Avicenna) Santorio had had Hero's book pointed out to him, and, not wishing to claim more than his due, mentioned Hero. Or indeed the Spiritalium liber may have remained in his unconscious since his student days at Padua. It is of course taken for granted by the partisans of Galileo that Santorio saw him demonstrate a thermoscope at Padua; but on the other hand there is no reason why Santorio could not have shown the experiment to Galileo, who was three years his junior. Whatever may be the source of his inspiration, Santorio not only invented a thermometer but made good use of it.
值得注意的是，桑托里奥说该乐器源自“希罗出于其他目的而提出的一艘容器”，81 由此产生的问题是，他最初的发明是否受到希罗的“太阳喷泉”的启发，正如人们普遍承认的那样，或者是相当独立的。除了希罗的装置和他的装置之间有非常细微的相似之处之外，我认为 1612 年和 1630 年版本的《盖伦注释》的比较可以让我们对这个问题有所了解。让我们将 1612 年版第 62 栏引用的段落的最后一句与后一版的相应段落进行比较：“我们保证很快就会出现一本关于医疗器械的书，其中我们将对此进行说明。旧仪器并描述其结构和用途。” 1612 年版本中没有我用斜体字表示的短语。桑托里奥很可能在 1612 年至 1625 年之间的某个时间（当他发表对阿维森纳的评论时）向他指出了希罗的书，并且不想索取超出他应有的权利，所以提到了希罗。或者说，自他在帕多瓦的学生时代起，自由精神可能就一直存在于他的无意识之中。当然，伽利略的支持者认为桑托里奥在帕多瓦看到他展示了测温仪是理所当然的。但另一方面，桑托里奥没有理由不向比他小三岁的伽利略展示这个实验。无论他的灵感来源是什么，桑托里奥不仅发明了温度计，而且很好地利用了它。
值得注意的是，桑托里奥说该乐器源自“希罗出于其他目的而提出的一艘容器”，81 由此产生的问题是，他最初的发明是否受到希罗的“太阳喷泉”的启发，正如人们普遍承认的那样，或者是相当独立的。除了希罗的装置和他的装置之间有非常细微的相似之处之外，我认为 1612 年和 1630 年版本的《盖伦注释》的比较可以让我们对这个问题有所了解。让我们将 1612 年版第 62 栏引用的段落的最后一句与后一版的相应段落进行比较：“我们保证很快就会出现一本关于医疗器械的书，其中我们将对此进行说明。旧仪器并描述其结构和用途。” 1612 年版本中没有我用斜体字表示的短语。桑托里奥很可能在 1612 年至 1625 年之间的某个时间（当他发表对阿维森纳的评论时）向他指出了希罗的书，并且不想索取超出他应有的权利，所以提到了希罗。或者说，自他在帕多瓦的学生时代起，自由精神可能就一直存在于他的无意识之中。当然，伽利略的支持者认为桑托里奥在帕多瓦看到他展示了测温仪是理所当然的。但另一方面，桑托里奥没有理由不向比他小三岁的伽利略展示这个实验。无论他的灵感来源是什么，桑托里奥不仅发明了温度计，而且很好地利用了它。
Fludd and Drebbel. 弗拉德和德雷贝尔。
Let us now cross the Alps. After considering the two famous Italians, innovators in their respective fields of science, we have now to do with a Welsh Rosicrucian mystic and a Dutch inventor of mechanical devices. Robert Fludd, or Flud, was of Welsh origin. Born in 1574, he took a medical degree at Oxford in 1605 after having traveled on the Continent for several years around the turn of the century. For the rest of his life he practiced medicine in London, at least when he was not engaged in writing strange and elaborate books in support of his peculiar view of the universe. If any brief statement of his position could be useful at all, it might be said that he thought that all true science is rooted in revelation. Certainly he took no part in the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century, which would not have interested him in the least.
现在让我们翻越阿尔卑斯山。在考虑了两位著名的意大利人（他们各自科学领域的创新者）之后，我们现在要讨论的是威尔士玫瑰十字会神秘主义者和荷兰机械设备发明家。罗伯特·弗拉德（Robert Fludd）或弗拉德（Flud）是威尔士裔。他出生于 1574 年，在世纪之交的欧洲大陆旅行了几年后，于 1605 年在牛津大学获得了医学学位。在他的余生中，他在伦敦行医，至少在他没有写奇怪而复杂的书籍来支持他独特的宇宙观的时候。如果对他的立场的任何简短陈述可能有用的话，可以说他认为所有真正的科学都植根于启示。当然，他没有参与十七世纪的科学革命，这对他来说一点也不感兴趣。
现在让我们翻越阿尔卑斯山。在考虑了两位著名的意大利人（他们各自科学领域的创新者）之后，我们现在要讨论的是威尔士玫瑰十字会神秘主义者和荷兰机械设备发明家。罗伯特·弗拉德（Robert Fludd）或弗拉德（Flud）是威尔士裔。他出生于 1574 年，在世纪之交的欧洲大陆旅行了几年后，于 1605 年在牛津大学获得了医学学位。在他的余生中，他在伦敦行医，至少在他没有写奇怪而复杂的书籍来支持他独特的宇宙观的时候。如果对他的立场的任何简短陈述可能有用的话，可以说他认为所有真正的科学都植根于启示。当然，他没有参与十七世纪的科学革命，这对他来说一点也不感兴趣。
Fludd's claim to have invented the air thermometer was brilliantly examined by Sherwood Taylor in the paper to which I have already referred. In the first place, Taylor shows the textual parallelism between a passage in Fludd's Utriusque cosmi historia (Oppenheim, 1617, p. 30) and a passage in the De ingenis spiritalibus of Philo of Byzantium.58 He also showed that Fludd almost certainly had access to a twelfth- or thirteenth-century manuscript of Philo's work, now in the Bodleian Library (ms. Digby 40). The parallelism extends to the figure (1.6) in Fludd's book, obviously an elaboration of the rough sketch in the manuscript in question. As Taylor points out, Fludd at this time had no idea that he was describing an instrument for measuring temperature. But in his Meteorologica Cosmica (Frankfurt, 1626, p. 287) we have the instrument shown in Fig. 1.7, clearly an air thermometer. He also reproduces the earlier figure and discusses it in such a way that he appears to be claiming the invention of the later instrument, or at any rate its development from the earlier one. In a still later book (Philosophica Moysaica [Gouda, 1638], fol. 1'-2) he shows the two forms together (Fig. 1.8) and discusses the instrument in the following passage:
舍伍德·泰勒在我已经提到的论文中对弗拉德发明了空气温度计的说法进行了出色的检验。首先，泰勒展示了弗拉德的《Utriusque cosmi historia》（奥本海姆，1617，第 30 页）中的一段文字与拜占庭斐洛的《De ingenisspiritualibus》中的一段文字之间的文本平行性。58他还表明，弗拉德几乎肯定可以访问斐洛作品的十二或十三世纪手稿，现藏于博德利图书馆（Ms. Digby 40）。这种平行关系延伸到了弗拉德书中的图（1.6），显然是对相关手稿中的粗略草图的详细阐述。正如泰勒指出的那样，弗拉德此时并不知道他正在描述一种测量温度的仪器。但在他的《Meteorologica Cosmica》（法兰克福，1626 年，第 287 页）中，我们有图 1.7 所示的仪器，显然是一个空气温度计。他还复制了早期的图表，并以一种似乎声称是后来的仪器的发明的方式进行讨论，或者至少是从早期的仪器发展而来的。在另一本书（Philosophica Moysaica [Gouda，1638]，第 1'-2 页）中，他同时展示了这两种形式（图 1.8），并在以下段落中讨论了该工具：
舍伍德·泰勒在我已经提到的论文中对弗拉德发明了空气温度计的说法进行了出色的检验。首先，泰勒展示了弗拉德的《Utriusque cosmi historia》（奥本海姆，1617，第 30 页）中的一段文字与拜占庭斐洛的《De ingenisspiritualibus》中的一段文字之间的文本平行性。58他还表明，弗拉德几乎肯定可以访问斐洛作品的十二或十三世纪手稿，现藏于博德利图书馆（Ms. Digby 40）。这种平行关系延伸到了弗拉德书中的图（1.6），显然是对相关手稿中的粗略草图的详细阐述。正如泰勒指出的那样，弗拉德此时并不知道他正在描述一种测量温度的仪器。但在他的《Meteorologica Cosmica》（法兰克福，1626 年，第 287 页）中，我们有图 1.7 所示的仪器，显然是一个空气温度计。他还复制了早期的图表，并以一种似乎声称是后来的仪器的发明的方式进行讨论，或者至少是从早期的仪器发展而来的。在另一本书（Philosophica Moysaica [Gouda，1638]，第 1'-2 页）中，他同时展示了这两种形式（图 1.8），并在以下段落中讨论了该工具：
the instrument, commonly termed the Calender, or Weather-Glasse, hath many counterfeit masters or patrons, in this our age, who, because that they have a little altered the shape of the modell, do vainly glory and give out, that it is a master-piece of their own finding out. As for my self, I must acknowledge, and willingly ascribe unto each man his due, and therefore will not blush or be ashamed, to attribute justly my philosophical principles unto my master Moses, who also received them, figured or framed out by the finger of God; neither can I rightly arrogate, or assume unto my self, the primary fabrick of this instrument, although I have made use of it in my Naturall History of the great World, and elsewhere (but in another form). to demonstrate the verity of my philosophicall argument; for I confesse, that I found it graphically specified, and geometrically delineated, in a manuscript of five hundred years antiquity at the least. I will therefore set down unto you first, the shape, in which I found it in that antient monument, and afterwards made use of it for demonstration's cause: And secondly, I will describe the figure and position of, as it is commonly known and used among us. Where you see, that there is no difference betwixt them, but onely in their forms or shapes…
这种仪器，通常被称为日历，或天气玻璃，在我们这个时代有许多假冒的主人或赞助人，他们因为稍微改变了模型的形状，就徒劳地夸耀并给出，它是他们自己发现的杰作。至于我自己，我必须承认，并愿意将其应得的归于每个人，因此不会脸红或感到羞耻，将我的哲学原则公正地归于我的主人摩西，他也接受了这些原则，用手指描绘或框架出来上帝的；我也不能正确地主张或假定我自己是这个工具的主要结构，尽管我在《伟大世界的自然历史》和其他地方（但以另一种形式）使用过它。证明我的哲学论证的真实性；因为我承认，我在一份至少有五百年历史的手稿中发现了它的图形详细说明和几何描绘。因此，我将首先向您介绍我在古代纪念碑中发现它的形状，然后将其用于演示目的：其次，我将描述众所周知的形状和位置我们之间使用的。 你会发现它们之间没有区别，只是形式或形状不同而已……
In interpreting this passage it must be made clear that the air thermometer, "weather glass," or vitrum calendarium was a common and well-known instrument in England by 1638, and indeed in 1620 Francis Bacon had given lucid directions for its construction. In 1634 a scarcely literate artisan called John Bate described and illustrated various shapes of "weather glass," with detailed instructions for making them so that the water either ascends or descends with heat, as desired.∞ One gets the impression that by this time the "weather glass" was an article of commerce; and in the preface (fol. Al, recto) Bate says that the work "hath lien by mee a long time penned."
在解释这段话时，必须明确的是，到 1638 年，空气温度计、“天气玻璃”或 vitrum calendarium 在英国已是一种常见且众所周知的仪器，事实上，弗朗西斯·培根在 1620 年就对其构造给出了清晰的指示。 1634 年，一位名叫约翰·贝特 (John Bate) 的文盲工匠描述并绘制了各种形状的“气象玻璃”，并附有详细的制作说明，以便水根据需要随热量上升或下降。 “气象玻璃”是一种商品；贝特在序言（前页，右页）中说，这部作品“是我长期写下的”。
在解释这段话时，必须明确的是，到 1638 年，空气温度计、“天气玻璃”或 vitrum calendarium 在英国已是一种常见且众所周知的仪器，事实上，弗朗西斯·培根在 1620 年就对其构造给出了清晰的指示。 1634 年，一位名叫约翰·贝特 (John Bate) 的文盲工匠描述并绘制了各种形状的“气象玻璃”，并附有详细的制作说明，以便水根据需要随热量上升或下降。 “气象玻璃”是一种商品；贝特在序言（前页，右页）中说，这部作品“是我长期写下的”。
There is, in fact, further evidence that the principle and the possibility of making such an instrument were known north of the Alps by 1615. Salomon de Caus, "Engineer and Architect to the Elector Palatine," is not usually numbered among the inventors of the thermometer, but in that year such an instrument was described and illustrated in his book about machines.81 The title of his "problem XII" is "To make a machine that will move by itself," but in the text he states clearly that he knows that perpetual motion in the usual sense is impossible; he means only to imply that this machine is always being moved by changes in the "four elements" of which it is composed. It had a copper tank, cubical and about 1½ feet on a side, entirely closed except for a tube soldered into a hole in the top and descending nearly to the bottom, dipping into water that partly filled the tank. The expansion and contraction of the air in the tank would vary the level of the water in the tube, in which floated a hollow copper ball attached to a cord going over a pulley to a counterweight. On the shaft of the pulley was a hand moving over an ordinary clock face numbered from I to XII. The mechanism, in fact, was exactly like that of the well-known wheel barometer devised by Hooke half a century later.
事实上，有进一步的证据表明，到 1615 年，阿尔卑斯山以北的人们就知道制造这种仪器的原理和可能性。“帕拉丁选帝侯的工程师和建筑师”所罗门·德考斯 (Salomon de Caus) 通常不被列入仪器的发明者之列。温度计，但在那一年，他在关于机器的书中描述和说明了这种仪器。81他的“问题十二”的标题是“制造一台可以自行移动的机器”，但在文本中他明确指出他知道通常意义上的永动机是不可能的；他的意思只是暗示，这台机器总是被组成它的“四个要素”的变化所推动。它有一个铜制水箱，呈立方体，边长约 1.5 英尺，除了一根焊接在顶部孔中的管子外，它完全封闭，几乎下降到底部，浸入部分充满水箱的水中。水箱中空气的膨胀和收缩会改变管子中的水位，管子中漂浮着一个空心铜球，该铜球连接到一根绳索上，绳索穿过滑轮连接到配重。滑轮轴上有一只指针在普通钟面上移动，编号为 I 至 XII。事实上，该机制与半个世纪后胡克设计的著名车轮气压计完全相同。
事实上，有进一步的证据表明，到 1615 年，阿尔卑斯山以北的人们就知道制造这种仪器的原理和可能性。“帕拉丁选帝侯的工程师和建筑师”所罗门·德考斯 (Salomon de Caus) 通常不被列入仪器的发明者之列。温度计，但在那一年，他在关于机器的书中描述和说明了这种仪器。81他的“问题十二”的标题是“制造一台可以自行移动的机器”，但在文本中他明确指出他知道通常意义上的永动机是不可能的；他的意思只是暗示，这台机器总是被组成它的“四个要素”的变化所推动。它有一个铜制水箱，呈立方体，边长约 1.5 英尺，除了一根焊接在顶部孔中的管子外，它完全封闭，几乎下降到底部，浸入部分充满水箱的水中。水箱中空气的膨胀和收缩会改变管子中的水位，管子中漂浮着一个空心铜球，该铜球连接到一根绳索上，绳索穿过滑轮连接到配重。滑轮轴上有一只指针在普通钟面上移动，编号为 I 至 XII。事实上，该机制与半个世纪后胡克设计的著名车轮气压计完全相同。
He knew he was making (or describing) a thermometer, for he says:
他知道他正在制作（或描述）温度计，因为他说：
他知道他正在制作（或描述）温度计，因为他说：
As to the use of the said machine, it may be used to mark the coldest or hottest days; for if the said machine is in some part of the room that the sun never shines on, the copper ball will rise according to the temperature of the day.62
至于该机器的用途，可以用来标记最冷或最热的日子；因为如果所述机器位于房间中阳光照射不到的某个部分，铜球会根据当天的温度而升高。62
Reading the passage from Fludd in the light of all this, can we interpret it as a claim to have invented the air thermometer? I do not think so. He acknowledges his debt to the old manuscript, whose age he overestimates. Then he says that the weather glass "commonly known and used among us" is really the old instrument in another form. What he is objecting to is that anyone should claim to have invented it just because they have altered its shape.
鉴于这一切，阅读弗鲁德的这段话，我们是否可以将其解释为发明了空气温度计的主张？我不这么认为。他承认自己对旧手稿的感激之情，但他高估了旧手稿的年代。然后他说，“我们所熟知和使用的”气象玻璃实际上是另一种形式的旧仪器。他反对的是，任何人都应该仅仅因为改变了它的形状就声称自己发明了它。
鉴于这一切，阅读弗鲁德的这段话，我们是否可以将其解释为发明了空气温度计的主张？我不这么认为。他承认自己对旧手稿的感激之情，但他高估了旧手稿的年代。然后他说，“我们所熟知和使用的”气象玻璃实际上是另一种形式的旧仪器。他反对的是，任何人都应该仅仅因为改变了它的形状就声称自己发明了它。
Whatever may be the truth of this interpretation, it is worth noticing that in the figure dating from 1626 the scale runs from bottom to top, so that the numbers are "degrees of cold"; but in the later figure the numbers increase both ways from the digit 1 in the middle of the tube.83
无论这种解释的真实性如何，值得注意的是，在 1626 年的图中，刻度是从下到上的，因此数字是“寒冷度”；但在后面的图中，数字从管中间的数字 1 开始双向增加。83
无论这种解释的真实性如何，值得注意的是，在 1626 年的图中，刻度是从下到上的，因此数字是“寒冷度”；但在后面的图中，数字从管中间的数字 1 开始双向增加。83
We now come to the claims of Cornelius Drebbel, born in 1572 at Alkmaar in Holland, in "a family of good position." Trained as an engraver, he turned to mechanical invention and in 1598 took out a patent for a "watch or time-piece, which may be used for fifty, sixty, yea, one hundred years without being wound up or having anything done to it, as long as the wheels and other works are not worn out."* In, or about, 1604 he came to England and so greatly impressed James I that the king gave him an annuity and, apparently, lodgings in Eltham Palace. Here he made the "perpetual motion machine" described and figured by Thomas Tymme in 1612. Tymme gives a full-page woodcut of what looks like a large clock, elaborately decorated. Part of it is "a ring of cristall glasse, which being hollow, hath in it water, representing the sea, which water riseth and falleth ... twice in 24 houres, according to the course of the tides in those parts, where the instrument shall be placed." Drebbel "extracted a fierie spirit, out of the mineral matter, ioning the same with his proper aire, which encluded in the axletree, being hollow, carrieth the wheeles . . . There is no doubt that what Drebbel made for James I was an astronomical clock, for Tymme says that it shows the times of sunrise and sunset from day to day, what sign of the zodiac the moon is in, and so forth. A similar instrument was made for Rudolf II, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire.
现在我们来看看科尼利厄斯·德雷贝尔 (Cornelius Drebbel) 的说法，他于 1572 年出生在荷兰阿尔克马尔的“一个有地位的家庭”。作为一名雕刻师，他转向机械发明，并于 1598 年获得了“手表或计时器的专利，可以在不上发条或对其进行任何处理的情况下使用五十年、六十年，是的，一百年” ，只要车轮和其他部件没有磨损。”* 1604 年左右，他来到英国，给詹姆斯一世留下了深刻的印象，国王给了他一笔年金，显然还给了他在埃尔特姆宫的住所。在这里，他制造了托马斯·泰姆 (Thomas Tymme) 于 1612 年描述和描绘的“永动机”。泰姆 (Tymme) 提供了整页木刻，看起来像是一座经过精心装饰的大钟。它的一部分是“一个水晶玻璃环，它是空心的，里面有水，代表海洋，水在 24 小时内上升和下降……两次，根据那些部分的潮汐过程，在那里应放置仪器。”德雷贝尔“从矿物质中提取出一种炽热的精神，并用他适当的空气将其电离，该空气包含在车轴中，是空心的，承载着轮子......毫无疑问，德雷贝尔为詹姆斯一世制造的东西是一个天文数字时钟，因为蒂姆说它可以显示每天的日出和日落时间、月亮所在的星座等等。类似的仪器是为神圣罗马帝国皇帝鲁道夫二世制造的。
现在我们来看看科尼利厄斯·德雷贝尔 (Cornelius Drebbel) 的说法，他于 1572 年出生在荷兰阿尔克马尔的“一个有地位的家庭”。作为一名雕刻师，他转向机械发明，并于 1598 年获得了“手表或计时器的专利，可以在不上发条或对其进行任何处理的情况下使用五十年、六十年，是的，一百年” ，只要车轮和其他部件没有磨损。”* 1604 年左右，他来到英国，给詹姆斯一世留下了深刻的印象，国王给了他一笔年金，显然还给了他在埃尔特姆宫的住所。在这里，他制造了托马斯·泰姆 (Thomas Tymme) 于 1612 年描述和描绘的“永动机”。泰姆 (Tymme) 提供了整页木刻，看起来像是一座经过精心装饰的大钟。它的一部分是“一个水晶玻璃环，它是空心的，里面有水，代表海洋，水在 24 小时内上升和下降……两次，根据那些部分的潮汐过程，在那里应放置仪器。”德雷贝尔“从矿物质中提取出一种炽热的精神，并用他适当的空气将其电离，该空气包含在车轴中，是空心的，承载着轮子......毫无疑问，德雷贝尔为詹姆斯一世制造的东西是一个天文数字时钟，因为蒂姆说它可以显示每天的日出和日落时间、月亮所在的星座等等。类似的仪器是为神圣罗马帝国皇帝鲁道夫二世制造的。
The reference to the tides was a piece of mystification that satisfied the pious Tymme, but Tierie marshals an impressive list of people who were quite well aware that the motive power was the expansion and contraction of the air contained in the instrument. These included Pieresc, Constantyn Huygens, Mersenne, and Daniello Antonini. We shall return to Antonini later. Thus, there seems to be no doubt that the clocks made by Drebbel were those referred to in the patent of 1598.
潮汐的提及是一种神秘，让虔诚的蒂姆感到满意，但蒂埃里列出了一系列令人印象深刻的人，他们非常清楚动力是仪器中空气的膨胀和收缩。其中包括皮埃斯科、康斯坦丁·惠更斯、梅森和达尼洛·安东尼尼。我们稍后再回到安东尼尼。因此，毫无疑问，Drebbel 制造的时钟就是 1598 年专利中提到的时钟。
潮汐的提及是一种神秘，让虔诚的蒂姆感到满意，但蒂埃里列出了一系列令人印象深刻的人，他们非常清楚动力是仪器中空气的膨胀和收缩。其中包括皮埃斯科、康斯坦丁·惠更斯、梅森和达尼洛·安东尼尼。我们稍后再回到安东尼尼。因此，毫无疑问，Drebbel 制造的时钟就是 1598 年专利中提到的时钟。
However, while it is clear that Drebbel understood the princi ple, this instrument is not an air thermometer. Can Drebbel be credited with the independent invention of such a device?
然而，虽然德雷贝尔显然理解其原理，但该仪器并不是空气温度计。德雷贝尔能独立发明这种装置吗？
然而，虽然德雷贝尔显然理解其原理，但该仪器并不是空气温度计。德雷贝尔能独立发明这种装置吗？
The problem is made more interesting by the fact that a distinctive type of air thermometer came into use in the Low Coun tries before 1625 at the latest; it consisted of a J-shaped tube with a closed bulb at the end of the long leg and an open bulb at the end of the short one. The first illustration of this seems to have been published by a Jesuit, Jean Leurechon, who under the pseudonym H. Van Etten wrote a work entitled Récréation mathématique. This first appeared in 1626 or earlier&s and is noteworthy in that it contains the first use of the word "thermometer." The illustration (Fig. 1.9) shows the Italian type of thermoscope, probably derived from Biancani, and also the twobulbed, or "Dutch" thermometer with a scale.∞ Taylor' shows that this type of thermometer was familiar to J. B. Van Helmont in 1624 and mentions references to it throughout the seventeenth century.
最迟在 1625 年之前，低地国家就开始使用一种独特类型的空气温度计，这一事实使问题变得更加有趣。它由一根 J 形管组成，长腿末端有一个封闭的灯泡，短腿末端有一个开放的灯泡。第一个例证似乎是由耶稣会士 Jean Leurechon 发表的，他以笔名 H. Van Etten 写了一本题为“数学再现”的著作。它首次出现于 1626 年或更早，值得注意的是它首次使用了“温度计”一词。插图（图 1.9）显示了意大利类型的测温仪，可能源自 Biancani，以及带有刻度的双灯泡温度计或“荷兰”温度计。泰勒表明 J. B. Van Helmont 在 1624 年很熟悉这种类型的温度计并在整个十七世纪提到了它。
最迟在 1625 年之前，低地国家就开始使用一种独特类型的空气温度计，这一事实使问题变得更加有趣。它由一根 J 形管组成，长腿末端有一个封闭的灯泡，短腿末端有一个开放的灯泡。第一个例证似乎是由耶稣会士 Jean Leurechon 发表的，他以笔名 H. Van Etten 写了一本题为“数学再现”的著作。它首次出现于 1626 年或更早，值得注意的是它首次使用了“温度计”一词。插图（图 1.9）显示了意大利类型的测温仪，可能源自 Biancani，以及带有刻度的双灯泡温度计或“荷兰”温度计。泰勒表明 J. B. Van Helmont 在 1624 年很熟悉这种类型的温度计并在整个十七世纪提到了它。
This sort of thermometer was devised in the Low Countries, as I have said. Can it be ascribed to Drebbel, as has often been done? In 1628 Gaspar Ens of Cologne published a pastiche called Thaumaturgus mathematicus," in which the ascription is casually made in a chapter heading, as follows: "De thermometra, sive instrumento Drebiliano, quo gradus caloris frigorisque aèra occupants explorantur." The casualness of the reference could indicate that Drebbel was widely thought of as the inventor of the thermometer. According to Taylor, "at least half a dozen seventeenth-century authors supported Drebbel." Nevertheless, it is fair to say that none of them was in a position to have positive knowledge, and when we consider the general level of scholarship in the seventeenth century the evidence does not seem very strong. But it can certainly be said that Drebbel knew more than enough about the behavior of air to have made an air thermometer if it had occurred to him to do so. He is at all events a more likely candidate than Fludd.
正如我所说，这种温度计是在低地国家设计的。是否可以像人们经常做的那样将其归咎于德雷贝尔？ 1628 年，科隆的加斯帕尔·恩斯 (Gaspar Ens) 出版了一部名为《数学奇术》的模仿作品，其中的标题是随意地在章节标题中做出的，如下所示：“De Thermometra, sive Instrumento Drebiliano, quo gradus caloris frigorisque aèra resident explorantur。”根据泰勒的说法，德雷贝尔被广泛认为是温度计的发明者，“至少有六位十七世纪的作家支持德雷贝尔”。拥有实证知识，当我们考虑到 17 世纪的学术水平时，证据似乎并不十分有力，但可以肯定的是，德雷贝尔对空气行为的了解足够多，足以制造出空气温度计。无论如何，他比弗鲁德更有可能成为候选人。
正如我所说，这种温度计是在低地国家设计的。是否可以像人们经常做的那样将其归咎于德雷贝尔？ 1628 年，科隆的加斯帕尔·恩斯 (Gaspar Ens) 出版了一部名为《数学奇术》的模仿作品，其中的标题是随意地在章节标题中做出的，如下所示：“De Thermometra, sive Instrumento Drebiliano, quo gradus caloris frigorisque aèra resident explorantur。”根据泰勒的说法，德雷贝尔被广泛认为是温度计的发明者，“至少有六位十七世纪的作家支持德雷贝尔”。拥有实证知识，当我们考虑到 17 世纪的学术水平时，证据似乎并不十分有力，但可以肯定的是，德雷贝尔对空气行为的了解足够多，足以制造出空气温度计。无论如何，他比弗鲁德更有可能成为候选人。
4. The Italian Puzzle.
4.意大利之谜。
So we must leave the northern countries with our curiosity far from satisfied and cross the Alps again to find a situation in Italy even more complicated, I believe, than most authors have felt it to be.
因此，我们必须怀着远未满足的好奇心离开北方国家，再次翻越阿尔卑斯山，去发现意大利的情况，我相信，比大多数作者想象的还要复杂。
因此，我们必须怀着远未满足的好奇心离开北方国家，再次翻越阿尔卑斯山，去发现意大利的情况，我相信，比大多数作者想象的还要复杂。
It was noted on page 19 that Antonini was aware of the mechanism of Drebbel's self-winding clock. I have deferred consideration of his letters on the subject, because they shed more light on Galileo than on Drebbel as far as this chapter is concerned. On February 1, 1612- five months before the first of Sagredo's letters mentioned above -Daniello Antonini, who had been a student of Galileo's at Padua, wrote from Brussels to Galileo:
第 19 页指出，安东尼尼了解德雷贝尔自动上发条时钟的机制。我推迟了对他关于这个主题的信件的考虑，因为就本章而言，这些信件对伽利略的了解比对德雷贝尔的了解要多。 1612 年 2 月 1 日，也就是萨格雷多写出第一封信的前五个月，曾是伽利略在帕多瓦的学生的达尼埃洛·安东尼尼 (Daniello Antonini) 从布鲁塞尔写信给伽利略：
第 19 页指出，安东尼尼了解德雷贝尔自动上发条时钟的机制。我推迟了对他关于这个主题的信件的考虑，因为就本章而言，这些信件对伽利略的了解比对德雷贝尔的了解要多。 1612 年 2 月 1 日，也就是萨格雷多写出第一封信的前五个月，曾是伽利略在帕多瓦的学生的达尼埃洛·安东尼尼 (Daniello Antonini) 从布鲁塞尔写信给伽利略：
Some time ago I learned that the King of England has a perpetual motion, in which some liquid moves inside a glass tube, now rising, now falling, after the manner of the tides, it is said. Pondering this, I came to think that this might not really be like the tides, but that it might be said to be so in order to cover up the real cause. I thought that the truth might be that this motion came from a change in the air, namely that which might be caused by heat and cold; deriving this from a consideration of those experiments with the big drinking glass that you know about.? So I did my best to make one of these motions myself. I did not do it the way the one in England was described to me, which has the tube round, like a ring, but with a straight tube ...75
不久前，我了解到英国国王有一种永动机，其中一些液体在玻璃管内移动，据说按照潮汐的方式时而上升，时而下降。想到这里，我觉得这或许并不真的像潮汐，但可能是为了掩盖真正的原因而这么说。我想，事实可能是这种运动来自空气的变化，即可能是由热和冷引起的；这是从你所知道的大玻璃杯实验的考虑中得出的。所以我尽力自己提出了其中一项动议。我没有按照英国向我描述的那样做，它的管子是圆形的，像一个环，但有一个直管......75
Eleven days later Antonini gave Galileo a sketch with details of the motive power of Drebbel's self-winding clock.
十一天后，安东尼尼向伽利略提供了一份草图，其中详细介绍了德雷贝尔自动上发条时钟的动力。
十一天后，安东尼尼向伽利略提供了一份草图，其中详细介绍了德雷贝尔自动上发条时钟的动力。
Now it seems to me that the italicized passage in Antonini's first letter is very good evidence that Galileo had made at Padua the experiment that could lead to a thermoscope. The letter adds nothing whatever to the probability that Galileo had ever added a scale to the instrument; yet we know that someone had done so by 1611 or Telioux could not have described it. Furthermore, the device described by Telioux resembles neither the Paduan thermometer nor the Dutch one. There are three types, not two, appearing almost simultaneously.
现在在我看来，安东尼尼第一封信中的斜体段落是很好的证据，证明伽利略在帕多瓦进行了可能导致测温仪的实验。这封信并没有增加伽利略在仪器上添加刻度的可能性。但我们知道到 1611 年就有人这样做了，否则 Telioux 无法描述它。此外，Telioux 描述的装置既不像帕多瓦温度计，也不像荷兰温度计。三种类型，而不是两种，几乎同时出现。
现在在我看来，安东尼尼第一封信中的斜体段落是很好的证据，证明伽利略在帕多瓦进行了可能导致测温仪的实验。这封信并没有增加伽利略在仪器上添加刻度的可能性。但我们知道到 1611 年就有人这样做了，否则 Telioux 无法描述它。此外，Telioux 描述的装置既不像帕多瓦温度计，也不像荷兰温度计。三种类型，而不是两种，几乎同时出现。
Some of those who wished to cast doubt on Galileo's supposed experiment have made much of the different dates suggested by Castelli's letter and Vivian's biography. In fact there is no necessary difference in the dates; for Castelli, in his sixties, merely said "more than thirty-five years ago. " It could have been forty, or even more.
一些想要对伽利略所谓的实验提出质疑的人已经对卡斯泰利的信和维维安的传记中提出的不同日期进行了很多研究。事实上，日期没有必然的差异；对于六十多岁的卡斯泰利来说，只是说“超过三十五年前”。可能是四十年，甚至更多。
一些想要对伽利略所谓的实验提出质疑的人已经对卡斯泰利的信和维维安的传记中提出的不同日期进行了很多研究。事实上，日期没有必然的差异；对于六十多岁的卡斯泰利来说，只是说“超过三十五年前”。可能是四十年，甚至更多。
What are we to conclude? Certainly, that Santorio was the first to make use of the thermometer as a scientific instrument. Galileo may well have made an experiment before his students, even in the 1590's, but on the available evidence it is impossible to argue that he invented an instrument. The provenance of the Roman thermometer remains entirely unknown, but its very existence suggests that the instrument was more widely distributed in the years near 1610 than would be guessed from the printed literature; and indeed De Caus had described a thermometer with a dial by 1615, though it is not entirely certain that he fully understood its working. There is some doubt that Santorio derived his instrument from Hero, even though he quoted Hero's book. Only Fludd seems to have read Philo in manuscript.
我们要得出什么结论？当然，桑托里奥是第一个将温度计用作科学仪器的人。伽利略很可能在他的学生之前就做过实验，即使是在 1590 年代，但根据现有的证据，不可能争辩说他发明了一种仪器。罗马温度计的起源仍然完全未知，但它的存在本身表明，这种仪器在 1610 年左右的分布范围比从印刷文献中猜测的更为广泛。事实上，德考斯在 1615 年就描述了一种带有表盘的温度计，尽管不能完全确定他完全理解其工作原理。有人怀疑桑托里奥的乐器源自希罗，尽管他引用了希罗的书。似乎只有弗拉德读过斐洛的手稿。
我们要得出什么结论？当然，桑托里奥是第一个将温度计用作科学仪器的人。伽利略很可能在他的学生之前就做过实验，即使是在 1590 年代，但根据现有的证据，不可能争辩说他发明了一种仪器。罗马温度计的起源仍然完全未知，但它的存在本身表明，这种仪器在 1610 年左右的分布范围比从印刷文献中猜测的更为广泛。事实上，德考斯在 1615 年就描述了一种带有表盘的温度计，尽管不能完全确定他完全理解其工作原理。有人怀疑桑托里奥的乐器源自希罗，尽管他引用了希罗的书。似乎只有弗拉德读过斐洛的手稿。
5. Other Early Air Thermometers.
5.其他早期空气温度计。
The air thermometer became very common in the second quarter of the seventeenth century. By 1644 Mersenne refers to it as "thermoscopium vulgare," or the common thermoscope, and incidentally describes and figures it in a form that could not possibly work." That energetic Jesuit, Athanasius Kircher, made one with mercury as the liquid, perhaps in the 1620's, for he wrote in 1641: "I remember having myself made other machines of this kind, working with quicksilver, and with these all the differences between the winds were recognized nearly correctly."
空气温度计在十七世纪下半叶变得非常普遍。到了 1644 年，梅森将其称为“thermoscopium vulgare”，即普通测温仪，并顺便以一种不可能工作的形式描述和描绘了它。”那位精力充沛的耶稣会士 Athanasius Kircher 用汞作为液体制作了一个测温仪，也许是在1620 年代，因为他在 1641 年写道：“我记得自己曾用水银制作过其他此类机器，通过这些机器，风之间的所有差异几乎都能被正确识别。”
空气温度计在十七世纪下半叶变得非常普遍。到了 1644 年，梅森将其称为“thermoscopium vulgare”，即普通测温仪，并顺便以一种不可能工作的形式描述和描绘了它。”那位精力充沛的耶稣会士 Athanasius Kircher 用汞作为液体制作了一个测温仪，也许是在1620 年代，因为他在 1641 年写道：“我记得自己曾用水银制作过其他此类机器，通过这些机器，风之间的所有差异几乎都能被正确识别。”
A famous air thermometer? (Fig. 1.10) was made about 1660 by Otto Guericke, mayor of Magdeburg, the inventor of the air pump. The figure on the left shows the mechanism, that on the right the completed instrument. It was about ten feet tall and was made entirely of copper and brass, so that it speaks well for the workmanship that it seems to have operated for a long time. We are told that it was made in order to see which was the coldest and which the warmest day of the whole year, and that Guericke "suspended this globe for a whole year out of doors, from the wall of his house, at a place which the sun never reaches. It was painted blue, and sprinkled with golden stars, with this inscription, MOBILE PERPETUUM."8 The working liquid was "brandy or spirits of wine," which would not freeze, and the level, which could be adjusted by pumping a little air in or out through a tap at H, was indicated by a float. A waxed cord passed from this over a pulley to an index "in the form of an angel or a little naked baby." There is a large model of Guericke's thermometer in the Science Museum, London.81 It is interesting that what seems to have impressed Guericke, and many of his contemporaries, was more the ceaseless motion of the index than the use of the instrument as a thermometer. We find that his water barometer was called semper vivum by Schott.82 The mystification about the tides, introduced by Drebbel, was kept going by his son-in-law, Kufler, who was visited by the French globetrotter Balthasar de Monconys at "Stratford-bou" on June 2, 1663;83 but even the rather credulous Monconys had his doubts. Nevertheless, Samuel Reyher quoted Monconys' visit seven years later and seemed to accept the story about the tides, referring to
著名的空气温度计？ （图 1.10）是由空气泵的发明者、马格德堡市长奥托·格里克 (Otto Guericke) 于 1660 年左右制作的。左图显示了机构，右图显示了完成的仪器。它大约有十英尺高，完全由铜和黄铜制成，可见它的做工很好，看起来已经运行了很长时间了。我们被告知，制作这个地球仪是为了看看全年哪一天是最冷的一天，哪一天是最热的一天，格里克“将这个地球仪悬挂在他家的墙上，在户外的某个地方整整一年”。它被漆成蓝色，上面撒满了金色的星星，上面刻着“移动永生”。”8 工作液体是“白兰地或烈酒”，不会结冰，液位可以是通过 H 处的水龙头泵入或泵出少量空气进行调节，由浮子指示。一根打蜡的绳子从这里穿过滑轮到达“天使或裸体小婴儿形式”的索引。伦敦科学博物馆里有一个格里克温度计的大型模型。81 有趣的是，给格里克和他的许多同时代人留下深刻印象的似乎更多的是索引的不断运动，而不是将该仪器用作温度计。 。我们发现他的水气压计被肖特称为“semper vivum”。82 由德雷贝尔提出的关于潮汐的神秘化，由他的女婿库夫勒继续进行，法国环球旅行家巴尔塔萨尔·德蒙科尼斯在“斯特拉特福德”拜访了库夫勒。 -bou”于 1663 年 6 月 2 日；83 但即使是相当轻信的蒙科尼斯也对此表示怀疑。尽管如此，塞缪尔·雷赫引用了蒙科尼斯七年后的访问，似乎接受了有关潮汐的故事，指的是
著名的空气温度计？ （图 1.10）是由空气泵的发明者、马格德堡市长奥托·格里克 (Otto Guericke) 于 1660 年左右制作的。左图显示了机构，右图显示了完成的仪器。它大约有十英尺高，完全由铜和黄铜制成，可见它的做工很好，看起来已经运行了很长时间了。我们被告知，制作这个地球仪是为了看看全年哪一天是最冷的一天，哪一天是最热的一天，格里克“将这个地球仪悬挂在他家的墙上，在户外的某个地方整整一年”。它被漆成蓝色，上面撒满了金色的星星，上面刻着“移动永生”。”8 工作液体是“白兰地或烈酒”，不会结冰，液位可以是通过 H 处的水龙头泵入或泵出少量空气进行调节，由浮子指示。一根打蜡的绳子从这里穿过滑轮到达“天使或裸体小婴儿形式”的索引。伦敦科学博物馆里有一个格里克温度计的大型模型。81 有趣的是，给格里克和他的许多同时代人留下深刻印象的似乎更多的是索引的不断运动，而不是将该仪器用作温度计。 。我们发现他的水气压计被肖特称为“semper vivum”。82 由德雷贝尔提出的关于潮汐的神秘化，由他的女婿库夫勒继续进行，法国环球旅行家巴尔塔萨尔·德蒙科尼斯在“斯特拉特福德”拜访了库夫勒。 -bou”于 1663 年 6 月 2 日；83 但即使是相当轻信的蒙科尼斯也对此表示怀疑。尽管如此，塞缪尔·雷赫引用了蒙科尼斯七年后的访问，似乎接受了有关潮汐的故事，指的是
the instrument for examining the ebb and flow of the sea, which Drebbel invented. It consists of two bulbs, connected by a little semicircular siphon, into which some liquid is introduced, and sometimes approaches one bulb, sometimes the other.
德雷贝尔发明的用于检查海水潮起潮落的仪器。它由两个球体组成，通过一个小半圆形虹吸管连接，一些液体被引入其中，有时接近一个球体，有时接近另一个球体。
He shows a figure (Fig. 1.11). If both bulbs were closed this would be a differential air thermometer--an instrument that was independently invented several times. Another form is clearly described by Reyher; this is like the "Dutch" thermometer with the two bulbs at different levels. He tells us that the lower bulb is to be hermetically sealed after the liquid is introduced and that this bulb is then enclosed in a wooden box to keep it at a con stant temperature.& Reyher makes no claim to this device but says it is "much used" in the Low Countries. It would show, not the temperature of the upper bulb but some function of the rate of change of the ambient temperature.
他展示了一个图（图1.11）。如果两个灯泡都关闭，这将是一个差动空气温度计——一种多次独立发明的仪器。 Reyher 清楚地描述了另一种形式；这就像“荷兰”温度计，两个灯泡位于不同的高度。他告诉我们，在引入液体后，下部灯泡将被密封，然后将该灯泡封装在一个木箱中以保持恒温。&雷赫没有对这个装置提出任何要求，但说它是“在低地国家经常使用”。它显示的不是上灯泡的温度，而是环境温度变化率的函数。
他展示了一个图（图1.11）。如果两个灯泡都关闭，这将是一个差动空气温度计——一种多次独立发明的仪器。 Reyher 清楚地描述了另一种形式；这就像“荷兰”温度计，两个灯泡位于不同的高度。他告诉我们，在引入液体后，下部灯泡将被密封，然后将该灯泡封装在一个木箱中以保持恒温。&雷赫没有对这个装置提出任何要求，但说它是“在低地国家经常使用”。它显示的不是上灯泡的温度，而是环境温度变化率的函数。
Also in the Low Countries arose that peculiar and characteristic form of air thermoscope called by Henri Michel "le baromètre liégeois"8 and used as a domestic weather glass for about three centuries. It consists of a pear-shaped glass flask---frequently the shape of a pear cut in half axially, so as to hang against a wallwith a spout rather like that of a teapot but rising nearly vertically from near the bottom of the flask. The spout is roughly graduated by means of glass beads or ridges, and the instrument is partly filled with colored water. In the comparatively constant temperature of a heated room the changes in water level in the spout would mainly express the variations in barometric pressure.
低地国家还出现了一种独特的空气测温仪，被亨利·米歇尔称为“le baromètre liégeois”8，并被用作家用气象玻璃约三个世纪。它由梨形玻璃烧瓶组成——通常是梨形，轴向切成两半，以便挂在墙上，壶嘴很像茶壶，但从烧瓶底部附近几乎垂直升起。喷嘴通过玻璃珠或脊线大致分级，并且仪器部分填充有色水。在温度相对恒定的供暖房间中，喷口内水位的变化主要表现为大气压力的变化。
低地国家还出现了一种独特的空气测温仪，被亨利·米歇尔称为“le baromètre liégeois”8，并被用作家用气象玻璃约三个世纪。它由梨形玻璃烧瓶组成——通常是梨形，轴向切成两半，以便挂在墙上，壶嘴很像茶壶，但从烧瓶底部附近几乎垂直升起。喷嘴通过玻璃珠或脊线大致分级，并且仪器部分填充有色水。在温度相对恒定的供暖房间中，喷口内水位的变化主要表现为大气压力的变化。
I shall end this chapter by referring to another thermometer that may have been derived from Drebbel's astronomical clock.
我将通过提及可能源自德雷贝尔天文钟的另一个温度计来结束本章。
我将通过提及可能源自德雷贝尔天文钟的另一个温度计来结束本章。
On June 12, 1663, Monconys visited "M. Renes," who turns out to be none other than Sir Christopher Wren- almost as good a natural philosopher as he was an architect. Wren showed him how to make
1663 年 6 月 12 日，蒙科尼斯拜访了“雷内斯先生”，事实证明他正是克里斯托弗·雷恩爵士——几乎和建筑师一样优秀的自然哲学家。雷恩向他展示了如何制作
1663 年 6 月 12 日，蒙科尼斯拜访了“雷内斯先生”，事实证明他正是克里斯托弗·雷恩爵士——几乎和建筑师一样优秀的自然哲学家。雷恩向他展示了如何制作
a thermometer with a drum, around which is a glass tube, having a hole in it that communicates with the drum, and another that communicates with, or receives, the ambient air; then, putting water into this tube, it makes the tube, which is suspended by its centre, turn.
带有滚筒的温度计，其周围有一根玻璃管，其中有一个与滚筒连通的孔，以及另一个与环境空气连通或接收的孔；然后，将水倒入该管子中，使中心悬挂的管子转动。
This happens when the air that is in the drum expands, comes out through the hole into the tube, and presses on the water, which, changing its position, moves the wheel. . . . And this may well be Drebbel's ebb-and-flow machine, or perpetual motion.
当滚筒中的空气膨胀，通过孔进入管中并挤压水时，就会发生这种情况，水改变其位置，从而移动轮子。 。 。 。这很可能就是德雷贝尔的潮起潮落机器，或者永动机。
当滚筒中的空气膨胀，通过孔进入管中并挤压水时，就会发生这种情况，水改变其位置，从而移动轮子。 。 。 。这很可能就是德雷贝尔的潮起潮落机器，或者永动机。
Antonini's second letter to Galileo, referred to above, puts this beyond doubt, but I cannot discover where Wren found the idea if not in his own acute mind.
上文提到的安东尼尼写给伽利略的第二封信毫无疑问地证明了这一点，但如果雷恩不是在他自己敏锐的头脑中发现了这个想法，我就无法知道他是在哪里找到这个想法的。
上文提到的安东尼尼写给伽利略的第二封信毫无疑问地证明了这一点，但如果雷恩不是在他自己敏锐的头脑中发现了这个想法，我就无法知道他是在哪里找到这个想法的。