China 中国
The power of princelings 太子党的力量
Red hearts and coronets 红心和冠冕
Xi Jinping has curbed the clout of China's political clans, but they might yet determine the country's future
习近平遏制了中国政治派系的影响力，但他们可能仍将决定中国的未来
CHINA'S PROPAGANDA chiefs are eager to show that Xi Jinping, the country's leader, belongs to the red aristocracy. They pump out books and documentaries about his late father, Xi Zhongxun (pictured, left), who was a comrade-in-arms of Mao Zedong. Once a year, when state television shows Mr Xi delivering new year's greetings from what purports to be his desk, his father's picture is clearly visible on a bookshelf behind him. The message is clear: Mr Xi's bloodline is impeccable.
中国的宣传部长急于表明，中国领导人习近平属于红色贵族。他们出版了关于他已故父亲习仲勋（左图）的书籍和纪录片，他是毛泽东的战友。每年一次，当国家电视台播放习先生在据称是他的办公桌的地方发表新年问候时，他父亲的照片在他身后的书架上清晰可见。信息很明确：习先生的血统无可挑剔。
中国的宣传部长急于表明，中国领导人习近平属于红色贵族。他们出版了关于他已故父亲习仲勋（左图）的书籍和纪录片，他是毛泽东的战友。每年一次，当国家电视台播放习先生在据称是他的办公桌的地方发表新年问候时，他父亲的照片在他身后的书架上清晰可见。信息很明确：习先生的血统无可挑剔。
When Mr Xi came to power in 2012, many observers described it as a symbol of the rise of "princelings", a term often applied to descendants of the most senior revolutionaries who fought with Mao, as well as the offspring (and their spouses) of those who served as senior officials in Beijing after the Communists came to power in 1949. Mr Xi became one of four members of the party's most powerful body, the seven-member Politburo Standing Commit- tee, who could be described as princelings. Never had it been so stacked with them.
当习先生于2012年上台时，许多观察家将其描述为“太子党”崛起的象征，“太子党”一词通常适用于与毛并肩作战的最资深革命者的后代，以及1949年共产党上台后在北京担任高级官员的人的后代（及其配偶）。习成为党内最有权势的机构——由七名成员组成的政治局常务委员会的四名成员之一，他们可以被描述为太子党。从来没有像现在这样堆积如山。
当习先生于2012年上台时，许多观察家将其描述为“太子党”崛起的象征，“太子党”一词通常适用于与毛并肩作战的最资深革命者的后代，以及1949年共产党上台后在北京担任高级官员的人的后代（及其配偶）。习成为党内最有权势的机构——由七名成员组成的政治局常务委员会的四名成员之一，他们可以被描述为太子党。从来没有像现在这样堆积如山。
At the highest levels of politics, things look very different today. After a reshuffle in
在政治的最高层，今天的情况看起来大不相同。改组后
在政治的最高层，今天的情况看起来大不相同。改组后
But princelings might yet determine China's future. They still permeate the management of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and financial firms, as well as the armed forces' officer class. In these institutions, family connections matter. Power is transmitted through formal mechanisms, yet its origins are often hazier, involving networks tied to bloodlines. This has big implications. When Mr Xi leaves the politi-
但太子党可能还会决定中国的未来。他们仍然渗透到国有企业 （SOE） 和金融公司的管理层，以及军队的军官阶层。在这些机构中，家庭关系很重要。权力是通过正式机制传递的，但其起源往往更加模糊，涉及与血统相关的网络。这有很大的影响。当习先生离开政坛时-
但太子党可能还会决定中国的未来。他们仍然渗透到国有企业 （SOE） 和金融公司的管理层，以及军队的军官阶层。在这些机构中，家庭关系很重要。权力是通过正式机制传递的，但其起源往往更加模糊，涉及与血统相关的网络。这有很大的影响。当习先生离开政坛时-
32 Chaguan: China's tin ear cal scene, red families will have the wealth, prestige and military ties that could enable them to shape what comes after. The next ruler may not be a princeling, but the clans may be kingmakers.
32 茶官：中国的铁皮耳场景，红色家庭将拥有财富、声望和军事关系，这些可以让他们塑造后世。下一任统治者可能不是太子党，但氏族可能是造王者。
32 茶官：中国的铁皮耳场景，红色家庭将拥有财富、声望和军事关系，这些可以让他们塑造后世。下一任统治者可能不是太子党，但氏族可能是造王者。
To understand all this, one must look at the way politics evolved following Mao's death in 1976. After Deng Xiaoping introduced market reforms in the late 1970s, many princelings went into business. Having experienced the vicious politics of the Mao era, they saw this as a safer option. But Deng and his colleagues wanted to keep the party in the hands of people like themselves, so they picked a few of their offspring to groom as potential leaders. Mr Xi was one of them. He began a long and unremarkable career in the provinces.
要理解这一切，我们必须看看1976年毛去世后政治的演变方式。邓小平在 1970 年代后期引入市场改革后，许多太子党开始经商。在经历了毛时代的恶毒政治后，他们认为这是一个更安全的选择。但邓和他的同事们想把党掌握在像他们这样的人手中，所以他们挑选了一些后代来培养潜在的领导人。习先生就是其中之一。他在外省开始了漫长而平淡无奇的职业生涯。
要理解这一切，我们必须看看1976年毛去世后政治的演变方式。邓小平在 1970 年代后期引入市场改革后，许多太子党开始经商。在经历了毛时代的恶毒政治后，他们认为这是一个更安全的选择。但邓和他的同事们想把党掌握在像他们这样的人手中，所以他们挑选了一些后代来培养潜在的领导人。习先生就是其中之一。他在外省开始了漫长而平淡无奇的职业生涯。
When the opportunity eventually came for a handover of power to princelings, Mr Xi faced little competition from others of his pedigree. The most notable exception was Bo Xilai, the suave and charismatic party chief of the south-western region of Chongqing. Mr Bo is the son of Bo Yibo, one of several revolutionary veterans who, along with Deng, wielded enormous influence from the late 1970s and whose clans today are foremost among the red families. (Most, including Deng, had died by the late 1990s, though Mr Xi's father lived until 2002 and Mr Bo's until 2007.) In Chongqing Mr Bo deviated from the low-profile
当权力移交给太子党的机会最终到来时，习几乎没有面临来自其他同胞的竞争。最引人注目的例外是薄熙来，这位温文尔雅、魅力四射的重庆西南地区党委书记。薄熙来是薄一波的儿子，薄一波是几位革命老兵之一，他与邓一起从1970年代后期开始就拥有巨大的影响力，他的氏族今天在红色家庭中名列前茅。（包括邓在内的大多数人在1990年代末都去世了，尽管习的父亲活到2002年，薄熙来的父亲活到2007年。在重庆，薄熙来一去不及低调
当权力移交给太子党的机会最终到来时，习几乎没有面临来自其他同胞的竞争。最引人注目的例外是薄熙来，这位温文尔雅、魅力四射的重庆西南地区党委书记。薄熙来是薄一波的儿子，薄一波是几位革命老兵之一，他与邓一起从1970年代后期开始就拥有巨大的影响力，他的氏族今天在红色家庭中名列前茅。（包括邓在内的大多数人在1990年代末都去世了，尽管习的父亲活到2002年，薄熙来的父亲活到2007年。在重庆，薄熙来一去不及低调
- norm of provincial leaders by waging a sweeping campaign against corruption and whipping up nostalgia for the egalitarian Mao years. His populist style attracted many supporters.
通过发动一场全面的反腐败运动和煽动对平等主义毛时代的怀旧情绪，成为省级领导人的常态。他的民粹主义风格吸引了许多支持者。
But Mr Bo's political ambitions were scuppered by the flight of his police chief to an American consulate, where he revealed that Mr Bo's wife had murdered a British businessman. Mr Bo was arrested a few months before Mr Xi took over. Mr Xi eventually had him jailed for life for bribetaking and other misdeeds. He later accused Mr Bo of planning to "seize power". Mr Bo is now thought to be in Qincheng prison on Beijing's northern outskirts, the usual place of incarceration for casualties of high-level struggles. He enjoys special treatment there. According to the South China Morning Post, a newspaper in Hong Kong, he is allowed to wear a Western suit.
但薄熙来的政治抱负因他的警察局长逃往美国领事馆而破灭，他在那里透露薄熙来的妻子谋杀了一名英国商人。薄熙来在习接任前几个月被捕。习最终因贿赂和其他不当行为将他判处终身监禁。他后来指责薄熙来计划“夺取权力”。薄熙来现在被认为被关押在北京北郊的秦城监狱，那里通常是关押高层斗争伤亡者的地方。他在那里享受特殊待遇。据香港报纸《南华早报》报道，他被允许穿西式西装。
但薄熙来的政治抱负因他的警察局长逃往美国领事馆而破灭，他在那里透露薄熙来的妻子谋杀了一名英国商人。薄熙来在习接任前几个月被捕。习最终因贿赂和其他不当行为将他判处终身监禁。他后来指责薄熙来计划“夺取权力”。薄熙来现在被认为被关押在北京北郊的秦城监狱，那里通常是关押高层斗争伤亡者的地方。他在那里享受特殊待遇。据香港报纸《南华早报》报道，他被允许穿西式西装。
To consolidate his power, Mr Xi leant heavily on one of his fellow princelings on the Standing Committee: Wang Qishan, the son-in-law of Yao Yilin (Yao was on the Standing Committee during Deng's rule). On Mr Xi's behalf, Mr Wang masterminded a war on corruption that toppled hundreds of senior officials and military commanders, thereby crushing any potential opposition to the new ruler.
为了巩固自己的权力，习严重依赖常委会中的一位太子党同僚：姚一林的女婿王岐山（姚一林在邓统治期间是常委）。王立军代表习策划了一场反腐战争，推翻了数百名高级官员和军事指挥官，从而粉碎了任何可能反对新统治者的声音。
为了巩固自己的权力，习严重依赖常委会中的一位太子党同僚：姚一林的女婿王岐山（姚一林在邓统治期间是常委）。王立军代表习策划了一场反腐战争，推翻了数百名高级官员和军事指挥官，从而粉碎了任何可能反对新统治者的声音。
Mr Wang stepped down from the Standing Committee in 2017, but the purges continue. One of those felled last year was a red aristocrat: General Li Shangfu was sacked as defence minister a few months after taking up the job. General Li's father was a revolutionary who became a high-ranking officer under Mao. His alleged offences have not been revealed.
王立军于 2017 年从常务委员会辞职，但清洗仍在继续。去年被罢免的人中，有一位是红色贵族：李尚福将军在上任几个月后就被免去了国防部长的职务。李将军的父亲是一名革命家，后来成为毛手下的高级军官。他被指控的罪行尚未披露。
王立军于 2017 年从常务委员会辞职，但清洗仍在继续。去年被罢免的人中，有一位是红色贵族：李尚福将军在上任几个月后就被免去了国防部长的职务。李将军的父亲是一名革命家，后来成为毛手下的高级军官。他被指控的罪行尚未披露。
Stick to business 坚持业务
For now, General Li remains on the Central Committee, a body comprising about 370 members of the party elite, from ministers and provincial leaders to SOE bosses and military brass. But he is likely to be booted out when it next meets, probably this year. That would leave only nine members of the group who are princelings, reckons Cheng Li of the University of Hong Kong. When Mr Xi became the party's boss the Central Committee had 41 of them (see chart).
目前，李将军仍是中央委员会的成员，该机构由大约 370 名党内精英组成，从部长和省级领导到国有企业老板和军方高层。但他很可能会在下一次会议时被踢出局，可能是今年。这样一来，该组织就只剩下9名太子党成员，香港大学（University of Hong Kong）的李成（Cheng Li）估计。当习成为党的总书记时，中央委员会有41个（见图表）。
目前，李将军仍是中央委员会的成员，该机构由大约 370 名党内精英组成，从部长和省级领导到国有企业老板和军方高层。但他很可能会在下一次会议时被踢出局，可能是今年。这样一来，该组织就只剩下9名太子党成员，香港大学（University of Hong Kong）的李成（Cheng Li）估计。当习成为党的总书记时，中央委员会有41个（见图表）。
In business it is a different story. In the build-up to Mr Xi's accession, Western media uncovered sensational details of the riches accumulated by family members of some of China's most powerful people. Investigations by the New York Times revealed that relatives of current and former senior officials had "amassed vast wealth, often playing central roles in businesses closely entwined with the state, including those involved in finance, energy, domestic security, telecommunications and entertainment". Bloomberg, an American news service, focused on Mr Xi's relatives, linking them to hundreds of millions of dollars
在商业中，情况就不同了。在习上基之前，西方媒体揭露了中国一些最有权势人物的家庭成员积累财富的耸人听闻的细节。《纽约时报》的调查显示，现任和前任高级官员的亲属“积累了大量财富，经常在与国家密切相关的企业中发挥核心作用，包括涉及金融、能源、国内安全、电信和娱乐的企业”。美国新闻机构彭博社（Bloomberg）关注习的亲属，将他们与数亿美元联系起来
在商业中，情况就不同了。在习上基之前，西方媒体揭露了中国一些最有权势人物的家庭成员积累财富的耸人听闻的细节。《纽约时报》的调查显示，现任和前任高级官员的亲属“积累了大量财富，经常在与国家密切相关的企业中发挥核心作用，包括涉及金融、能源、国内安全、电信和娱乐的企业”。美国新闻机构彭博社（Bloomberg）关注习的亲属，将他们与数亿美元联系起来
in assets (it said none was traced to Mr Xi , adding that it had found no indication of any wrongdoing by Mr Xi or his family).
在资产方面（它表示没有追踪到习先生，并补充说它没有发现习先生或其家人有任何不当行为的迹象）。
Officials reacted furiously to the reports. They retaliated by blocking visa applications from these news organisations. In 2019 the Chinese foreign ministry refused to renew the press credentials of a Singaporean reporter for the Wall Street Fournal, Chun Han Wong, forcing him to leave the country. Mr Wong had written about an organised-crime investigation by Australia's authorities that touched on the activities of a businessman who is a cousin of Mr Xi and has become a naturalised Australian citizen. (The article said there was no evidence that Mr Xi knew about the man's business and gambling affairs.) According to the paper, ministry officials urged it not to publish the article, warning of unspecified consequences.
官员们对这些报道反应激烈。他们通过阻止这些新闻机构的签证申请进行报复。2019 年，中国外交部拒绝更新《华尔街四人报》的新加坡记者黄俊汉 （Chun Han Wong） 的记者证，迫使他离开该国。黄英贤曾撰文称，澳大利亚当局对一项有组织犯罪进行了调查，该调查涉及一名商人的活动，该商人是习的表弟，现已归化为澳大利亚公民。（文章称，没有证据表明习先生知道该男子的生意和赌博事务。据该报报道，该部官员敦促该部不要发表这篇文章，并警告其后果不明。
官员们对这些报道反应激烈。他们通过阻止这些新闻机构的签证申请进行报复。2019 年，中国外交部拒绝更新《华尔街四人报》的新加坡记者黄俊汉 （Chun Han Wong） 的记者证，迫使他离开该国。黄英贤曾撰文称，澳大利亚当局对一项有组织犯罪进行了调查，该调查涉及一名商人的活动，该商人是习的表弟，现已归化为澳大利亚公民。（文章称，没有证据表明习先生知道该男子的生意和赌博事务。据该报报道，该部官员敦促该部不要发表这篇文章，并警告其后果不明。
In 2014 the New York Times reported that Mr Xi had been pushing family members to sell hundreds of millions of dollars in investments. They included stakes in
2014年，《纽约时报》报道称，习一直在推动家族成员出售数亿美元的投资。他们包括
2014年，《纽约时报》报道称，习一直在推动家族成员出售数亿美元的投资。他们包括
mining and property firms held by his sister, Qi Qiaoqiao, and brother-in-law, Deng Jiagui. But Mr Xi's anti-corruption campaign has had little impact on the dealings of political families, says Desmond Shum, a Chinese businessman who moved to Britain in 2015. "Maybe it's more subtle than it used to be. It's not so in-your-face," he says. But he calls cashing in on the family name "a baked-in feature" of princeling life.
由他的姐姐齐巧巧和姐夫邓家贵持有的采矿和房地产公司。但习的反腐运动对政治家族的交易影响不大，2015年移居英国的中国商人岑德蒙（Desmond Shum）说。“也许它比以前更微妙。这并不是那么当面，“他说。但他称，利用这个姓氏赚钱是太子党生活中的“一个内在特征”。
Mr Shum is rare as someone who is both a close-up witness of how these dealings work and who is willing to talk openly about them. He is the ex-husband of Whitney Duan, also known as Duan Weihong, who became a close friend of Zhang Beili, a businesswoman and jewellery expert who is the wife of Wen Jiabao, the former prime minister. Mr Shum and Ms Duan helped to arrange some of Ms Zhang's deals. (In an exposé of this, "Red Roulette", published in 2021, Mr Shum wrote that they had always been careful "to stay within the boundaries of the law".)
沈先生很少能近距离见证这些交易的运作方式，并愿意公开谈论这些交易。他是 Whitney Duan（又名段伟宏）的前夫，后者成为前首相温家宝的妻子、女商人和珠宝专家张北丽的密友。岑先生和段女士帮助安排了张女士的一些交易。（在 2021 年出版的《红色轮盘赌》中，沈先生写道，他们一直小心翼翼地“保持在法律的界限内”。
沈先生很少能近距离见证这些交易的运作方式，并愿意公开谈论这些交易。他是 Whitney Duan（又名段伟宏）的前夫，后者成为前首相温家宝的妻子、女商人和珠宝专家张北丽的密友。岑先生和段女士帮助安排了张女士的一些交易。（在 2021 年出版的《红色轮盘赌》中，沈先生写道，他们一直小心翼翼地“保持在法律的界限内”。
Few princelings have been arrested in the anti-corruption drive. Mr Shum says one reason is Mr Xi's feeling of kinship with them: "It's a web," he says. "They are people who worked with your father, they are the children of your father's colleagues, your father's underlings. They grew up with you." For Mr Xi to send princelings to prison, other than those who pose a political threat, would "almost go against his upbringing", Mr Shum believes. Mr Xi's rise "was really with the support of that group".
很少有太子党在反腐运动中被捕。沈先生说，一个原因是习先生与他们有亲切感：“这是一张网，”他说。他们是与你父亲共事的人，他们是你父亲的同事的孩子，你父亲的下属。他们和你一起长大。沈先生认为，习将太子党送进监狱，除了那些构成政治威胁的人，“几乎违背了他的成长经历”。习的崛起“真的得到了那个群体的支持”。
很少有太子党在反腐运动中被捕。沈先生说，一个原因是习先生与他们有亲切感：“这是一张网，”他说。他们是与你父亲共事的人，他们是你父亲的同事的孩子，你父亲的下属。他们和你一起长大。沈先生认为，习将太子党送进监狱，除了那些构成政治威胁的人，“几乎违背了他的成长经历”。习的崛起“真的得到了那个群体的支持”。
Mr Xi has made it much harder to trace the princelings' business connections. As Shanghai correspondent of the New York Times between 2004 and 2015, David Barboza played a big role in exposing these networks. He later co-founded The Wire Digital, a China-focused news and data platform based in New York. Mr Barboza
习使追踪太子党的商业关系变得更加困难。2004 年至 2015 年，David Barboza 在《纽约时报》驻上海记者期间，在揭露这些网络方面发挥了重要作用。后来，他与他人共同创立了 The Wire Digital，这是一个总部位于纽约的专注于中国的新闻和数据平台。Barboza 先生
习使追踪太子党的商业关系变得更加困难。2004 年至 2015 年，David Barboza 在《纽约时报》驻上海记者期间，在揭露这些网络方面发挥了重要作用。后来，他与他人共同创立了 The Wire Digital，这是一个总部位于纽约的专注于中国的新闻和数据平台。Barboza 先生
- doesn't think any journalist could obtain the kind of detailed company records that he could get access to when working in China, with owners' signatures, addresses, ID-card details and phone numbers. These records were on paper, and the authorities have clamped down on access to them. "Even companies have a hard time getting the paper records," Mr Barboza says.
他认为没有哪个记者能获得他在中国工作时可以接触到的那种详细的公司记录，包括所有者的签名、地址、身份证详细信息和电话号码。这些记录都是在纸上写的，当局已经禁止查阅它们。“即使是公司也很难获得纸质记录，”Barboza 先生说。
Details of Chinese company ownership are still available from online databases (Mr Barboza's firm maintains one, called WireScreen, that flags people known to be politically connected). But those provided by Chinese firms contain far fewer of the clues that Mr Barboza was able to glean from the records he used. He believes that the princelings are still doing big deals, however. "I don't think it's changed dramatically, except in this sense: everyone is afraid of Xi Jinping. And people are either trying to figure out how to hide their money better, or move it offshore."
中国公司所有权的详细信息仍然可以从在线数据库中获得（巴博扎的公司有一个叫做WireScreen的数据库，可以标记已知有政治关系的人）。但由中国公司提供的那些文件所包含的线索，巴博扎能够从他使用的记录中收集到的线索要少得多。然而，他认为太子党仍然在做大事。“我不认为它发生了巨大变化，除了这个意义上：每个人都害怕习近平。人们要么试图弄清楚如何更好地隐藏他们的钱，要么将其转移到海外。
中国公司所有权的详细信息仍然可以从在线数据库中获得（巴博扎的公司有一个叫做WireScreen的数据库，可以标记已知有政治关系的人）。但由中国公司提供的那些文件所包含的线索，巴博扎能够从他使用的记录中收集到的线索要少得多。然而，他认为太子党仍然在做大事。“我不认为它发生了巨大变化，除了这个意义上：每个人都害怕习近平。人们要么试图弄清楚如何更好地隐藏他们的钱，要么将其转移到海外。
Comrades up in arms 战友们
Mr Xi does not reject the idea that bloodlines matter. Far from it. He has dedicated his rule to revitalising the party and reviving its "revolutionary spirit". This has involved playing up the heroism and idealism of its founding fathers. At the party's celebrations in 2019 of 70 years of Communist rule, some of their descendants joined a massive parade through Tiananmen Square, sitting on open-top buses painted red and gold, waving portraits of their powerful ancestors (see picture on previous page). Prominent among them was Mao's grandson, Major General Mao Xinyu.
习并不排斥血统很重要的观点。远非如此。他的统治致力于振兴该党并重振其“革命精神”。这涉及到渲染其开国元勋的英雄主义和理想主义。在 2019 年中共庆祝共产党统治 70 周年时，他们的一些后代参加了穿过天安门广场的大规模游行，他们坐在涂有红色和金色油漆的敞篷巴士上，挥舞着他们强大祖先的肖像（见上页图片）。其中最突出的是毛的孙子毛新宇少将。
习并不排斥血统很重要的观点。远非如此。他的统治致力于振兴该党并重振其“革命精神”。这涉及到渲染其开国元勋的英雄主义和理想主义。在 2019 年中共庆祝共产党统治 70 周年时，他们的一些后代参加了穿过天安门广场的大规模游行，他们坐在涂有红色和金色油漆的敞篷巴士上，挥舞着他们强大祖先的肖像（见上页图片）。其中最突出的是毛的孙子毛新宇少将。
But Mr Xi's high-handed ways have angered at least some of the princelings who once backed him. Joseph Torigian, who is writing a book about Mr Xi's father, believes that many princelings are extremely dissatisfied with him. "They think that he has just completely shut them out," he says. Olivia Cheung of the School of Oriental and African Studies in London believes Mr Xi is mindful that the collapse of authoritarian regimes is often caused by fighting within the elite, rather than public protests. "I think Xi Jinping is quite alert to that. So keeping the princelings under control has to be a political priority."
但习的霸道方式至少激怒了一些曾经支持他的太子党。正在写一本关于习父亲的书的约瑟夫·托里吉安（Joseph Torigian）认为，许多太子党对他极度不满。“他们认为他只是把他们完全拒之门外，”他说。伦敦亚非学院（School of Oriental and African Studies）的奥利维亚·张（Olivia Cheung）认为，习注意到，威权政权的崩溃往往是由精英内部的斗争引起的，而不是公众抗议。“我认为习近平对此非常警觉。因此，控制太子党必须是一个政治优先事项。
但习的霸道方式至少激怒了一些曾经支持他的太子党。正在写一本关于习父亲的书的约瑟夫·托里吉安（Joseph Torigian）认为，许多太子党对他极度不满。“他们认为他只是把他们完全拒之门外，”他说。伦敦亚非学院（School of Oriental and African Studies）的奥利维亚·张（Olivia Cheung）认为，习注意到，威权政权的崩溃往往是由精英内部的斗争引起的，而不是公众抗议。“我认为习近平对此非常警觉。因此，控制太子党必须是一个政治优先事项。
To Mr Xi, it clearly is. The sentencing of Mr Bo was a dramatic example. But Mr Xi has also tried to stifle more liberal types. Such princelings were among backers of Yanhuang Chunqiu, a journal that explored the dark side of the Mao era and suggested greater political freedom. Its deputy publisher was Hu Dehua (pictured, right), a son of the former party chief, Hu Yaobang, whose death in 1989 triggered nationwide pro-democracy upheaval. At closed-door meetings organised by the publication, the princelings aired their views on the need for political reform-until officials purged the journal's leadership in 2016 (including Mr Hu ) and replaced it with a new team in tune with Mr Xi's thinking.
对习先生来说，显然是这样。对薄熙来的判刑就是一个戏剧性的例子。但习也试图扼杀更多的自由派。这些太子党是《炎黄春秋》的支持者之一，该杂志探讨了毛时代的阴暗面，并建议更大的政治自由。该报的副出版人是胡德华（右图），他是前党委书记胡耀邦的儿子，胡耀邦于1989年去世，引发了全国性的民主动荡。在该出版物组织的闭门会议上，太子党发表了他们对政治改革必要性的看法——直到官员们在2016年清洗了该杂志的领导层（包括胡先生），并以一个符合习先生思想的新团队取而代之。
对习先生来说，显然是这样。对薄熙来的判刑就是一个戏剧性的例子。但习也试图扼杀更多的自由派。这些太子党是《炎黄春秋》的支持者之一，该杂志探讨了毛时代的阴暗面，并建议更大的政治自由。该报的副出版人是胡德华（右图），他是前党委书记胡耀邦的儿子，胡耀邦于1989年去世，引发了全国性的民主动荡。在该出版物组织的闭门会议上，太子党发表了他们对政治改革必要性的看法——直到官员们在2016年清洗了该杂志的领导层（包括胡先生），并以一个符合习先生思想的新团队取而代之。
Among the few to have defied Mr Xi openly is the retired chairman of a stateowned property company, Ren Zhiqiang (pictured, left). Mr Ren is the son of Ren Quansheng, who served under Mao. In 2020 he was sentenced to 18 years in prison for corruption and abuse of power. The real, unstated, reason was his tirades against Mr Xi . He was detained after calling him "a clown with no clothes on who is still determined to play emperor".
在为数不多的公开违抗习的人中，一家国有房地产公司的退休董事长任志强（如图左）。任 先生是 任 Quansheng 的儿子，后者曾在 毛 手下任职。2020 年，他因腐败和滥用职权被判处 18 年监禁。真正的、未说明的原因是他对习先生的长篇大论。他在称他为“一个没有衣服的小丑，仍然决心扮演皇帝”后被拘留。
在为数不多的公开违抗习的人中，一家国有房地产公司的退休董事长任志强（如图左）。任 先生是 任 Quansheng 的儿子，后者曾在 毛 手下任职。2020 年，他因腐败和滥用职权被判处 18 年监禁。真正的、未说明的原因是他对习先生的长篇大论。他在称他为“一个没有衣服的小丑，仍然决心扮演皇帝”后被拘留。
Other princelings support Mr Xi's efforts to stiffen the party's sinews, but they point to Mao's days as a time when China was supposedly fairer and more in tune with the needs of the working class (they are denialists of Maoist horrors). A clutch of neo-Maoist websites fawningly report on the activities of princelings sympathetic to their cause, such as their staging of events last year to mark the 130th anniversary of Mao's birth. Attendees included several of his descendants (among the political clans, Mao's is relatively marginal).
其他太子党支持习加强党内力量的努力，但他们指出，毛的时代被认为是中国更公平、更符合工人阶级需求的时代（他们是毛主义恐怖的否认者）。一些新毛主义网站谄媚地报道了同情他们事业的太子党的活动，例如他们去年举办了纪念毛诞辰130周年的活动。与会者包括他的几个后代（在政治氏族中，毛的后代相对边缘化）。
其他太子党支持习加强党内力量的努力，但他们指出，毛的时代被认为是中国更公平、更符合工人阶级需求的时代（他们是毛主义恐怖的否认者）。一些新毛主义网站谄媚地报道了同情他们事业的太子党的活动，例如他们去年举办了纪念毛诞辰130周年的活动。与会者包括他的几个后代（在政治氏族中，毛的后代相对边缘化）。
Just because Mr Xi has sidelined them, it would be a mistake to declare that princelings have no political future. There are three good reasons for keeping an eye on them. First, revolutionary families have been important since the beginning of Communist rule. Mao and Deng were both giants of the revolutionary era. Deng's immediate successors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, were not, but they were selected by him. Mr Xi's rule is seen by princelings as a resumption of the norm: rule by the red aristocracy after years of caretaker administration. If Mr Xi steps down, his successor is likely to be a puppet. When he dies, the aristocracy will expect a say in designing China's next political phase.
仅仅因为习先生将他们排挤在外，就宣布太子党没有政治前途是错误的。关注他们有三个很好的理由。首先，革命家庭自共产主义统治开始以来就很重要。毛和邓都是革命时代的巨人。邓的直接接班人江泽民和胡锦涛不是，但他们是他选择的。太子党认为习的统治是恢复了常态：在多年的看守政府之后，由红色贵族统治。如果习下台，他的继任者很可能是一个傀儡。当他去世时，贵族们将期待在设计中国的下一个政治阶段时有发言权。
The second reason is that clans, unlike individual rivals, are impossible to wipe out. The princelings may have been pushed aside by Mr Xi , but their wealth gives them much potential influence.
第二个原因是，与单个竞争对手不同，氏族是不可能被消灭的。太子党可能被习先生推到一边，但他们的财富给了他们很大的潜在影响力。
仅仅因为习先生将他们排挤在外，就宣布太子党没有政治前途是错误的。关注他们有三个很好的理由。首先，革命家庭自共产主义统治开始以来就很重要。毛和邓都是革命时代的巨人。邓的直接接班人江泽民和胡锦涛不是，但他们是他选择的。太子党认为习的统治是恢复了常态：在多年的看守政府之后，由红色贵族统治。如果习下台，他的继任者很可能是一个傀儡。当他去世时，贵族们将期待在设计中国的下一个政治阶段时有发言权。
The second reason is that clans, unlike individual rivals, are impossible to wipe out. The princelings may have been pushed aside by Mr Xi , but their wealth gives them much potential influence.
第二个原因是，与单个竞争对手不同，氏族是不可能被消灭的。太子党可能被习先生推到一边，但他们的财富给了他们很大的潜在影响力。
To be sure, each new generation sees the world differently from their elders: the hongsandai, or third-generation reds, include some whose embrace of Western lifestyles would appal their ancestors. Check the Instagram account of @baobaowan. Its owner is a grand-daughter of the late Wan Li , a veteran of the revolution. "Delighted to receive the first Aston Martin DBX in China, in the very unique satin solar bronze color that I always loved," went a post in 2020. But Victor Shih of the University of California, San Diego, believes these families' views may still affect the outcome of a succession struggle. "They can play a very pivotal role," he says.
可以肯定的是，每一代新人看待世界的方式都与他们的前辈不同：红山代或第三代红人，包括一些接受西方生活方式的人，他们的祖先会感到钦佩。检查 @baobaowan 的 Instagram 帐户。它的主人是已故革命老兵万里的孙女。“很高兴收到中国的第一辆阿斯顿马丁 DBX，它采用我一直喜欢的非常独特的缎面太阳能青铜色，”2020 年的一篇帖子说。但加州大学圣地亚哥分校（University of California， San Diego）的维克多·施（Victor Shih）认为，这些家族的观点可能仍会影响继任之争的结果。“他们可以发挥非常关键的作用，”他说。
可以肯定的是，每一代新人看待世界的方式都与他们的前辈不同：红山代或第三代红人，包括一些接受西方生活方式的人，他们的祖先会感到钦佩。检查 @baobaowan 的 Instagram 帐户。它的主人是已故革命老兵万里的孙女。“很高兴收到中国的第一辆阿斯顿马丁 DBX，它采用我一直喜欢的非常独特的缎面太阳能青铜色，”2020 年的一篇帖子说。但加州大学圣地亚哥分校（University of California， San Diego）的维克多·施（Victor Shih）认为，这些家族的观点可能仍会影响继任之争的结果。“他们可以发挥非常关键的作用，”他说。
The third reason why princelings may prove important is simply their numbers. The system is "infested" with them, says Mr Shum. When succession looms, party structures will be involved in deciding the outcome. But, if the past is a guide, the new line-up will be decided by a broader swathe of the elite, with retired officials, especially those of good revolutionary genes, having a say. To protect their interests, these ex-leaders may feel safer with someone of their own blood in charge.
太子党可能被证明很重要的第三个原因就是他们的人数。该系统被它们“侵扰”，岑先生说。当继任迫在眉睫时，政党结构将参与决定结果。但是，如果以过去为鉴，那么新的阵容将由更广泛的精英决定，退休官员，尤其是那些具有良好革命基因的官员，将有发言权。为了保护他们的利益，这些前领导人可能会觉得有自己血统的人掌权更安全。
太子党可能被证明很重要的第三个原因就是他们的人数。该系统被它们“侵扰”，岑先生说。当继任迫在眉睫时，政党结构将参与决定结果。但是，如果以过去为鉴，那么新的阵容将由更广泛的精英决定，退休官员，尤其是那些具有良好革命基因的官员，将有发言权。为了保护他们的利益，这些前领导人可能会觉得有自己血统的人掌权更安全。
Indeed, that was the case in 2012, when they preferred MrXi (even if many came to resent him). China's leader has since worked hard to prevent the emergence of coalitions that might threaten his power. Officials are rotated more frequently. Efforts are made to keep them employed away from their home provinces. But clan links are harder to smash. One princeling currently towers above the others. He may not be the last of his kind.
事实上，2012年就是这种情况，当时他们更喜欢习先生（即使许多人开始憎恨他）。此后，中国领导人一直在努力防止可能威胁其权力的联盟的出现。官员们的轮换更加频繁。努力让他们在远离家乡省份的地方就业。但是氏族联系更难打破。一个太子党目前凌驾于其他王子党之上。他可能不是同类中的最后一个。
事实上，2012年就是这种情况，当时他们更喜欢习先生（即使许多人开始憎恨他）。此后，中国领导人一直在努力防止可能威胁其权力的联盟的出现。官员们的轮换更加频繁。努力让他们在远离家乡省份的地方就业。但是氏族联系更难打破。一个太子党目前凌驾于其他王子党之上。他可能不是同类中的最后一个。
CHAGUAN 茶冠
China's tin-eared approach to the world
中国对世界的谨慎态度
It wanted countries to focus on interests, not values. Careful what you wish for
它希望各国关注利益，而不是价值观。小心你的愿望
FOR CHINA's finest barbarian-handlers-an elite corps of diplomats, technocrats, trade envoys and foreign-policy scholars-this is a told-you-so moment. Such Chinese voices have spent years urging foreign governments, especially those with deep ties to America, to fuss less about democratic values and other fuzzy notions, and to focus on cold, hard national interests. Now, they argue, the times are proving them right.
对于中国最优秀的野蛮人——由外交官、技术官僚、贸易特使和外交政策学者组成的精英团队——来说，这是一个告诉你的时刻。多年来，这些中国声音一直在敦促外国政府，特别是那些与美国有深厚联系的政府，不要对民主价值观和其他模糊的观念大惊小怪，而应该专注于冷酷、艰难的国家利益。现在，他们认为，时代正在证明他们是对的。
In China's telling, America stands exposed as a hypocrite, quick to accuse China or Russia of breaking international law and abusing human rights, while supplying bombs used to kill civilians in Gaza. In Beijing it is said that Russia's invasion of Ukraine united the West, but Israel's conflict with Hamas is dividing it again. It is predicted that if Donald Trump is re-elected his allies will learn, once again, that this is a friendless world and that "America First" means what it says. In such a moment, wise foreign governments will stop pointing fingers at the flaws of other political systems or regimes, and concentrate on making their own citizens safe and prosperous. This advice is applied most particularly to relations with China. According to Chinese officials and scholars, shrewd foreign leaders should spurn American calls to join ideological blocs or defence alliances that are meant to contain China's rise. Instead, states should concentrate on striking bilateral, "win-win" deals with Chinese economic partners.
在中国的讲述中，美国暴露了一个伪君子，很快就指责中国或俄罗斯违反国际法和侵犯人权，同时提供用于杀死加沙平民的炸弹。在北京，据说俄罗斯入侵乌克兰统一了西方，但以色列与哈马斯的冲突再次分裂了西方。据预测，如果唐纳德·特朗普再次当选，他的盟友将再次了解到，这是一个没有朋友的世界，“美国优先”就是它所说的。在这样的时刻，明智的外国政府将停止指责其他政治制度或政权的缺陷，并专注于使本国公民安全和繁荣。这一建议尤其适用于与中国的关系。根据中国官员和学者的说法，精明的外国领导人应该拒绝美国加入旨在遏制中国崛起的意识形态集团或防御联盟的呼吁。相反，各国应该集中精力与中国的经济伙伴达成双边、“双赢”的协议。
在中国的讲述中，美国暴露了一个伪君子，很快就指责中国或俄罗斯违反国际法和侵犯人权，同时提供用于杀死加沙平民的炸弹。在北京，据说俄罗斯入侵乌克兰统一了西方，但以色列与哈马斯的冲突再次分裂了西方。据预测，如果唐纳德·特朗普再次当选，他的盟友将再次了解到，这是一个没有朋友的世界，“美国优先”就是它所说的。在这样的时刻，明智的外国政府将停止指责其他政治制度或政权的缺陷，并专注于使本国公民安全和繁荣。这一建议尤其适用于与中国的关系。根据中国官员和学者的说法，精明的外国领导人应该拒绝美国加入旨在遏制中国崛起的意识形态集团或防御联盟的呼吁。相反，各国应该集中精力与中国的经济伙伴达成双边、“双赢”的协议。
A mood of grim vindication suffuses many gatherings of China's foreign-policy establishment. Today, the logic of power guides international relations, it is said. There is evidence that others share that outlook, to China's benefit. A newly published poll of South-East Asian political, business and academic bigwigs, conducted by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, a think-tank in Singapore, makes gloomy reading for American diplomats. Since the poll was last taken a year ago, respondents from ASEAN countries are less confident that America is a reliable partner and more sceptical of the international rules-based order. The conflict in Gaza plays a role: it is the most-cited geopolitical concern, especially in such majority-Muslim countries as Indonesia or Malaysia. It comes ahead of "aggressive behaviour in the South China Sea" (meaning, Chinese bullying of the Philippines and other neigh- bours). When asked to choose between America and China, should the region have to pick one of those rivals,
一种严峻的平反情绪弥漫在中国外交政策建制派的许多聚会上。据说，今天，权力的逻辑指导着国际关系。有证据表明，其他国家也有同样的观点，这对中国有利。新加坡智库尤索夫·伊沙克研究所（ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute）最近公布的针对东南亚政治、商业和学术大佬的民意调查显示，美国外交官们读起来很悲观。自上一次民意调查是在一年前进行以来，来自东盟国家的受访者对美国是一个可靠的合作伙伴的信心较低，对基于规则的国际秩序持怀疑态度。加沙冲突起了一定的作用：它是被提及最多的地缘政治问题，尤其是在印度尼西亚或马来西亚等穆斯林占多数的国家。它出现在“南海的侵略行为”（即中国对菲律宾和其他邻国的欺凌）之前。当被问及在美国和中国之间做出选择时，如果该地区必须选择其中一个竞争对手
一种严峻的平反情绪弥漫在中国外交政策建制派的许多聚会上。据说，今天，权力的逻辑指导着国际关系。有证据表明，其他国家也有同样的观点，这对中国有利。新加坡智库尤索夫·伊沙克研究所（ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute）最近公布的针对东南亚政治、商业和学术大佬的民意调查显示，美国外交官们读起来很悲观。自上一次民意调查是在一年前进行以来，来自东盟国家的受访者对美国是一个可靠的合作伙伴的信心较低，对基于规则的国际秩序持怀疑态度。加沙冲突起了一定的作用：它是被提及最多的地缘政治问题，尤其是在印度尼西亚或马来西亚等穆斯林占多数的国家。它出现在“南海的侵略行为”（即中国对菲律宾和其他邻国的欺凌）之前。当被问及在美国和中国之间做出选择时，如果该地区必须选择其中一个竞争对手
In Beijing's tree-lined embassy districts, a mood of pragmatism prevails. Western governments challenge China's humanrights record at faraway UN meetings, raising concerns about repression in Xinjiang or Tibet, or the crushing of political rights in Hong Kong. But foreign envoys admit to an overwhelming focus on interests. The world is too messy for noisily confronting China over values. Then there is America's presidential contest, which a diplomat calls "the Armageddon election".
在北京绿树成荫的使馆区，实用主义的情绪盛行。西方政府在遥远的联合国会议上挑战中国的人权纪录，引发对新疆或西藏镇压或香港政治权利被压制的担忧。但外国特使承认，他们过于关注利益。世界太混乱了，不能在价值观上吵闹地与中国对抗。然后是美国的总统竞选，一位外交官称之为“世界末日选举”。
在北京绿树成荫的使馆区，实用主义的情绪盛行。西方政府在遥远的联合国会议上挑战中国的人权纪录，引发对新疆或西藏镇压或香港政治权利被压制的担忧。但外国特使承认，他们过于关注利益。世界太混乱了，不能在价值观上吵闹地与中国对抗。然后是美国的总统竞选，一位外交官称之为“世界末日选举”。
In short, China has what it all along said it wanted: a world guided by interests, not values and ideology. Alas, it is responding clumsily. In some cases, it is too cynical about the motives of others. China has a bad habit of telling countries that they are America's pawns. Chinese officials accuse the Dutch and Japanese governments of bowing to America when they control exports of semiconductors and other high-tech tools, urging them to think of their interests and shun America's "cold war bloc mentality". In truth, such allies are following an overwhelming interest: maintaining relations with their strongest security partner. China is comfortable in a might-makes-right world. But fears of such a world are pushing Japan, South Korea, Australia and other neighbours to upgrade their armed forces and alliances.
简而言之，中国拥有它一直以来所说的它想要的东西：一个由利益而不是价值观和意识形态引导的世界。唉，它的反应很笨拙。在某些情况下，它对他人的动机过于愤世嫉俗。中国有一个坏习惯，就是告诉各国他们是美国的棋子。中国官员指责荷兰和日本政府在控制半导体和其他高科技工具的出口时向美国低头，敦促他们考虑自己的利益，避免美国的“冷战集团思维”。事实上，这些盟友正在追随一个压倒性的利益：与他们最强大的安全伙伴保持关系。中国在一个强权共生的世界里感到舒适。但对这样一个世界的恐惧正在推动日本、韩国、澳大利亚和其他邻国升级其武装力量和联盟。
简而言之，中国拥有它一直以来所说的它想要的东西：一个由利益而不是价值观和意识形态引导的世界。唉，它的反应很笨拙。在某些情况下，它对他人的动机过于愤世嫉俗。中国有一个坏习惯，就是告诉各国他们是美国的棋子。中国官员指责荷兰和日本政府在控制半导体和其他高科技工具的出口时向美国低头，敦促他们考虑自己的利益，避免美国的“冷战集团思维”。事实上，这些盟友正在追随一个压倒性的利益：与他们最强大的安全伙伴保持关系。中国在一个强权共生的世界里感到舒适。但对这样一个世界的恐惧正在推动日本、韩国、澳大利亚和其他邻国升级其武装力量和联盟。
A visit to Beijing this month by France's foreign minister, Stéphane Séjourné, was revealing. China's prime minister, Li Qiang, told his visitor that "our two countries have a long history and splendid civilisations" and a shared "spirit of independence"-a coded appeal to resist America together. Only last year France's president, Emmanuel Macron, pleased China by saying that Europe should not be a "follower" of America in the event of war over Taiwan. For all that, France and other European powers have serious disputes with China, based on calculations of their national interests. Some involve geopolitics. Mr Séjourné called on China to pass "clear messages" to Russia that peace cannot be imposed on Ukraine, adding that "there will be no security for Europeans if there is no peace in accordance with international law."
法国外交部长 Stéphane Séjourné 本月对北京的访问具有启发性。中国总理李强对来访者表示，“我们两国有着悠久的历史和灿烂的文明”，有着共同的“独立精神”——共同抗美的暗号号召。就在去年，法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙（Emmanuel Macron）表示，如果台湾战争发生，欧洲不应该成为美国的“追随者”，这让中国感到高兴。尽管如此，法国和其他欧洲大国还是与中国存在着严重的争端，这是基于他们国家利益的计算。有些涉及地缘政治。塞茹内呼吁中国向俄罗斯传递“明确的信息”，即不能将和平强加于乌克兰，并补充说，“如果没有符合国际法的和平，欧洲人就没有安全。
法国外交部长 Stéphane Séjourné 本月对北京的访问具有启发性。中国总理李强对来访者表示，“我们两国有着悠久的历史和灿烂的文明”，有着共同的“独立精神”——共同抗美的暗号号召。就在去年，法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙（Emmanuel Macron）表示，如果台湾战争发生，欧洲不应该成为美国的“追随者”，这让中国感到高兴。尽管如此，法国和其他欧洲大国还是与中国存在着严重的争端，这是基于他们国家利益的计算。有些涉及地缘政治。塞茹内呼吁中国向俄罗斯传递“明确的信息”，即不能将和平强加于乌克兰，并补充说，“如果没有符合国际法的和平，欧洲人就没有安全。
Trade disagreements 贸易分歧
The sharpest rows involve economics. With domestic demand weak and the property sector slumping, China is betting on an export-led manufacturing boom. As America walls itself off, Europe fears being the last large market open to a wave of Chinese goods. Mr Séjourné told his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, that Europe's growing trade deficit with China is "not sustainable".
最尖锐的争论涉及经济。由于国内需求疲软和房地产行业低迷，中国押注于出口拉动型制造业的繁荣。随着美国将自己封闭起来，欧洲担心成为最后一个向中国商品浪潮开放的大型市场。塞茹内告诉中国外长王毅，欧洲对中国日益增长的贸易逆差是“不可持续的”。
最尖锐的争论涉及经济。由于国内需求疲软和房地产行业低迷，中国押注于出口拉动型制造业的繁荣。随着美国将自己封闭起来，欧洲担心成为最后一个向中国商品浪潮开放的大型市场。塞茹内告诉中国外长王毅，欧洲对中国日益增长的贸易逆差是“不可持续的”。
China is indignant about an EU trade probe into subsidies for electric-vehicle makers in China. In Beijing this is called a bid to blackmail Chinese firms into opening EV factories in Europe, and perhaps it is. Often, though, Chinese arguments sound dismissive or tin-eared. The official Xinhua news agency attacked the notion that Chinese overcapacity threatens other countries, calling it "basic economics that surplus products naturally seek out markets elsewhere once domestic demand is met". That ignores some basic politics: China has chosen to seek growth overseas, rather than stimulate demand at home. It yearned for interests-dominated relations with the world. Now it has them. Time to start treating foreigners' interests with more respect.
中国对欧盟对中国电动汽车制造商补贴的贸易调查感到愤慨。在北京，这被称为勒索中国公司在欧洲开设电动汽车工厂的企图，也许确实如此。不过，中国的论点往往听起来不屑一顾或耳齿不清。官方通讯社新华社抨击了中国产能过剩威胁其他国家的观点，称其为“一旦满足了国内需求，过剩产品自然会寻找其他地方的市场”。这忽略了一些基本的政治因素：中国选择寻求海外增长，而不是刺激国内需求。它渴望与世界建立利益主导的关系。现在它有了他们。是时候开始更加尊重外国人的利益了。
中国对欧盟对中国电动汽车制造商补贴的贸易调查感到愤慨。在北京，这被称为勒索中国公司在欧洲开设电动汽车工厂的企图，也许确实如此。不过，中国的论点往往听起来不屑一顾或耳齿不清。官方通讯社新华社抨击了中国产能过剩威胁其他国家的观点，称其为“一旦满足了国内需求，过剩产品自然会寻找其他地方的市场”。这忽略了一些基本的政治因素：中国选择寻求海外增长，而不是刺激国内需求。它渴望与世界建立利益主导的关系。现在它有了他们。是时候开始更加尊重外国人的利益了。
Middle East & Africa 中东和非洲
Israel's wars 以色列的战争
Stuck on all fronts 卡在各个方面
DUBAI, GAZA CITY AND JERUSALEM
Increasingly deadlocked in its conflicts in Gaza and on its northern border, Israel is ratcheting up its shadow war with Iran
迪拜、加沙城和耶路撒冷
以色列在加沙及其北部边境的冲突日益陷入僵局，正在加剧与伊朗的影子战争
IT IS NOT the first time Israel has struck Iranian targets, but it marked a serious escalation in its long shadow war with Iran. On April 1st a suspected Israeli air strike flattened a building in the Iranian embassy compound in Damascus. The blast killed seven people, including General Mohammad Reza Zahedi, a commander of the Quds Force, the expeditionary wing of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). He had served for years as the group's head of operations in Syria and Lebanon, and was close to Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hizbullah, the Lebanese Shia militia and political party. His deputy and five other IRGC officers were also killed in the blast. The general was the highest-ranking Iranian commander to be assassinated since America killed Qassem Suleimani with a drone strike in 2020.
这不是以色列第一次打击伊朗目标，但它标志着以色列与伊朗的长期影子战争的严重升级。4 月 1 日，疑似以色列的空袭将伊朗驻大马士革大使馆的一栋建筑夷为平地。爆炸造成 7 人死亡，其中包括伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队 （IRGC） 远征部队圣城旅指挥官穆罕默德·礼萨·扎赫迪 （Mohammad Reza Zahedi） 将军。他曾担任该组织在叙利亚和黎巴嫩的行动负责人多年，并与黎巴嫩什叶派民兵和政党真主党的领导人哈桑·纳斯鲁拉（Hassan Nasrallah）关系密切。他的副手和其他五名伊斯兰革命卫队官员也在爆炸中丧生。这位将军是自 2020 年美国用无人机袭击杀死卡西姆·苏莱曼尼 （Qassem Suleimani） 以来被暗杀的最高级别伊朗指挥官。
这不是以色列第一次打击伊朗目标，但它标志着以色列与伊朗的长期影子战争的严重升级。4 月 1 日，疑似以色列的空袭将伊朗驻大马士革大使馆的一栋建筑夷为平地。爆炸造成 7 人死亡，其中包括伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队 （IRGC） 远征部队圣城旅指挥官穆罕默德·礼萨·扎赫迪 （Mohammad Reza Zahedi） 将军。他曾担任该组织在叙利亚和黎巴嫩的行动负责人多年，并与黎巴嫩什叶派民兵和政党真主党的领导人哈桑·纳斯鲁拉（Hassan Nasrallah）关系密切。他的副手和其他五名伊斯兰革命卫队官员也在爆炸中丧生。这位将军是自 2020 年美国用无人机袭击杀死卡西姆·苏莱曼尼 （Qassem Suleimani） 以来被暗杀的最高级别伊朗指挥官。
Israeli officials did not publicly claim responsibility for the attack. In private, however, they left little doubt about their role. Such attacks aim to exact a price from the Iranian regime for supporting Israel's enemies. But their point is also to confront the Iranians directly, instead of allowing them to hide behind their proxies. The Israelis admit that this could provoke a vengeful response, but believe that the Iranians are risk-averse, at least when it comes to putting their own people in danger, and will back off. And as Israel looks stuck in both its war with Hamas in Gaza and its standoff with Hizbullah, it seems
以色列官员没有公开声称对这次袭击负责。然而，私下里，他们对自己的角色几乎没有怀疑。此类袭击旨在向伊朗政权索取支持以色列敌人的代价。但他们的目的也是直接对抗伊朗人，而不是让他们躲在代理人后面。以色列人承认这可能会引发报复性回应，但认为伊朗人厌恶风险，至少在将本国人民置于危险之中时是这样，并且会退缩。随着以色列似乎陷入了与加沙哈马斯的战争以及与真主党的对峙中，情况似乎发生了变化
34 The killing of aid workers in Gaza
34 加沙救援人员被杀害
35 Protests against Syria's jihadists
35 针对叙利亚圣战分子的抗议活动
36 Uganda's anti-gay law 36 乌干达的反同性恋法
36 Africa's heatwaves increasingly willing to take such risks.
36 非洲的热浪越来越愿意冒这样的风险。
Consider Gaza. The Israel Defence Forces' (IDF) recent assault on al-Shifa, the largest hospital in the strip, highlights the problems it faces in its main war. In November last year Israel encircled the hospital, claiming it was a major hub of Hamas activity. On March 17th the IDF launched another big attack on the compound in response to intelligence reports that Hamas fighters were gathering there once again. It lasted two weeks. Some of the hospital's main buildings were destroyed in the fighting. The IDF says it killed around 200 members of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a smaller militant group, and captured over 500 more. And yet its officers say they may attack al-Shifa a third time. On April 1st, when your correspondent visited the scene embedded with Israeli forces on the last day of the operation, Hamas snipers were still holding out in the ruins.
以加沙为例。以色列国防军 （IDF） 最近对加沙地带最大的医院 al-Shifa 的袭击凸显了它在主要战争中面临的问题。去年 11 月，以色列包围了这家医院，声称它是哈马斯活动的主要中心。3 月 17 日，以色列国防军对该大院发动了另一次大规模袭击，以回应哈马斯战士再次聚集在那里的情报报告。它持续了两周。医院的一些主要建筑在战斗中被毁。以色列国防军表示，他们杀死了大约 200 名哈马斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯兰圣战组织（一个较小的激进组织）的成员，并俘虏了 500 多人。但该组织的官员表示，他们可能会第三次袭击希法。4 月 1 日，当您的记者在行动的最后一天访问了驻扎在以色列军队的现场时，哈马斯狙击手仍在废墟中坚守。
以色列官员没有公开声称对这次袭击负责。然而，私下里，他们对自己的角色几乎没有怀疑。此类袭击旨在向伊朗政权索取支持以色列敌人的代价。但他们的目的也是直接对抗伊朗人，而不是让他们躲在代理人后面。以色列人承认这可能会引发报复性回应，但认为伊朗人厌恶风险，至少在将本国人民置于危险之中时是这样，并且会退缩。随着以色列似乎陷入了与加沙哈马斯的战争以及与真主党的对峙中，情况似乎发生了变化
34 The killing of aid workers in Gaza
34 加沙救援人员被杀害
35 Protests against Syria's jihadists
35 针对叙利亚圣战分子的抗议活动
36 Uganda's anti-gay law 36 乌干达的反同性恋法
36 Africa's heatwaves increasingly willing to take such risks.
36 非洲的热浪越来越愿意冒这样的风险。
Consider Gaza. The Israel Defence Forces' (IDF) recent assault on al-Shifa, the largest hospital in the strip, highlights the problems it faces in its main war. In November last year Israel encircled the hospital, claiming it was a major hub of Hamas activity. On March 17th the IDF launched another big attack on the compound in response to intelligence reports that Hamas fighters were gathering there once again. It lasted two weeks. Some of the hospital's main buildings were destroyed in the fighting. The IDF says it killed around 200 members of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a smaller militant group, and captured over 500 more. And yet its officers say they may attack al-Shifa a third time. On April 1st, when your correspondent visited the scene embedded with Israeli forces on the last day of the operation, Hamas snipers were still holding out in the ruins.
以加沙为例。以色列国防军 （IDF） 最近对加沙地带最大的医院 al-Shifa 的袭击凸显了它在主要战争中面临的问题。去年 11 月，以色列包围了这家医院，声称它是哈马斯活动的主要中心。3 月 17 日，以色列国防军对该大院发动了另一次大规模袭击，以回应哈马斯战士再次聚集在那里的情报报告。它持续了两周。医院的一些主要建筑在战斗中被毁。以色列国防军表示，他们杀死了大约 200 名哈马斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯兰圣战组织（一个较小的激进组织）的成员，并俘虏了 500 多人。但该组织的官员表示，他们可能会第三次袭击希法。4 月 1 日，当您的记者在行动的最后一天访问了驻扎在以色列军队的现场时，哈马斯狙击手仍在废墟中坚守。
Six months on, Israel has exacted terrible retribution for the October 7th massacre. Palestinian deaths (civilians and fighters) exceed 33,000 according to the Hamas-controlled health ministry. But Israel faces a power vacuum and growing anarchy in the enclave. It has destroyed much of Hamas' military and governing structure there, but the group still has plenty of members. There is no prospect of the IDF
六个月过去了，以色列对 10 月 7 日的大屠杀进行了可怕的报复。据哈马斯控制的卫生部称，巴勒斯坦人死亡人数（平民和战斗人员）超过 33,000 人。但以色列面临着权力真空和飞地日益增长的无政府状态。它摧毁了哈马斯在那里的大部分军事和治理结构，但该组织仍然有很多成员。以色列国防军的前景渺茫
六个月过去了，以色列对 10 月 7 日的大屠杀进行了可怕的报复。据哈马斯控制的卫生部称，巴勒斯坦人死亡人数（平民和战斗人员）超过 33,000 人。但以色列面临着权力真空和飞地日益增长的无政府状态。它摧毁了哈马斯在那里的大部分军事和治理结构，但该组织仍然有很多成员。以色列国防军的前景渺茫
- withdrawing from Gaza soon. It has reduced its forces there, but is also fortifying the corridor which cuts off Gaza city in the north from the rest of the strip, where most of the uprooted 2.2 m people now huddle. Within Gaza's border Israel has cleared a kilometre-wide buffer zone which occupies
of the territory. On Gaza's coast it is building a new military base.
即将从加沙撤军。它已经减少了那里的兵力，但也加强了将北部加沙市与加沙地带其他地区隔开的走廊，大多数流离失所的 2.2 米长的人现在挤在那里。在加沙边境内，以色列已经清理了占据该领土的一公里宽的缓冲区。在加沙海岸，它正在建造一个新的军事基地。
Meanwhile, it is only now starting to take any kind of responsibility for the humanitarian disaster in Gaza, which according to international aid organisations is rapidly becoming a famine. It is struggling to secure supply convoys into the war zone, mostly because its own forces fire at anything that moves in "kill zones" (areas deemed to be clear of civilians). On April 2nd an Israeli drone repeatedly bombed a small convoy from World Central Kitchen, one of the very few aid organisations with which Israel had a good working relationship, killing seven of its volunteers (see next story).
与此同时，它现在才开始对加沙的人道主义灾难承担任何责任，据国际援助组织称，加沙正在迅速演变成饥荒。它正在努力确保进入战区的补给车队，主要是因为它自己的部队向任何在“杀戮区”（被认为没有平民的区域）内移动的东西开火。4 月 2 日，一架以色列无人机多次轰炸世界中央厨房的小型车队，该组织是与以色列有良好工作关系的极少数援助组织之一，造成 7 名志愿者死亡（见下一个故事）。
与此同时，它现在才开始对加沙的人道主义灾难承担任何责任，据国际援助组织称，加沙正在迅速演变成饥荒。它正在努力确保进入战区的补给车队，主要是因为它自己的部队向任何在“杀戮区”（被认为没有平民的区域）内移动的东西开火。4 月 2 日，一架以色列无人机多次轰炸世界中央厨房的小型车队，该组织是与以色列有良好工作关系的极少数援助组织之一，造成 7 名志愿者死亡（见下一个故事）。
In private, IDF officers blame their government for a lack of strategy on all fronts. Binyamin Netanyahu, the prime minister, has refused to identify any Palestinian force that could take responsibility for Ga za's security and civilian needs, as the IDF scales down its presence.
私下里，以色列国防军军官指责他们的政府在各个方面都缺乏战略。以色列国防军（IDF）正在缩减其驻扎规模，但以色列国防军（Binyamin Netanyahu）拒绝透露任何巴勒斯坦部队可以负责加扎的安全和平民需求。
私下里，以色列国防军军官指责他们的政府在各个方面都缺乏战略。以色列国防军（IDF）正在缩减其驻扎规模，但以色列国防军（Binyamin Netanyahu）拒绝透露任何巴勒斯坦部队可以负责加扎的安全和平民需求。
Under increasing international pressure for a ceasefire, Mr Netanyahu is sticking to his promise of "total victory" in Gaza, insisting that it can only be achieved by Israel invading the last major Hamas stronghold in Rafah on the Egyptian border. But around 1.5 m Palestinian civilians are also now sheltering there and would have to be moved out first. That would take many weeks, if it is possible at all. And America, Israel's closest ally, is vehemently opposed to any such operation. With no clear strategy or timetable in Rafah or any arrangements for Gaza for the day after the war, Israel is stuck.
在要求停火的国际压力越来越大的情况下，内塔尼亚胡先生坚持他在加沙取得“全面胜利”的承诺，坚称只有以色列入侵哈马斯在埃及边境拉法的最后一个主要据点，才能实现这一目标。但大约 1.5 m 的巴勒斯坦平民现在也在那里避难，必须先搬出去。如果可能的话，这将需要很多周的时间。而美国，以色列最亲密的盟友，强烈反对任何此类行动。由于在拉法没有明确的战略或时间表，也没有在战后第二天对加沙做出任何安排，以色列陷入了困境。
在要求停火的国际压力越来越大的情况下，内塔尼亚胡先生坚持他在加沙取得“全面胜利”的承诺，坚称只有以色列入侵哈马斯在埃及边境拉法的最后一个主要据点，才能实现这一目标。但大约 1.5 m 的巴勒斯坦平民现在也在那里避难，必须先搬出去。如果可能的话，这将需要很多周的时间。而美国，以色列最亲密的盟友，强烈反对任何此类行动。由于在拉法没有明确的战略或时间表，也没有在战后第二天对加沙做出任何安排，以色列陷入了困境。
Head 220 km ( 140 miles) north and Israel looks just as deadlocked. The small neat villas of Metula, the northernmost town in Israel, seem peaceful in the spring drizzle. Look closer, however, and many show damage from fires caused by missile strikes launched by Hizbullah fighters hiding in the foothills of southern Lebanon. In normal times Metula is a popular holiday destination. Its 2,200 residents should be preparing for an influx of visitors for Passover. Instead they were all evacuated for fear of an October 7th-style attack by Hizbullah. Since then Israel and Hizbullah have exchanged rocket fire on a daily basis. The governments of Israel and Lebanon have each moved around 80,000 of their citizens away from the border because of the fear of escalation, with no idea when they will be allowed to return.
向北行驶 220 公里（140 英里），以色列看起来同样陷入僵局。以色列最北端的城镇梅图拉 （Metula） 整洁的小别墅在春雨中显得宁静祥和。然而，仔细观察，许多照片显示，躲藏在黎巴嫩南部山麓的真主党战士发射的导弹袭击造成的火灾造成的破坏。在正常情况下，梅图拉是一个受欢迎的度假胜地。它的 2,200 名居民应该为逾越节的大量游客做好准备。相反，他们都因为害怕真主党在 10 月 7 日发动的袭击而被疏散。从那时起，以色列和真主党每天都在交火。由于担心局势升级，以色列和黎巴嫩政府分别将大约 80,000 名公民从边境撤离，不知道他们何时才能被允许返回。
向北行驶 220 公里（140 英里），以色列看起来同样陷入僵局。以色列最北端的城镇梅图拉 （Metula） 整洁的小别墅在春雨中显得宁静祥和。然而，仔细观察，许多照片显示，躲藏在黎巴嫩南部山麓的真主党战士发射的导弹袭击造成的火灾造成的破坏。在正常情况下，梅图拉是一个受欢迎的度假胜地。它的 2,200 名居民应该为逾越节的大量游客做好准备。相反，他们都因为害怕真主党在 10 月 7 日发动的袭击而被疏散。从那时起，以色列和真主党每天都在交火。由于担心局势升级，以色列和黎巴嫩政府分别将大约 80,000 名公民从边境撤离，不知道他们何时才能被允许返回。
The Biden administration's effort to broker a diplomatic solution, which would include both a ceasefire and a withdrawal of Hizbullah's fighters from the border, have so far failed. "We can't allow Hizbullah to keep this up indefinitely," says an Israeli security official. "If there's no deal, the only alternative will be a pre-emptive strike," agrees David Azoulay, head of Metula's council. "Most of our residents will refuse to return home if Hizbullah isn't pushed away from the border. If only a war can achieve that, then so be it."
拜登政府试图促成外交解决方案的努力，其中包括停火和真主党的战士从边境撤离，但迄今未能成功。“我们不能允许真主党无限期地维持下去，”一名以色列安全官员说。“如果没有达成协议，唯一的选择将是先发制人的打击，”Metula 委员会主席 David Azoulay 表示同意。“如果真主党不被赶出边境，我们的大多数居民将拒绝返回家园。如果只有一场战争能够做到这一点，那就这样吧。
拜登政府试图促成外交解决方案的努力，其中包括停火和真主党的战士从边境撤离，但迄今未能成功。“我们不能允许真主党无限期地维持下去，”一名以色列安全官员说。“如果没有达成协议，唯一的选择将是先发制人的打击，”Metula 委员会主席 David Azoulay 表示同意。“如果真主党不被赶出边境，我们的大多数居民将拒绝返回家园。如果只有一场战争能够做到这一点，那就这样吧。
And so Israel, stuck in Gaza and the north, is ratcheting up its shadow war with Iran, the backer of both Hamas and Hizbullah. It thinks it has a rare opportunity to hurt Iran's proxies in the region and punish the Islamic Republic for its interference, while Iran, nervous of a broader war, is wary of any big retaliation. So far that gamble has paid off. But past performance is no guarantee of future results. If Israel pushes too far, the region could find itself in a far messier conflict.
因此，被困在加沙和北部的以色列正在加大与伊朗的影子战争的力度，伊朗是哈马斯和真主党的支持者。它认为自己有一个难得的机会来伤害伊朗在该地区的代理人，并惩罚伊斯兰共和国的干涉，而伊朗则对更广泛的战争感到紧张，对任何重大报复都持谨慎态度。到目前为止，这场赌博已经得到了回报。但过去的表现并不能保证未来的结果。如果以色列走得太远，该地区可能会发现自己陷入了一场更加混乱的冲突中。
因此，被困在加沙和北部的以色列正在加大与伊朗的影子战争的力度，伊朗是哈马斯和真主党的支持者。它认为自己有一个难得的机会来伤害伊朗在该地区的代理人，并惩罚伊斯兰共和国的干涉，而伊朗则对更广泛的战争感到紧张，对任何重大报复都持谨慎态度。到目前为止，这场赌博已经得到了回报。但过去的表现并不能保证未来的结果。如果以色列走得太远，该地区可能会发现自己陷入了一场更加混乱的冲突中。
Six months since October 7th, Israel can claim tactical gains on all three fronts-Gaza, Lebanon and Syria. It says it has killed, wounded or taken prisoner at least a third of Hamas' fighters, as well as hundreds of Hizbullah operatives and key members of the IRGC leadership. But Israel has failed to find a way out of a war on two fronts which has emptied swathes of the country. And on a third front it seems closer to escalation than resolution.
自 10 月 7 日以来的六个月里，以色列可以在所有三条战线上——加沙、黎巴嫩和叙利亚——取得战术胜利。该组织表示，它已经杀死、伤害或俘虏了至少三分之一的哈马斯战士，以及数百名真主党特工和伊斯兰革命卫队领导层的关键成员。但以色列未能在两条战线上找到摆脱战争的出路，这场战争已经清空了该国的大片土地。在第三个方面，它似乎更接近于升级而不是解决。
自 10 月 7 日以来的六个月里，以色列可以在所有三条战线上——加沙、黎巴嫩和叙利亚——取得战术胜利。该组织表示，它已经杀死、伤害或俘虏了至少三分之一的哈马斯战士，以及数百名真主党特工和伊斯兰革命卫队领导层的关键成员。但以色列未能在两条战线上找到摆脱战争的出路，这场战争已经清空了该国的大片土地。在第三个方面，它似乎更接近于升级而不是解决。
World Central Kitchen 世界中央厨房
No way to help 无能为力
dUBAI Israel's killing of aid workers will make it harder to feed desperate Gazans
dUBAI 以色列杀害援助工作者将使绝望的加沙人更难养活
THE ROAD was dangerous, but they took precautions. On April 1st a group of aid workers left a warehouse in Deir alBalah, in central Gaza. The vehicles in their three-car convoy were clearly marked with the frying-pan logo of World Central Kitchen (WCK), a charity that has worked closely with Israel. Their route along the coastal road had been cleared with the Israeli army. But the precautions did not help: an Israeli drone loitering overhead fired three missiles at the cars, one after another, killing all seven people inside.
这条路很危险，但他们采取了预防措施。4 月 1 日，一群救援人员离开了加沙中部 Deir alBalah 的一个仓库。他们三辆车的车队中的车辆清楚地标有与以色列密切合作的慈善机构世界中央厨房 （WCK） 的煎锅标志。他们沿着沿海公路的路线已被以色列军队清理干净。但预防措施并没有起到任何作用：一架在头顶徘徊的以色列无人机接连向汽车发射了三枚导弹，导致车内七人全部死亡。
这条路很危险，但他们采取了预防措施。4 月 1 日，一群救援人员离开了加沙中部 Deir alBalah 的一个仓库。他们三辆车的车队中的车辆清楚地标有与以色列密切合作的慈善机构世界中央厨房 （WCK） 的煎锅标志。他们沿着沿海公路的路线已被以色列军队清理干净。但预防措施并没有起到任何作用：一架在头顶徘徊的以色列无人机接连向汽车发射了三枚导弹，导致车内七人全部死亡。
They are thought to be the first foreign aid-workers to die in the six-month Gaza war (around 200 of their Palestinian colleagues have been killed). Beyond the human tragedy, their deaths will have bigger consequences for Israel's diplomatic standing-and for hungry Gazans.
他们被认为是第一批在为期六个月的加沙战争中丧生的外国援助工作者（大约 200 名巴勒斯坦同事已被杀害）。除了人类悲剧之外，他们的死亡还将对以色列的外交地位和饥饿的加沙人产生更大的影响。
他们被认为是第一批在为期六个月的加沙战争中丧生的外国援助工作者（大约 200 名巴勒斯坦同事已被杀害）。除了人类悲剧之外，他们的死亡还将对以色列的外交地位和饥饿的加沙人产生更大的影响。
Most of the victims come from Western countries that support Israel. All are now furious. Britain summoned the Israeli ambassador for a rare démarche, and Rishi Sunak, the prime minister, told Binyamin Netanyahu he was "appalled". The United Arab Emirates, the main funder of WCK's work in Gaza, accused "Israeli occupation forces" of "targeting" the aid workersunusually strong language from Israel's closest Arab ally. Joe Biden, who calls José Andres, the chef who founded WCK, a friend, said he was outraged by the killings. "Israel has not done enough to protect aid workers," he said. The deaths will almost certainly lead to greater domestic pressure on such governments when it comes to arms sales to Israel. Whether they lead to a shift, in a way that 33,000 Palestinian deaths have not, is less clear.
大多数受害者来自支持以色列的西方国家。现在所有人都很愤怒。英国罕见地召见了以色列大使，首相里希·苏纳克 （Rishi Sunak） 告诉本雅明·内塔尼亚胡，他感到“震惊”。WCK 在加沙工作的主要资助者阿拉伯联合酋长国指责“以色列占领军”“针对”援助人员，以色列最亲密的阿拉伯盟友发表了异常强烈的语言。乔·拜登（Joe Biden）称创立WCK的主厨何塞·安德烈斯（José Andres）为朋友，他说他对这些杀戮感到愤怒。“以色列在保护援助工作者方面做得不够，”他说。这些死亡几乎肯定会给这些政府在向以色列出售武器方面带来更大的国内压力。它们是否导致了 33,000 名巴勒斯坦人死亡所没有的转变，目前尚不清楚。
大多数受害者来自支持以色列的西方国家。现在所有人都很愤怒。英国罕见地召见了以色列大使，首相里希·苏纳克 （Rishi Sunak） 告诉本雅明·内塔尼亚胡，他感到“震惊”。WCK 在加沙工作的主要资助者阿拉伯联合酋长国指责“以色列占领军”“针对”援助人员，以色列最亲密的阿拉伯盟友发表了异常强烈的语言。乔·拜登（Joe Biden）称创立WCK的主厨何塞·安德烈斯（José Andres）为朋友，他说他对这些杀戮感到愤怒。“以色列在保护援助工作者方面做得不够，”他说。这些死亡几乎肯定会给这些政府在向以色列出售武器方面带来更大的国内压力。它们是否导致了 33,000 名巴勒斯坦人死亡所没有的转变，目前尚不清楚。
Sorry not sorry 对不起 不对
Isaac Herzog, the Israeli president, called Mr Andrés and expressed "deep sorrow". The army chief pledged a thorough investigation (though Israel has a poor track record of those). Israel's prime minister was less contrite: in a bizarre videotaped statement, a smiling Mr Netanyahu said that he was recovering well from hernia surgery and then acknowledged the "tragic event" in Gaza. "This happens in war," he said.
以色列总统艾萨克·赫尔佐格 （Isaac Herzog） 致电安德烈斯先生，表达了“深切的悲痛”。陆军总司令承诺将进行彻底调查（尽管以色列在这方面的记录不佳）。以色列总理则不那么懊悔：在一份奇怪的录像声明中，面带微笑的内塔尼亚胡先生说，他从疝气手术中恢复得很好，然后承认了加沙的“悲剧事件”。“这种情况发生在战争中，”他说。
以色列总统艾萨克·赫尔佐格 （Isaac Herzog） 致电安德烈斯先生，表达了“深切的悲痛”。陆军总司令承诺将进行彻底调查（尽管以色列在这方面的记录不佳）。以色列总理则不那么懊悔：在一份奇怪的录像声明中，面带微笑的内塔尼亚胡先生说，他从疝气手术中恢复得很好，然后承认了加沙的“悲剧事件”。“这种情况发生在战争中，”他说。
The UN says that half of Gaza's 2.2 m people face "catastrophic food insecurity" and that hundreds of thousands of people in northern Gaza are on the brink of famine. Yet Israel has tried to sideline the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the main aid distributor in Gaza.
联合国表示，加沙 2.2 m 人口中有一半面临“灾难性的粮食不安全”，加沙北部数十万人处于饥荒边缘。然而，以色列试图将加沙的主要援助分配者联合国近东救济工程处 （UNRWA） 边缘化。
联合国表示，加沙 2.2 m 人口中有一半面临“灾难性的粮食不安全”，加沙北部数十万人处于饥荒边缘。然而，以色列试图将加沙的主要援助分配者联合国近东救济工程处 （UNRWA） 边缘化。
Instead, Israel has sought to work through NGOs. It was enthusiastic about WCK. Last month it allowed the group to start shipping aid to Gaza by sea, the first time in two decades it has loosened its maritime embargo of the territory. After the drone strike, though, WCK said it was pausing its operations in Gaza and turned back ships en route from Cyprus. Other NGOs followed suit. Aid workers are willing to accept risk: that is part of the job. But the risks seem too high in Gaza. Parts of the enclave have fallen into anarchy and Israeli commanders show scant regard for protecting civilians.
相反，以色列寻求通过非政府组织开展工作。它对 WCK 充满热情。上个月，它允许该组织开始通过海运向加沙运送援助物资，这是该组织二十年来首次放宽对该地区的海上禁运。不过，在无人机袭击后，WCK 表示，它正在暂停在加沙的行动，并遣返了从塞浦路斯出发的船只。其他非政府组织也纷纷效仿。救援人员愿意接受风险：这是工作的一部分。但加沙的风险似乎太高了。飞地的一部分已经陷入无政府状态，以色列指挥官对保护平民漠不关心。
相反，以色列寻求通过非政府组织开展工作。它对 WCK 充满热情。上个月，它允许该组织开始通过海运向加沙运送援助物资，这是该组织二十年来首次放宽对该地区的海上禁运。不过，在无人机袭击后，WCK 表示，它正在暂停在加沙的行动，并遣返了从塞浦路斯出发的船只。其他非政府组织也纷纷效仿。救援人员愿意接受风险：这是工作的一部分。但加沙的风险似乎太高了。飞地的一部分已经陷入无政府状态，以色列指挥官对保护平民漠不关心。
The effort to bring enough food into Gaza has been haphazard and deadly. Pallets air-dropped by Western and Arab forces have struck and killed civilians. Hungry Gazans have attacked lorries and been crushed in stampedes at food deliveries. America is trying to build a pier to receive bigger shipments of aid, but the project is still weeks away from completion and there are big questions around who will secure the pier and deliver the supplies.
为加沙提供足够的食物的努力是随意和致命的。西方和阿拉伯军队空投的托盘击中并杀死了平民。饥饿的加沙人袭击了卡车，并在送餐时被踩踏而成。美国正试图建造一个码头以接收更多的援助物资，但该项目距离完成还有几周的时间，而且谁将保护码头并运送物资存在很大问题。
为加沙提供足够的食物的努力是随意和致命的。西方和阿拉伯军队空投的托盘击中并杀死了平民。饥饿的加沙人袭击了卡车，并在送餐时被踩踏而成。美国正试图建造一个码头以接收更多的援助物资，但该项目距离完成还有几周的时间，而且谁将保护码头并运送物资存在很大问题。
For months Mr Netanyahu has refused to order the Israeli army to distribute aid in Gaza itself. But if Israel does not want UNRWA involved, and if other groups do not feel safe, it will have no choice.
几个月来，内塔尼亚胡一直拒绝命令以色列军队在加沙本土分发援助物资。但是，如果以色列不希望近东救济工程处参与其中，如果其他团体感到不安全，它将别无选择。
几个月来，内塔尼亚胡一直拒绝命令以色列军队在加沙本土分发援助物资。但是，如果以色列不希望近东救济工程处参与其中，如果其他团体感到不安全，它将别无选择。
Syria 叙利亚
Jihadist blues 圣战蓝调
The rebels' last redoubt in the Syrian province of Idlib is in trouble
叛军在叙利亚伊德利卜省的最后堡垒陷入困境
IDLIB USED to be Syria's poorest province. But under the rule of Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, a former al-Qaeda jihadist, the north-west has become the country's fastest-growing. It sports new luxury shopping malls, fancy housing estates that survived last year's earthquake (unlike those in Turkey) and round-the-clock electricity, better than the capital, Damascus, with its perennial blackouts. Mr Jolani's fief of 3 m people has a university with 18,000 (segregated) students, two zoos, a funfair and a revamped football stadium. His jihadists are as likely to be found in cafés as plush as Dubai's as they are on Syria's front lines.
伊德利卜省曾经是叙利亚最贫穷的省份。但在前基地组织圣战分子阿布·穆罕默德·乔拉尼 （Abu Muhammad al-Jolani） 的统治下，西北部已成为该国发展最快的地区。这里有新的豪华购物中心、在去年地震中幸存下来的高档住宅区（与土耳其不同）和全天候电力供应，比常年停电的首都大马士革还要好。Jolani 先生的 3 m 人领地拥有一所大学，拥有 18,000 名（隔离）学生、两个动物园、一个游乐场和一个经过改造的足球场。他的圣战分子很可能出现在迪拜的豪华咖啡馆里，就像在叙利亚的前线一样。
伊德利卜省曾经是叙利亚最贫穷的省份。但在前基地组织圣战分子阿布·穆罕默德·乔拉尼 （Abu Muhammad al-Jolani） 的统治下，西北部已成为该国发展最快的地区。这里有新的豪华购物中心、在去年地震中幸存下来的高档住宅区（与土耳其不同）和全天候电力供应，比常年停电的首都大马士革还要好。Jolani 先生的 3 m 人领地拥有一所大学，拥有 18,000 名（隔离）学生、两个动物园、一个游乐场和一个经过改造的足球场。他的圣战分子很可能出现在迪拜的豪华咖啡馆里，就像在叙利亚的前线一样。
Since Russia diverted some of its forces to Ukraine, the war feels farther away, too. Air strikes against the rebels are fewer. Bashar al-Assad, the dictator in Damascus, still vows to reconquer the breakaway north, but his regime looks too spent to pose a serious challenge.
由于俄罗斯将其部分部队转移到乌克兰，战争也感觉更遥远。对叛军的空袭较少。大马士革的独裁者巴沙尔·阿萨德（Bashar al-Assad）仍然发誓要重新征服分裂的北方地区，但他的政权看起来已经疲惫不堪，无法构成严重挑战。
由于俄罗斯将其部分部队转移到乌克兰，战争也感觉更遥远。对叛军的空袭较少。大马士革的独裁者巴沙尔·阿萨德（Bashar al-Assad）仍然发誓要重新征服分裂的北方地区，但他的政权看起来已经疲惫不堪，无法构成严重挑战。
All that, though, could now be at risk. For over a month, hundreds and sometimes thousands of protesters have marched through Idlib's cities and towns chanting "Isqat al-folani" ("Down with Jolani"), adapting a slogan once used against the Assad regime. Thirteen years after the rebels launched Syria's "Arab spring" against the Assads, the rebels' last redoubt is facing an uprising of its own.
不过，所有这些都可能面临风险。一个多月来，成百上千的抗议者在伊德利卜的城镇游行，高呼“Isqat al-folani”（“打倒乔拉尼”），改编了曾经用来反对阿萨德政权的口号。在叛军发动叙利亚反对阿萨德的“阿拉伯之春”13年后，叛军的最后堡垒也面临着自己的起义。
不过，所有这些都可能面临风险。一个多月来，成百上千的抗议者在伊德利卜的城镇游行，高呼“Isqat al-folani”（“打倒乔拉尼”），改编了曾经用来反对阿萨德政权的口号。在叛军发动叙利亚反对阿萨德的“阿拉伯之春”13年后，叛军的最后堡垒也面临着自己的起义。
The protests' biggest cause is Mr Jolani's brutality. His prisons hold thousands of critics. Torture is rife and death in custody is common. Mr Jolani sees plots against him everywhere. Last summer he purged the ranks of his movement, Hayat Tahrir
抗议活动的最大原因是 Jolani 先生的残暴行为。他的监狱关押着成千上万的批评者。酷刑盛行，在押人员死亡很常见。Jolani 先生到处都能看到针对他的阴谋。去年夏天，他清洗了他的运动 Hayat Tahrir 的队伍
al-Sham (HTS), the Front for the Liberation of Greater Syria, arresting people he claimed were spies for America and Russia. He jailed his deputy, Abu Maria alQahtani, along with 300 henchmen. He has hobbled other jihadist movements that had moved to Idlib for refuge. When a rebel fled to a neighbouring province, he sent his thugs to grab him back.
大叙利亚解放阵线 （HTS） 逮捕了他声称是美国和俄罗斯间谍的人。他监禁了他的副手阿布·玛丽亚·卡塔尼 （Abu Maria alQahtani） 以及 300 名追随者。他阻碍了其他转移到伊德利卜避难的圣战运动。当一名叛乱分子逃到邻近省份时，他派他的暴徒把他抓了回来。
抗议活动的最大原因是 Jolani 先生的残暴行为。他的监狱关押着成千上万的批评者。酷刑盛行，在押人员死亡很常见。Jolani 先生到处都能看到针对他的阴谋。去年夏天，他清洗了他的运动 Hayat Tahrir 的队伍
al-Sham (HTS), the Front for the Liberation of Greater Syria, arresting people he claimed were spies for America and Russia. He jailed his deputy, Abu Maria alQahtani, along with 300 henchmen. He has hobbled other jihadist movements that had moved to Idlib for refuge. When a rebel fled to a neighbouring province, he sent his thugs to grab him back.
大叙利亚解放阵线 （HTS） 逮捕了他声称是美国和俄罗斯间谍的人。他监禁了他的副手阿布·玛丽亚·卡塔尼 （Abu Maria alQahtani） 以及 300 名追随者。他阻碍了其他转移到伊德利卜避难的圣战运动。当一名叛乱分子逃到邻近省份时，他派他的暴徒把他抓了回来。
High taxes and a recent economic downturn are also fuelling the unrest. Mr Jolani has cut a road through the mountains to Turkey. Uniquely in Syria, his street lamps stay on all night. Though his big infrastructure projects wow visitors, they anger those who have to pay for them. Customs officials tax goods entering from Turkey. His checkpoints fleece drivers smuggling tax-free fuel and cigarettes from elsewhere in the north. The collapse of the Turkish lira, the main currency used in the north, has sent prices spiralling.
高税收和最近的经济衰退也加剧了动荡。Jolani 先生已经开辟了一条穿过山区通往土耳其的道路。在叙利亚，他的路灯整夜亮着。尽管他的大型基础设施项目让参观者惊叹不已，但它们也激怒了那些必须为它们付费的人。海关官员对从土耳其入境的货物征税。他的检查站从北方其他地方偷运免税燃料和香烟的司机。土耳其里拉是北方使用的主要货币，其崩溃导致价格飙升。
高税收和最近的经济衰退也加剧了动荡。Jolani 先生已经开辟了一条穿过山区通往土耳其的道路。在叙利亚，他的路灯整夜亮着。尽管他的大型基础设施项目让参观者惊叹不已，但它们也激怒了那些必须为它们付费的人。海关官员对从土耳其入境的货物征税。他的检查站从北方其他地方偷运免税燃料和香烟的司机。土耳其里拉是北方使用的主要货币，其崩溃导致价格飙升。
Many complain they can no longer afford the lavish breakfasts that are customarily eaten in the fasting month of Ramadan.
许多人抱怨说，他们再也负担不起斋月斋戒月通常吃的丰盛早餐了。
许多人抱怨说，他们再也负担不起斋月斋戒月通常吃的丰盛早餐了。
Another cause is Mr Jolani's deviation from jihadist beliefs. His credentials look impeccable. He left his well-to-do life in Damascus, some 300 km to the south, to wage jihad against America in Iraq. Islamic State, the movement that set up a caliphate across a swathe of Iraq, sent him back to Syria as the emir of a jihadist force there. He captured the province of Idlib and turned it into a haven for rebels and the many ordinary Syrians displaced by Mr Assad's forces. Idlib's population tripled.
另一个原因是乔拉尼先生背离了圣战主义信仰。他的资历看起来无可挑剔。他离开了在南部约 300 公里的大马士革的富裕生活，在伊拉克发动了反对美国的圣战。伊斯兰国（Islamic State）在伊拉克大片地区建立了哈里发国，并将他送回叙利亚，担任那里圣战势力的埃米尔。他占领了伊德利卜省，将其变成了叛军和许多因阿萨德军队而流离失所的普通叙利亚人的避风港。伊德利卜的人口增加了两倍。
另一个原因是乔拉尼先生背离了圣战主义信仰。他的资历看起来无可挑剔。他离开了在南部约 300 公里的大马士革的富裕生活，在伊拉克发动了反对美国的圣战。伊斯兰国（Islamic State）在伊拉克大片地区建立了哈里发国，并将他送回叙利亚，担任那里圣战势力的埃米尔。他占领了伊德利卜省，将其变成了叛军和许多因阿萨德军队而流离失所的普通叙利亚人的避风港。伊德利卜的人口增加了两倍。
Though he is from the south, Mr Jolani has given preferential treatment to northerners. He married into an influential Idlib family and put locals in charge of security. He cut ties with al-Qaeda and made war against Islamic State. He swapped the jihadists' Afghan dress for a suit and replaced the jihadists' black-and-white flag with Syria's tricolour. Worse, say aggrieved jihadists, he has opened his prisons to allow Western intelligence agencies to question suspects and pinpointed jihadist sites for American drone attacks. Some argue that America turned him in the mid-200os when it captured and jailed him in Iraq.
虽然他来自南方，但 Jolani 先生对北方人给予了优惠待遇。他嫁入了一个有影响力的伊德利卜家族，并让当地人负责安全。他切断了与基地组织的联系，并与伊斯兰国开战。他把圣战分子的阿富汗服装换成了西装，用叙利亚的三色旗取代了圣战分子的黑白旗帜。更糟糕的是，愤怒的圣战分子说，他已经开放了自己的监狱，让西方情报机构可以审问嫌疑人，并指出圣战分子发动美国无人机袭击的地点。一些人认为，美国在 200 年代中期在伊拉克逮捕并监禁了他。
虽然他来自南方，但 Jolani 先生对北方人给予了优惠待遇。他嫁入了一个有影响力的伊德利卜家族，并让当地人负责安全。他切断了与基地组织的联系，并与伊斯兰国开战。他把圣战分子的阿富汗服装换成了西装，用叙利亚的三色旗取代了圣战分子的黑白旗帜。更糟糕的是，愤怒的圣战分子说，他已经开放了自己的监狱，让西方情报机构可以审问嫌疑人，并指出圣战分子发动美国无人机袭击的地点。一些人认为，美国在 200 年代中期在伊拉克逮捕并监禁了他。
Turkey has also grown wary of Mr Jolani. It helped him stabilise the province in order to stanch the flow of refugees. It connected his fief to Turkey's electricity grid and let building materials enter freely. But increasingly it worries about Mr Jolani's ambition. As his stature grows, he has largely dropped his claim that his is a technocratic "government of salvation", preferring bluntly direct rule.
土耳其也对乔拉尼越来越警惕。它帮助他稳定了该省，以阻止难民潮。它将他的领地与土耳其的电网连接起来，让建筑材料可以自由进入。但它越来越担心乔拉尼的雄心壮志。随着他的地位不断提高，他基本上放弃了他所说的自己是技术官僚的“救赎政府”，更喜欢直截了当的直接统治。
土耳其也对乔拉尼越来越警惕。它帮助他稳定了该省，以阻止难民潮。它将他的领地与土耳其的电网连接起来，让建筑材料可以自由进入。但它越来越担心乔拉尼的雄心壮志。随着他的地位不断提高，他基本上放弃了他所说的自己是技术官僚的“救赎政府”，更喜欢直截了当的直接统治。
He has twice tried to take over other bits of northern Syria that are under Turkey's thumb, says a foreign observer. Though rebuffed, his supporters there are still said to act as his agents, running checkpoints to collar cash. To cut him down to size, Turkey has reduced trade through its crossings into Idlib, shrinking Mr Jolani's takings.
一位外国观察家说，他曾两次试图接管叙利亚北部受土耳其控制的其他地区。尽管遭到拒绝，但据说他在当地的支持者仍然充当他的代理人，在检查站里骗取现金。为了缩小他的规模，土耳其减少了通过进入伊德利卜的口岸进行的贸易，从而减少了乔拉尼先生的收入。
一位外国观察家说，他曾两次试图接管叙利亚北部受土耳其控制的其他地区。尽管遭到拒绝，但据说他在当地的支持者仍然充当他的代理人，在检查站里骗取现金。为了缩小他的规模，土耳其减少了通过进入伊德利卜的口岸进行的贸易，从而减少了乔拉尼先生的收入。
Few observers think the latest unrest will unseat him yet. But his concessions suggest he is on the defensive. He recently appeared once again in jihadist garb to shore up his old credentials. He has put the morality police back on the streets. And he has freed hundreds of people he detained last summer, Mr Qahtani included. He recently promised local elections and more jobs for the displaced. And he warns protesters against treachery.
很少有观察家认为最近的骚乱会让他下台。但他的让步表明他处于守势。他最近再次以圣战主义的外衣出现，以巩固他的旧身份。他让道德警察重新回到了街头。他已经释放了去年夏天被拘留的数百人，其中包括卡塔尼。他最近承诺举行地方选举，并为流离失所者提供更多工作。他还警告抗议者不要背叛。
很少有观察家认为最近的骚乱会让他下台。但他的让步表明他处于守势。他最近再次以圣战主义的外衣出现，以巩固他的旧身份。他让道德警察重新回到了街头。他已经释放了去年夏天被拘留的数百人，其中包括卡塔尼。他最近承诺举行地方选举，并为流离失所者提供更多工作。他还警告抗议者不要背叛。
But something of the revolutionary spirit that sparked the Arab spring in 2011 still flows in Idlib. Many oppose one-man rule, whatever its hue. The demand for no taxation without representation excites the crowds. As a self-publicising arriviste and former student of media studies at Damascus University, he should listen.
但是，2011年引发阿拉伯之春的革命精神仍然在伊德利卜流淌。许多人反对一人统治，无论其色调如何。没有代表权就不征税的要求让人群兴奋不已。作为一个自我宣传的 arriviste 和大马士革大学媒体研究的前学生，他应该倾听。
但是，2011年引发阿拉伯之春的革命精神仍然在伊德利卜流淌。许多人反对一人统治，无论其色调如何。没有代表权就不征税的要求让人群兴奋不已。作为一个自我宣传的 arriviste 和大马士革大学媒体研究的前学生，他应该倾听。
Uganda and homosexuality 乌干达和同性恋
A cruel judgment 残酷的审判
The constitutional court upholds the country's bigoted law
宪法法院支持该国偏执的法律
THE MEN came for Kwagala at the beer joint she runs in eastern Uganda, shouting that she was teaching homosexuality to their children. They kicked and punched her. "I ran as fast as I could, thinking to myself, 'This is my day, this is how I die',' recalls Kwagala, a trans woman whose name we have changed for her safety. When the police arrived they locked her up for three days and charged her under Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Act, which became law last May. Her attackers went free; she faces life in prison if convicted.
这些人来到夸加拉在乌干达东部经营的啤酒店，大喊她在教他们的孩子同性恋。他们又踢又打她。“我尽可能快地跑，心想，'这是我的一天，我就是这样死的'，”夸加拉回忆道，她是一名跨性别女性，为了她的安全，我们更改了她的名字。当警察到达时，他们将她关了三天，并根据乌干达的《反同性恋法》对她提出指控，该法于去年 5 月成为法律。袭击她的人逍遥法外;如果被定罪，她将面临终身监禁。
这些人来到夸加拉在乌干达东部经营的啤酒店，大喊她在教他们的孩子同性恋。他们又踢又打她。“我尽可能快地跑，心想，'这是我的一天，我就是这样死的'，”夸加拉回忆道，她是一名跨性别女性，为了她的安全，我们更改了她的名字。当警察到达时，他们将她关了三天，并根据乌干达的《反同性恋法》对她提出指控，该法于去年 5 月成为法律。袭击她的人逍遥法外;如果被定罪，她将面临终身监禁。
On April 3rd the country's constitutional court upheld the core provisions of the law. Those include long prison sentences for "promoting homosexuality" and the death penalty for "aggravated homosexuality", including for anyone deemed a serial offender. The judges did strike down some sections, such as a duty to report gay people to the police. But they argued that the law reflects Uganda's history, traditions and culture, likening their reasoning to that of America's Supreme Court when it overturned abortion rights in 2022. The judges leant on "public sentiments and vague cultural-values arguments" rather than upholding human rights, says Nicholas Opiyo, lead counsel for the petitioners.
4 月 3 日，该国宪法法院维持了该法律的核心条款。其中包括因“促进同性恋”而被判处长期监禁和因“严重同性恋”而被判处死刑，包括对任何被视为连环罪犯的人。法官确实删除了一些条款，例如向警方报告同性恋者的义务。但他们认为，该法律反映了乌干达的历史、传统和文化，并将他们的推理与美国最高法院在 2022 年推翻堕胎权时的推理相提并论。请愿人的首席律师尼古拉斯·奥皮约（Nicholas Opiyo）说，法官们依靠的是“公众情绪和模糊的文化价值观论点”，而不是维护人权。
4 月 3 日，该国宪法法院维持了该法律的核心条款。其中包括因“促进同性恋”而被判处长期监禁和因“严重同性恋”而被判处死刑，包括对任何被视为连环罪犯的人。法官确实删除了一些条款，例如向警方报告同性恋者的义务。但他们认为，该法律反映了乌干达的历史、传统和文化，并将他们的推理与美国最高法院在 2022 年推翻堕胎权时的推理相提并论。请愿人的首席律师尼古拉斯·奥皮约（Nicholas Opiyo）说，法官们依靠的是“公众情绪和模糊的文化价值观论点”，而不是维护人权。
Ten years ago the same Ugandan court struck down an anti-gay law on procedural grounds. This time activists had challenged the act on both process and substance, and lost. The decision contrasts with court rulings in Botswana in 2019 and Mauritius in 2023, where judges decriminalised gay sex. It will send ripples across Africa, including in Ghana, where President Nana Akufo-Addo is under pressure to sign into law a recent anti-gay bill.
十年前，同一家乌干达法院以程序为由推翻了一项反同性恋法律。这一次，活动人士在程序和实质上都挑战了该法案，但都失败了。该决定与 2019 年博茨瓦纳和 2023 年毛里求斯的法院裁决形成鲜明对比，后者的法官将同性恋性行为合法化。它将在整个非洲掀起涟漪，包括在加纳，该国总统纳纳·阿库福-阿多（Nana Akufo-Addo）正面临压力，要求签署一项最近的反同性恋法案。
十年前，同一家乌干达法院以程序为由推翻了一项反同性恋法律。这一次，活动人士在程序和实质上都挑战了该法案，但都失败了。该决定与 2019 年博茨瓦纳和 2023 年毛里求斯的法院裁决形成鲜明对比，后者的法官将同性恋性行为合法化。它将在整个非洲掀起涟漪，包括在加纳，该国总统纳纳·阿库福-阿多（Nana Akufo-Addo）正面临压力，要求签署一项最近的反同性恋法案。
Africa's anti-gay reforms are not driven by presidents, who are wary of the diplomatic fallout, but by ambitious lawmakers and religious leaders, sometimes with friends in right-wing American groups. Although Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, makes homophobic remarks in public and has done nothing to stop the law, allies of his have privately told Western diplomats of their reservations. That could be because America has imposed visa restrictions on Ugandan officials, warned business of the reputational risks of operating in Uganda, and removed duty-free access for its exports. The World Bank has suspended new loans.
非洲的反同性恋改革不是由对外交后果持谨慎态度的总统推动的，而是由雄心勃勃的立法者和宗教领袖推动的，有时还与美国右翼团体的朋友一起推动。尽管乌干达总统约韦里·穆塞韦尼（Yoweri Museveni）在公开场合发表恐同言论，并且没有采取任何措施来阻止这项法律，但他的盟友私下告诉西方外交官他们持保留态度。这可能是因为美国对乌干达官员实施了签证限制，警告企业在乌干达经营会带来声誉风险，并取消了乌干达出口的免税准入。世界银行已暂停发放新贷款。
非洲的反同性恋改革不是由对外交后果持谨慎态度的总统推动的，而是由雄心勃勃的立法者和宗教领袖推动的，有时还与美国右翼团体的朋友一起推动。尽管乌干达总统约韦里·穆塞韦尼（Yoweri Museveni）在公开场合发表恐同言论，并且没有采取任何措施来阻止这项法律，但他的盟友私下告诉西方外交官他们持保留态度。这可能是因为美国对乌干达官员实施了签证限制，警告企业在乌干达经营会带来声誉风险，并取消了乌干达出口的免税准入。世界银行已暂停发放新贷款。
For LGBT people in Uganda, where 94% of citizens say they would not want a gay neighbour, the law has made a bad situation worse. They have been evicted, sacked, outed, threatened, assaulted, arrested and subjected to forced anal examinations. Rights groups recorded 300-plus cases of abuse in the first eight months of last year alone. Much of the hostility comes from ordinary Ugandans who have been "radicalised into hatred", says Frank Mugisha, a gay-rights activist who was a petitioner in the court case.
对于乌干达的 LGBT 人群来说，94% 的公民表示他们不希望有同性恋邻居，这项法律使糟糕的情况变得更糟。他们被驱逐、解雇、驱逐、威胁、殴打、逮捕并被迫接受肛门检查。仅在去年的前八个月，人权组织就记录了 300 多起虐待案件。大部分敌意来自普通乌干达人，他们已经“激进化为仇恨”，同性恋权利活动家弗兰克·穆吉沙（Frank Mugisha）说，他是该案的请愿者。
对于乌干达的 LGBT 人群来说，94% 的公民表示他们不希望有同性恋邻居，这项法律使糟糕的情况变得更糟。他们被驱逐、解雇、驱逐、威胁、殴打、逮捕并被迫接受肛门检查。仅在去年的前八个月，人权组织就记录了 300 多起虐待案件。大部分敌意来自普通乌干达人，他们已经“激进化为仇恨”，同性恋权利活动家弗兰克·穆吉沙（Frank Mugisha）说，他是该案的请愿者。
Kwagala just wants to live in peace. After she was charged, her father disowned her. She is barred from family funerals. Her landlord has closed her beer joint. "My whole life has changed because of this law," she says. "I've lost everything."
夸加拉只想生活在和平中。在她被指控后，她的父亲与她断绝了关系。她被禁止参加家庭葬礼。她的房东已经关闭了她的啤酒店。“因为这项法律，我的整个生活都发生了变化，”她说。“我失去了一切。”
夸加拉只想生活在和平中。在她被指控后，她的父亲与她断绝了关系。她被禁止参加家庭葬礼。她的房东已经关闭了她的啤酒店。“因为这项法律，我的整个生活都发生了变化，”她说。“我失去了一切。”
Climate change 气候变化
The shadow of the sun
太阳的影子
ADDIS ABABA
Recent heatwaves in Africa warn of the sweltering future that awaits
亚的斯亚贝巴
非洲最近的热浪警告着等待着我们的闷热未来
This February was the world's hottest ever recorded, the ninth record-breaking month in succession. Africa sweltered. Its southern cone was
今年 2 月是世界上有记录以来最热的月份，连续第九个月打破纪录。非洲闷热不堪。它的南锥
今年 2 月是世界上有记录以来最热的月份，连续第九个月打破纪录。非洲闷热不堪。它的南锥
Omar Guelleh, the president of Djibouti.
吉布提总统奥马尔·盖莱（Omar Guelleh）。
Temperatures have been boosted by El Niño, the warm phase of a semi-regular oscillation in the world's climate. But that is just an upward bump on a remorselessly rising trend. West Africa's humid heat was made ten times more likely by climate change, estimates World Weather Attribution, a network of climate modellers.
厄尔尼诺现象提高了气温，厄尔尼诺现象是世界气候中半规则振荡的温暖阶段。但这只是无情上升趋势中的一个上升趋势。气候建模网络世界天气归因（World Weather Attribution）估计，气候变化使西非潮湿高温的可能性增加了十倍。
As Africa cooks, inequality is baked in. A study in Nairobi found that it was several degrees hotter in dense slums than in the leafy surroundings of the meteorological department, where official readings are taken. It is even more stifling indoors. While the rich slumber in air-conditioned rooms, the poor toss and turn beneath tin roofs. In the South African summer, temperatures recorded inside shacks swing by
随着非洲的烹饪，不平等已经根深蒂固。内罗毕的一项研究发现，人口稠密的贫民窟比气象部门绿树成荫的环境中要热几度，那里是官方读数的来源。在室内更令人窒息。富人睡在空调房里，穷人在铁皮屋顶下辗转反侧。在南非的夏天，棚屋内记录的温度在一天中波动
随着非洲的烹饪，不平等已经根深蒂固。内罗毕的一项研究发现，人口稠密的贫民窟比气象部门绿树成荫的环境中要热几度，那里是官方读数的来源。在室内更令人窒息。富人睡在空调房里，穷人在铁皮屋顶下辗转反侧。在南非的夏天，棚屋内记录的温度在一天中波动
The workplace brings no relief. Many Africans toil outside, in jobs from farming to roadside carpentry. In Swahili, east Africa's lingua franca, informal work is known as jua kali (hot sun). The sapping effects of heat drain the equivalent of 161 labour hours from the average African worker a year, reckons the Lancet Countdown, an international group of researchers. That reduces potential earnings of formally employed workers by
工作场所不会带来任何缓解。许多非洲人在户外辛勤工作，从事从农业到路边木工的工作。在东非的通用语斯瓦希里语中，非正式工作被称为 jua kali（烈日）。国际研究小组《柳叶刀倒计时》（Lancet Countdown）估计，热量的消耗效应相当于非洲工人每年花费161个工时。这降低了正式就业工人的潜在收入
工作场所不会带来任何缓解。许多非洲人在户外辛勤工作，从事从农业到路边木工的工作。在东非的通用语斯瓦希里语中，非正式工作被称为 jua kali（烈日）。国际研究小组《柳叶刀倒计时》（Lancet Countdown）估计，热量的消耗效应相当于非洲工人每年花费161个工时。这降低了正式就业工人的潜在收入
Hot weather also threatens health. Heat exposure is associated with a higher risk of pre-term births, stillbirths and hypertension in pregnancy, among other problems, says Gloria Maimela of the University of the Witwatersrand. A study in Burkina Faso found that with each extra degree of heat mothers breastfeed for two fewer minutes a day. Health clinics in many countries are poorly ventilated and are hotter than the air outside.
炎热的天气也会威胁健康。金山大学（University of the Witwatersrand）的格洛丽亚·迈梅拉（Gloria Maimela）说，高温暴露与早产、死产和妊娠高血压等问题的风险增加有关。布基纳法索的一项研究发现，热量每增加一度，妈妈们每天的母乳喂养时间就会减少 2 分钟。许多国家的卫生诊所通风不良，比外面的空气还热。
炎热的天气也会威胁健康。金山大学（University of the Witwatersrand）的格洛丽亚·迈梅拉（Gloria Maimela）说，高温暴露与早产、死产和妊娠高血压等问题的风险增加有关。布基纳法索的一项研究发现，热量每增加一度，妈妈们每天的母乳喂养时间就会减少 2 分钟。许多国家的卫生诊所通风不良，比外面的空气还热。
Better buildings, greener cities and shadier workplaces would all make Africa cooler. "This is an emergency," says Eugenia Kargbo, the chief heat officer in Freetown, the capital of Sierra Leone. She reels off a string of measures that the city has taken, from planting a million trees to installing sunshades in outdoor markets. It is also testing out a reflective film applied to iron roofing. MEER, an American non-profit behind that idea, says the mirrors can reduce indoor temperatures by
更好的建筑、更绿色的城市和更阴暗的工作场所都会让非洲更凉爽。“这是紧急情况，”塞拉利昂首都弗里敦的首席供暖官尤金妮娅·卡格博（Eugenia Kargbo）说。她列举了该市采取的一系列措施，从种植 100 万棵树到在户外市场安装遮阳伞。它还在测试一种应用于铁屋顶的反光膜。支持这一想法的美国非营利组织 MEER 表示，镜子可以将室内温度降低
更好的建筑、更绿色的城市和更阴暗的工作场所都会让非洲更凉爽。“这是紧急情况，”塞拉利昂首都弗里敦的首席供暖官尤金妮娅·卡格博（Eugenia Kargbo）说。她列举了该市采取的一系列措施，从种植 100 万棵树到在户外市场安装遮阳伞。它还在测试一种应用于铁屋顶的反光膜。支持这一想法的美国非营利组织 MEER 表示，镜子可以将室内温度降低
On March 28th the mayor of Freetown, the president of Djibouti and other leaders took part in the first global summit on extreme heat, hosted by America's aid agency and the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. They discussed strengthening early-warning systems and drafting heat action plans. But 330 m Americans alone emit nearly six times as much carbon dioxide as all 1.2 bn sub-Saharan Africans. It is good to help other countries adapt to climate changeand to stop fuelling it.
3 月 28 日，弗里敦市长、吉布提总统和其他领导人参加了由美国援助机构和红十字会与红新月会国际联合会主办的首届全球极端高温峰会。他们讨论了加强早期预警系统和起草高温行动计划。但仅 330 米美国人排放的二氧化碳就几乎是撒哈拉以南非洲 12 亿人排放的六倍。帮助其他国家适应气候变化并停止助长气候变化是件好事。
3 月 28 日，弗里敦市长、吉布提总统和其他领导人参加了由美国援助机构和红十字会与红新月会国际联合会主办的首届全球极端高温峰会。他们讨论了加强早期预警系统和起草高温行动计划。但仅 330 米美国人排放的二氧化碳就几乎是撒哈拉以南非洲 12 亿人排放的六倍。帮助其他国家适应气候变化并停止助长气候变化是件好事。
Europe 欧洲
The new geography of Paris
巴黎的新地理
巴黎的新地理
Making a splash 引起轰动
SAINT-dENIS AND SAINT-OUEN
SAINT-dENIS 和 SAINT-OUEN
How the French hope the Olympics will help reshape the capital
法国人希望奥运会如何帮助重塑首都
ON THE SITE of a former piano factory in the northern Paris suburb of SaintDenis, a 40-storey tower is being converted into a gleaming luxury hotel with a rooftop bar. A short walk away, beside the river Seine, builders are finishing off a vast new "eco-neighbourhood" of flats, lined with saplings and lamp posts made from recycled scaffolding. These will briefly lodge 10,500 athletes during the Paris Olympic games, which take place from July 26thAugust 11th. Across the railway tracks, on land that formerly housed a gasworks, workers are completing a brand-new aquatics centre, under a gently curved timber frame of French and Finnish pine.
在巴黎北部郊区圣丹尼斯 （SaintDenis） 的一家前钢琴厂的旧址上，一座 40 层高的塔楼正在被改造成一家带有屋顶酒吧的闪闪发光的豪华酒店。不远处，在塞纳河畔，建筑商正在完成一个巨大的新“生态社区”公寓，两旁是用回收脚手架制成的树苗和灯柱。这些将在 7 月 26 日举行的巴黎奥运会期间短暂容纳 10,500 名运动员8 月 11 日。穿过铁轨，在以前是煤气厂的土地上，工人们正在法国和芬兰松木的缓缓弯曲木框架下完成一个全新的水上运动中心。
在巴黎北部郊区圣丹尼斯 （SaintDenis） 的一家前钢琴厂的旧址上，一座 40 层高的塔楼正在被改造成一家带有屋顶酒吧的闪闪发光的豪华酒店。不远处，在塞纳河畔，建筑商正在完成一个巨大的新“生态社区”公寓，两旁是用回收脚手架制成的树苗和灯柱。这些将在 7 月 26 日举行的巴黎奥运会期间短暂容纳 10,500 名运动员8 月 11 日。穿过铁轨，在以前是煤气厂的土地上，工人们正在法国和芬兰松木的缓缓弯曲木框架下完成一个全新的水上运动中心。
These developments are part of an attempt by French urban planners to use the Olympics to revive Seine-Saint-Denis, a banlieue (suburb) that hugs the north and eastern edges of Paris. During the games many sporting events will take place in the historic city centre, including beach vol- leyball under the Eiffel Tower. But some of the most prestigious, such as athletics, will be held at the Stade de France in SeineSaint-Denis. More than this, the Olympics is part of a big rethink of greater Paris, and its transport system, which could in time radically change the capital's geography.
这些开发项目是法国城市规划者试图利用奥运会来振兴塞纳-圣但尼的一部分，塞纳-圣但尼是一个环绕巴黎北部和东部边缘的郊区。奥运会期间，许多体育赛事将在历史悠久的市中心举行，包括埃菲尔铁塔下的沙滩排球。但一些最负盛名的比赛，如田径比赛，将在塞纳圣但尼的法兰西体育场举行。不仅如此，奥运会还是对大巴黎及其交通系统进行重大反思的一部分，这可能会及时从根本上改变首都的地理环境。
这些开发项目是法国城市规划者试图利用奥运会来振兴塞纳-圣但尼的一部分，塞纳-圣但尼是一个环绕巴黎北部和东部边缘的郊区。奥运会期间，许多体育赛事将在历史悠久的市中心举行，包括埃菲尔铁塔下的沙滩排球。但一些最负盛名的比赛，如田径比赛，将在塞纳圣但尼的法兰西体育场举行。不仅如此，奥运会还是对大巴黎及其交通系统进行重大反思的一部分，这可能会及时从根本上改变首都的地理环境。
As in many of Europe's old cities, the historic centre of Paris, with its tree-lined avenues and cycle lanes, is fringed by poverty, high-rise blocks and former industrial land. Paris, delineated by its forbidding pé-
与许多欧洲老城区一样，巴黎的历史中心拥有绿树成荫的大道和自行车道，周围环绕着贫困、高楼大厦和前工业用地。巴黎，以其令人生畏的 pé-
38 Turkey's strongman trounced
38 土耳其强人被击败
39 Polish-Ukrainian tensions flare
39 波兰-乌克兰紧张局势加剧
40 White-collar mafiosi 40 白领黑手党
40 Happy Finns 40 个快乐的芬兰人
41 Charlemagne: The destructive FDP riphérique, an eight-lane ring-road, is particularly cut off. In the capital's cobbled centre, urban planners enthuse about the "15-minute city", in which work, cafés and cinemas are but a short walk away. In the banlieues, it often takes longer than that just to reach the station-if there is one.
41 查理曼大帝：具有破坏性的 FDP riphérique，一条八车道的环形公路，尤其被切断。在首都的鹅卵石中心，城市规划者对“15 分钟城市”充满热情，其中工作地点、咖啡馆和电影院距离酒店仅几步之遥。在郊区，到达车站通常需要更长的时间——如果有的话。
与许多欧洲老城区一样，巴黎的历史中心拥有绿树成荫的大道和自行车道，周围环绕着贫困、高楼大厦和前工业用地。巴黎，以其令人生畏的 pé-
38 Turkey's strongman trounced
38 土耳其强人被击败
39 Polish-Ukrainian tensions flare
39 波兰-乌克兰紧张局势加剧
40 White-collar mafiosi 40 白领黑手党
40 Happy Finns 40 个快乐的芬兰人
41 Charlemagne: The destructive FDP riphérique, an eight-lane ring-road, is particularly cut off. In the capital's cobbled centre, urban planners enthuse about the "15-minute city", in which work, cafés and cinemas are but a short walk away. In the banlieues, it often takes longer than that just to reach the station-if there is one.
41 查理曼大帝：具有破坏性的 FDP riphérique，一条八车道的环形公路，尤其被切断。在首都的鹅卵石中心，城市规划者对“15 分钟城市”充满热情，其中工作地点、咖啡馆和电影院距离酒店仅几步之遥。在郊区，到达车站通常需要更长的时间——如果有的话。
Fully 1.7 m people of different tongues and faiths crowd into Seine-Saint-Denis, where tower blocks were built in the 1960 s and 1970 s partly to house industrial workers recruited in North Africa, and their families. Its poverty rate is
整整 1.7 m 不同语言和信仰的人挤进塞纳-圣但尼，那里在 1960 年代和 1970 年代建造了塔楼，部分是为了容纳在北非招募的产业工人及其家人。它的贫困率几乎
整整 1.7 m 不同语言和信仰的人挤进塞纳-圣但尼，那里在 1960 年代和 1970 年代建造了塔楼，部分是为了容纳在北非招募的产业工人及其家人。它的贫困率几乎
The various greater Paris authorities now hope that the Olympics can help turn this area's fortunes, and reputation, around. The sheer scale of investment, much of which will not be complete until the end of the decade, is eye-watering. Under a plan first hatched in 2007, tunnels are still being dug to create a giant loop of 200 km of new driverless Metro lines and 68 new stations, known as the Grand Paris Express. When finished, it will double the existing Metro network. Crucially, instead of carrying people from the banlieues only in and out of the centre, it will also link the
现在，大巴黎的各部门都希望奥运会能够帮助扭转该地区的命运和声誉。庞大的投资规模令人瞠目结舌，其中大部分要到本世纪末才能完成。根据 2007 年首次制定的计划，隧道仍在挖掘中，以形成一个由 200 公里的新无人驾驶地铁线路和 68 个新车站组成的巨型环路，被称为大巴黎快车。完成后，它将使现有的 Metro 网络翻倍。至关重要的是，它不仅将郊区的人们运入和运出市中心，还将连接
现在，大巴黎的各部门都希望奥运会能够帮助扭转该地区的命运和声誉。庞大的投资规模令人瞠目结舌，其中大部分要到本世纪末才能完成。根据 2007 年首次制定的计划，隧道仍在挖掘中，以形成一个由 200 公里的新无人驾驶地铁线路和 68 个新车站组成的巨型环路，被称为大巴黎快车。完成后，它将使现有的 Metro 网络翻倍。至关重要的是，它不仅将郊区的人们运入和运出市中心，还将连接
- outskirts to each other and the city's airports, all at a cost of some undefined bn (
).
郊区和城市的机场，所有这些都需要花费一些 undefined BN （）。
The idea, says Marie Barsacq, in charge of Olympics legacy-planning, is that the games leave behind facilities and transport, as well as creating jobs and boosting skills. Seine-Saint-Denis, which today has the fewest swimming pools per head in France, will be bequeathed not just the new aquatics centre but over a dozen new or renovated public pools. The staff needed to prepare and serve 13 m meals in the athletes' village are all being hired locally.
负责奥运会遗产规划的玛丽·巴萨克（Marie Barsacq）说，这个想法是，奥运会留下了设施和交通，同时也创造了就业机会和提高技能。塞纳-圣但尼是当今法国人均游泳池最少的地区，它不仅将遗赠新的水上运动中心，还将遗赠十几个新建或翻新的公共游泳池。在运动员村准备和提供 13 m 餐所需的工作人员都是在当地雇用的。
负责奥运会遗产规划的玛丽·巴萨克（Marie Barsacq）说，这个想法是，奥运会留下了设施和交通，同时也创造了就业机会和提高技能。塞纳-圣但尼是当今法国人均游泳池最少的地区，它不仅将遗赠新的水上运动中心，还将遗赠十几个新建或翻新的公共游泳池。在运动员村准备和提供 13 m 餐所需的工作人员都是在当地雇用的。
Karim Bouamrane, the Socialist mayor of Saint-Ouen, sees the Olympics as an accelerator for reviving the area. Projects already under way have been given a boost; sporting facilities a facelift. New transport links will make Saint-Ouen one of the bestconnected hubs in the Paris banlieue. Elon Musk's Tesla, an electric-car firm, has picked Saint-Ouen for its new French headquarters. Tony Parker, a French-American former professional basketball player, is opening a new sports academy there. "Before, when you used to come to SaintOuen it was because you had no choice," says Mr Bouamrane. "Now it's a choice."
圣旺的社会党市长卡里姆·布阿姆兰（Karim Bouamrane）将奥运会视为振兴该地区的加速器。已经在进行的项目得到了推动;体育设施焕然一新。新的交通连接将使 Saint-Ouen 成为巴黎郊区交通最便利的枢纽之一。埃隆·马斯克 （Elon Musk） 的电动汽车公司特斯拉 （Tesla） 已选择圣旺作为其新的法国总部。法裔美国前职业篮球运动员托尼·帕克 （Tony Parker） 正在那里开设一所新的体育学院。“以前，当你来到 SaintOuen 时，那是因为你别无选择”，Bouamrane 先生说。“现在这是一个选择。”
圣旺的社会党市长卡里姆·布阿姆兰（Karim Bouamrane）将奥运会视为振兴该地区的加速器。已经在进行的项目得到了推动;体育设施焕然一新。新的交通连接将使 Saint-Ouen 成为巴黎郊区交通最便利的枢纽之一。埃隆·马斯克 （Elon Musk） 的电动汽车公司特斯拉 （Tesla） 已选择圣旺作为其新的法国总部。法裔美国前职业篮球运动员托尼·帕克 （Tony Parker） 正在那里开设一所新的体育学院。“以前，当你来到 SaintOuen 时，那是因为你别无选择”，Bouamrane 先生说。“现在这是一个选择。”
The lesson from other European cities that have tried similar projects, including London's Stratford or Hamburg's HafenCity, is that better infrastructure can help revive neighbourhoods and lure private developers. But it takes time, and huge upfront public investment. Post-covid, developments that rely on office space are fragile. Extravagant vanity projects can leave a pile of debt and little else. France certainly loves its grands projets. But Paris is focusing events mostly on existing facilities, in order to avoid the fate of host cities such as Athens, where the stadiums at Hellinikon were left abandoned for years afterwards.
其他尝试过类似项目的欧洲城市，包括伦敦的斯特拉特福德（Stratford）或汉堡的港口新城（HafenCity），可以得到的教训是，更好的基础设施可以帮助振兴社区并吸引私人开发商。但这需要时间，以及大量的前期公共投资。后疫情时代，依赖办公空间的发展是脆弱的。奢侈的虚荣项目可能会留下一堆债务，而其他的就很少了。法国当然喜欢它的盛大项目。但巴黎将活动主要集中在现有设施上，以避免雅典等主办城市的命运，那里的 Hellinikon 体育场在多年后被废弃。
其他尝试过类似项目的欧洲城市，包括伦敦的斯特拉特福德（Stratford）或汉堡的港口新城（HafenCity），可以得到的教训是，更好的基础设施可以帮助振兴社区并吸引私人开发商。但这需要时间，以及大量的前期公共投资。后疫情时代，依赖办公空间的发展是脆弱的。奢侈的虚荣项目可能会留下一堆债务，而其他的就很少了。法国当然喜欢它的盛大项目。但巴黎将活动主要集中在现有设施上，以避免雅典等主办城市的命运，那里的 Hellinikon 体育场在多年后被废弃。
For places like Saint-Ouen, just beyond the ring-road, the chances of such investment paying off are probably greater than for those on the outer periphery. Yet the challenge of bridging the gulf between Paris and its banlieues is still daunting. Advanced sales of flats at the athletes' village
对于像环城公路外的 Saint-Ouen 这样的地方，这种投资获得回报的机会可能比那些位于外围的地方更大。然而，弥合巴黎与其郊区之间的鸿沟的挑战仍然令人生畏。运动员村的平底鞋提前销售
对于像环城公路外的 Saint-Ouen 这样的地方，这种投资获得回报的机会可能比那些位于外围的地方更大。然而，弥合巴黎与其郊区之间的鸿沟的挑战仍然令人生畏。运动员村的平底鞋提前销售
have been slow. Many Parisians seldom, if ever, venture to the outskirts. Locals feel their address, and the département code 93, stigmatises them. "We really struggle with the 93 ," says a woman outside a boulangerie in Saint-Ouen; "As soon as you mention 93, it's no good." Mr Bouamrane notes that "etymologically the word banlieue means the 'place of the banished'. It's the place where we don't like you."
一直很慢。许多巴黎人很少，如果有的话，冒险去郊区。当地人觉得他们的地址，而省代码 93 让他们感到羞耻。“我们真的在与 93 作斗争，”一位女士在圣旺的一家面包店外说;“只要你提到 93，那就不好了。”Bouamrane 先生指出，“从词源上讲，banlieue 这个词的意思是'被放逐的地方'。这是我们不喜欢你的地方。
Across from the nearly finished Metro station at Saint-Denis Pleyel, a teenage girl on a street bench thinks that not much will change: "There will still be drugs, alcohol, traffickers, dealers and all that." A young man hanging out with friends by the Turkish kebab shop laughs at the idea that they would use the swimming pool afterwards: "We're not children!" Yet others in his group display an unexpected optimism. "There will be a before and after for SaintDenis," declares one: "After the games, Saint-Denis will be super-beautiful."
在即将完工的圣但尼普雷耶地铁站对面，一个坐在街边长椅上的十几岁女孩认为不会有太大变化：“仍然会有毒品、酒精、人贩子、毒贩等等。一个年轻人和朋友在土耳其烤肉店闲逛，他嘲笑他们之后会使用游泳池的想法：“我们不是孩子！然而，他的团队中的其他人却表现出出乎意料的乐观。“圣丹尼斯将有前后之分，”其中一人宣称：“奥运会之后，圣但尼将变得超级美丽。
在即将完工的圣但尼普雷耶地铁站对面，一个坐在街边长椅上的十几岁女孩认为不会有太大变化：“仍然会有毒品、酒精、人贩子、毒贩等等。一个年轻人和朋友在土耳其烤肉店闲逛，他嘲笑他们之后会使用游泳池的想法：“我们不是孩子！然而，他的团队中的其他人却表现出出乎意料的乐观。“圣丹尼斯将有前后之分，”其中一人宣称：“奥运会之后，圣但尼将变得超级美丽。
Turkey 土耳其
Strongman trounced 大力士被打败
ISTANBUL 伊斯坦布尔
The opposition wins mayoral elections in Istanbul, Ankara and nationwide
反对派在伊斯坦布尔、安卡拉和全国范围内赢得市长选举
TURKEY WOKE up transformed on April 1st, after the country's main opposition party scored a spectacular upset in local elections. It won big victories in the country's largest cities, surging past the ruling Justice and Development (AK) party nationwide and handing Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the country's president, a stinging rebuke. The Republican People's Party (CHP) got
4 月 1 日，土耳其主要反对党在地方选举中大获全胜后，土耳其觉醒了。该党在该国最大的城市取得了重大胜利，在全国范围内击败了执政的正义与发展党（Justice and Development，AK），并严厉地斥责了该国总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安（Recep Tayyip Erdogan）。共和人民党 （CHP） 获得了
"What message did the people give our opponents, the government and the president?" asked Mr Imamoglu, standing on his campaign bus to celebrate the victory. "Tayyip, resign!" chanted part of the crowd. Mr Imamoglu, however, sounded more conciliatory. "There will be no booing...The era of partisanship is over."
“人民向我们的对手、政府和总统传达了什么信息？” Imamoglu 先生站在他的竞选巴士上庆祝胜利时问道。“Tayyip，辞职！”然而，伊马姆奥卢先生听起来更像是和解的。“不会有嘘声......党派之争的时代已经结束了。
4 月 1 日，土耳其主要反对党在地方选举中大获全胜后，土耳其觉醒了。该党在该国最大的城市取得了重大胜利，在全国范围内击败了执政的正义与发展党（Justice and Development，AK），并严厉地斥责了该国总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安（Recep Tayyip Erdogan）。共和人民党 （CHP） 获得了
"What message did the people give our opponents, the government and the president?" asked Mr Imamoglu, standing on his campaign bus to celebrate the victory. "Tayyip, resign!" chanted part of the crowd. Mr Imamoglu, however, sounded more conciliatory. "There will be no booing...The era of partisanship is over."
“人民向我们的对手、政府和总统传达了什么信息？” Imamoglu 先生站在他的竞选巴士上庆祝胜利时问道。“Tayyip，辞职！”然而，伊马姆奥卢先生听起来更像是和解的。“不会有嘘声......党派之争的时代已经结束了。
Mr Erdogan's job is safe. But the outcome in Istanbul was a blow to Turkey's strongman, who had been determined to win back Istanbul, which he and AK had run for a quarter of a century until Mr Imamoglu's surprise victory in 2019.
埃尔多安的工作是安全的。但伊斯坦布尔的结果对土耳其的强人是一个打击，他决心赢回伊斯坦布尔，他和 AK 已经经营了伊斯坦布尔四分之一个世纪，直到 2019 年伊马姆奥卢先生出人意料地获胜。
埃尔多安的工作是安全的。但伊斯坦布尔的结果对土耳其的强人是一个打击，他决心赢回伊斯坦布尔，他和 AK 已经经营了伊斯坦布尔四分之一个世纪，直到 2019 年伊马姆奥卢先生出人意料地获胜。
Even more striking were the results elsewhere. "Tsunami", an Imamoglu advis- er crowed on X. Only ten months after a poor showing in the general elections, when it blew a golden chance to unseat Mr Erdogan, the CHP handed AK its worst defeat in its 22-year history. The results again confounded the pollsters. Many had expected the CHP to do well in the cities. But none expected it to top
更令人震惊的是其他地方的结果。“海啸”，Imamoglu 的一位顾问对 X 吼道。在大选中表现不佳仅 10 个月后，当它错过了推翻埃尔多安先生的黄金机会时，CHP 给了 AK 22 年历史上最严重的失败。结果再次让民调机构感到困惑。许多人曾预计 CHP 会在城市中表现良好。但没有人预料到它会在全国范围内名列前茅
更令人震惊的是其他地方的结果。“海啸”，Imamoglu 的一位顾问对 X 吼道。在大选中表现不佳仅 10 个月后，当它错过了推翻埃尔多安先生的黄金机会时，CHP 给了 AK 22 年历史上最严重的失败。结果再次让民调机构感到困惑。许多人曾预计 CHP 会在城市中表现良好。但没有人预料到它会在全国范围内名列前茅
In Ankara, the country's capital and its second-biggest city, the CHP's incumbent mayor, Mansur Yavas, trounced AK's candidate by nearly 29 percentage points. In Izmir, Turkey's third city, the CHP's man won by 12 points. For the first time in decades the opposition also made major inroads in the country's conservative heartland, AK's power-base. "The electoral map of Turkey has been transformed," said Evren Balta of Ozyegin University. Mr Erdogan acknowledged that the outcome marked "a turning point" but pledged to bounce back at the general elections in 2028. "We will correct our mistakes."
在该国首都和第二大城市安卡拉，CHP 的现任市长 Mansur Yavas 以近 29 个百分点的优势击败了 AK 的候选人。在土耳其第三大城市伊兹密尔，CHP 的男子以 12 分的优势获胜。几十年来，反对派还首次在该国的保守派中心地带——AK 的权力基础——取得了重大进展。“土耳其的选举地图已经发生了变化，”奥兹金大学（Ozyegin University）的埃夫伦·巴尔塔（Evren Balta）说。埃尔多安承认，这一结果标志着“一个转折点”，但承诺将在 2028 年的大选中反弹。“我们会纠正我们的错误。”
在该国首都和第二大城市安卡拉，CHP 的现任市长 Mansur Yavas 以近 29 个百分点的优势击败了 AK 的候选人。在土耳其第三大城市伊兹密尔，CHP 的男子以 12 分的优势获胜。几十年来，反对派还首次在该国的保守派中心地带——AK 的权力基础——取得了重大进展。“土耳其的选举地图已经发生了变化，”奥兹金大学（Ozyegin University）的埃夫伦·巴尔塔（Evren Balta）说。埃尔多安承认，这一结果标志着“一个转折点”，但承诺将在 2028 年的大选中反弹。“我们会纠正我们的错误。”
Mr Imamoglu's victory was a far cry from his win in 2019, when he edged out his AK foe by a mere 20,000 votes, only for Mr Erdogan to pressure Turkey's election authority to overturn the results and order a rerun. Mr Imamoglu won again, by a bigger margin. Three years later a court banned him from politics and sentenced him to two years in prison (both penalties were stayed pending appeal), for calling the officials who stripped him of his initial victory "idiots". That case goes on.
伊马姆奥卢的胜利与他在 2019 年的胜利相去甚远，当时他仅以 20,000 票的优势击败了他的 AK 对手，只是埃尔多安向土耳其选举当局施压，要求推翻结果并下令重新竞选。Imamoglu 先生再次获胜，但优势更大。三年后，法院禁止他从政，并判处他两年监禁（两项处罚均被搁置以等待上诉），因为他称剥夺他最初胜利的官员是“白痴”。这种情况还在继续。
伊马姆奥卢的胜利与他在 2019 年的胜利相去甚远，当时他仅以 20,000 票的优势击败了他的 AK 对手，只是埃尔多安向土耳其选举当局施压，要求推翻结果并下令重新竞选。Imamoglu 先生再次获胜，但优势更大。三年后，法院禁止他从政，并判处他两年监禁（两项处罚均被搁置以等待上诉），因为他称剥夺他最初胜利的官员是“白痴”。这种情况还在继续。
Mr Imamoglu's re-election and the CHP's resurgence should reshape national politics. A victory for AK would have made it easier for Mr Erdogan to push ahead with introducing a new constitution, probably designed to give him at least another term. The scale of AK's losses in Istanbul and elsewhere means that his appetite for such changes, which would need to be put to a referendum, may be gone. "This is off the books now," says Berk Esen of Sabanci University. Mr Erdogan may have to speed up plans to find a successor as AK leader.
Imamoglu 先生的连任和 CHP 的复兴应该会重塑国家政治。AK的胜利将使埃尔多安更容易推动引入新宪法，这可能是为了至少给他连任。AK 在伊斯坦布尔和其他地方的损失规模意味着他对这种需要进行全民公决的变革的胃口可能已经消失了。“这现在已经不被记录下来了，”萨班奇大学的 Berk Esen 说。埃尔多安可能不得不加快寻找AK领导人继任者的计划。
Imamoglu 先生的连任和 CHP 的复兴应该会重塑国家政治。AK的胜利将使埃尔多安更容易推动引入新宪法，这可能是为了至少给他连任。AK 在伊斯坦布尔和其他地方的损失规模意味着他对这种需要进行全民公决的变革的胃口可能已经消失了。“这现在已经不被记录下来了，”萨班奇大学的 Berk Esen 说。埃尔多安可能不得不加快寻找AK领导人继任者的计划。
The marked improvement on the CHP's disappointing result (
与去年大选令人失望的结果 （
与去年大选令人失望的结果 （
An overhaul of the CHP's leadership also helped. Last November the party deposed its longtime leader, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, who had squandered a chance to beat Mr Erdogan in the presidential election, and replaced him with Ozgur Ozel,
对 CHP 领导层的全面改革也有帮助。去年 11 月，该党罢免了其长期领导人凯马尔·基利奇达罗格鲁 （Kemal Kilicdaroglu），后者浪费了在总统选举中击败埃尔多安的机会，取而代之的是奥兹古尔·奥泽尔 （Ozgur Ozel）。
对 CHP 领导层的全面改革也有帮助。去年 11 月，该党罢免了其长期领导人凯马尔·基利奇达罗格鲁 （Kemal Kilicdaroglu），后者浪费了在总统选举中击败埃尔多安的机会，取而代之的是奥兹古尔·奥泽尔 （Ozgur Ozel）。
The triumph of Imamoglu 伊马姆奥卢的胜利
- who is much closer to Mr Imamoglu. Another factor was a strong showing for New Welfare, a newly formed Islamist party that took votes from AK, having recently split from Mr Erdogan's governing coalition. It got
of the overall vote and won outright in two of Turkey's 81 provinces. So AK can no longer take hardline Islamist voters for granted.
他与 Imamoglu 先生更亲近。另一个因素是新成立的伊斯兰政党新福利党（New Welfare）的强劲表现，该党最近从埃尔多安的执政联盟中分裂出来，从AK手中夺走了选票。它获得了总票数，并在土耳其 81 个省中的两个省直接获胜。因此，AK 不能再将强硬的伊斯兰选民视为理所当然。
The Good party, an opposition party that once seemed on course to dominate Turkey's centre right, continued its slide. The party, which only two years ago polled in the high teens, received
曾经似乎在土耳其中右翼占据主导地位的反对党好党（The Good party）继续下滑。该党仅在两年前的民调中获得了十几张高分的选票。
曾经似乎在土耳其中右翼占据主导地位的反对党好党（The Good party）继续下滑。该党仅在两年前的民调中获得了十几张高分的选票。
Nowhere in the elections were the stakes as high as in Istanbul. Home to 16 m people, it accounts for nearly
在选举中，没有哪个地方的赌注像伊斯坦布尔一样高。它拥有 16 m 人口，几乎
在选举中，没有哪个地方的赌注像伊斯坦布尔一样高。它拥有 16 m 人口，几乎
Mr Imamoglu's chances of following the same route have now vastly improved. Already the opposition's most recognisable politician, the 52 -year-old now has a clear path to a run in the presidential election in 2028. Meanwhile, Mr Erdogan is in a pickle. "He may even have to contemplate an early election or a transition back to a parliamentary system," says Mr Esen. The last thing he wants is for Mr Imamoglu to inherit the executive presidency Mr Erdogan designed for himself, which places almost no checks on his powers. "For him, that's a nightmare scenario."
现在，Imamoglu 先生走同样路线的机会大大提高。这位 52 岁的老人已经是反对党最知名的政治家，现在有一条明确的道路可以参加 2028 年的总统选举。与此同时，埃尔多安正处于困境中。“他甚至可能不得不考虑提前选举或过渡到议会制，”埃森先生说。他最不想看到的就是让伊马姆奥卢继承埃尔多安为自己设计的行政总统职位，这个职位对他的权力几乎没有任何制约。“对他来说，这是一场噩梦。”
现在，Imamoglu 先生走同样路线的机会大大提高。这位 52 岁的老人已经是反对党最知名的政治家，现在有一条明确的道路可以参加 2028 年的总统选举。与此同时，埃尔多安正处于困境中。“他甚至可能不得不考虑提前选举或过渡到议会制，”埃森先生说。他最不想看到的就是让伊马姆奥卢继承埃尔多安为自己设计的行政总统职位，这个职位对他的权力几乎没有任何制约。“对他来说，这是一场噩梦。”
Poland and Ukraine 波兰和乌克兰
A neighbourly feud 邻里世仇
HREBENNE
Poles and Ukrainians are at loggerheads. That's good news for Vladimir Putin
波兰人和乌克兰人不和。这对弗拉基米尔·普京来说是个好消息
波兰人和乌克兰人不和。这对弗拉基米尔·普京来说是个好消息
The border demonstrations, now five months old, have economic roots. At the start of the war, when Ukraine lost access to its deep-water ports in the Black Sea, the EU temporarily exempted Ukrainian lorry drivers from a permit system that restricts movement in and out of the bloc. That upset Polish drivers, who had dominated the local freight business. Meanwhile a suspension of import duties and quotas on Ukrainian farm goods, produced by larger, more efficient outfits, posed competition to small Polish farmsteads, already pinched by EU environmental laws. A slump in world grain prices, plus politicking ahead of Polish local elections in April, heightened the tension.
边境示威活动已经持续了五个月，其根源是经济的。战争开始时，当乌克兰失去黑海深水港口的通道时，欧盟暂时免除了乌克兰卡车司机限制进出欧盟的许可证制度。这让波兰司机感到不安，他们一直在当地货运业务中占据主导地位。与此同时，由更大、更高效的工厂生产的乌克兰农产品的进口关税和配额暂停，对已经受到欧盟环境法限制的波兰小型农庄构成了竞争。世界粮食价格暴跌，加上 4 月波兰地方选举前的政治活动，加剧了紧张局势。
边境示威活动已经持续了五个月，其根源是经济的。战争开始时，当乌克兰失去黑海深水港口的通道时，欧盟暂时免除了乌克兰卡车司机限制进出欧盟的许可证制度。这让波兰司机感到不安，他们一直在当地货运业务中占据主导地位。与此同时，由更大、更高效的工厂生产的乌克兰农产品的进口关税和配额暂停，对已经受到欧盟环境法限制的波兰小型农庄构成了竞争。世界粮食价格暴跌，加上 4 月波兰地方选举前的政治活动，加剧了紧张局势。
The protests have cost Ukraine hundreds of millions of dollars in lost farm and freight business. It is worse for the drivers waiting at Hrebenne. Before the protests, they were making five trips a month; now they are lucky to make one. Strict quotas decide who gets through. At the Hrebenne crossing it is one lorry an hour, or four for perishable or humanitarian goods.
抗议活动使乌克兰损失了数亿美元的农场和货运业务。对于在 Hrebenne 等待的司机来说，情况更糟。在抗议活动之前，他们每个月要去五次;现在他们很幸运能制造出一个。严格的配额决定了谁能通过。在 Hrebenne 过境点，每小时有一辆卡车，或四辆卡车运送易腐烂或人道主义物品。
抗议活动使乌克兰损失了数亿美元的农场和货运业务。对于在 Hrebenne 等待的司机来说，情况更糟。在抗议活动之前，他们每个月要去五次;现在他们很幸运能制造出一个。严格的配额决定了谁能通过。在 Hrebenne 过境点，每小时有一辆卡车，或四辆卡车运送易腐烂或人道主义物品。
The farmers' protests are fertile ground for Russia to influence Poles with misgivings about Ukraine's potential accession to the EU, when its drivers and exporters would face no limits at all. An investigation showed that one of the protesters appeared to be connected to the Russian embassy in Warsaw. One protest banner appealed to Mr Putin to "restore order", an unlikely message in Poland but one that generated a lot of media heat. There may be links between Russia and some members of Poland's hard-right Confederation party, which played a role in the earlier protests. Andriy Cherniak, a spokesman for Ukraine's military-intelligence agency, says the Kremlin is trying to work on whatever level it can. "We see it very clearly and we follow it. We doff our hats to them, to be honest. It's impressive work."
农民的抗议是俄罗斯影响波兰人的沃土，他们对乌克兰可能加入欧盟感到担忧，因为乌克兰的司机和出口商将完全没有限制。一项调查显示，其中一名抗议者似乎与俄罗斯驻华沙大使馆有关。一条抗议横幅呼吁普京“恢复秩序”，这在波兰不太可能发出，但引起了媒体的广泛关注。俄罗斯与波兰极右翼联盟党的一些成员之间可能存在联系，该党在早期的抗议活动中发挥了作用。乌克兰军事情报机构发言人安德烈·切尔尼亚克（Andriy Cherniak）表示，克里姆林宫正在努力在它所能达到的任何层面上开展工作。“我们非常清楚地看到它，并遵循它。老实说，我们向他们脱帽致敬。这是令人印象深刻的工作。
农民的抗议是俄罗斯影响波兰人的沃土，他们对乌克兰可能加入欧盟感到担忧，因为乌克兰的司机和出口商将完全没有限制。一项调查显示，其中一名抗议者似乎与俄罗斯驻华沙大使馆有关。一条抗议横幅呼吁普京“恢复秩序”，这在波兰不太可能发出，但引起了媒体的广泛关注。俄罗斯与波兰极右翼联盟党的一些成员之间可能存在联系，该党在早期的抗议活动中发挥了作用。乌克兰军事情报机构发言人安德烈·切尔尼亚克（Andriy Cherniak）表示，克里姆林宫正在努力在它所能达到的任何层面上开展工作。“我们非常清楚地看到它，并遵循它。老实说，我们向他们脱帽致敬。这是令人印象深刻的工作。
One Ukrainian military researcher says Russia is stepping up its media-influence ambitions. The internet has provided new opportunities to penetrate public opinion at a fraction of the previous cost. The researcher says a recent Ukrainian exercise found 18,000 suspicious Facebook pages promoting fake narratives about the Polish protests-for example, exaggerating Ukrainian corruption.
一位乌克兰军事研究人员表示，俄罗斯正在加强其媒体影响力的雄心。互联网提供了渗透公众舆论的新机会，而成本只是以前的一小部分。研究人员表示，最近的乌克兰演习发现 18,000 个可疑的 Facebook 页面宣传有关波兰抗议活动的虚假叙述——例如，夸大乌克兰的腐败。
一位乌克兰军事研究人员表示，俄罗斯正在加强其媒体影响力的雄心。互联网提供了渗透公众舆论的新机会，而成本只是以前的一小部分。研究人员表示，最近的乌克兰演习发现 18,000 个可疑的 Facebook 页面宣传有关波兰抗议活动的虚假叙述——例如，夸大乌克兰的腐败。
An analysis by Antibot4Navalny, an activist group that tracks Doppelganger, the Kremlin's social-media influence network, tells a similar tale. A network of approximately 10,000 bots retweeted a fake news story about the Polish protest seen by 50,000 users. Many Doppelganger stories exaggerated tension between Ukrainians and their neighbours. The impact of these operations is less clear. Colonel Taras Dzyuba of the Ukrainian army's strategic-communications department says the Russians play a long game. "They rarely achieve results immediately, but wear down people's defences so they become willing to hear new sources of information."
追踪克里姆林宫社交媒体影响力网络 Doppelganger 的活动组织 Antibot4Navalny 的分析也讲述了类似的故事。一个由大约 10,000 个机器人组成的网络转发了一篇关于 50,000 名用户看到的关于波兰抗议活动的假新闻报道。许多 Doppelganger 的故事夸大了乌克兰人与邻国之间的紧张关系。这些操作的影响不太清楚。乌克兰军队战略通信部门的塔拉斯·久巴 （Taras Dzyuba） 上校表示，俄罗斯人玩的是一场持久战。“他们很少能立即见效，但会削弱人们的防御，使他们愿意听取新的信息来源。”
追踪克里姆林宫社交媒体影响力网络 Doppelganger 的活动组织 Antibot4Navalny 的分析也讲述了类似的故事。一个由大约 10,000 个机器人组成的网络转发了一篇关于 50,000 名用户看到的关于波兰抗议活动的假新闻报道。许多 Doppelganger 的故事夸大了乌克兰人与邻国之间的紧张关系。这些操作的影响不太清楚。乌克兰军队战略通信部门的塔拉斯·久巴 （Taras Dzyuba） 上校表示，俄罗斯人玩的是一场持久战。“他们很少能立即见效，但会削弱人们的防御，使他们愿意听取新的信息来源。”
Intense negotiations at the EU level offer hope of resolving the border problem. Krzysztof Paszczyk, parliamentary leader of the Polish People's Party, part of the governing coalition, says Ukraine and Poland are close to a compromise on agricultural imports that would appease the farmers and let the EU reach an agreement to extend duty-free trade with Ukraine.
欧盟层面的激烈谈判为解决边境问题带来了希望。执政联盟成员波兰人民党（Polish People's Party）议会领袖克日什托夫·帕什奇克（Krzysztof Paszczyk）表示，乌克兰和波兰即将就农产品进口达成妥协，这将安抚农民，并让欧盟达成协议，扩大与乌克兰的免税贸易。
欧盟层面的激烈谈判为解决边境问题带来了希望。执政联盟成员波兰人民党（Polish People's Party）议会领袖克日什托夫·帕什奇克（Krzysztof Paszczyk）表示，乌克兰和波兰即将就农产品进口达成妥协，这将安抚农民，并让欧盟达成协议，扩大与乌克兰的免税贸易。
In any event, the protest has damaged the countries' relations. At the start of the war Poland and Ukraine were united as blood brothers against a common enemy. The Poles took in refugees and slipped MIG fighter jets over the border, disguising them as spare parts. Now many Poles see Ukraine as a corrupt or even dangerous competitor. Many Ukrainians see Poles as impeding their survival. Confusion and distrust reign. And even if the idea that Russia has had a hand is exaggerated, it has poisoned the well further.
无论如何，抗议活动损害了两国的关系。战争开始时，波兰和乌克兰像血亲兄弟一样团结起来，共同对抗一个共同的敌人。波兰人接收难民，将米格战斗机偷偷越过边境，将它们伪装成备件。现在，许多波兰人将乌克兰视为腐败甚至危险的竞争对手。许多乌克兰人认为波兰人阻碍了他们的生存。混乱和不信任占据主导地位。即使俄罗斯有手的说法被夸大了，它也进一步毒害了这口井。
无论如何，抗议活动损害了两国的关系。战争开始时，波兰和乌克兰像血亲兄弟一样团结起来，共同对抗一个共同的敌人。波兰人接收难民，将米格战斗机偷偷越过边境，将它们伪装成备件。现在，许多波兰人将乌克兰视为腐败甚至危险的竞争对手。许多乌克兰人认为波兰人阻碍了他们的生存。混乱和不信任占据主导地位。即使俄罗斯有手的说法被夸大了，它也进一步毒害了这口井。
Organised crime in Italy 意大利的有组织犯罪
The white-collar mafiosi of Naples
那不勒斯的白领黑手党
IT IS COLD enough for the waitress serving in the lane outside to be clad in a puffer jacket. Yet the diners, tourists hardened by northern winters, seem untroubled as they savour their meals. An unexceptional scene. Except that it is past 10pm and the restaurant is in the Quartieri Spagnoli, a gridiron of alleyways in the heart of Naples that, until recently, outsiders entered at their peril. Pickpocketing, mugging and bag-snatching were all common-licensed and exploited by a clan of the Camorra, the Neapolitan mafia.
天气很冷，外面小巷里的女服务员都穿着羽绒服。然而，这些食客们，被北方的冬天磨练了，在品尝他们的饭菜时似乎并不感到困扰。一个平淡无奇的场景。除了晚上 10 点多，餐厅位于 Quartieri Spagnoli，这是那不勒斯市中心的一条铁栅栏小巷，直到最近，外人进入这里都会冒着危险。扒窃、抢劫和抢包都是通用许可，并被那不勒斯黑手党卡莫拉的一个氏族所利用。
天气很冷，外面小巷里的女服务员都穿着羽绒服。然而，这些食客们，被北方的冬天磨练了，在品尝他们的饭菜时似乎并不感到困扰。一个平淡无奇的场景。除了晚上 10 点多，餐厅位于 Quartieri Spagnoli，这是那不勒斯市中心的一条铁栅栏小巷，直到最近，外人进入这里都会冒着危险。扒窃、抢劫和抢包都是通用许可，并被那不勒斯黑手党卡莫拉的一个氏族所利用。
The opening of the Quartieri and other traditionally crime-ridden districts is symptomatic of profound changes in the criminal landscape of the city and its surrounding province. In 2023 there were ten gangland killings, compared with 34 in the 12 months to mid-2013. Attempted murders ascribed to the Camorra fell over the same period from 17 to just four.
Quartieri 和其他传统上犯罪猖獗的地区的开放是该市及其周边省份犯罪格局发生深刻变化的征兆。2023 年发生了 10 起黑帮杀人事件，而截至 2013 年中期的 12 个月里发生了 34 起。同期，归因于卡莫拉的谋杀未遂案件从 17 起下降到只有 4 起。
Quartieri 和其他传统上犯罪猖獗的地区的开放是该市及其周边省份犯罪格局发生深刻变化的征兆。2023 年发生了 10 起黑帮杀人事件，而截至 2013 年中期的 12 个月里发生了 34 起。同期，归因于卡莫拉的谋杀未遂案件从 17 起下降到只有 4 起。
In part, this is due to police success. Most of the older bosses have been put away. And on March 29th it emerged that one of the most powerful, Francesco Schiavone, aka Sandokan, who led the clan that inspired Roberto Saviano's best-seller "Gomorrah", had turned state's evidence.
部分原因是警方的成功。大多数较旧的 Boss 都已被收起。3 月 29 日，最有权势的家族之一弗朗切斯科·斯基亚沃内（Francesco Schiavone），又名桑多坎 （Sandokan），他领导的家族激发了罗伯托·萨维亚诺 （Roberto Saviano） 的畅销书《蛾摩拉》（Gomorrah），他已经翻阅了国家的证据。
部分原因是警方的成功。大多数较旧的 Boss 都已被收起。3 月 29 日，最有权势的家族之一弗朗切斯科·斯基亚沃内（Francesco Schiavone），又名桑多坎 （Sandokan），他领导的家族激发了罗伯托·萨维亚诺 （Roberto Saviano） 的畅销书《蛾摩拉》（Gomorrah），他已经翻阅了国家的证据。
Still, according to the inter-force police detachment that targets organised crime nationally, Naples, along with nearby Caserta, still has the country's highest density of mafia penetration. Rosa Volpe, the chief district anti-mafia prosecutor, warns against reading too much into those figures. "Organised crime in Naples has not diminished," she says. "It has evolved."
尽管如此，根据在全国范围内打击有组织犯罪的警察分队的说法，那不勒斯和附近的卡塞塔仍然是该国黑手党渗透密度最高的地区。地区反黑手党首席检察官罗莎·沃尔佩 （Rosa Volpe） 警告说，不要过度解读这些数字。“那不勒斯的有组织犯罪并没有减少，”她说。“它已经进化了。”
尽管如此，根据在全国范围内打击有组织犯罪的警察分队的说法，那不勒斯和附近的卡塞塔仍然是该国黑手党渗透密度最高的地区。地区反黑手党首席检察官罗莎·沃尔佩 （Rosa Volpe） 警告说，不要过度解读这些数字。“那不勒斯的有组织犯罪并没有减少，”她说。“它已经进化了。”
According to police intelligence, there are 46 clans in the city itself and another 24 in the surrounding province. Some have made vast profits, notably from importing and selling cocaine. The most credible estimate of the Camorra's annual turnover dates from 2014 when it was put at around undefined bn (
根据警方情报，该市本身有 46 个氏族，周边省份还有 24 个氏族。有些人赚取了巨额利润，特别是通过进口和销售可卡因。对 Camorra 年营业额最可信的估计可以追溯到 2014 年，当时约为 undefined bn （
根据警方情报，该市本身有 46 个氏族，周边省份还有 24 个氏族。有些人赚取了巨额利润，特别是通过进口和销售可卡因。对 Camorra 年营业额最可信的估计可以追溯到 2014 年，当时约为 undefined bn （
Ms Volpe divides the Camorra's affiliates into three overlapping categories. Those who belong to groups still controlling defined areas of the city make their money from extortion, drug peddling and other criminal activities. But they have
Volpe 女士将 Camorra 的附属公司分为三个重叠的类别。那些属于仍然控制着城市特定区域的团体的人通过敲诈勒索、贩毒和其他犯罪活动赚钱。但他们已经
Happy Finns 快乐的芬兰人
Volpe 女士将 Camorra 的附属公司分为三个重叠的类别。那些属于仍然控制着城市特定区域的团体的人通过敲诈勒索、贩毒和其他犯罪活动赚钱。但他们已经
Happy Finns 快乐的芬兰人
Magic of the North 北方的魔力
FOR THE seventh year running Finland has just been declared the world's happiest country by the World Happiness Report, launched in 2012 to promote the sustainable development goals of the United Nations (UN). Those surveyed were asked to evaluate their lives on a scale of one to ten, with ten the highest. While Scandinavian countries as usual occupied the top spots, both America (see Lexington) and Germany fell out of the top 20 . War- and revolution-racked Afghanistan held the bottom spot in the ranking of 143 countries, with a score of only 1.7 compared with Finland's 7.7 and Denmark's 7.6 .
2012 年发布的《世界幸福报告》刚刚连续第七年将芬兰评为世界上最幸福的国家，该报告旨在促进联合国 （UN） 的可持续发展目标。受访者被要求以 1 到 10 的等级评估他们的生活，其中 10 分是最高的。虽然斯堪的纳维亚国家一如既往地占据了榜首，但美国（见列克星敦）和德国都跌出了前 20 名。饱受战争和革命蹂躏的阿富汗在 143 个国家的排名中垫底，得分仅为 1.7，而芬兰为 7.7 分，丹麦为 7.6 分。
2012 年发布的《世界幸福报告》刚刚连续第七年将芬兰评为世界上最幸福的国家，该报告旨在促进联合国 （UN） 的可持续发展目标。受访者被要求以 1 到 10 的等级评估他们的生活，其中 10 分是最高的。虽然斯堪的纳维亚国家一如既往地占据了榜首，但美国（见列克星敦）和德国都跌出了前 20 名。饱受战争和革命蹂躏的阿富汗在 143 个国家的排名中垫底，得分仅为 1.7，而芬兰为 7.7 分，丹麦为 7.6 分。
Gender equality, trust in national
性别平等，对国家的信任
性别平等，对国家的信任
Don't worry, be happy institutions and fellow citizens, and low corruption are all important factors in Finns' happiness, says Kai Sauer, Finland's ambassador to Germany. In 1906 Finland became the first country in the world to give women both the full right to vote and to run in parliamentary elections. When last year a reporter for Reader's Digest, a magazine, pretended to lose 12 wallets with cash and contact details in 16 cities around the world to test citizens' honesty, Helsinki, the Finnish capital, turned out to be the most honest of the lot; 11 of the 12 wallets were returned. And according to the latest annual index by Transparency International, a Berlin-based organisation, Finland is the second-least-corrupt country in the world-after Denmark.
别担心，做一个快乐的机构和同胞，低廉洁度都是芬兰人幸福的重要因素，芬兰驻德国大使凯·绍尔（Kai Sauer）说。1906 年，芬兰成为世界上第一个赋予妇女充分的选举权和参加议会选举权的国家。去年，当杂志《读者文摘》（Reader's Digest）的一名记者假装在全球16个城市丢失了12个装有现金和联系方式的钱包，以测试公民的诚实度时，芬兰首都赫尔辛基竟然是最诚实的;12 个钱包中有 11 个被退回。根据总部位于柏林的组织透明国际（Transparency International）的最新年度指数，芬兰是世界上腐败程度第二低的国家，仅次于丹麦。
别担心，做一个快乐的机构和同胞，低廉洁度都是芬兰人幸福的重要因素，芬兰驻德国大使凯·绍尔（Kai Sauer）说。1906 年，芬兰成为世界上第一个赋予妇女充分的选举权和参加议会选举权的国家。去年，当杂志《读者文摘》（Reader's Digest）的一名记者假装在全球16个城市丢失了12个装有现金和联系方式的钱包，以测试公民的诚实度时，芬兰首都赫尔辛基竟然是最诚实的;12 个钱包中有 11 个被退回。根据总部位于柏林的组织透明国际（Transparency International）的最新年度指数，芬兰是世界上腐败程度第二低的国家，仅次于丹麦。
Excellent free education, universal health care and family-friendly policies play an important role in making Finns content with their lives. Finland's education system ranks eighth among the world's best educated countries according to the UN World Population Review. Health services are not free, but they are affordable.
出色的免费教育、全民医疗保健和家庭友好政策在让芬兰人对自己的生活感到满意方面发挥着重要作用。根据联合国世界人口评估，芬兰的教育系统在世界上受教育程度最高的国家中排名第八。医疗服务不是免费的，但价格低廉。
出色的免费教育、全民医疗保健和家庭友好政策在让芬兰人对自己的生活感到满意方面发挥着重要作用。根据联合国世界人口评估，芬兰的教育系统在世界上受教育程度最高的国家中排名第八。医疗服务不是免费的，但价格低廉。
Yet some argue that the real reason is that the Finns sweat out their negative thoughts. Finland has roughly 3.5 m saunas, more than one per two Finns. All government buildings have saunas. An exhibition in Berlin called Die Sauna. Echt heiss. Echt finnisch. sponsored by the Finnish embassy, is celebrating sauna culture with photos, videos and, you guessed it, a sauna. It's a huge hit. All its remaining sessions are booked out.
然而，一些人认为，真正的原因是芬兰人把他们的消极想法汗流浃背。芬兰大约有 3.5 米长的桑拿房，每两个芬兰人中就有一座以上。所有政府大楼均设有桑拿浴室。柏林的一场名为 Die Sauna 的展览。Echt heiss.Echt finnisch.由芬兰大使馆赞助，通过照片、视频和桑拿来庆祝桑拿文化，您猜对了。这是一个巨大的成功。其所有剩余会话均已预订一空。
you buy a hotel and it's seized, you lose everything," he says. "If you buy ten bars and two are seized, you still have eight." That also helps explain the remarkable changes in central Naples: street crime is bad for business, and business is increasingly where Camorristi are to be found, though Ms Volpe cautions that many remain active in drug trafficking.
你买了一家酒店，它被没收了，你失去了一切，“他说。“如果你买了 10 根金条，其中 2 根被没收，你还有 8 根。”这也有助于解释那不勒斯市中心的显著变化：街头犯罪对商业不利，商业越来越多地成为卡莫里斯蒂的栖息地，尽管沃尔佩女士警告说，许多人仍然活跃于毒品贩运中。
然而，一些人认为，真正的原因是芬兰人把他们的消极想法汗流浃背。芬兰大约有 3.5 米长的桑拿房，每两个芬兰人中就有一座以上。所有政府大楼均设有桑拿浴室。柏林的一场名为 Die Sauna 的展览。Echt heiss.Echt finnisch.由芬兰大使馆赞助，通过照片、视频和桑拿来庆祝桑拿文化，您猜对了。这是一个巨大的成功。其所有剩余会话均已预订一空。
you buy a hotel and it's seized, you lose everything," he says. "If you buy ten bars and two are seized, you still have eight." That also helps explain the remarkable changes in central Naples: street crime is bad for business, and business is increasingly where Camorristi are to be found, though Ms Volpe cautions that many remain active in drug trafficking.
你买了一家酒店，它被没收了，你失去了一切，“他说。“如果你买了 10 根金条，其中 2 根被没收，你还有 8 根。”这也有助于解释那不勒斯市中心的显著变化：街头犯罪对商业不利，商业越来越多地成为卡莫里斯蒂的栖息地，尽管沃尔佩女士警告说，许多人仍然活跃于毒品贩运中。
Those with personal experience of the Camorra's world argue that mobsters laundering their wealth have a vested interest in doing businesses legally. That might sound like good news, after a fashion. Ms Volpe is unconvinced. "The risk is that of the pollution of the city's legitimate business system," she says. been gradually curtailed over the past 20 years by the jailing of many of their long standing bosses. Second are "baby gangs"; young street criminals, in many cases sons of imprisoned Camorristi whose territory they are charged with securing. The third group consists of those who have so far escaped arrest and whose focus is on investing and laundering the profits from drug trafficking. Many are no longer in Italy.
那些对卡莫拉世界有亲身经历的人认为，洗钱的黑帮分子在合法做生意方面有既得利益。这听起来像是个好消息，毕竟是时尚。沃尔佩女士并不相信。“风险在于该市合法商业系统的污染，”她说。在过去的 20 年里，由于许多长期任职的老板被监禁，这种情况逐渐减少。其次是“婴儿帮派”;年轻的街头罪犯，在许多情况下是被监禁的卡莫里斯蒂的儿子，他们被指控保护他们的领土。第三组由那些迄今为止逃脱逮捕的人组成，他们的重点是投资和洗钱从毒品贩运中获得的利润。许多人已经不在意大利了。
那些对卡莫拉世界有亲身经历的人认为，洗钱的黑帮分子在合法做生意方面有既得利益。这听起来像是个好消息，毕竟是时尚。沃尔佩女士并不相信。“风险在于该市合法商业系统的污染，”她说。在过去的 20 年里，由于许多长期任职的老板被监禁，这种情况逐渐减少。其次是“婴儿帮派”;年轻的街头罪犯，在许多情况下是被监禁的卡莫里斯蒂的儿子，他们被指控保护他们的领土。第三组由那些迄今为止逃脱逮捕的人组成，他们的重点是投资和洗钱从毒品贩运中获得的利润。许多人已经不在意大利了。
A special team has been set up to detect large-scale money laundering. But according to a businessman with family ties to the Camorra, much of the investment has been in small businesses-bars, restaurants and apartments suitable for short-term tourist letting-that offer risk diversification. "If
已成立一个特别小组来侦查大规模洗钱活动。但据一位与卡莫拉家族有家族关系的商人称，大部分投资都集中在适合短期旅游出租的小企业——酒吧、餐馆和公寓——这些企业提供了风险分散。“如果
已成立一个特别小组来侦查大规模洗钱活动。但据一位与卡莫拉家族有家族关系的商人称，大部分投资都集中在适合短期旅游出租的小企业——酒吧、餐馆和公寓——这些企业提供了风险分散。“如果
