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American Anti-Slavery Society, Declaration of Sentiments
美国反奴隶制协会,情感宣言

A. How might the shifting demographics of slavery in the United States have contributed to the regional tensions and the escalating rhetoric on the issue? Looking at the prints from the period, what can we conclude about the treatment of southern slaves? How do the various authors view the slave experience; how do they view enslaved individuals? What reasons do they offer for ending or supporting slavery?
A. 美国奴隶制的人口变化如何可能导致地区紧张局势和对这一问题日益升级的言辞?通过观察那个时期的印刷品,我们可以得出关于南方奴隶待遇的什么结论?各位作者如何看待奴隶的经历;他们如何看待被奴役的个体?他们提供了什么理由来结束或支持奴隶制?
B. How are the arguments about slavery in this chapter like or unlike those about wage slavery and slavery?
B. 本章关于奴隶制的论点与关于工资奴隶制和奴隶制的论点有什么相似之处或不同之处?
C. How true does President Abraham Lincoln’s remark that both Northerners and Southerners prayed to the same God and read the same Bible appear in light of the very different interpretations of the Bible on the question of slavery, as evidenced here? In what ways are the arguments about eugenics in the twentieth century reminiscent of the arguments in favor of slavery? How might either set of arguments be evaluated in light of the Declaration of Independence? In what ways do the arguments for and against containment of the Soviet Union recall earlier arguments for and against the containment of slavery hinted at by the documents here? How might we evaluate the discussion of African American Civil Rights in the twentieth century light of the texts in this chapter: how have attitudes from the earlier time period remained in force? How have they changed?
C. 亚伯拉罕·林肯总统关于北方人和南方人都向同一个上帝祈祷并阅读同一本圣经的言论,在关于奴隶制的非常不同的圣经解释的背景下,显得多么真实?二十世纪关于优生学的论点在某种程度上与支持奴隶制的论点有何相似之处?在独立宣言的背景下,如何评估这两组论点?关于遏制苏联的论点与这里文件中暗示的早期关于奴隶制遏制的论点有何相似之处?我们如何评估二十世纪非裔美国人公民权利的讨论,结合本章的文本:早期时期的态度如何持续存在?它们又是如何变化的?

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Introduction 介绍

By 1830, slavery had become very much a regional, as opposed to a national institution (see Number of Slaves in the Territory Enumerated, 1790 to 1850). The New England and Middle States had, through a combination of gradual abolition and immediate emancipation measures, dramatically decreased the number of slaves in their territories, while the Southern states had increased their reliance upon slave labor in the production of various cash crops, chief among them “King Cotton.” Nevertheless, there were individuals in both sections of the country who recognized the need for continued prudential reform. In December 1833, dozens of Northern activists met in Philadelphia to found the American Anti-Slavery Society. Although the group called for the immediate and uncompensated emancipation of all enslaved persons, they also denounced the use of violent resistance – an important concession to Southern slaveholders fearful of additional armed uprisings like Nat Turner’s Rebellion (1831). Southern activist Angelina Grimke addressed similar fears in her Appeal to the Christian Women of the South. Grimke urged Southern women to speak out against slavery as an unjust and oppressive system, but also counseled them to encourage patience and submission on the part of their slaves until freedom was obtained.
到 1830 年,奴隶制已成为一种区域性制度,而非国家制度(见1790 年至 1850 年领土内奴隶人数统计)。新英格兰和中部各州通过逐步废除和立即解放的措施,显著减少了其领土内的奴隶人数,而南方各州则在各种经济作物的生产中更加依赖奴隶劳动,其中以“棉花之王”最为重要。然而,国家两个地区都有个人认识到继续进行审慎改革的必要性。1833 年 12 月,数十名北方活动家在费城聚会,成立了美国反奴隶制协会。尽管该组织呼吁立即无偿解放所有被奴役者,但他们也谴责使用暴力抵抗——这是对南方奴隶主对像纳特·特纳叛乱(1831 年)等额外武装起义的恐惧的重要让步。南方活动家安吉丽娜·格里姆克在她的致南方基督教女性的呼吁中也表达了类似的担忧。 格林基敦促南方女性发声反对奴隶制,认为这是一个不公正和压迫性的制度,但也劝告她们鼓励奴隶保持耐心和顺从,直到获得自由。

As the decade wore on, such moderate positions were eclipsed by a hardening of views and greater entrenchment on both sides. Southern newspapers carried advertisements for runaway slaves that described them in horrific, brutalizing terms, which Northern publishers delighted in reprinting to highlight the inhumanity of slaveholders. In 1849, Frederick Douglass – a self-emancipated former slave – emphatically denounced all plans related to abolition that did not also aim at ending racial prejudice and lead towards the formal equality of blacks and whites. Yet five years later, Southern sociologist George Fitzhugh was still defending race-based slavery as positive good, arguing that it benefited the slave as well as the owner.
随着十年的推移,这种温和的立场被双方观点的僵化和更大的固守所掩盖。南方报纸刊登了关于逃跑奴隶的广告,用可怕、残酷的词语描述他们,北方出版商乐于转载这些广告,以突出奴隶主的非人道行为。1849 年,自我解放的前奴隶弗雷德里克·道格拉斯明确谴责了所有与废奴相关的计划,认为这些计划也必须旨在结束种族偏见,并朝着黑人和白人的正式平等迈进。然而五年后,南方社会学家乔治·菲茨休仍然为基于种族的奴隶制辩护,认为这是一种积极的善,并主张这对奴隶和奴隶主都有好处。

Declaration of Sentiments of the American Anti-Slavery Convention, Selections from the Writings of W. L. Garrison (Boston:1852), 6671.
美国反奴隶制大会的情感宣言,W. L. Garrison 的著作选摘(波士顿:1852 年),6671。


The Convention assembled in the city of Philadelphia, to organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize the opportunity to promulgate the following Declaration of Sentiments, as cherished by them in relation to the enslavement of one-sixth portion of the American people.
大会在费城召开,组织全国反奴隶制协会,迅速抓住机会发布以下宣言,表达他们对美国六分之一人口被奴役的看法。

More than fifty-seven years have elapsed, since a band of patriots convened in this place, to devise measures for the deliverance of this country from a foreign yoke. The corner-stone upon which they founded the Temple of Freedom was broadly this“‘that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness.” At the sound of their trumpet-call, three millions of people rose up as from the sleep of death, and rushed to the strife of blood; deeming it more glorious to die instantly as freemen, than desirable to live one hour as slaves. They were few in numberpoor in resources; but the honest conviction that Truth, Justice and Right were on their side, made them invincible.
自从五十七年多以前,一群爱国者在此地聚集,制定措施以解救这个国家脱离外来压迫。他们所建立的自由殿堂的基石大致是“所有人生而平等;他们的创造者赋予他们某些不可剥夺的权利;其中包括生命、自由和追求幸福。”在他们号角的召唤声中,三百万人民如同从死亡的沉睡中苏醒,冲向血腥的斗争;他们认为,作为自由人瞬间死去比作为奴隶活一个小时更光荣。他们人数不多,资源匮乏;但对真理、正义和权利在他们一方的诚实信念,使他们变得不可战胜。

We have met together for the achievement of an enterprise, without which that of our fathers is incomplete; and which, for its magnitude, solemnity, and probable results upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs as moral truth does physical force.
我们聚在一起是为了实现一个事业,没有这个事业,我们父辈的事业就不完整;而这个事业因其规模、庄重性以及对世界命运的可能影响,远远超越了他们的事业,就像道德真理超越物理力量一样。

In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of purpose, in intrepidity of action, in steadfastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them.
在动机的纯洁、热情的认真、决心的坚定、行动的勇敢、信仰的坚定、精神的真诚上,我们不会逊色于他们。

Their principles led them to wage war against their oppressors, and to spill human blood like water, in order to be free.
他们的原则使他们向压迫者宣战,像水一样洒下人类的鲜血,以求自由。

Ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage; relying solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds. Their measures were physical resistancethe marshalling in arms – the hostile array – the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption – the destruction of error by the potency of truth – the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love – and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance.
我们禁止为了善而行恶,并引导我们拒绝,并劝告被压迫者拒绝使用一切肉体武器来解放自己;完全依靠那些属灵的武器,这些武器通过上帝的力量能够摧毁坚固的堡垒。他们的手段是身体抵抗——武装集结——敌对阵列——生死搏斗。我们的手段将仅仅是道德纯洁对道德腐败的对抗——真理的力量摧毁错误——爱的力量推翻偏见——以及悔改的精神废除奴隶制。

Their grievances, great as they were, were trifling in comparison with the wrongs and sufferings of those for whom we plead. Our fathers were never slaves – never bought and sold like cattle – never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion – never subjected to the lash of brutal taskmasters.
他们的 grievances,尽管很大,但与我们所辩护的那些人的冤屈和痛苦相比,微不足道。我们的父辈从未是奴隶——从未像牲畜一样被买卖——从未被排除在知识和宗教的光明之外——从未受到残酷工头的鞭笞。

But those, for whose emancipation we are striving – constituting at the present time at least one-sixth part of our countrymen – are recognized by law, and treated by their fellow-beings, as marketable commodities, as goods and chattels, as brute beasts; are plundered daily of the fruits of their toil without redress; really enjoy no constitutional nor legal protection from licentious and murderous outrages upon their persons; and are ruthlessly torn asunder – the tender babe from the arms of its frantic mother – the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband – at the caprice or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants. For the crime of having a dark complexion, they suffer the pangs of hunger, the infliction of stripes, the ignominy of brutal servitude. They are kept in heathenish darkness by laws expressly enacted to make their instruction a criminal offence.
但是那些我们正在为其争取解放的人——目前至少占我们国家人民的六分之一——在法律上被承认,并被同胞视为可交易的商品、财物和牲畜;他们每天都被剥夺劳动成果而得不到补偿;实际上没有享有宪法或法律保护,免受对其人身的放荡和谋杀的侵犯;并且被无情地撕扯——温柔的婴儿从疯狂母亲的怀抱中被夺走——心碎的妻子从哭泣的丈夫身边被分离——完全取决于不负责任的暴君的任性或快乐。因为肤色较暗的罪行,他们忍受饥饿的痛苦、鞭打的折磨和残酷奴役的耻辱。他们被法律明文规定为犯罪行为的教育所保持在异教徒的黑暗中。

These are the prominent circumstances in the condition of more than two millions of our people, the proof of which may be found in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the laws of the slaveholding States.
这些是我们超过两百万人民的显著情况,其证据可以在成千上万的无可争辩的事实和奴隶州的法律中找到。

Hence we maintain – that, in view of the civil and religious privileges of this nation, the guilt of its oppression is unequalled by any other on the face of the earth; and, therefore, that it is bound to repent instantly, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free.
因此我们坚持认为,考虑到这个国家的公民和宗教特权,其压迫的罪责在全世界是无与伦比的;因此,它必须立即悔改,解除沉重的负担,让被压迫者获得自由。

We further maintain – that no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother – to hold or acknowledge him, for one moment, as a piece of merchandise – to keep back his hire by fraud – or to brutalize his mind, by denying him the means of intellectual, social and moral improvement.
我们进一步坚持——没有人有权奴役或残忍对待他的兄弟——在任何时刻将他视为商品——通过欺诈扣留他的报酬——或通过剥夺他获得智力、社会和道德提升的手段来使他的思想变得粗暴。

The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it is to usurp the prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a right to his own body – to the products of his own labor – to the protection of law – and to the common advantages of society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and subject him to servitude. Surely, the sin is as great to enslave an American as an African.
享有自由的权利是不可剥夺的。侵犯它就是篡夺耶和华的特权。每个人都有权拥有自己的身体——拥有自己劳动的成果——享有法律的保护——以及享有社会的共同利益。购买或偷窃一名非洲土著并使其沦为奴隶是海盗行为。奴役一名美国人和一名非洲人同样是罪恶的。

Therefore we believe and affirm – that there is no difference, in principle, between the African slave trade and American slavery:
因此我们相信并确认——非洲奴隶贸易与美国奴隶制在原则上没有区别:

That every American citizen, who detains a human being in involuntary bondage as his property, is, according to Scripture, (Ex. xxi. 16,) a man-stealer:
根据圣经(出埃及记 xxi. 16),每一个将人类拘留在非自愿奴役中作为其财产的美国公民,都是一个贼。

That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the protection of law:
奴隶应立即被解放,并受到法律的保护:

That if they had lived from the time of Pharaoh down to the present period, and had been entailed through successive generations, their right to be free could never have been alienated, but their claims would have constantly risen in solemnity:
如果他们从法老时代一直生活到现在,并且通过几代人相传,他们的自由权利就永远不会被剥夺,而他们的主张将不断以庄重的方式上升:

That all those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are therefore, before God, utterly null and void; being an audacious usurpation of the Divine prerogative, a daring infringement on the law of nature, a base over-throw of the very foundations of the social compact, a complete extinction of all the relations, endearments and obligations of mankind, and a presumptuous transgression of all the holy commandments; and that therefore they ought instantly to be abrogated.
因此,所有目前生效的承认奴隶权利的法律在上帝面前都是完全无效的;这是对神圣特权的大胆篡夺,是对自然法则的公然侵犯,是对社会契约基础的卑鄙颠覆,是对人类所有关系、亲情和义务的完全消灭,是对所有神圣命令的自以为是的违反;因此,它们应该立即被废除。

We further believe and affirm – that all persons of color, who possess the qualifications which are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and the exercise of the same prerogatives, as others; and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and of intelligence, should be opened as widely to them as to persons of a white complexion.
我们进一步相信并确认——所有拥有与他人相同资格的有色人种,应该立即享有与他人相同的特权和权利;而且,晋升、财富和智慧的道路应该向他们开放,与白人一样广泛。

We maintain that no compensation should be given to the planters emancipating their slaves:
我们坚持认为,解放奴隶的种植者不应获得任何赔偿:

Because it would be a surrender of the great fundamental principle, that man cannot hold property in man:
因为这将是对一个伟大的基本原则的放弃,即人不能拥有他人的财产:

Because slavery is a crime, and therefore is not an article to be sold:
因为奴隶制是一种罪行,因此不是可以出售的商品:

Because the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors of what they claim; freeing the slave is not depriving them of property, but restoring it to its rightful owner; it is not wronging the master, but righting the slave – restoring him to himself:
因为奴隶的持有者并不是他们所声称的财产的合法拥有者;解放奴隶并不是剥夺他们的财产,而是将其归还给合法的拥有者;这不是对主人的错误,而是对奴隶的纠正——将他恢复到他自己

Because immediate and general emancipation would only destroy nominal, not real property; it would not amputate a limb or break a bone of the slaves, but by infusing motives into their breasts, would make them doubly valuable to the masters as free laborers; and
因为立即和普遍的解放只会摧毁名义上的财产,而不是实际的财产;它不会截肢或打断奴隶的骨头,而是通过激发他们内心的动机,使他们作为自由劳动力对主人变得更加有价值;并且

Because, if compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those who have plundered and abused them.
因为,如果要给予赔偿,应该给予那些愤怒且无辜的奴隶,而不是那些掠夺和虐待他们的人。

We regard as delusive, cruel and dangerous, any scheme of expatriation which pretends to aid, either directly or indirectly, in the emancipation of the slaves, or to be a substitute for the immediate and total abolition of slavery.
我们认为,任何声称直接或间接帮助奴隶解放的移民计划,或者作为立即和彻底废除奴隶制的替代方案,都是虚幻、残酷和危险的。

We fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of each State, to legislate exclusively on the subject of the slavery which is tolerated within its limits; we concede that Congress, under the present national compact, has no right to interfere with any of the slave States, in relation to this momentous subject:
我们完全一致地承认每个州的主权,独立立法关于其境内容忍的奴隶制;我们承认,根据现行国家协议,国会无权干涉任何奴隶州,涉及这一重要问题:

But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the Constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction.
但我们坚持认为,国会有权并且有责任制止各州之间的国内奴隶贸易,并在宪法将其置于专属管辖权下的我们领土的那些部分废除奴隶制。

We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free States to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the United States. They are now living under a pledge of their tremendous physical force, to fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in the Southern States; they are liable to be called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves; they authorize the slave owner to vote for three-fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to perpetuate his oppression; they support a standing army at the South for its protection and they seize the slave, who has escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal driver. This relation to slavery is criminal, and full of danger: IT MUST BE BROKEN UP.
我们还认为,目前,自由州人民肩负着最高的义务,通过道德和政治行动,按照美国宪法的规定,消除奴隶制。他们现在生活在巨大的物质力量的承诺之下,这种力量将暴政的沉重枷锁锁住南方数百万人的四肢;他们随时可能被召唤去镇压奴隶的普遍叛乱;他们授权奴隶主将其三分之五的奴隶视为财产投票,从而使他能够延续他的压迫;他们在南方维持一支常备军以保护自己,并抓捕逃入其领土的奴隶,将其送回去接受愤怒的主人或残忍的驱赶者的折磨。这种与奴隶制的关系是犯罪的,充满危险:必须打破。

These are our views and principles – these our designs and measures. With entire confidence in the overruling justice of God, we plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our Independence and the truths of Divine Revelation, as upon the Everlasting Rock.
这些是我们的观点和原则——这些是我们的设计和措施。我们全心相信上帝的至高公正,立足于我们的独立宣言和神圣启示的真理,如同立于永恒的磐石之上。

We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in every city, town and village in our land.
我们将在我们国家的每个城市、城镇和村庄组织反奴隶制协会,如果可能的话。

We shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty, and of rebuke.
我们将派遣代理人发出抗议、警告、恳求和指责的声音。

We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti-slavery tracts and periodicals.
我们将毫不吝啬地广泛传播反奴隶制的小册子和期刊。

We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb.
我们将动员讲坛和媒体为受苦和无声者的事业服务。

We shalt aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery.
我们将致力于使教会摆脱对奴隶制罪责的所有参与。

We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of slaves, by giving a preference to their productions: and
我们将通过优先考虑自由人的产品来鼓励自由人的劳动,而不是奴隶的劳动:并且

We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance.
我们将不遗余力,竭尽全力使整个国家迅速悔改。

Our trust for victory is solely in God. We may be personally defeated, but our principles never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Humanity, must and will gloriously triumph. Already a host is coming up to the help of the Lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encouragement.
我们对胜利的信任完全在于上帝。我们可能会个人失败,但我们的原则永远不会。真理、正义、理性、人道,必须并将光辉地胜利。已经有一支大军正在前来帮助主对抗强者,展现在我们面前的前景充满了鼓舞。

Submitting this Declaration to the candid examination of the people of this country, and of the friends of liberty throughout the world, we hereby affix our signatures to it; pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help of Almighty God, we will do all that in us lies, consistently with this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth; to deliver our land from its deadliest curse; to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon; and to secure to the colored population of the United States, all the rights and privileges which belong to them as men, and as Americans – come what may to our persons, our interests, or our reputation – whether we live to witness the triumph of Liberty, Justice and Humanity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent, and holy cause.
将此声明提交给本国人民以及全世界自由的朋友进行严肃审查,我们在此签署此声明;承诺在全能上帝的指导和帮助下,我们将尽我们所能,始终与我们原则的声明一致,推翻有史以来最可憎的奴隶制;将我们的土地从其最致命的诅咒中解放出来;抹去我们国家徽章上最污秽的污点;并确保美国的有色人种享有作为人和作为美国人应有的所有权利和特权——无论我们的人身、利益或声誉如何——无论我们是活着见证自由、正义和人道的胜利,还是作为这一伟大、仁慈和神圣事业的烈士不幸去世。

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