Protesting the lockdown: geo-indexing a movement publicly opposing Covid-19 policies on Facebook
抗议封锁：在 Facebook 上对公开反对 Covid-19 政策的运动进行地理索引

Linking protests to place on social media
将抗议活动与社交媒体上的地点联系起来

The impact of social media usage, of course, is far from one-dimensional. Social media affords activists greater visibility, which many use to assemble, narrate and scale their collective action (Uldam, Citation2017). To this end, social network services (SNS), in particular, help social movements recruit new activists (Gaby & Caren, Citation2012), strengthen existing connections (Mundt et al., Citation2018), organize demonstrations (Clark, Citation2016; Hensby, Citation2017), and frame contentious issues (Carney, Citation2016) in a manner that might feel more authentic than the communications of more traditional media (Gaby & Caren, Citation2012). Accordingly, social media presents an important opportunity for diverse actors to form unifying links (Chávez, Citation2011). In turn, these links can be leveraged to build at scale ‘interpersonal networks or coalitions by enabling personalized and organizational sharing’ (Mundt et al., Citation2018, p. 2). This process is at once social and semantic as movement actors construct interpretations of topical issues designed to resonate with target audiences such as their supporters, on an increasingly personal level (Bennett & Segerberg, Citation2012).
当然，使用社交媒体的影响远非单一层面。社交媒体为积极分子提供了更高的能见度，许多人利用它来集合、叙述和扩大他们的集体行动（Uldam, 2017）。为此，社交网络服务（SNS）尤其有助于社会运动招募新的积极分子（Gaby & Caren, 2012）、加强现有联系（Mundt et al., 2018）、组织示威游行（Clark, 2016; Hensby, 2017），并以比传统媒体传播更真实的方式（Gaby & Caren, 2012）为有争议的问题定格（Carney, 2016）。因此，社交媒体提供了一个重要的机会，让不同的参与者形成统一的联系（Chávez, 2011）。反过来，也可以利用这些联系来建立规模化的 "人际网络或联盟，实现个性化和组织化分享"（Mundt et al.）这一过程既是社会性的，也是语义性的，因为运动参与者在越来越个人化的层面上构建了对热点问题的解释，旨在与目标受众（如他们的支持者）产生共鸣（Bennett & Segerberg, 2012）。

Equally, movements may coalesce and forge connections between otherwise disparate groups or content through indexing practices (e.g., with hashtags, Ince et al., Citation2017). Importantly, Ince and colleagues stress that ‘indexing behaviors are a form of distributed framing’ (Ince et al., Citation2017, 1818) whereby movements arrive at shared interpretations of issues and their resolution through networked communication (see also Meraz & Papacharissi, Citation2013). And these ‘shared interpretations’ seemingly extend beyond a specific geographical site.
同样，运动也可能通过索引行为（如使用标签，Ince et al.）重要的是，Ince 及其同事强调，"索引行为是分布式框架的一种形式"（Ince et al.这些 "共同解释 "似乎超越了特定的地理位置。

In this study, we advance the concept of geo-indexing to move forward the analysis of distributed framing beyond a focus on hashtags. In their article, Ince et al. (Citation2017) concentrated on BLM twitter hashtags and coded their usage inductively (e.g., as related to movement tactics or police violence). Delving empirically into the personalization of collective action (Bennett & Segerberg, Citation2012), those authors describe how social media users participate in the production of meaning associated with a movement. While place names (e.g., New York, Los Angeles) were present in their data, Ince et al. (Citation2017), p. did not consider their significance. In our turn, we add geographical and psycho-linguistic insights to the analysis of distributed framing, using bespoke dictionaries along with a deductive coding scheme for framing tasks and WUNC displays. We then discuss its significance for the opposition to COVID-19 measures, specifically, and transnational movements, more generally.
在本研究中，我们推进了地理索引的概念，以超越对标签的关注，推进对分布式框架的分析。在他们的文章中，Ince 等人（2017 年）专注于 BLM twitter 标签，并对其使用情况进行了归纳编码（例如，与运动策略或警察暴力相关的标签）。通过对集体行动个性化的实证研究（Bennett & Segerberg，2012 年），这些作者描述了社交媒体用户如何参与与运动相关的意义生产。虽然地名（如纽约、洛杉矶）出现在他们的数据中，但 Ince 等人（2017 年）并未考虑其重要性。而我们在分析分布式框架时，使用了定制词典以及框架任务和 WUNC 展示的演绎编码方案，增加了地理和心理语言学的见解。然后，我们讨论了其对反对 COVID-19 措施（具体而言）和跨国运动（更广泛而言）的意义。

Social media and protest location
社交媒体和抗议地点

While social media usage ostensibly enables social movements to configure disparate connections transgressing physical space, the specificity of concrete places should not be ignored. As Ince and colleagues highlight, ‘we are rarely able to observe where social media users are located, to see if they are responding to local conditions’ (Citation2017, p. 1828). Yet, location is significant when studying protest-related dynamics on social media. For instance, following Trump’s tweet asking to ‘LIBERATE Virginia, Michigan, and Minnesota’ (original emphasis, Brennan, Citation2020, p. 5) on April 17 April 2020, there was a surge in anti-lockdown protest in those states. Our first research question (RQ1) thus asks whether geo-indexing helped connect the opposition to COVID-19 public health restrictions, transnationally?
虽然社交媒体的使用表面上使社会运动能够跨越物理空间建立不同的联系，但具体地点的特殊性不容忽视。正如 Ince 及其同事所强调的，"我们很少能观察到社交媒体用户的所在地，以了解他们是否对当地情况做出了回应"（2017 年，第 1828 页）。然而，在研究社交媒体上与抗议相关的动态时，位置是非常重要的。例如，在特朗普于 2020 年 4 月 17 日发布推文要求 "解放弗吉尼亚州、密歇根州和明尼苏达州"（原文强调，Brennan，2020 年，第 5 页）后，这些州的反封锁抗议活动激增。因此，我们的第一个研究问题（RQ1）是：地理索引是否有助于在跨国范围内将反对 COVID-19 公共卫生限制措施的活动联系起来？

In the earlier case of Occupy Wall Street, building links among protestors was a granular and highly decentralized processes – involving the input of vast collections of individuals – that was nevertheless rooted directly in physical encampments. Over several months, those connections acted as ‘structuring arenas’ (i.e., organizational hubs grounding the online support base of the movement and its actions, Bennett et al., Citation2014, p. 237). Following the disbandment of the movement, a virtual organization, InterOccupy, became the mainstay for ‘synchronized action across multiple groups, locations and issues’ (Donovan, Citation2018, p. 2). Altogether, such insights allude to public SNS communication being tied to location, on the one hand; and, on the other, tying locations – including – transnationally in a network of terms common across them (Mercea, Citation2018).
在早期的 "占领华尔街 "活动中，在抗议者之间建立联系是一个细化和高度分散的过程--涉及大量个人的投入--但却直接植根于实体营地。在几个月的时间里，这些联系起到了 "结构化舞台 "的作用（即建立运动及其行动的在线支持基础的组织枢纽，Bennett 等人，2014 年，第 237 页）。运动解散后，虚拟组织 InterOccupy 成为 "跨群体、跨地点、跨议题同步行动 "的中流砥柱（Donovan，2018，第 2 页）。总之，这些见解一方面暗示了公共 SNS 传播与地点的联系，另一方面也将地点（包括跨国地点）与它们之间的共同术语网络联系在一起（Mercea, 2018）。

The transnational opposition to COVID-19 policies was a collection of recurring protests. However, unlike Occupy Wall Street, it did not develop local structuring arenas that would continue to exist over several months or a pivotal virtual organization like InterOccupy (Kowalewski, Citation2021). Therefore, we hypothesize that geo-indexing helped develop connections between locations confined within national boundaries and transnationally (H1).
对 COVID-19 政策的跨国反对是一系列反复出现的抗议活动的集合。然而，与 "占领华尔街 "不同的是，它并没有发展出持续存在数月的本地结构化舞台，也没有发展出像 "国际占领"（InterOccupy）这样举足轻重的虚拟组织（Kowalewski，2021 年）。因此，我们假设地理索引有助于发展局限于国家边界内的地点与跨国地点之间的联系（H1）。

Geo-indexing and protest framing
地理索引和抗议框架

Movements perform three sets of framing tasks (Benford & Snow, Citation2000): diagnostic framing, which involves problem identification and attribution; prognostic framing, which refers to the articulation of alternatives to the current situation and plans to remedy it; and motivational framing, namely the encouragement of movement participants and society at large to take action. Movement actors perform these framing tasks as they identify a shared concern, who or what is the source of it and the reasons why it has to be addressed through their collective action along with alternatives to the status quo and ideas for how others can contribute to the common effort to effect change (Benford & Snow, Citation2000, p. 615). The three tasks are pursued so as to develop cohesion inside a movement (‘consensus mobilization’) and a readiness to undertake collective action to secure change (‘action mobilization’, Benford & Snow, Citation2000, p. 615).
运动执行三套框架任务（Benford & Snow，2000 年）：诊断性框架，涉及问题识别和归因；预测性框架，指阐明现状的替代方案和补救计划；激励性框架，即鼓励运动参与者和整个社会采取行动。运动参与者在执行这些框架任务时，要确定共同关注的问题、谁或什么是问题的根源、必须通过集体行动解决的原因，以及现状的替代方案和其他人如何为实现变革的共同努力做出贡献的想法（Benford & Snow, 2000, 第 615 页）。完成这三项任务的目的是在运动内部形成凝聚力（"共识动员"），并准备采取集体行动以确保变革（"行动动员"，本福德和斯诺，2000 年，第 615 页）。

Activists’ messages may combine several framing tasks at once. For instance, while the diagnostic task pinpoints a problem and its perpetrator, the resulting interpretation of the situation can circumscribe the range of solutions to it and thus the prognostic task (Benford & Snow, Citation2000, p. 516). Additionally, prognostic framing transpires within a wider field wherein movement actors vie against other agents such as their opponents or competitors, and their solutions. Accordingly, prognostic framing may entail the rebuttal of opponents or competitors, an action termed ‘counterframing’. A recent example of counterframing is the 120 db transnational campaign by far-right activists who sought to reframe and undermine the discourse of the #metoo movement, on social media, by arguing that unchecked immigration threatens the security of women in Europe (Knüpfer et al., Citation2022). As we examine the framing tasks undertaken by the transnational opposition to COVID-19 policies, our second research question (RQ2a) asks: how did geo-indexed posts frame the protests opposing COVID-19 restrictions?
激进分子的信息可能同时兼具多项框架任务。例如，在诊断任务确定问题及其肇事者的同时，由此产生的对形势的解释可以限定解决问题的范围，从而确定预测任务（Benford & Snow, 2000, p.516）。此外，预言框架是在一个更广泛的领域内形成的，在这个领域中，运动参与者要与其他参与者（如对手或竞争者）以及他们的解决方案进行竞争。因此，预言框架可能需要反驳对手或竞争者，这种行为被称为 "反框架"。最近的一个反框架例子是极右翼活动家发起的 120 db 跨国运动，他们试图在社交媒体上重构和破坏 #metoo 运动的论述，认为不加控制的移民威胁到欧洲妇女的安全（Knüpfer 等人，2022 年）。在研究跨国反对 COVID-19 政策的框架任务时，我们的第二个研究问题（RQ2a）问道：地理索引帖子是如何构建反对 COVID-19 限制的抗议活动的？

Communication on social media challenging public COVID-19 health measures was interwoven with ‘pandemic conspiracy theories’ (Donovan, Citation2020). Conspiracy theories contest scientific knowledge, cultivating misguided beliefs over the truth and attributing causal agency over historical events to small groups (Keeley, Citation1999). Indeed, Donovan’s research describes a conspiracy originating in the so-called ‘reopen’ rallies in the US predicated on the idea that the pandemic was a ‘hoax’ orchestrated by global as well as American elites opposed to the then White House incumbent, Donald Trump (Donovan, Citation2020). Similarly, and topically, exponents of the COVID-19 anti-vaccination (anti-vaxx) movement on Twitter later that year decried a conspiracy by global elites to extract value from a supposedly contrived pandemic while at the same time using it as an excuse to roll out population control measures (Gokhale, Citation2020) and thus, to curb established rights and freedoms in liberal democracies. Therefore, we posit that the geo-indexed posts would foreground counterframes laden with conspiracy theory that portrayed an active and cohesive movement, defiant of public restrictions (H2). As we scrutinize the framing tasks performed with the geo-indexed posts, we consider also whether conspiratorial language was employed not only diagnostically (as suggested by Gokhale, Citation2020) but also prognostically and motivationally (i.e., to build consensus for collective action by a transnational movement of parallel pressure campaigns, RQ2b)?
社交媒体上挑战公共 COVID-19 健康措施的传播与 "大流行阴谋论"（Donovan，2020 年）交织在一起。阴谋论质疑科学知识，培养对真相的错误信念，并将历史事件的因果关系归咎于小团体（Keeley，1999 年）。事实上，多诺万的研究描述了美国所谓的 "重新开放 "集会中的阴谋，其前提是认为大流行病是由反对当时白宫现任总统唐纳德-特朗普的全球和美国精英精心策划的 "骗局"（多诺万，2020 年）。与此类似，同年晚些时候，COVID-19 反疫苗接种（anti-vaxx）运动的支持者也在推特上谴责全球精英的阴谋，即从一场所谓的大流行病中攫取价值，同时以此为借口推行人口控制措施（Gokhale, 2020），进而遏制自由民主国家的既定权利和自由。因此，我们认为，地理索引帖子会突出带有阴谋论色彩的反框架，描绘出一个积极、有凝聚力、无视公共限制的运动（H2）。在仔细研究地理索引帖子的框架任务时，我们还考虑了阴谋论语言是否不仅用于诊断（如 Gokhale 所说，2020 年），还用于预测和动机（即，为平行施压运动的跨国运动的集体行动建立共识，问题 2b）？

Geo-indexing and internal movement perceptions of WUNC
地理索引和对 WUNC 内部流动的看法

Framing, as highlighted above, serves to construct a coherent social group, acting as an ideological bridge between individuals and the collective (Benford & Snow, Citation2000, p. 632). Equally, it allows for the collective to materialize, when separate protests are painted as structurally equivalent (Tarrow, Citation2005). Structural equivalence represents the occurrence of discrete protests, transnationally, in the absence of ‘evident coordination across borders’ (Tarrow, Citation2005, p. 65), e.g., as a parallel reaction to a perceived threat such as stay-at-home orders. Collective identity frames, specifically, connect protest participants by placing them ‘in time and space’ and highlighting shared characteristics which are the basis for the development of relationships both among them and their collective action (Hunt et al., Citation1994, p. 185).
正如上文所强调的，"框架 "有助于构建一个连贯的社会群体，成为个人与集体之间的意识形态桥梁（Benford & Snow, 2000, p.632）。同样，当独立的抗议活动被描绘成结构等同时，它也使集体得以具体化（Tarrow, 2005）。结构等同性是指在没有 "明显的跨界协调"（Tarrow, 2005, p.65）的情况下，在跨国范围内发生的独立抗议活动，例如，作为对留在家中的命令等感知到的威胁的平行反应。具体而言，集体身份框架将抗议参与者 "置于时间和空间之中"，并突出了他们的共同特征，这些特征是他们之间及其集体行动关系发展的基础（Hunt 等人，1994 年，第 185 页）。

Those questioning COVID-19 restrictions or COVID-19 itself, specifically, have been branded conspiracy theorists (Buranyi, Citation2020). Previous studies have stressed that individuals tend to avoid associating themselves with stigmatized identities. In those cases where such identities are internalized, members of those communities often avoid participating in groups or public displays which highlight that stigma (Goffman, Citation1990). Hence, social movements mobilizing stigmatized communities often try to gain control over the meaning of collective identities and reconstruct them with positive terms appealing to group members (Santos, Citation2020). Such remedial work is not inevitable, particularly among conspiracists or far-right activists. Indeed, the opposite may be true of, for instance, the incel movement coalescing online around the denouncement of others – and above all women – for its members’ lack of ‘sexual success’ (Ging, Citation2017, p. 640). Accordingly, our third research question considers the collective identity framing performed by the opposition to COVID-19 restrictions on Facebook and asks: how were collective identities articulated in the geo-indexed posts (RQ3)?
那些质疑 COVID-19 限制或 COVID-19 本身的人被称为阴谋论者（Buranyi，2020 年）。以往的研究强调，个人倾向于避免将自己与被污名化的身份联系在一起。在这种身份被内化的情况下，这些群体的成员往往会避免参加突出这种耻辱感的团体或公开展示（戈夫曼，1990 年）。因此，动员被污名化群体的社会运动往往试图控制集体身份的意义，并用对群体成员有吸引力的积极术语重新构建集体身份（Santos，2020 年）。这种补救工作并非不可避免，尤其是在阴谋家或极右翼活动家中间。事实上，例如，因其成员缺乏 "性成功"（Ging, 2017, p.640）而在网上谴责他人--尤其是女性--的 "乱伦运动"，情况可能恰恰相反。因此，我们的第三个研究问题考虑了 Facebook 上反对 COVID-19 限制的集体身份框架，并问道：地理索引帖子中的集体身份是如何表述的（问题 3）？

As such, the public expression of collective identities is integral to a wider drive by a movement to project its WUNC (Tilly, Citation1999). That is, to present a united front as a cohesive collective actor determined to pursue what it regards as a critical common cause while representing a considerable section of society driven by the same common purpose (Laschever, Citation2017). In the attempt to gain support as well as to legitimize its claims and actions in the eyes of authorities, the public and the media, a movement will display its WUNC physically – e.g., through mass gatherings in public spaces, chanting and marching – and through immaterial shared symbols such as endorsements by community leaders and statements of commitment in the face of risks and attacks by opponents (Tilly, Citation1999, p. 261).
因此，集体身份的公开表达是一场运动在更大范围内展示其 WUNC 的不可或缺的一部分（Tilly，1999 年）。也就是说，作为一个有凝聚力的集体行为者，要展示统一战线，决心追求其认为至关重要的共同事业，同时代表社会中受同一共同目标驱动的相当一部分人（Laschever，2017）。为了在当局、公众和媒体眼中获得支持并使其主张和行动合法化，一场运动将通过实际行动--如在公共场所举行群众集会、高呼和游行--以及通过非物质的共同象征，如社区领袖的支持和面对风险和反对者攻击时的承诺声明，来展示其 WUNC（Tilly，1999 年，第 261 页）。

When a movement’s main motive appears illegitimate – e.g., because it flouts widely accepted public health restrictions – being on one side of an intergroup conflict becomes the primary basis for collective action (McGarthy et al., Citation2014, p. 729). Thus, we expect geo-indexed posts to be used to demarcate the opposition as an in-group, to be distinguished from an out-group (e.g., with comparison words, ‘us’ vs. ‘them’, McGarthy et al., Citation2014, p. 729, H3a). Furthermore, differently from previous works that identified WUNC displays as aimed at convincing external publics (i.e., political incumbents and public opinion, Cheng et al., Citation2023; Tilly, Citation1999, also by digital means, see Freelon et al., Citation2018 and), given the aforementioned controls on gatherings in public spaces (Kowalewski, Citation2021), we expect geo-indexed posts to be used to increase WUNC perceptions among the movement’s base (i.e., anti-lockdown Facebook users), depicting an oppositional movement of structurally equivalent protests able to attain a positive, in-group, collective identity and WUNC, despite national restrictions (H3b).
当一个运动的主要动机似乎不合法时--例如，因为它藐视被广泛接受的公共卫生限制--站在群体间冲突的一方就成了集体行动的主要基础（McGarthy et al.，2014, p.729）。因此，我们预计地理索引帖子将被用于将反对派划分为内群体，并与外群体区分开来（例如，使用比较词 "我们 "与 "他们"，McGarthy 等人，2014 年，第 729 页，H3a）。此外，以往的研究认为 WUNC 展示旨在说服外部公众（即政治现任者和公众舆论，Cheng 等人，2023 年；Tilly，1999 年，也通过数字手段，见 Freelon et al、鉴于上述对公共场所集会的控制（Kowalewski, 2021），我们预计地理索引帖子将被用来提高运动基础（即反封锁的 Facebook 用户）对 WUNC 的认知，描述一个结构等同的抗议活动的反对运动，尽管有国家限制，但能够获得积极的、群体内的、集体的认同和 WUNC（H3b）。

The analysis of the geo-indexed network
地理索引网络分析

To address RQ1 and form an understanding of the degree to which geo-indexed posts connected Facebook outlets (groups and pages), transnationally, we first constructed a bipartite network wherein geo-indexed locations represented one set of nodes and the Facebook groups and pages another, with network edges as the links between these two sets of nodes. We then explored relevant structural characteristics for measuring those connections, namely the density, modularity, and group internal-external ties. Density pertains to the ratio between the number of ties in a network and all possible connections therein (Borgatti et al., Citation2018). It has been associated with effective coordination thanks to the high volume of communication taking place in a densely connected network (Hossain & Kit Guan, Citation2012).
为了解决问题 1 并了解地理位置索引帖子在多大程度上将 Facebook 分支机构（群组和页面）跨国联系在一起，我们首先构建了一个二元网络，其中地理位置索引代表一组节点，Facebook 群组和页面代表另一组节点，网络边代表这两组节点之间的联系。然后，我们探讨了衡量这些联系的相关结构特征，即密度、模块化和群组内部-外部联系。密度是指网络中的联系数量与所有可能的连接之间的比率（Borgatti 等人，2018 年）。由于密集连接的网络中会发生大量沟通，因此它与有效协调有关（Hossain & Kit Guan，2012）。

Modularity is a measure for assessing the density of connections within a network by comparing the observed distribution of ties in network subgroups to a random distribution of links in that network. When more ties are found in subgroups than expected by chance, modularity indicates the presence of cohesive subgroups in the network and gaps separating them, i.e., structural holes (Borgatti et al., Citation2018, pp. 221–222). The fewer the connections across those subgroups, the higher the modularity score of the network.
模块性是一种评估网络内部联系密度的方法，它将观察到的网络子群中的联系分布与该网络中的随机联系分布进行比较。当发现子群中的联系多于偶然的预期时，模块性就表明网络中存在有凝聚力的子群以及将它们分隔开来的间隙，即结构洞（Borgatti et al.）这些子群之间的连接越少，网络的模块化得分就越高。

Additionally, to understand the extent to which geo-indexed posts contributed to the formation of transnational ties, we added a variable recording the country of the posts, the Facebook groups and pages. We then used that variable and the E-I index (Krackhardt & Stern, Citation1988) to measure, at the level of the entire network, the extent to which geo-references helped establish ties across countries. The E-I index compares the number of ties within a node category (here, a specific country) to the number of ties between node categories (here, across countries). The index takes values from −1 (or complete homophily, i.e., all ties are inside a country) to + 1 (complete heterophily, i.e., all ties are external to a country).
此外，为了了解地理索引帖子在多大程度上促进了跨国联系的形成，我们添加了一个变量，记录帖子的国家、Facebook 群组和页面。然后，我们使用该变量和 E-I 指数（Krackhardt & Stern，1988 年）在整个网络层面上衡量地理索引在多大程度上帮助建立了跨国联系。E-I 指数将节点类别（此处指特定国家）内的联系数量与节点类别之间（此处指国家间）的联系数量进行比较。该指数的取值范围为-1（或完全同亲，即所有联系都在一个国家内部）到+1（完全异亲，即所有联系都在一个国家外部）。

The analysis of frames in the geo-indexed communication
地理索引通信中的框架分析

To analyze how, on the one hand, the opposition against COVID-19 (RQ2a, b) and, on the other anti-lockdown activists (RQ3) were framed in the geo-indexed posts, we relied on a combination of quantitative, psycholinguistic and qualitative, frame analyses. To measure the use of comparison words as well as the emotionality, conspiratorial language and group processes expressed in the Facebook posts, we employed predefined dictionaries embedded in the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) software package. Similarly employed by Fong et al. (Citation2021), the LIWC dictionaries cover a large range of psycholinguistic categories developed over more than a decade, which were manually and statistically validated (Tausczik & Pennebaker, Citation2009). We enlisted LIWC-22 to gain insights into the use of the following types of psycholinguistic terms: pronouns indicating a sense of group identity (e.g. ‘we’, ‘us’ and ‘our’, Tausczik & Pennebaker, Citation2009, p. 31); or which may designate an outgroup (e.g.”they”, ‘them’ or ‘their’); words connoting positive (e.g. ‘love’, ‘nice’) or negative (‘hurt’, ‘nasty’) emotions, including anger; cognitive processes and causal words (‘know’, ‘cause’, ‘because’, ‘effect’); recurrent themes in popular conspiratorial narratives associated with power, death and religion (Fong et al., Citation2021); and words relating to social relationships, especially group processes such as affiliation and cohesion (e.g., through the use of the first-person plural or of assent through terms such as ‘agree’, ‘OK’, Tausczik & Pennebaker, Citation2009, p. 33).
为了分析反对 COVID-19（研究问题 2a、b）和反封锁积极分子（研究问题 3）在地理索引帖子中的框架，我们综合运用了定量、心理语言学和定性框架分析。为了测量比较词的使用以及 Facebook 帖子中表达的情感、阴谋语言和群体过程，我们使用了嵌入在语言调查和字数统计（LIWC）软件包中的预定义词典。与 Fong 等人（2021 年）采用的方法类似，LIWC 词典涵盖了十多年来发展起来的大量心理语言学类别，并经过人工和统计验证（Tausczik & Pennebaker，2009 年）。我们利用 LIWC-22 深入了解了以下几类心理语言学术语的使用情况：表示群体认同感的代词（如 "我们"、"我们的 "和 "我们的"，Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009, p.31）；或可能指代外群体的代词（如 "他们"、"他们 "或 "他们的"）；表示积极意义的词语（如 "爱"、"好 "或 "好"，Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009, p.30）。例如 "爱"、"好"）或消极（"伤害"、"讨厌"）情绪，包括愤怒；认知过程和因果词语（"知道"、"原因"、"因为"、"影响"）；与权力、死亡和宗教有关的流行阴谋论叙事中反复出现的主题（Fong et al、2021）；以及与社会关系有关的词语，尤其是与从属关系和凝聚力等群体过程有关的词语（例如，通过使用第一人称复数或通过 "同意"、"OK "等词语表示同意，Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009, p.33）。

The LIWC-22 processor checked each individual post against its own dictionaries and outputted the rate at which category words (e.g., subsumed to positive emotions) appeared in a post. We then compared the rates for the geo-indexed posts with those for the rest of the non-geo-indexed data so as to form a sense of the distinctiveness or otherwise of the language in the former posts. Ultimately, a key advantage of LIWC is that it can classify large text corpora. A shortcoming of the software, nonetheless, is that it cannot account for the context in which category words occur (Tausczik & Pennebaker, Citation2009). Therefore, the frame analysis (Benford & Snow, Citation2000) – performed on the geo-indexed posts – supplemented the network and quantitative textual analyses with a qualitative review of each post to identify core framing tasks, the articulation of collective identities and WUNC displays.
LIWC-22 处理器根据自己的词典对每篇帖子进行检查，并输出帖子中类别词（例如，归入积极情绪）的出现率。然后，我们将地理索引帖子的出现率与其他非地理索引数据的出现率进行比较，以了解前者的语言是否与众不同。归根结底，LIWC 的主要优势在于它可以对大型文本库进行分类。然而，该软件的一个缺点是不能考虑类别词出现的语境（Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009）。因此，对地理索引帖子进行的框架分析（Benford & Snow, 2000）通过对每篇帖子进行定性分析，对网络和定量文本分析进行了补充，以确定核心框架任务、集体身份的表达和 WUNC 展示。

Two of the authors developed and tested a coding manual based on a close reading of relevant theory reviewed in the previous section (see online appendix for description of the manual). Recent scholarship on the strategic use of Twitter by political activists has proposed an operationalization of WUNC based on metrics for identifying hashtag user communities and measuring their dispersal (unity); on the count of unique users per day (numbers) and on the rate of users who posted again at least once in the subsequent three days (Commitment, see Cheng et al., Citation2023, pp. 3–4; Freelon et al., Citation2018). While that approach enabled researchers to measure Twitter users’ participation, unity and commitment to protest, the purpose of the coding manual for this analysis was notably dissimilar. Instead of seeking to quantify different WUNC measures, our manual was designed for a close, qualitative, reading of the language used in public Facebook posts, and the discursive strategies used to generate the expression of WUNC therein that was visible to other users.
其中两位作者在仔细阅读上一节回顾的相关理论的基础上，编写并测试了编码手册（手册说明见在线附录）。最近，关于政治活动家战略性使用 Twitter 的学术研究提出了一种 WUNC 的操作方法，该方法基于以下指标：识别标签用户社区并衡量其分散性（统一性）；每天唯一用户数量（人数）；以及在随后三天内至少再次发布一次的用户比率（承诺，见 Cheng 等人，2023 年，第 3-4 页；Freelon 等人，2018 年）。虽然这种方法使研究人员能够衡量推特用户对抗议活动的参与、团结和承诺，但本分析的编码手册的目的却明显不同。我们的手册不是为了量化不同的 WUNC 指标，而是为了仔细、定性地解读 Facebook 公开帖子中使用的语言，以及用于产生其他用户可见的 WUNC 表达的话语策略。

Using the manual, the two authors independently categorized a random sample of 100 posts. Resulting inter-coder reliability scores confirmed a strong agreement between the coders (see Table 1). Using the same coding manual, they then hand-labelled the rest of the geo-indexed posts before proceeding with a close reading of the coded material (similarly, see Oden Choi et al., Citation2021). Together, the network, quantitative and qualitative exploration of the posts allowed us to characterize systematically and sensitively the social and textual connections between protest groups from across the world and the collective framing of the movement, transnationally.
两位作者使用该手册对随机抽取的 100 篇帖子进行了独立分类。编码员之间的信度评分结果证实，编码员之间的意见非常一致（见）。然后，他们使用相同的编码手册，对其余的地理索引帖子进行手工标注，然后再对编码材料进行细读（类似情况，见 Oden Choi 等人，2021 年）。通过对帖子的网络、定量和定性探索，我们系统而敏感地描述了世界各地抗议团体之间的社会和文本联系，以及跨国运动的集体框架。

Framing the opposition to Covid-19 restrictions
反对 Covid-19 限制措施的定义

When considering how the opposition was framed (RQ2), the qualitative analysis of the geo-indexed posts revealed that while the identification of problems through diagnostic frames was the most common task across locations, posts combined a variety of framing tasks. Below, we illustrate these framing tasks with direct quotes from Facebook posts. First, diagnostic framing delineated a necessary injustice frame by emphasizing the catastrophic social and economic consequences of public health measures for the population, workers and businesses. It depicted those consequences with vivid examples of hardship suffered by workers who were made redundant; or those who faced the risk of contracting the virus due to the negligence of their employers; or of businesses and public institutions shuttered by lockdown and social distancing measures. These frames attributed the injustice to a politically motivated choice by governments to disregard the limited impact of the virus, understood as the small proportion of people infected, compared to the total population placed under lockdown.
在考虑反对意见是如何形成的（问题 2）时，对地理索引帖子进行的定性分析显示，虽然通过诊断框架发现问题是各地最常见的任务，但帖子也结合了各种框架任务。下面，我们将直接引用 Facebook 帖子中的内容来说明这些框架任务。首先，诊断框架通过强调公共卫生措施对民众、工人和企业造成的灾难性社会和经济后果，勾勒出必要的不公正框架。它通过生动的例子描述了这些后果：被裁减的工人所遭受的苦难；因雇主疏忽而面临感染病毒风险的人；因封锁和社会隔离措施而关闭的企业和公共机构。这些框架将不公正归咎于政府出于政治动机的选择，无视病毒的有限影响，即与被封锁的总人口相比，受感染的人口比例很小。

Diagnostic framing asserted the apparent repression suffered by those questioning official messages about COVID-19 and lockdown restrictions who were, moreover, portrayed as scorned by the media or persecuted by the authorities.
诊断性框架断言，那些质疑 COVID-19 和封锁限制的官方信息的人显然受到了压制，而这些人被描绘成受到媒体蔑视或当局迫害的人。

Closely following the diagnosis of the injustices endured at the behest of governments, prognostic framing chiefly transpired as counterframing directed at debunking prevalent justifications for restrictions and disparaging their sources. Counterframing spotlighted alleged falsehoods perpetuated by government or mainstream media. Whether predicated on the contestation of mask, social distancing and vaccine mandates or of the institutional processes used to introduce them, prognostic framing conjured a narrow range of solutions to the existing state of affairs that were premised on a radical return to an imagined status quo ante: of individual freedom and responsibility; mythical common sense and patriotism; greater democratic accountability directly to citizens and the restoration of meaningful pluralism in public communication.
紧接着对在政府授意下遭受的不公正待遇的诊断，预言性框架主要表现为反框架，旨在揭穿普遍存在的限制理由并贬低其来源。反诬陷聚焦于政府或主流媒体制造的所谓谎言。不论是基于对面具、社会疏远和疫苗任务的质疑，还是基于对引入这些任务的制度过程的质疑，预言框架都为现存状况提出了范围狭窄的解决方案，这些解决方案的前提是彻底恢复想象中的原状：个人自由和责任；神话般的常识和爱国主义；直接对公民承担更大的民主责任，以及恢复公共传播中的有意义的多元化。

Motivational framing channeled such arguments by encouraging others to act on righteous beliefs and knowledge; to take part in demonstrations, break mask-wearing mandates and support various forms of collective action ranging from demonstrations to petitions and donations to anti-lockdown organizations.
激励性框架通过鼓励他人根据正确的信仰和知识采取行动、参加示威、打破戴面具的规定以及支持各种形式的集体行动（从示威到请愿以及向反封锁组织捐款）来引导这些论点。

When present, such conspiratorial language was weaved not only into diagnostic framing but also prognostic counterframing that flowed, in some cases, into the motivation provided for collective action. With the assistance of the LIWC dictionaries, we then ascertained that words pertaining to cognitive processes were the most frequent in all Facebook posts, whether geo-indexed or not. In the geo-indexed posts, users reflected on their circumstances while saying relatively less about what had caused them (causal language was more limited, as was the use of words connoting assent, Tausczik & Pennebaker, Citation2009). References to religion and death-related words were more infrequent than terms relating to power, in both geo-indexed and non-indexed posts. Moreover, geo-indexed posts comprised fewer expressions of emotion than the subset of group and page posts that did not contain references to location (see Table 3). Indeed, a Kruskal-Wallis non-parametric H test for the distribution of two or more independent samples confirmed – for the word categories of interest – the distinctiveness of the geo-indexed posts. The test showed a significant overall difference in median LIWC values between the geo-indexed and all the other posts in the Facebook dataset (H = 29.625, p < 0.001).
当出现这种阴谋论语言时，它们不仅被编织成诊断性框架，而且还被编织成预言性反框架，在某些情况下，还被编织成集体行动的动机。在《国际汉语词典》字典的帮助下，我们确定了与认知过程有关的词汇在所有 Facebook 帖子中出现的频率最高，无论是否有地理索引。在有地理索引的帖子中，用户对自己的境遇进行了反思，而对造成这些境遇的原因则相对较少（因果关系的语言比较有限，表示同意的词语的使用也是如此，Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009）。在有地理索引和无地理索引的帖子中，提及宗教和与死亡有关的词语的频率都低于与权力有关的词语。此外，与不包含地点索引的小组和页面帖子子集相比，地理索引帖子中的情感表达较少（见）。事实上，对两个或两个以上独立样本分布进行的 Kruskal-Wallis 非参数 H 检验证实，就相关词类而言，地理索引帖子具有独特性。检验结果表明，在 Facebook 数据集中，地理位置索引帖子与所有其他帖子的 LIWC 中值之间存在明显的总体差异（H = 29.625，p < 0.001）。

A close inspection with LIWC, of language in the geo-indexed posts pertaining to identity, (RQ3), indicated that the strongest statistically significant correlations among the language categories of interest were between references to the ingroup (‘we’) and affiliation. On the other hand, mentions of the outgroup (‘they’) and causal language were correlated (Figure 2). The articulation of an ingroup identity (the collective ‘we’) was marginally more common than the delineation of an outgroup (‘they’, see Table 3). Nonetheless, the correlations depicted in Figure 2 pointed to a stronger relation between causal words and references to the outgroup than to the ingroup. Causal agency was attributed to the outgroup which was additionally referenced in relation to terms encountered in conspiratorial narratives pertaining to power, death and assent. Notably, also, anger was only correlated with references to the outgroup.
使用 LIWC 对地理索引帖子中与身份有关的语言进行的仔细检查（问题 3）表明，在有关语言类别中，在统计意义上最显著的相关性是提及内群体（"我们"）和从属关系之间的相关性。另一方面，提及外群体（"他们"）和因果语言之间也存在相关性（）。内群体身份（集体 "我们"）的表述比外群体（"他们"，见）的表述更常见。尽管如此，()中描述的相关性表明，因果词语与提及外群体之间的关系比提及内群体之间的关系更为密切。因果关系被归因于外群体，而外群体又与阴谋叙事中遇到的有关权力、死亡和同意的词语相关。值得注意的是，愤怒只与外群体相关。

Figure 2. Heatmap of correlations between psycholinguistic word categories in the geo-indexed dataset (Pearson’s r, non-significant values of p >0.05 shaded in grey).
图 2.地理索引数据集中心理语言学单词类别之间的相关性热图（Pearson's r，p>0.05 的非显著值用灰色阴影表示）。

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Tentatively, these results suggested, on the one hand, that communication reinforcing ingroup/outgroup identification was integral to the geo-indexed communication. On the other, language demarcating an outgroup along with words connoting causality implied that, in part, the posts provided an explanation for recounted events attributable to the outgroup (see Tausczik & Pennebaker, Citation2009, pp. 35-36s). Also, while relatively limited in scope, some of the language appeared conspiratorial.
这些结果初步表明，一方面，加强内群/外群认同的交流是地理索引交流的组成部分。另一方面，划定外群体的语言以及表示因果关系的词语意味着，在一定程度上，帖子为归因于外群体的事件提供了解释（见 Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009, pp.35-36s）。此外，虽然范围相对有限，但有些语言似乎是阴谋性的。

Additionally, an important element of the collective identity framing we encountered in the geo-indexed posts was the combatting of stigma associated with anti-lockdown positions through the praising of protest participants (RQ3). Instead of hiding what it described as stigmatized views, a geographically pinpointed opposition to lockdowns celebrated its collective action and the courage of protest participants across the world. Making the protesting of restrictions visible in this way was accompanied by pleas for outspoken avowals of anti-lockdown views, of solidarity and appeals to participation in similar actions.
此外，我们在地理索引帖子中遇到的集体身份框架的一个重要因素是通过赞扬抗议参与者来消除与反封锁立场相关的污名化（问题 3）。反对封锁的地理信息系统并没有隐藏它所描述的污名化观点，而是赞扬了它的集体行动和世界各地抗议参与者的勇气。在以这种方式彰显对限制措施的抗议的同时，还呼吁人们直言不讳地表达反封锁的观点，团结一致，并呼吁人们参与类似的行动。

Geo-indexed posts moreover displayed the WUNC of the anti-lockdown movement. As can be observed in Table 4, the greatest proportion of messages containing WUNC displays emphasized the large scale and the unity of the movement. As protesters were not legally allowed to gather in public spaces and society condemned such behavior, anti-lockdown activists used geo-indexed posts to catalogue protests across the world, hail their number or frequency and turnouts.
地理索引帖子还显示了反封锁运动的 WUNC。从图中可以看出，包含 WUNC 显示的信息所占比例最大，强调了运动的大规模和团结。由于法律不允许抗议者在公共场所集会，而社会也谴责这种行为，因此反封锁活动人士利用地理索引帖子对世界各地的抗议活动进行分类，并对其数量、频率和参与人数进行欢呼。

The occupation of public space in various locations across the world was celebrated as a demonstration of scale as well as a reason for solidarity and a show of unity.
世界各地的公共空间被占领，这既是规模的展示，也是团结和展示统一的理由。

Recurrently, Facebook posts addressed a recognized stigma associated with anti-lockdown views by emphasizing the worthiness of those involved in the opposition. Posts often framed protest participants as ‘freedom fighters’ and patriots reinforcing a positive in-group identity seeking to foster the willingness to participate in street protests. Articulating a contrast to social narratives presenting anti-lockdown views and the denial of the impacts of COVID-19 as ignorant and irrational, protestors were presented as agents fighting for the cause of freedom and for their nations. The frame fed into a narrative of virtue and authenticity, as any stigma associated with conspiratorial ideation was replaced with the defense of higher moral values rooted in libertarian orthodoxy and a righteous defiance of public health mandates.
Facebook 上的帖子经常通过强调参与反对派的价值来解决与反封锁观点相关的公认污名化问题。帖子通常将抗议活动参与者描述为 "自由战士 "和爱国者，强化了积极的群体内认同，以促进参与街头抗议活动的意愿。社会叙事将反封锁观点和否认 COVID-19 的影响视为无知和非理性，与此形成鲜明对比，抗议者则被视为为自由事业和国家而战的人。这一框架为美德和真实性叙事提供了素材，因为任何与阴谋论思想相关的污名都被根植于正统自由主义的崇高道德价值观和对公共卫生任务的正义反抗所取代。

Finally, anti-lockdown activists posting on Facebook emphasized the commitment of the opposition to the cause. In some cases, this type of messages showcased a determination to break lockdown rules. Other posts highlighted a resolve to continue participating in public protest despite perceived acts of repression by governments and any social condemnation.
最后，在 Facebook 上发帖的反封锁积极分子强调了反对派对这一事业的承诺。在某些情况下，这类信息展示了打破封锁规则的决心。其他帖子则强调，尽管认为政府采取了镇压行动，社会上也有谴责，但他们仍决心继续参加公众抗议活动。

The will to stand up for individual freedoms and against perceived authoritarian rules was reinforced by claims – some derived from apparent conspiracy theories – that the in-group was persecuted by elites (e.g., through mass arrests and an unwillingness to give voice to alternative accounts about the course of the pandemic). Posts singled out the media and public authorities as responsible for silencing them and, equally, for making the consequences of the pandemic worse through their actions. Such posts attempted to countervail marginalization and stigma with a drive to paint the actions of such actors as corrupt.
一些人声称--有些来自明显的阴谋论--内部群体受到了精英的迫害（例如，通过大规模逮捕和不愿意对大流行病的发展过程发表不同的看法），从而加强了捍卫个人自由和反对所认为的专制规则的意愿。这些帖子指出媒体和公共当局对压制他们的声音负有责任，同样，他们的行为也使大流行病的后果更加严重。这些帖子试图抵制边缘化和污名化，将这些行为者的行为描绘成腐败。