王森文于嘉庆十一年（1806）在今陕西长安斗门镇看到古残碑，碑文涉及汉昆明池的规模：
Wang Senwen saw the ancient broken stele in the eleventh year of the Jiaqing era (1806) in the current Doumen Town, Chang'an, Shaanxi，the inscription involves the scale of the Han Kunming Pool:
至镇北门外，见残碑，剥蚀殆尽，惟昆明池界址存。云：“北极丰镐村， 南极石匣，东极园柳坡，西极斗门。”所记甚清晰。
To the north gate of the town，I saw a broken stele, almost eroded away, only the boundary of Kunming Pool remains. It is said：“North Pole Fenghao Village, South Pole Shixia, East Pole Yanliupo, West Pole Doumen.” The records are very clear.
胡谦盈的实地考察证明以上记载是正确的。汉昆明池遗址即今陕西长安斗门镇东的一片洼地。这片洼地的地势比周围低2至4米以上，总面积约10平方公里。池址北缘在今北常家庄之南，东缘在孟家寨、万村之西，南缘在细柳原北侧，即今长安县义井乡石匣口村，西界在张村、马营寨、白家庄之东。何清谷在实地考察时，在石匣口村东0.5公里处，看到一个约4米深、200米宽的低槽，当地人称“深道”，又称“龙口道”。何清谷写道：“相传在此曾发现石闸，石匣即石闸的转音。此道当是汉昆明池的南入水口，道从西南向北延伸，就与被定为昆明池的大洼地连接起来。”据文物普查工作的收获，“汉昆明池界址约为：西迄马营、张村以东，东至孟家寨、万村之西，北至北常庄南侧，南至西匣口村，总面积逾10平方公里”。“该范围今仍属较低洼地区，一般比周围地带低2～4米以上。池址内及周围地表散布绳纹筒瓦、板瓦残片，曾出土‘上林’、‘千秋万岁’瓦当，并发现豫章观遗址。”“池东、西两侧早年还有汉代石像2尊，及《三辅黄图》引《关辅古语》所谓‘昆明池中有二石人， 立牵牛、织女于池之东西，以象天河’。牛郎像原在常家庄村北，织女像原在斗门镇某工厂内，与文献所记地望吻合。今二像均已移位。”
Hu Qianying's field investigation proves that the above records are correct. The Han Kunming Pool site is a low-lying area east of Doumen Town in Chang'an, Shaanxi today. This low area is more than 2 to 4 meters lower than the surrounding terrain, with a total area of about 10 square kilometers. The northern edge of the pool site is south of today's Beichangjiazhuang, the eastern edge is west of Mengjiazhuang and Wancun, the southern edge is on the north side of Xiliuyuan, which is today's Shixiakou Village in Yijing Township, Chang'an County, and the western boundary is east of Zhangcun, Mayingzhuang, and Baijiazhuang..He Qinggu, during his field investigation, saw a0.5 kilometer deep about 4 meters wide low trough, which local people call“Shendao”, also known as“Longkoudao.”He Qinggu wrote:“It is said that a stone dam was discovered here, and Shixia is a phonetic variation of stone dam. This path should be the southern water inlet of the Han Kunming Pool, extending from the southwest to the north,” connecting with the large low-lying area designated as Kunming Pool.”According to the findings of the cultural relics census,“the boundary of the Han Kunming Pool is approximately: west to east of Maying and Zhangcun, east to west of Mengjiazhuang and Wancun, north to the south side of Beichangzhuang, south to Xikakou Village, with a total area exceeding 10 square kilometers.” “This area still belongs to a relatively low-lying region today, generally more than 2 to 4 meters lower than the surrounding areas. The surface of the pool site and its surroundings are scattered with rope-patterned tile fragments and flat tile remnants, and 'Shanglin' and 'Qianqiuwansui' tiles have been unearthed, along with the discovery of the Yuzhangguan site.” “In earlier years, there were also two Han dynasty stone statues on the east and west sides of the pool, and the so-called 'there are two stone figures in Kunming Pool, standing to pull the cowherd and the weaver girl on the east and west of the pool, symbolizing the Milky Way' from the 'Sanfu Huangtu' citing 'Guanfu Ancient Language'. The Cowherd statue was originally north of Changjiazhuang Village, and the Weaver Girl statue was originally in a factory in Doumen Town, matching the geographical descriptions in the literature. Both statues have now been relocated.”
根据2005年4～9月考古钻探资料，“昆明池遗址恰在汉长安城西南约8.5公里处；池岸一周长17.6公里，按汉代一里（1里为300 步，1步为6尺， 1尺为0.231米）约合今415.8米计算，约合汉代42.3里，池内面积约16.6平方公里，按汉代一顷（1顷为100亩，1 亩为240方步）约合今46103平方米计算，约合汉代360顷”。“实测的周长和面积略大于史籍的记载，一方面可能是因为古今在测量精度上存在着误差，另一方面可能是因为唐代在重修时， 将有些地方的池岸（如南池岸）扩大了，致使其规模较汉代有所增大。”其实， 也应当考虑到有关昆明池周长和面积的“史籍的记载”。如《汉书·武帝纪》 颜师古注引臣瓒曰以及《三辅旧事》等提供的数据，形成时代较汉代已经有一定的历史距离，其时长安地区水资源的形势可能已经发生了较明显的变化。
According to archaeological drilling data from April to September 2005, the "Kunming Pool site is located about8.5kilometers southwest of the Han Chang'an City; the circumference of the pool is 17.6 kilometers, which, based on the Han dynasty measurement of one li (1 li equals 300 steps, 1 step equals 6 feet, 1 foot equals 0.231 meters), is approximately415.8meters, equivalent to about42.3li in the Han dynasty. The area of the pool is about 16.6 square kilometers, which, based on the Han dynasty measurement of one qing (1 qing equals 100 mu, 1 mu equals 240 square steps), is approximately 46103 square meters today, equivalent to about 360 qing in the Han dynasty.” “The measured circumference and area are slightly larger than the records in historical texts, which may be due to discrepancies in measurement accuracy between ancient and modern times, and also possibly because during the Tang dynasty reconstruction, some parts of the pool's shore(such as the southern shore) were expanded, resulting in a larger scale compared to the Han dynasty.” In fact, it should also be considered that the records regarding the circumference and area of Kunming Pool in historical texts, such as those cited by Yan Shigu in the "Book of Han: Annals of Emperor Wu" and data provided in "Three Auxiliary Old Stories," have a certain historical distance from the Han dynasty, and the situation of water resources in the Chang'an area may have undergone significant changes by that time.
昆明池虽然一般都认为是人工湖，但是号称“周回四十里”的规模，不是短期之内可以完工的。《汉书·五行志中之上》 说，“元狩三年夏，大旱。是岁发天下故吏伐棘上林，穿昆明池”。是当“大旱”之时，开工穿昆明池。 “大旱”发工的说法，暗示昆明池址原先可能已有积水。据推断，工程的主要内容除开浚外，还包括修筑堰堤。也就是说，昆明湖,其实并不是严格意义上的人工湖。
Although Kunming Lake is generally considered an artificial lake, its scale, claimed to be "forty miles around," cannot be completed in a short period. The "Book of Han: Treatise on the Five Elements" states, "In the third year of Yuan Shou, during the summer, there was a great drought. That year, officials from all over the world cut down thorns in the forest and excavated Kunming Lake." This indicates that the construction of Kunming Lake began during a time of "great drought." The mention of "great drought" suggests that there may have already been accumulated water at the site of Kunming Lake. It is inferred that the main content of the project, in addition to dredging, also included the construction of embankments. In other words, Kunming Lake is not strictly an artificial lake.
张衡《西京赋》写道：“乃有昆明灵沼，黑水玄阯。周以金堤，树以柳杞。”可知昆明池等湖泊以坚固的堤岸围绕，又植以柳杞等树木护堤。胡谦盈的考察报告也有关于昆明池堤的内容：“（昆明池）北界在上泉北村和南丰镐村之间的土堤的南侧。这土堤清代人叫做‘干龙岭’，它是一堵人工筑造起来的池堤，经过打夯；现存高度约5米，基底宽约40～50米，基顶宽约10～15米（窄的地方是因后代起土破坏了）。”据 《中国文物地图集·陕西分册》有关昆明池遗址的记述，“1990年冬，在落水村东南探出东西向池坝遗址”。
Zhang Heng's "Ode to the Western Capital" states: "There is the Kunming Spirit Pool, the Black Water and the Mysterious Gate. Surrounded by golden dikes, with willows and mulberries planted."。 "It can be seen that the Kunming Pool and other lakes are surrounded by solid dikes, with trees like willows and mulberries planted to protect the dikes. Hu Qianying's investigation report also contains information about the dike of Kunming Pool： "(Kunming Pool) is bordered on the north by the southern side of the earthen dike between Shangquan North Village and Nanfenghao Village. This earthen dike was called 'Ganlong Ridge' by people in the Qing Dynasty, it is an artificially constructed pool dike, compacted by tamping; the current height is about 5 meters, the base width is about 40 to 50 meters, and the top width is about 10 to 15 meters (the narrow part is due to later soil erosion)." According to the "Atlas of Chinese Cultural Relics: Shaanxi Volume" regarding the Kunming Pool site， "In the winter of 1990, the east-west oriented pool dam site was discovered southeast of Luoshui Village."
胡谦盈还写道：“池堤中部的夯土内夹杂有大量的西周陶片，池堤西端下面尚压着未经扰乱过的西周窖穴堆积。”《三辅黄图》卷四《池沼》：“武帝初穿池，得黑土。帝问东方朔。东方朔曰：‘西域胡人知。’乃问胡人。胡人曰： ‘劫烧之余灰也。’”唐代诗人杜甫“凤纪编生日，龙池堑劫灰”，元稹“僧餐月灯阁，醵宴劫灰池”，李商隐“汉苑生春水，昆池换劫灰”，“年华若到经风雨，便是胡僧话劫灰”，韩偓“眼看朝市成陵谷，始信昆明是劫灰”等诗句，都用昆明池黑土乃劫后余灰之典。昆明池劫灰传说，或许曲折反映了汉武帝时代开凿昆明池的工程中，前代灰坑一类生活遗迹曾经受到破坏。
Hu Qianying also wrote: "The rammed earth in the middle of the pond embankment contains a large number of Western Zhou pottery shards, and beneath the western end of the pond embankment lies an undisturbed accumulation of Western Zhou cellar pits." In Volume Four of the "Sanfu Huangtu," under "Ponds and Marshes": "At the beginning of Emperor Wu's reign, when the pond was dug, black soil was found. The emperor asked Dongfang Shuo. Dongfang Shuo said: 'The people of the Western Regions know.'" Then he asked the Hu people. The Hu people said: 'It is the ash left after the burning.'” The Tang dynasty poet Du Fu wrote, “On the day of the Phoenix Festival, the Dragon Pond is filled with ash,” Yuan Zhen wrote, “The monk dines in the moonlit pavilion, hosting a feast at the ash pond,” Li Shangyin wrote, “In the Han garden, spring water arises, the Kunming Pond changes with ash,” “If the years pass through wind and rain, it is just the Hu monk talking about ash,” and Han Zuo wrote, “Watching the morning market turn into a tomb valley, I begin to believe Kunming is ash,” all of which use the black soil of Kunming Pond as a reference to the ash left after a disaster. The legend of the ash in Kunming Pond may reflect the destruction of earlier life remains, such as ash pits, during the construction of Kunming Pond in the era of Emperor Wu of Han.
关中湖泊的命运
The Fate of the Lakes in Guanzhong
班固《西都赋》曾经记述昆明池景象，其植物和动物的自然生存，构成了优越的生态条件：
Ban Gu's "Ode to the Western Capital" once described the scenery of Kunming Pool, where the natural existence of its plants and animals created superior ecological conditions
茂树荫蔚，芳草被堤。兰茞发色，晔晔猗猗。若摛锦布绣，烛耀乎其陂。 鸟则玄鹤白鹭，黄鹄鹳。鸧鸹鸨鹢，凫鹥鸿雁。朝发河海，夕宿江汉。沉浮往来，云集雾散。
The lush trees cast shade, fragrant grass covers the embankment. The orchids bloom in vibrant colors, shining brightly. Like brocade and embroidery, they illuminate the banks. The birds include black cranes and white egrets, yellow herons and storks. Cormorants, herons, ducks, and wild geese. They set out in the morning from rivers and seas, and rest in the evening by the Yangtze and Han rivers. Rising and falling, coming and going, clouds gather and mist disperses.
张衡《西京赋》也写道：
Zhang Heng's "Ode to the Western Capital" also states:
其中则有鼋鼍巨鳖，鳣鲤yu鲖。鲔鲵鲿鯋，修额短项。大口折鼻，诡类殊种。鸟则鹔shuang鸹鸨，jia鹅鸿鹍。上春候来，季秋就温。南翔衡阳，北栖雁门。奋隼归凫，沸卉軿訇。众形殊声，不可胜论。
Among them are giant turtles, catfish, and carpyuand other fish. Tuna, eel, and carp, with long foreheads and short necks. Large mouths and hooked noses, strange varieties.As for birds, there areshuangcrows and herons, jiageese and swans. In early spring, the season arrives, and in late autumn, it becomes warm. South flies to Hengyang, while north rests at Yanmen. The falcon returns to the duck, and the flowers bloom loudly. Many forms and sounds, too numerous to discuss.
《西京杂记》卷一说到汉代长安湖泊的生态景观，也可以作为我们认识当时环境条件的参考：
The first volume of "Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital" discusses the ecological landscape of the lakes in Chang'an during the Han Dynasty, which can also serve as a reference for understanding the environmental conditions of that time
太液池边皆是雕胡、紫萚、绿节之类。菰之有米者，长安人谓为雕胡。葭芦之未解叶者，谓之紫萚。菰之有首者，谓之绿节。其间凫雏雁子，布满充积， 又多紫龟绿鳖。池边多平沙，沙上鹈鹕、鹧鸪、青、鸿鹢，动辄成群。
By the Taiye Pool, there are all kinds of carved reeds、purple rushes, and green stems. The rice-bearing reed is called carved reed by the people of Chang'an. The unripe leaves of the bulrush are referred to as purple rushes. The reed with a head is called green stem. Among them, there are ducklings and goslings, densely packed, along with many purple turtles and green soft-shelled turtles. The pool's edge has a lot of flat sand, where pelicans, partridges, green herons, and egrets often gather in groups.
其中“凫雏雁子，布满充积”句，说明这里已经成为野生禽鸟孳育繁衍的生命基地。《三辅黄图》卷四《池沼》关于琳池，又说到池中植荷情景：
The phrase "ducklings and goslings, densely packed" indicates that this place has become a breeding ground for wild birds. In Volume Four of "Sanfu Huangtu," regarding Linchi, it also describes the scene of lotus plants growing in the pond:
池南起桂台以望远，东引太液之水。池中植分枝荷，一茎四叶，状如骈盖， 日照则叶低荫根茎，若葵之卫足。名曰“低光荷”。实如玄珠，可以饰佩，花叶难萎，芬馥之气彻十余里。
The pond in the south rises to the Gui platform for a distant view, drawing water from the Taiye. In the pond, there are branching lotus plants, with one stem and four leaves, shaped like a canopy. When the sun shines, the leaves droop to shade the roots and stem, resembling the protective feet of a sunflower. It is called "Low Light Lotus." The fruit is like a black pearl, suitable for adornment, and the flowers and leaves are hard to wither, with a fragrant aroma that spreads over ten miles.
《拾遗记》卷六又写道：“使宫人为歌。歌曰：‘秋素景兮泛洪波，挥纤手兮折芰荷。凉风凄凄扬棹歌，云光开曙月低河，万岁为乐岂云多。”对照今天这一地区的生态形势，这些记述，仅仅只是十分遥远的历史回忆了。人们自然会在内心感叹，就当时生态环境而言，所谓“万岁为乐”，似乎只是不可能实现的幻想。
The "Records of the Lost" Volume Six also states: "Let the palace maids sing. The song goes: 'Autumn's clear scenery floats on the vast waves, waving delicate hands to break the lotus. The cool wind mournfully raises the rowing song, the clouds illuminate the dawn, the moon hangs low over the river, how could 'long live for joy' be anything but a distant fantasy?'" In light of today's ecological situation in this region, these descriptions are merely a very distant historical memory. People naturally sigh inwardly, as regarding the ecological environment of that time, the so-called "long live for joy" seems to be an impossible dream.
秦汉时期的水资源条件与现今有所不同。作为重要因素之一，气候条件的作用可能值得我们特别关注。
The water resource conditions during the Qin and Han dynasties were different from those of today. As one of the important factors, the role of climate conditions may deserve our special attention.
通过对历史时期气候变迁的考察，有的学者认为，秦代至西汉气候较现今温暖湿润。根据历史水文资料，研究者认为秦及西汉时期的气候条件，是致使长江水位上升的因素之一，当时长江以南的洞庭湖、鄱阳湖、太湖等，水面都在不断扩大。当时黄河流域湖泊的数量及其水面，也都曾经达到历史时期的高峰。汉代学者关于当时关中湖泊“清渊洋洋”“洪涛”“漭沆”“似云汉之无涯”“揽沧海之汤汤”等记述，不应当看作不合实际的夸诞之辞。据海洋地质学者提供的数据，“在距今2500～1500年的波峰时期，古海面较现今海面高 约1～3米”，其引以为据的古贝壳堤、上升海滩沉积与海滩岩、海相淤泥与贝壳层以及珊瑚礁坪、隆起珊瑚礁及海口等勘察资料说明，“它们的海拔高度大都在1～5米间”。
Through the examination of climate changes during historical periods, some scholars believe that the climate from the Qin Dynasty to the Western Han was warmer and more humid than today.Based on historical hydrological data, researchers believe that the climatic conditions during the Qin and Western Han periods were one of the factors leading to the rise in the water level of the Yangtze River. At that time, the water surfaces of Dongting Lake, Poyang Lake, Taihu Lake, and others south of the Yangtze River were continuously expanding.During that time, the number of lakes in the Yellow River basin and their water surfaces also reached historical peaks. The descriptions by Han scholars regarding the lakes in Guanzhong, such as "clear and vast," "flood waves," "broad and boundless," "like the endless Milky Way," and "gathering the vastness of the sea," should not be regarded as unrealistic exaggerations. According to data provided by marine geologists, "during the peak period 2500 to 1500 years ago, the ancient sea level was about 1 to 3 meters higher than the current sea level," and the ancient shell ridges, rising beach deposits, beach rocks, marine mud and shell layers, as well as coral reefs, uplifted coral reefs, and estuaries, indicate that "their elevation is mostly between 1 and 5 meters".
《周礼·夏官·职方氏》关于雍州地形，说到有名为“弦蒲”的泽薮。《汉书·地理志上》右扶风千县条下也写到“北有蒲谷乡弦中谷，雍州弦蒲薮”。然而规模相当大的弦蒲泽，以及关中当时众多的湖泽，后来都已湮涸不存。
The "Rites of Zhou: Summer Officials: Zhi Fang" mentions a marsh called "Xianpu" in the topography of Yongzhou. The "Book of Han: Geography" also notes under the section on You Fufeng that "to the north is Pugu Township in Xianzhong Valley, and Yongzhou has Xianpu marsh." However, the relatively large Xianpu marsh, along with many lakes and marshes in Guanzhong at that time, have since dried up and no longer exist.
事实上，当时黄河流域的大泽，今世都已经难寻旧迹。《国语·周语下》有所谓“陂障九泽，丰殖九薮”。“九泽”“九薮”，都是说九州的九大湖泊。其名称与所在，古籍记载不一。一般以为九大湖泊中，七处均在北方。汉代人甚至有说“九泽”就是特指北方湖泊的。《淮南子·时则》也有“北方”“九泽” 的说法。然而后来这些大泽大都在北方土地上消失了。
In fact, the large marshes in the Yellow River basin at that time are now difficult to find. The "Guo Yu · Zhou Yu Xia" mentions the so-called "Nine Marshes and Nine Swamps." "Nine Marshes" and "Nine Swamps", both refer to the nine major lakes of the Nine Provinces. Their names and locations are recorded differently in ancient texts. It is generally believed that among the nine major lakes, seven are located in the north. People in the Han Dynasty even said that "Nine Marshes" specifically referred to the northern lakes. The "Huai Nan Zi · Shi Ze" also mentions "Northern" and "Nine Marshes." However, later on, most of these large marshes disappeared from the northern lands.
以所谓“九薮”位于关中地区者为例，战国至于秦汉，诸说略有不同：
Taking the so-called "Nine Valleys" located in the Guanzhong region as an example, from the Warring States period to the Qin and Han dynasties, various accounts differ slightly
《周礼·夏官·职方氏》：“正西曰雍州，……其泽薮曰‘弦蒲’。”
"The Book of Rites: Xia Guan: Zhi Fang Shi": "Due West is called Yongzhou,... its marshes are called 'Xian Pu'."
《吕氏春秋·有始》：“何谓‘九薮’？……秦之‘阳华’。”高诱注： “‘阳华’在凤翔，或曰在华阴西。”
“What is meant by ‘Nine Marshes’?…the ‘Yanghua’ of Qin.” Gao You's note: “‘Yanghua’ is in Fengxiang, or some say it is west of Huayin.”
《淮南子·地形》：“何谓‘九薮’？曰……秦之‘阳纡’。”高诱注：“‘阳纡’盖在冯翊池阳，一名‘具圃’。”
“What is meant by ‘Nine Marshes’? It is said... ‘Yang Yu’ of Qin.” Gao You's note：“‘Yang Yu’ is located in the Yang of Fengyi, also known as ‘Ju Pu’.”
《说文·草部》：“九州之薮，……雍州‘弦圃’。”
"The Book of Words: Grass Section: 'The marshes of the Nine Provinces, ... Yongzhou 'Xianpu'."
《风俗通义·山泽》：“今汉有九州之薮，……雍州曰‘弦蒲’，在汧县北蒲谷亭。”
"The Customs and Usages: Mountains and Marshes": 'Now the Han has the nine provinces' thickets... Yongzhou is called 'Xianpu', located in the northern Pugu Pavilion of Qian County."
《尔雅·释地》又说，九州有“十薮”，“秦有杨陓”。郭璞注：“今在扶风汧县西。”作为“当时全国著名的大湖”，必然有相当的规模。
The "Erya: Explanation of the Earth" also states that there are "ten marshes" in the Nine Provinces, and "Qin has Yang Ao." Guo Pu commented: "Now located west of Qian County in Fufeng." As a "famous large lake in the country at that time," it must have been quite substantial in scale.
《周礼·夏官·职方氏》也说到“杨纡”，不过其地在冀州。“阳华”“阳纡”“杨纡”“杨陓”，应当本是一地。大约正如俞樾所说，《周礼》之“杨纡”，《尔雅》之“杨陓”，并“阳华”之假音。他认为，高诱“在凤翔” “在华阴西”两说，当以华阴之说为是。
The "Rites of Zhou: Summer Officials: Zhi Fang" also mentions "Yang Yu," but its location is in Jizhou. "Yanghua," "Yang Yu," "Yang Yu," and "Yang Ao" should originally refer to the same place. It is likely as Yu Yue said, that the "Yang Yu" in the "Rites of Zhou," the "Yang Ao" in "Erya," and the phonetic variant "Yanghua" are all related. He believes that Gao You's two claims of "in Fengxiang" and "west of Huayin" should be considered as the one in Huayin.
《吕氏春秋·有始》说“秦之‘阳华’”是“九薮”之一。后来《淮南子·地形》及《尔雅·释地》也都沿承了这一说法。号称“备天地万物古今之事”的《吕氏春秋》成书于秦地，因而列于“九薮”之中的“秦之‘阳华’” 的历史存在，大致是没有必要怀疑的。但是“阳华”地望，却长期未能明确。
The "Yanghua" of Qin mentioned in the "Lüshi Chunqiu · You Shi" is one of the "Nine Ditches." Later, both the "Huainanzi · Dihang" and "Erya · Shidi" also followed this statement. The "Lüshi Chunqiu," which claims to cover the ancient and modern affairs of heaven, earth, and all things, was written in the Qin region, so the historical existence of "Yanghua of Qin" listed among the "Nine Ditches" is generally not in doubt. However, the geographical location of "Yanghua,"haslong remained unclear.
郑玄注《周礼·夏官·职方氏》，说道：“‘杨纡’所在未闻。”而高诱所谓“一名‘具圃’”，“具圃”，《左传·僖公三十三年》作“具囿”，杜预在《春秋经传集解》中也没有注明其地。看来，东汉博闻学者许慎、郑玄、应劭、高诱，以及魏晋大学问家杜预、郭璞等，都已经弄不清楚《吕氏春秋》成书前后规模超过“弦蒲”的这一作为秦地湖泊之首的泽薮的方位了。很可能在东汉中期前后，这个湖泊完全湮灭了。
Zheng Xuan's commentary on "Zhou Li · Xia Guan · Zhi Fang Shi" states: "The location of 'Yang Yu' has not been heard of." Gao You refers to it as "also known as 'Ju Pu'," and "Ju Pu" is referred to as "Ju You" in "Zuo Zhuan · Xi Gong Year 33", Du Yu also did not specify its location in "Chun Qiu Jing Zhuan Ji Jie." It seems that the well-informed scholars of the Eastern Han, such as Xu Shen, Zheng Xuan, Ying Shao, Gao You, as well as the great scholars of the Wei and Jin dynasties like Du Yu and Guo Pu, were unable to clarify the location of this lake, which was the foremost marshland in Qin territory, exceeding "Xian Pu" in scale before and after the compilation of "Lü Shi Chun Qiu." It is very likely that by the mid-Eastern Han period, this lake had completely vanished.
当时北方湖泊的缩小和消失，绝不仅此一例。湖泊逐渐淤涸成为平地，是历史时期惯见的地貌变迁形式，然而秦汉时期如“阳华薮”这种迅速消失的情形，是特别引人注目的。
The shrinking and disappearance of northern lakes at that time was certainly not an isolated case. The gradual siltation of lakes into flat land is a common form of geomorphological change throughout history; however, the rapid disappearance of places like "Yanghua Marsh" during the Qin and Han dynasties is particularly noteworthy.
秦汉宫苑的“海池”
The "Sea Pool" of the Qin and Han Palace Gardens
秦始皇实现统一之后五次出巡，其中四次行临海滨。汉武帝至少十次经历面向大海的东巡。秦汉帝王对海洋的特殊情感以及探索海洋和开发海洋的意识， 还表现在宫廷建设规划中有“海”的特殊设计。宫苑中特意营造象征海洋的人工湖泊，也体现了海洋在当时社会意识中的重要地位和神秘意义。
After Qin Shi Huang achieved unification, he made five tours, four of which were along the coastal areas. Emperor Wu of Han undertook at least ten eastern tours facing the sea. The special feelings of the Qin and Han emperors towards the ocean, as well as their awareness of exploring and developing the sea, were also reflected in the special designs related to the "sea" in palace construction planning. The artificial lakes created in the palace gardens symbolizing the ocean also demonstrated the important status and mysterious significance of the ocean in the social consciousness of that time..
司马迁对于秦始皇陵地宫的结构有这样的记载：“以水银为百川江河大海， 机相灌输。”按照有关地下陵墓设计和制作“大海”模型的这一说法，似乎陵墓主人对“海”的向往，至死仍不消减。其实，有迹象表明，秦始皇生前的居所附近，可能也有象征“海”的宫苑园林规划。
Sima Qian recorded the structure of the underground palace of the Qin Shi Huang tomb as follows: "Using mercury to represent the rivers and seas, machines were used to supply it." According to this statement regarding the design and creation of the "sea" model in underground tombs, it seems that the tomb's owner still longed for the "sea" even in death. In fact, there are indications that near the residence of Qin Shi Huang during his lifetime, there may have also been palace gardens planned to symbolize the "sea."
《史记·秦始皇本纪》记载：“三十一年十二月，……始皇为微行咸阳，与武士四人俱，夜出逢盗兰池，见窘，武士击杀盗，关中大索二十日。”这是秦史中所记录的唯一一次发生在关中秦国故地的威胁秦帝国最高执政者安全的事件。秦始皇仅带四名随从，以平民身份“夜出”“微行”，在咸阳宫殿区内竟然遭遇严重破坏都市治安的“盗”。《北堂书钞》卷二○引《史记》写作“兰池见窘”。《初学记》卷九则作“见窘兰池”。所谓“见窘”的“窘”，汉代人多以“困”“急”解释。又有“窘急”“窘滞”“窘迫”“窘惶”诸说。按 照司马迁的语言习惯，所言“窘”与秦始皇兰池遭遇类似的面对武装暴力威胁的“困”“急”情势，有秦穆公和晋惠公战场遇险史例。“微行咸阳”，“夜出逢盗兰池”时，秦始皇身边随行“武士”以非常方式保卫主上的生命安全，“击杀盗”，随后在整个关中地区戒严，搜捕可疑人等。
"The Records of the Grand Historian: The Annals of Qin Shi Huang" states: "In the thirty-first year, in the twelfth month, ... Shi Huang traveled incognito to Xianyang, accompanied by four warriors, and at night encountered bandits at Lan Pool. Seeing the situation was dire, the warriors killed the bandits, and a major search was conducted in Guanzhong for twenty days." This is the only recorded incident in Qin history that posed a threat to the safety of the highest ruler of the Qin Empire in the former territory of the Qin state in Guanzhong. Qin Shi Huang, accompanied by only four attendants, traveled "at night" and "incognito," and unexpectedly encountered serious disruptions to urban security from "bandits" within the palace area of Xianyang. The "Beitang Shuchao," Volume 20, cites "The Records of the Grand Historian" as writing "Lan Pool encountered difficulties." Volume 9 of "Chuxue Ji" states "encountered difficulties at Lan Pool." The term "difficulties" was often interpreted by Han people as "trapped" or "urgent.". There are also interpretations such as "urgent difficulties," "stagnation," "embarrassment," and "panic." According to Sima Qian's linguistic habits, the term "difficulties" refers to a situation similar to Qin Shi Huang's encounter at Lan Pool, facing armed violence threats, akin to historical examples of Duke Mu of Qin and Duke Hui of Jin encountering danger on the battlefield. When "traveling incognito to Xianyang" and "encountering bandits at Lan Pool," the "warriors" accompanying Qin Shi Huang took extraordinary measures to protect their lord's life, "killing the bandits," and subsequently, martial law was declared throughout the Guanzhong region to search for suspicious individuals, etc.
事件发生的地点“兰池”，就是位于秦咸阳宫东面的“兰池宫”。《史记》的相关记述，注家有所解说。南朝宋学者裴骃在《史记集解》中写道：“《地理志》：渭城县有兰池宫。”他引录的是《汉书·地理志上》。我们今天看到的《汉书》 的文字，在右扶风渭城县条下是这样书写的：“渭城，故咸阳，高帝元年更名新城，七年罢，属长安。武帝元鼎三年更名渭城。有兰池宫。”唐代学者张守节《史记正义》引录了唐代地理学名著《括地志》：“兰池陂即古之兰池，在咸阳县界。”秦汉时期的“兰池”，唐代称作“兰池陂”，可知这一湖泊，隋唐时代依然存在。
The location of the incident, "Lan Pond," is the "Lan Pond Palace" located to the east of the Qin Xianyang Palace. The relevant descriptions in the "Records of the Grand Historian" have been explained by scholars. The Southern Dynasties scholar Pei Yi wrote in the "Collected Commentaries on the Records of the Grand Historian": "According to the Geographical Records: There is the Lan Pond Palace in Weicheng County." He quoted from the "Book of Han: Geographical Records, Volume One." The text of the "Book of Han" that we see today is written as follows under the entry for Weicheng County in Youfu Feng: "Weicheng, formerly Xianyang, was renamed Xincheng in the first year of Emperor Gao's reign, abolished in the seventh year, and belonged to Chang'an. In the third year of Emperor Wu's Yuan Ding, it was renamed Weicheng. There is the Lan Pond Palace." The Tang Dynasty scholar Zhang Shoujie quoted from the famous geographical work of the Tang Dynasty, "Records of the Lands": "Lan Pond Embankment is the ancient Lan Pond, located within the boundaries of Xianyang County." It can be seen that the "Lan Pond" during the Qin and Han periods was still referred to as "Lan Pond Embankment" in the Tang Dynasty, indicating that this lake still existed during the Sui and Tang eras.
张守节又写道：“《秦记》云：‘始皇都长安，引渭水为池，筑为蓬、瀛， 刻石为鲸，长二百丈。’逢盗之处也。”他认为秦始皇“微行”“夜出逢盗” 的地点，是在被称作“兰池”的湖泊附近。所谓《秦记》的记载，说秦始皇在都城附近引渭河水注为池，在水中营造蓬莱、瀛洲海中仙山模型，又“刻石为鲸”，以表现这一人工水面其实是海洋的象征。
Zhang Shoujie also wrote: "The 'Records of Qin' states: 'The First Emperor established his capital in Chang'an, diverting the Wei River to create a pool, building models of Penglai and Yingzhou, and carving stones into the shape of a whale, two hundred zhang long.' This was a place where thieves would appear." He believed that the location where Qin Shi Huang "traveled incognito" and "went out at night to encounter thieves" was near the lake known as "Lan Chi." The so-called record in the 'Records of Qin' mentions that Qin Shi Huang diverted the Wei River near the capital to create a pool, constructing models of the immortal mountains of Penglai and Yingzhou in the water, and also "carving stones into the shape of a whale" to symbolize that this artificial water surface was actually a representation of the ocean..
来自 《秦记》 的历史信息非常重要。因为秦始皇焚书时
The historical information from "Records of the Qin" is very important. Because when Qin Shi Huang burned the books,，宣布
, announce“史官非 《秦记》皆烧之”。《史记·秦始皇本纪》明确记载，除了《秦记》外，其他史书全部烧毁。《史记·六国年表》又写道：“秦既得意，烧天下《诗》《书》，诸侯史记尤甚，为其有所刺讥也。”“惜哉！惜哉！独有《秦记》，又不载日月
"The official historian said, 'All records of the Qin have been burned.' The 'Records of the Grand Historian: Annals of Qin Shi Huang' clearly states that, apart from the 'Records of Qin,' all other historical texts were completely destroyed. The 'Records of the Grand Historian: Chronology of the Six States' further notes, 'Once Qin was in power, they burned all the 'Book of Songs' and 'Book of Documents,' and the histories of the feudal lords were especially severe, as they contained criticisms and jibes.' 'What a pity! What a pity! Only the 'Records of Qin' remain, yet it does not record the sun and the moon.'"，其文略不具。”司马迁深切感叹各诸侯国历史记录之不存，“独有《秦记》”， 然而“其文略不具”。不过，他同时又肯定，就战国历史内容而言，《秦记》 的真实性是可取的。司马迁还认为因“见秦在帝位日浅”而产生鄙视秦人历史文化的偏见，是可悲的。《史记·六国年表》还有两次，即在序文的开头和结尾都说到《秦记》：“太史公读《秦记》，至犬戎败幽王，周东徙洛邑，秦襄公始封为诸侯，作西畤用事上帝，僭端见矣。”“余于是因《秦记》，踵《春秋》 之后，起周元王，表六国时事，讫二世，凡二百七十年，著诸所闻兴坏之端
"The text is briefly incomplete." Sima Qian deeply lamented the lack of historical records from various feudal states, stating, "Only the 'Records of Qin' exist," yet "the text is briefly incomplete." However, he simultaneously affirmed that regarding the content of the Warring States history, the authenticity of the 'Records of Qin' is commendable. Sima Qian also believed that the prejudice against Qin's historical culture due to the perception of "Qin's short time in power" is regrettable. In the 'Records of the Grand Historian: Chronology of the Six States,' it mentions the 'Records of Qin' twice, at both the beginning and the end of the preface: "The Grand Historian read the 'Records of Qin,' reaching the point where the Qiang defeated King You of Zhou, and Zhou moved east to Luoyi, with Duke Xiang of Qin first enfeoffed as a feudal lord, making offerings to the Supreme Deity at the western altar, which was a sign of usurpation." "Thus, I based on the 'Records of Qin,' following the 'Spring and Autumn,' starting from King Yuan of Zhou, detailing the events of the six states, up to the second generation, covering a total of two hundred seventy years, recording the beginnings and ends of what I have heard."。后有君子，以览观焉。”王国维曾指出《史记》“司马迁取诸《秦记》者”情形。孙德谦《太史公书义法·详近》说，《秦记》这部书，司马迁一定是亲眼看过的。所以他“所作列传，不详于他国，而独详于秦”。在商鞅之后，如张仪
"Behind there are gentlemen, to observe and contemplate." Wang Guowei once pointed out that Sima Qian took from the "Records of Qin." Sun Deqian in "The Book of Grand Historian: Detailed Recent" said that Sima Qian must have seen the book "Records of Qin" with his own eyes. Therefore, "the biographies he wrote are not detailed about other countries, but are particularly detailed about Qin." After Shang Yang, figures like Zhang Yi...、樗里子、甘茂、甘罗、穰侯、白起、范雎、蔡泽、吕不韦、李斯、蒙恬诸人
Chuli Zi, Gan Mo, Gan Luo, Rang Hou, Bai Qi, Fan Ju, Cai Ze, Lü Buwei, Li Si, Meng Tian and others，历
, history史人物的记录唯秦为多。难道说司马迁对秦人有特殊的私爱吗？这很可能只是由于他“据《秦记》为本，此所以传秦人特详”。金德建《司马迁所见书考》 一书于是推定：“《史记》的《六国年表》纯然是以《秦记》的史料做骨干写
The records of historical figures are mostly about the Qin. Could it be that Sima Qian had a special affection for the Qin people? This is likely due to his reliance on the "Records of Qin" as the basis, which is why the accounts of the Qin people are particularly detailed. Jin Dejian's book "An Examination of the Books Seen by Sima Qian" thus concludes: "The 'Chronology of the Six States' in the 'Records of History' is purely based on the historical materials of the 'Records of Qin' as its backbone."成的。秦国的事迹，只见纪于《六国年表》里而不见于别篇，也正可以说明司马迁照录了《秦记》中原有的文字。”
"The achievements of the Qin state are only recorded in the 'Chronology of the Six States' and not found in other texts, which also indicates that Sima Qian has faithfully transcribed the original text from the 'Records of Qin.'"
如果张守节《史记正义》引录的“始皇都长安，引渭水为池，筑为蓬、瀛， 刻石为鲸，长二百丈”这段文字确实出自《秦记》，其可靠性是值得特别重视的。
If the excerpt from Zhang Shoujie's "Shiji Zhengyi" that states "Emperor Qin moved the capital to Chang'an, diverted the Wei River to create a pool, built the Peng and Ying, and carved stones into the shape of a whale, measuring two hundred zhang in length" indeed comes from the "Records of Qin," its reliability is particularly noteworthy.
不过，我们又发现了疑点。《续汉书·郡国志一》“京兆尹长安”条写道：“有兰池。”刘昭注补：“《史记》曰：‘秦始皇微行夜出，逢盗兰池。’《三秦记》曰：‘始皇引渭水为长池，东西二百里，南北三十里，刻石为鲸鱼二百丈。’”唐代学者张守节以为《秦记》的记载，南朝梁学者刘昭却早已明确指出由自《三秦记》。我们又看到《说郛》卷六一上《辛氏三秦记》“兰池”条确实有这样的内容：“秦始皇作兰池，引渭水，东西二百里，南北二十里，筑土为蓬莱山。刻石为鲸鱼，长二百丈。”清代学者张照已经判断，张守节所谓《秦记》其实就是《三秦记》，只是脱写了一个“三”字。
However, we have discovered some doubts. The "Records of the Later Han: Treatise on the Commanderies and Kingdoms" states in the section on "Jingzhao Yin Chang'an": "There is the Lan Pool." Liu Zhao's commentary adds: "The Records of the Grand Historian says: 'Qin Shihuang secretly went out at night and encountered thieves at the Lan Pool.’ The 'Three Qin Records' states: 'Shihuang diverted the Weishui River to create the Chang Pool, which is two hundred li east to west and thirty li north to south, carving stones into a whale two hundred zhang long.'” Tang dynasty scholar Zhang Shoujie believed that the account in the 'Qin Records' was accurate, while Liu Zhao, a scholar from the Southern Dynasties Liang, had already pointed out that it originated from the 'Three Qin Records.' We also see in the 'Shuofu,' volume six, the section on the 'Xin Family's Three Qin Records' indeed contains such content: "Qin Shihuang created the Lan Pool, diverted the Weishui River, two hundred li east to west, twenty li north to south, built earth to form Penglai Mountain, and carved stones into a whale, two hundred zhang long." Qing dynasty scholar Zhang Zhao has already judged that what Zhang Shoujie referred to as the 'Qin Records' is actually the 'Three Qin Records,' just missing the character for 'three.'
《三秦记》或《辛氏三秦记》的成书年代要晚得多。这样说来，秦宫营造海洋及海中神山模型的记载，可信度不免要打折扣了。
The completion date of "Records of the Three Qins" or "The Xin Family's Records of the Three Qins" is much later. In this case, the credibility of the account regarding the construction of the Qin palace and the model of the divine mountain in the sea is inevitably reduced.
不过，秦咸阳宫存在仿象海洋的人工湖泊的可能性还是存在的。我们从有关秦始皇陵“以水银为百川江河大海，机相灌输”的记载，可以知道海洋在秦帝国缔造者心中的地位。
However, the possibility of an artificial lake resembling the ocean existing in the Qin Xianyang Palace still exists. From the records regarding the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum, which mention "using mercury to represent rivers and seas," we can understand the significance of the ocean in the mind of the founder of the Qin Empire.
秦始皇在统一战争中每征服一个国家，都要把该国宫殿的建筑图样采集回来，在咸阳以北的塬上予以复制。这就是《史记·秦始皇本纪》记载的“秦每破诸侯，写放其宫室，作之咸阳北阪上”。而翻版燕国宫殿的位置，正在咸阳宫的东北方向，与燕国和秦国的方位关系是一致的。兰池宫曾经出土“兰池宫当”文字瓦当，其位置大体明确。秦的兰池宫也在咸阳宫的东北方向，正在 “出土燕国形制瓦当”的秦人复制燕国宫殿建筑以南。如果说这一湖泊象征渤海水面，从地理位置上考虑，也是妥当的。
When Qin Shi Huang conquered a state during the unification wars, he would collect the architectural blueprints of that state's palace and replicate them on the plateau north of Xianyang. This is recorded in the "Records of the Grand Historian: The Annals of Qin Shi Huang" as "Whenever Qin defeated the feudal lords, they would write down the designs of their palaces and construct them on the northern slope of Xianyang."However, the location of the replica of the Yan state palace is in the northeast direction of the Xianyang Palace, consistent with the geographical relationship between the Yan and Qin states. The Lan Chi Palace has unearthed tiles with the inscription "Lan Chi Palace," and its location is generally clear. The Qin's Lan Chi Palace is also in the northeast direction of the Xianyang Palace, located south of the Qin's replication of the Yan state palace architecture, which has "unearthed Yan state-style tiles."If this lake symbolizes the surface of the Bohai Sea, it is also reasonable to consider from a geographical perspective.
渤海当时称“勃海”，又称“勃澥”。这是秦始皇相当熟悉的海域。他的东巡，曾经沿渤海西岸和南岸行进，又曾经在海上浮行，甚至有使用连弩亲自 “射杀”海上“巨鱼”的行为。燕、齐海上方士们关于海上神山的宣传，其最初的底本很可能是对于渤海海面海市蜃楼的认识。在渤海湾西岸发掘的秦汉建筑遗存，许多学者认为与秦始皇巡行至于碣石的行迹有关，被称作“秦行宫遗址”。所出土大型蘷纹建筑材料，仅在秦始皇陵园有同类发现。秦始皇巡行渤海的感觉，很可能会对秦都咸阳宫殿区建设规划的构想产生一定的影响。从姜女石石碑地秦宫遗址的位置看，这里完全被蓝色的水世界紧密拥抱。这位帝王应当也希望居住在咸阳的宫室的时候，同样开窗就能够看到海景。
The Bohai Sea was then called "Bo Hai" and also "Bo Xie." This was a sea area that Qin Shi Huang was quite familiar with. During his eastern tour, he traveled along the western and southern coasts of Bohai, and even floated on the sea, engaging in the act of personally "shooting" giant fish at sea with a repeating crossbow.“The propaganda by the sea sorcerers of Yan and Qi about the divine mountains at sea likely originated from the understanding of the mirages on the surface of Bohai. The archaeological remains of Qin and Han architecture excavated on the western coast of Bohai Bay are believed by many scholars to be related to Qin Shi Huang's journey to Jieshi, referred to as the "site of the Qin palace." The large decorative architectural materials unearthed are only found in similar forms at the mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang. The experience of Qin Shi Huang touring Bohai likely had a certain influence on the planning of the construction of the palace area in the capital, Xianyang. From the location of the stone tablet at Jiangnvshi, the Qin palace site is completely embraced by the blue water world. This emperor would have hoped that when residing in the palaces of Xianyang, he could also open the windows to see the sea view.
秦封泥有“晦池之印”。“晦”可以读作“海”。《释名·释水》：“海， 晦也。”清华大学藏战国简《赤鹄之集汤之屋》“四海”写作“四晦”。《易·明夷·上六》：“不明晦，初登于天，后入于地。”汉帛书本“晦”作 “海”。《吕氏春秋·求人》：“北至人正之国，夏海之穷。”《淮南子·时则》 “海”作“晦”。秦封泥“东晦□马”“东晦都水”，“东晦”都是“东海”的异写形式。这样说来，秦有管理“晦池”即“海池”的官职。而“海池”见于汉代宫苑史料，指仿照海洋营造的湖沼。另外，秦封泥又有“每池”，应当也是“海池”。
The Qin seal clay has the "Seal of the Dark Pool." "Dark" can be read as "Sea." In "Shiming · Shishui": "Sea, dark also." The Tsinghua University collection of Warring States bamboo slips "Collection of the Red Heron at the House of Tang" writes "Four Seas" as "Four Darks.".In "Yijing · Mingyi · Upper Six": "Not bright and dark, first ascending to heaven, then entering the earth." In the Han silk book version, "dark" is written as "sea." In "Lüshi Chunqiu · Qiuren": "North to the country of Zheng, the end of the summer sea." In "Huainanzi · Shize," "sea" is written as "dark." The Qin seal clay "East Dark □ Horse" and "East Dark Capital Water," both "East Dark" are variant forms of "East Sea." This suggests that Qin had an official position managing the "Dark Pool," which is the "Sea Pool." The "Sea Pool" appears in Han dynasty palace garden historical materials, referring to lakes and marshes constructed in imitation of the ocean. Additionally, the Qin seal clay also has "Every Pool," which should also refer to "Sea Pool."
汉武帝是秦始皇之后又一位对海洋有着特殊热情的帝王。他在宫苑营造规划中，专门设计了有明确的仿象海洋性质的湖泊。
Emperor Wu of Han was another emperor with a special passion for the ocean after Qin Shi Huang. In the planning of his palace gardens, he specifically designed lakes that clearly imitated the nature of the ocean.
《史记·封禅书》 记载，汉武帝在汉长安城以西，萧何为刘邦修建的未央宫的旁侧建造了宏大的建章宫：“作建章宫，度为千门万户。前殿度高未央。” 宫殿区的北面，有一个规模可观的湖泊，其中有象征海中神山的岛屿：“其北治大池，渐台高二十余丈，命曰太液池，中有蓬莱、方丈、瀛洲、壶梁，象海中神山龟鱼之属。”所谓“有蓬莱、方丈、瀛洲、壶梁，象海中神山龟鱼之属”，出自司马迁笔下，是明确的以宫廷中人工湖泊“象海”的历史记录。《史记·孝武本纪》有同样的内容，司马贞《索隐》引《三辅故事》说：“殿北海池北岸有石鱼，长二丈，宽五尺，西岸有石龟二枚，各长六尺。”所谓“殿北海池”特别值得注意，这一湖泊名叫“海池”，其位置在建章宫前殿正北。这是我们在历史文献记录中看到的名义确定的“海池”。以汉时尺度计，“石龟” 长1.386米，应是仿象海龟。“石鱼”长4.62米，宽1.155米，也应当是仿象海鱼。
According to the "Records of the Grand Historian: Book of Fengshan," Emperor Wu of Han built the grand Jianzhang Palace beside the Weiyang Palace, which was constructed by Xiao He for Liu Bang, to the west of Chang'an City: "The Jianzhang Palace was built with a thousand doors and ten thousand households. The front hall is higher than Weiyang." To the north of the palace area, there is a considerable lake, which has islands symbolizing the divine mountains in the sea: "To the north is the Great Pool, with a gradual platform over twenty zhang high, named Taiye Pool, which contains Penglai, Fangzhang, Yingzhou, and Hulian, symbolizing the divine mountains and the turtle and fish of the sea." The mention of "Penglai, Fangzhang, Yingzhou, and Hulian, symbolizing the divine mountains and the turtle and fish of the sea" comes from Sima Qian's writings, clearly recording the history of the artificial lake "symbolizing the sea" in the palace. The same content is found in the "Records of the Grand Historian: Annals of Emperor Xuan," where Sima Zhen's "Suo Yin" cites "Stories of the Three Auxiliaries," stating: "On the north bank of the sea pool north of the hall, there is a stone fish, two zhang long and five feet wide, and on the west bank, there are two stone turtles, each six feet long." The term "sea pool north of the hall" is particularly noteworthy; this lake is named "Sea Pool," located directly north of the front hall of Jianzhang Palace. This is the officially designated "Sea Pool" we see in historical records. Measured by Han standards, the "stone turtle" is 1.386 meters long, likely imitating a sea turtle. The "stone fish" is 4.62 meters long and 1.155 meters wide, which should also imitate a sea fish.
与《三秦记》“兰池”“刻石为鲸”的情形类似，《文选》卷二张衡《西京赋》说“前开唐中，弥望广潒，顾临太液，沧池漭沆”，“海若游于玄渚，鲸鱼失流而蹉跎”。《西京杂记》记载，在汉武帝为操演水军经营的昆明池中放置有“石鲸”：“昆明池刻玉石为鲸，每至雷雨，鲸常鸣吼，鬓尾皆动。汉世祭之以祈雨，往往有验。”《三辅黄图》卷四《池沼》：“《三辅故事》又曰：‘（昆明）池中有豫章台及石鲸。刻石为鲸鱼，长三丈，每至雷雨，常鸣吼，鬛尾皆动。’”昆明池“石鲸”在唐代受到诗人们的关注。宋之问、苏颋、储光羲、苏庆余、温庭筠等均有咏唱。杜甫《秋兴八首》其七写道：“昆明池水汉时功，武帝旌旗在眼中。织女机丝虚月夜，石鲸鳞甲动秋风。”清初学者陈廷敬以为“笔端高绝，出寻常蹊径之外”。
Similar to the situation described in "Sanqin Ji" with "Lan Chi" and "the stone whale," Zhang Heng's "West Capital Rhapsody" in Volume Two of "Wen Xuan" states, "Before the opening of the Tang Dynasty, the vast expanse was filled with water, gazing at Taiye, the Cangchi was deep and wide," and "the sea seemed to swim in the dark islet, the whale lost its flow and lingered."."West Capital Miscellaneous Records" notes that during Emperor Wu of Han's naval exercises, a "stone whale" was placed in Kunming Pool: "The Kunming Pool has a stone carved into a whale, and whenever there is thunder and rain, the whale often roars, and its fins and tail all move. In the Han era, it was sacrificed to pray for rain, and it often had results." "Sanfu Huangtu" Volume Four "Pools and Marshes": "'Sanfu Stories' also says: '(Kunming) Pool has the Yuzhang Terrace and the stone whale. The stone is carved into a whale, three zhang long, and whenever there is thunder and rain, it often roars, and its fins and tail all move.'" The "stone whale" in Kunming Pool attracted the attention of poets during the Tang Dynasty. Song Zhiwen, Su Hong, Chu Guangxi, Su Qingyu, and Wen Tingyun all composed verses about it. Du Fu wrote in "Eight Poems on Autumn Feelings," the seventh: "The water of Kunming Pool is a Han achievement, the banners of Emperor Wu are in sight. The Weaver Girl weaves threads on a moonlit night, the stone whale's scales move with the autumn wind." Early Qing scholar Chen Tingjing believed it was "extraordinarily high in literary quality, beyond the ordinary path."
传说“每至雷雨”，“石鲸”都有异常的表现，“常鸣吼，鬓尾皆动”。 杜诗所谓“石鲸鳞甲动秋风”，也说在古人对于海洋的神秘主义意识中，“刻石”或“刻玉石”为之的“石鲸”，似乎是有生命，又有特别的神异功能的。
Legend has it that "whenever there is thunder and rain," the "stone whale" exhibits unusual behavior, "often roaring, with its fins and tail all moving." The Du poetry mentions "the scales and armor of the stone whale moving in the autumn wind," suggesting that in the ancient people's mystical awareness of the ocean, the "stone whale," whether "carved from stone" or "carved from jade," seems to possess life and special supernatural abilities.
秦汉宫苑“象海”的人工湖泊，是在帝王们对于海洋神仙文化系统充满憧憬和向往的心理背景下专心营造的。
The artificial lake "Xianghai" in the palaces and gardens of the Qin and Han dynasties was meticulously created against the backdrop of emperors' deep yearning and admiration for the culture of ocean deities.
以汉武帝在建章宫前殿“其北治大池，渐台高二十余丈，命曰太液池，中有蓬莱、方丈、瀛洲、壶梁，象海中神山龟鱼之属”的记载为例，在“太液池” 及“蓬莱、方丈、瀛洲、壶梁”“海中神山”模型设计和施工之前，这位帝王的思想言行表现出对“蓬莱”世界的特别关注。据《史记·封禅书》记述，方士李少君对汉武帝说，“益寿而海中蓬莱仙者乃可见”，“安期生仙者，通蓬莱中”，于是汉武帝“遣方士入海求蓬莱安期生之属”。“求蓬莱安期生莫能得，而海上燕齐怪迂之方士多更来言神事矣。”“入海求蓬莱者，言蓬莱不远， 而不能至者，殆不见其气。上乃遣望气佐候其气云。”“欲放黄帝以上接神仙人蓬莱士，高世比德于九皇，而颇采儒术以文之。”“上遂东巡海上，行礼祠八神。齐人之上疏言神怪奇方者以万数，然无验者。乃益发船，令言海中神山者数千人求蓬莱神人。”“天子既已封泰山，无风雨灾，而方士更言蓬莱诸神若将可得，于是上欣然庶几遇之，乃复东至海上望，冀遇蓬莱焉。”“临勃海， 将以望祀蓬莱之属，冀至殊廷焉。”事在元光二年（前133）至太初元年（前104）间，近30年来，汉武帝心中似乎始终萦绕着“蓬莱”之梦。在“太液池” 建“蓬莱”等“海中神山”模型，其实是“求蓬莱”“冀遇蓬莱”“望祀蓬莱” 等一系列动作的继续。宫廷“海池”以及附属的“蓬莱、方丈、瀛洲、壶梁，象海中神山龟鱼之属”等，作为特殊的信仰象征，于是具有了接近“海中神山”“神怪”“神仙人”的神秘意义。
Taking the record of Emperor Wu of Han at the front hall of the Jianzhang Palace, "to the north, a large pool was constructed, with a gradual platform over twenty zhang high, named the Taiye Pool, in which there are Penglai, Fangzhang, Yingzhou, and Hulian, symbolizing the divine mountains and turtle fish in the sea," as an example, before the design and construction of the "Taiye Pool" and the "Penglai, Fangzhang, Yingzhou, Hulian" model of "divine mountains in the sea," this emperor's thoughts and actions showed a special concern for the "Penglai" world. According to the "Records of the Grand Historian: Book of Fengshan,", the alchemist Li Shaojun told Emperor Wu of Han, "Only those who can see the immortals of Penglai in the sea can extend their lives," and "An Qisheng, the immortal, is connected to Penglai," thus Emperor Wu "sent alchemists into the sea to seek Penglai and An Qisheng." "They sought Penglai and An Qisheng but could not find them, while many alchemists from Yan and Qi came to speak of divine matters." "Those who entered the sea to seek Penglai said it was not far, yet could not reach it, likely because they did not see its aura. The emperor then sent someone to observe the aura." "He wished to connect with the immortals above the Yellow Emperor and the Penglai scholars, comparing virtues with the Nine Emperors, while also drawing on Confucian teachings to enrich it." "The emperor then proceeded to tour the sea, performing rituals to worship the eight deities. The people of Qi reported that there were countless strange and miraculous alchemists, yet none had any evidence. Thus, he increased the number of ships, allowing thousands of people to seek the Penglai immortals." "Since the Son of Heaven had already sealed Mount Tai, with no wind or rain disasters, yet the alchemists continued to say that the gods of Penglai could be obtained, the emperor was delighted and hoped to encounter them, thus he again went east to the sea to look for Penglai." "Approaching Bohai, he intended to observe and worship the Penglai deities, hoping to reach the extraordinary court." This occurred in the second year of Yuan Guang (before 133) to the first year of Tai Chu (before 104), for nearly 30 years, Emperor Wu of Han seemed to have the "Penglai" dream lingering in his heart. The construction of the "Taiye Pool" and the "Penglai" and other "divine mountains in the sea" models was, in fact, a continuation of a series of actions such as "seeking Penglai," "hoping to encounter Penglai," and "looking to worship Penglai." The palace's "sea pool" and the associated "Penglai, Fangzhang, Yingzhou, Hulian," symbolizing the divine mountains and turtle fish in the sea, thus held a mysterious significance as a special symbol of faith, bringing them closer to the "divine mountains in the sea," "the miraculous," and "the immortals."
王莽临近覆亡时最后的表演，竟然是以“渐台”为舞台的。据《汉书·王莽传下》记载，反抗王莽政权的暴动民众逼近宫中，“群臣扶掖莽，自前殿南下椒除，西出白虎门，……莽就车，之渐台，欲阻池水”，近臣“尚千余人随之”。“军人入殿中，呼曰：‘反虏王莽安在？’有美人出房曰：‘在渐台。’ 众兵追之，围数百重。台上亦弓弩与相射，稍稍落去。矢尽，无以复射，短兵接。”效忠王莽的近卫士兵多战死，于是，“众兵上台，……商人杜吴杀莽”。 有人斩莽首，“军人分裂莽身，支节肌骨脔分，争相杀者数十人”。王莽为什么在濒死时刻“之渐台”顽抗？难道仅仅只是“欲阻池水”吗？王莽是一位心理极端偏执的政治人物，当反新莽武装已经冲入宫中，他仍然衣冠端正，绂佩齐整，口出荒诞之言，“绀袀服，带玺韨，持虞帝匕首，……旋席随斗柄而坐， 曰：‘天生德于予，汉兵其如予何！’”在来到“渐台”时“犹抱持符命、威斗”。王莽在其政治人生的终点“之渐台”，可能有特殊的动机。也许“海池” “海中神山”的神秘象征意义给予垂死的王莽以建立在迷妄基点上的精神支撑.
Wang Mang's final performance before his downfall surprisingly took place on the "Gradual Platform." According to the "Book of Han: Biography of Wang Mang," the rebellious populace opposing Wang Mang's regime approached the palace, "the ministers supported Mang, descending from the southern front hall to the pepper removal, exiting through the White Tiger Gate, ... Mang then got into a carriage, went to the Gradual Platform, wanting to block the pool water," with over a thousand close ministers following him. "Soldiers entered the palace, shouting: 'Where is the rebel king Wang Mang?' A beautiful woman came out of a room and said: 'At the Gradual Platform.' The soldiers pursued her, surrounding her in layers. On the platform, bows and crossbows were also fired, gradually falling away. When the arrows ran out, they could no longer shoot, and close combat ensued." Many loyal guards to Wang Mang died in battle, so "the soldiers went up to the platform, ... the merchant Du Wu killed Mang." Someone beheaded Mang, "the soldiers split Mang's body, separating his joints and muscles, with dozens competing to kill him." Why did Wang Mang stubbornly resist at the moment of death by going to the "Gradual Platform"? Was it merely to "block the pool water"? Wang Mang was an extremely paranoid political figure; when the anti-Xin armed forces had already stormed the palace, he still dressed properly, with his ceremonial attire in order, uttering absurd words, "In deep blue robes, with a seal belt, holding the dagger of Emperor Yu, ... he sat down with the fighting handle, saying: 'Heaven has bestowed virtue upon me; what can the Han soldiers do to me!'" When he arrived at the "Gradual Platform," he "still clung to the command and the fight." At the end of his political life on the "Gradual Platform," Wang Mang may have had special motives. Perhaps the mysterious symbolic significance of the "Sea Pool" and the "Divine Mountain in the Sea" provided the dying Wang Mang with a spiritual support based on delusion..
王莽应当是在未央宫“渐台”结束了他的执政生涯以及新莽王朝的行政史的。未央宫有“渐台”，见于《汉书·翼奉传》所载翼奉上疏。邓通故事有“渐台” 情节,事在汉文帝时，而建章宫当时还没有修建。《汉书·元后传》又有明确记载：“（王莽）为太后置酒未央宫渐台，大纵众乐。”不过，考古勘察获得的信息不能确定未央宫“太液池”和“渐台”的位置和形制、规模。在未央宫遗址西南部则发现了“沧池故址”。考古学者指出：“今马家寨村西南， 有一片洼地，其地势低于周围地面1～2.5米，平面呈不规整的圆形，东西400 米，南北510米。地表以下0.7～1米见淤土，1.2～2米见沙子，沙层厚2米， 再下则依次为黑卤土、淤土、水浸土、细沙。此洼地应为沧池故址，……《水经注·渭水》载：‘……飞渠引水入城，东为仓池。池在未央宫西，池中有渐台。’仓池即‘沧池’，亦名‘苍池’。”王莽最终丧生的“渐台”，是否 “沧池”的“渐台”呢？毕沅的《关中胜迹图志》“汉长乐未央宫图”没有标示未央宫“太液池”和“渐台”所在。而“沧池”在前殿西北方向，池中描绘了高大的“渐台”图样。而同书“汉建章宫图”显示的“太液池”、“渐台” 以及“海中神山”、“蓬莱山”、“方丈山”、“瀛州山”的情形，也可以作为我们理解相关问题的参考。
Wang Mang should have ended his political career and the administrative history of the Xin dynasty at the "Jiantai" in the Weiyang Palace. The Weiyang Palace has a "Jiantai," as mentioned in the "Book of Han: Biography of Yifeng," which records Yifeng's memorial. The story of Deng Tong has a "Jiantai" plot, taking place during the reign of Emperor Wen of Han, while the Jianzhang Palace had not yet been built at that time. The "Book of Han: Biography of Yuanhou" also clearly records: "(Wang Mang) hosted a banquet for the Empress Dowager at the Jiantai of Weiyang Palace, greatly indulging the crowd." However, the information obtained from archaeological surveys cannot determine the location, shape, and scale of the "Taiye Pool" and "Jiantai" in Weiyang Palace. In the southwestern part of the Weiyang Palace ruins, the "Cangchi" site was discovered. Archaeologists pointed out: "Today, southwest of Majiashan Village, there is a depression, which is 1 to 2.5 meters lower than the surrounding ground, with an irregular circular shape, 400 meters east to west and 510 meters north to south. Below the surface, 0.7 to 1 meter shows silt, 1.2 to 2 meters shows sand, with a sand layer 2 meters thick, followed by black saline soil, silt, waterlogged soil, and fine sand. This depression should be the site of Cangchi, ... The 'Commentary on the Water Classic: Wei River' states: '... the flying canal brings water into the city, east is the Cangchi. The pool is west of Weiyang Palace, and there is a Jiantai in the pool.' The Cangchi is also known as 'Cangchi.', the name 'Cangchi.' Did Wang Mang ultimately perish at the "Jiantai" of "Cangchi"? Bi Yuan's "Illustrated Records of the Scenic Spots in Guanzhong" does not indicate the locations of the "Taiye Pool" and "Jiantai" in Weiyang Palace. However, "Cangchi" is located in the northwest direction of the front hall, where a tall "Jiantai" is depicted in the pool. The "Illustrated Records of the Han Jianzhang Palace" also shows the conditions of the "Taiye Pool," "Jiantai," "Sacred Mountain in the Sea," "Penglai Mountain," "Fangzhang Mountain," and "Yingzhou Mountain," which can also serve as a reference for us to understand related issues..
秦汉宫苑中的“海池”，作为人工湖泊，影响了关中的水资源形势。
The "Sea Pool" in the palaces and gardens of the Qin and Han dynasties, as an artificial lake, influenced the water resource situation in Guanzhong.
4.秦汉时期黄淮海平原湖沼分布
4. Distribution of lakes and marshes in the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain during the Qin and Han Dynasties
黄淮海平原是中国农耕文明的早期发展基地之一。秦汉时期这一地区的生态环境条件，与今天人们通常的了解多有不同。例如当时湖泊沼泽的密集分布， 即表现出显著的区域生态地理的特点。
The Huang-Huai-Hai Plain is one of the early development bases of agricultural civilization in China. The ecological environment conditions in this region during the Qin and Han dynasties were quite different from what people generally understand today. For example, the dense distribution of lakes and swamps at that time exhibited significant regional ecological and geographical characteristics.
秦汉之际有关黄淮海平原“泽”的历史记录
Historical records of the "marsh" in the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain during the Qin and Han dynasties
秦汉之际的历史记载中，多见有关“泽”的历史记录。
Historical records from the Qin and Han dynasties often mention the history related to "ze" (marsh or swamp).
作为最重大的政治史的事件之一，陈涉暴动，“率罢散之卒，将数百之众， 而转攻秦。斩木为兵，揭竿为旗，天下云集回应，赢粮而景从，山东豪俊遂并起而亡秦族矣”。推促了秦王朝的败亡。关于其起事的缘由，《史记·陈涉世家》 记载：
As one of the most significant events in political history, the Chen Sheng uprising "led a group of several hundred soldiers who had been dismissed and turned to attack the Qin. They cut down trees to make weapons, raised poles as flags, and people from all over the world gathered in response, winning supplies and following the banners. The talented individuals of Shandong then rose up together and brought about the downfall of the Qin dynasty." This prompted the fall of the Qin dynasty. Regarding the reasons for the uprising, the "Records of the Grand Historian: The Family of Chen Sheng" states:
二世元年七月，发闾左适戍渔阳，九百人屯大泽乡。陈胜、吴广皆次当行， 为屯长。会天大雨，道不通，度已失期。失期，法皆斩。陈胜、吴广乃谋曰：“今亡亦死，举大计亦死，等死，死国可乎？”
In the first year of the Second Era, in July, troops were dispatched to guard Yuyang, with nine hundred men stationed in Daze Township. Chen Sheng and Wu Guang were both appointed as the leaders of the garrison. A heavy rain fell, making the roads impassable, and they realized they had missed their deadline. Missing the deadline, the law states they would all be executed.Chen Sheng and Wu Guang then conspired, saying: "Now if we flee, we die; if we carry out a grand plan, we die; we will die anyway, can we die for our country?"
“大泽乡”，据裴骃《集解》引徐广曰：“在沛郡蕲县。”此乡得名“大泽”， 不会和“泽”没有一点关系。
"Dazexiang," according to Pei Yan's "Jijie," quoting Xu Guang, says: "It is located in Qixian, Pei County." This village is named "Daze," which certainly has some relation to "ze."
《史记·高祖本纪》记载了刘邦“到丰西泽中”“止饮”随即又“夜径泽中”斩蛇的故事：
The "Records of the Grand Historian: Annals of Emperor Gaozu" recounts the story of Liu Bang who "arrived at the Fengxi Marsh" and "stopped to drink," and then "at night, secretly went into the marsh" to slay a serpent
高祖以亭长为县送徒郦山，徒多道亡。自度比至皆亡之，到丰西泽中，止饮，夜乃解纵所送徒。曰：“公等皆去，吾亦从此逝矣！”徒中壮士愿从者十余人。高祖被酒，夜径泽中，令一人行前。行前者还报曰：“前有大蛇当径，愿还。”高祖醉，曰：“壮士行，何畏！”乃前，拔剑击斩蛇。
Emperor Gaozu sent convicts to Mount Lishan as county magistrates, and many of the convicts escaped. By the time they reached Fengxi Marsh, they stopped to drink, and at night he released the convicts he had brought. He said, "You all have left, and I too shall depart from here!" Among the convicts, more than ten strong men expressed their desire to follow him. Emperor Gaozu, being drunk, walked straight into the marsh at night and ordered one person to go ahead. The one who went ahead returned to report, "There is a large snake blocking the path ahead, I wish to turn back." Emperor Gaozu, drunk, said, "A strong man walks, what is there to fear!" He then moved forward, drew his sword, and struck down the snake.
是“丰西”有“泽”。后来刘邦潜伏在芒砀“山泽”中，“亡匿，隐于芒、砀山泽岩石之间。”裴骃《集解》：“骃案：应劭曰：‘二县之界有山泽之固，故隐于其间也。’” 又《史记·魏豹彭越列传》记载：
Is“Fengxi” has “ze.” Later, Liu Bang lurked in the “mountain and marsh” of Mangdang, “hiding and concealing himself among the rocks of Mang and Dang mountains.” Pei Yi's "Collected Explanations": “Yi An: According to Ying Shao, ‘The boundary between the two counties has the solid mountain and marsh, hence he hid among them.’” Also, the "Records of the Grand Historian: Biographies of Wei Bao and Peng Yue" records:
彭越者，昌邑人也，字仲。常渔巨野泽中，为群盗。
Peng Yue, a man from Changyi, was named Zhong. He often fished in the vast marshes, and was a leader of bandits.
则是有关“巨野泽”的记载。可知秦末时黄河下游及江淮平原，多有“泽”的分布。
The text is about the records of "Juye Marsh." It can be inferred that during the late Qin period, there were many areas of "marsh" distribution in the lower reaches of the Yellow River and the Jianghuai Plain.
湖泽的密集，可能是当时黄淮海平原显著的地貌特征之一。
The density of lakes and marshes may have been one of the significant geographical features of the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain at that time.
秦汉文献所谓“泽”，很可能是指沼泽湿地。如《汉书·高帝纪》颜师古注“径，小道也。言从小道而行，于泽中过，故其下曰有大蛇当径”，是其例也。
The "marsh" referred to in Qin and Han literature likely refers to swamp wetlands. For example, in the "Book of Han: Annals of Emperor Gao," Yan Shigu notes, "A path is a small road. It means to walk along a small road, passing through the marsh, hence it is said that there is a large snake on the path," which is an example of this.
项羽在垓下决战中走向最终的失败，也曾经有“陷大泽中，以故汉追及之” 的情节。《史记·项羽本纪》写道：
In the final battle at Gaixia, Xiang Yu faced ultimate defeat, and there was also the episode of "being trapped in the Great Marsh, which is why Han caught up with him." The "Records of the Grand Historian: Biography of Xiang Yu" states:
……于是项王乃上马骑，麾下壮士骑从者八百余人，夜直溃围南出，驰走。 平明，汉军乃觉之，令骑将灌婴以五千骑追之。项王渡淮，骑能属者百余人耳。 项王至阴陵，迷失道，问一田父，田父绐曰“左”。左，乃陷大泽中，以故汉追及之。
...Then Xiang Wang mounted his horse, and over eight hundred strong warriors followed him on horseback. In the night, they broke through the encirclement and fled south. At dawn, the Han army became aware of this and ordered the cavalry general Guan Ying to pursue them with five thousand cavalry. Xiang Wang crossed the Huai River, with only a little over a hundred cavalry able to follow him. When Xiang Wang reached Yinling, he lost his way and asked a farmer in the field. The farmer deceitfully said "to the left." Going left, he fell into a large marsh, which allowed the Han to catch up with him.
“陷大泽中”的遭遇，竟然导致项羽悲剧人生的最后落幕。
The experience of being "trapped in the marsh" ultimately led to the tragic conclusion of Xiang Yu's life.
历史文献所见先秦西汉湖沼的地域布：以黄淮海平原为重心
The regional distribution of lakes and marshes in the pre-Qin and Western Han periods as seen in historical documents: centered on the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain
邹逸麟曾经讨论“先秦西汉时代湖沼的地域分布及其特点”，指出“根据目前掌握的文献资料，得知周秦以来至西汉时代，黄淮海平原上见于记载的湖沼有四十余处”。所依据的史料为《左传》《禹贡》《山海经》《尔雅·释地》《周礼·职方》《史记》《汉书》等。列表所见湖沼46处：
Zou Yilin once discussed "the regional distribution and characteristics of lakes and marshes during the Pre-Qin and Western Han periods," pointing out that "based on the currently available literature, it is known that from the Zhou and Qin dynasties to the Western Han period, there are over forty recorded lakes and marshes in the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain." The historical materials referenced include "Zuo Zhuan," "Yu Gong," "Shan Hai Jing," "Er Ya: Shi Di," "Zhou Li: Zhi Fang," "Shi Ji," and "Han Shu," among others. The list shows 46 lakes and marshes.
河北平原11处
11 places in the Hebei Plain
大陆泽（今河南修武、获嘉间），荧泽（今河南浚县西），澶渊（今河南濮阳西），黄泽（今河南内黄西），鸡泽（今河北永年东），大陆泽（今河北任县迤东一带），汦泽（今河北宁晋东南），皋泽（今河北宁晋东南），海泽（今河北曲周北境），鸣泽（今河北徐水北），大泽（今河北正定附近滹沱河南岸）；
Daluze (now between Xiuwu and Huojia in Henan), Yingze (now west of Xun County in Henan), Chanyuan (now west of Puyang in Henan), Huangze (now west of Neihuang in Henan), Jize (now east of Yongnian in Hebei), Daluze (now in the eastern area of Ren County in Hebei), Ganze (now southeast of Ningjin in Hebei), Gaoze (now southeast of Ningjin in Hebei), Haize (now in the northern border of Quzhou in Hebei), Mingze (now north of Xushui in Hebei), Daze (now near Zhengding on the southern bank of the Hutuo River in Hebei);
黄淮平原33处
Huanghuai Plain 33 locations
修泽（今河南原阳西），黄池（今河南封丘南），冯池（今河南荥阳西南），荥泽（今河南荥阳北），圃田泽（原圃）（今河南郑州、中牟间），萑苻泽（今河南中牟东），逢泽（池）（今河南开封东南），孟诸泽（今河南商丘东北），逢泽（今河南商丘南），蒙泽（今河南商丘东北），空泽（今河南虞城东北），菏泽 （今山东定陶东北），雷夏泽（今山东鄄城南），泽（今山东鄄城西南），阿泽 （今山东阳谷东），大野泽（今山东巨野北），沛泽（今江苏沛县），丰西泽 （今江苏丰县西），湖泽（今安徽宿县东北），沙泽（约在今鲁南、苏北一带）， 余泽（约在今鲁南、苏北一带），浊泽（今河南长葛），狼渊（今河南许昌西），棘泽（今河南新郑附近），鸿隙陂（今河南息县北），洧渊（今河南新郑附近）， 柯泽（杜预注：郑地），汋陂（杜预注：宋地），圉泽（杜预注：周地），鄟泽 （杜预注：卫地），琐泽（杜预注：地阙），大埿泽（约在今山东历城东或章丘北），小埿泽（约在今山东淄博迤北一带）；
Xiuze (now Xiyuan, Henan), Huangchi (now south of Fengqiu, Henan), Fengchi (now southwest of Xingyang, Henan),Xingze (now north of Xingyang, Henan), Putianzai (originally Pu) (now between Zhengzhou and Zhongmu, Henan), Huanfuze (now east of Zhongmu, Henan), Fengze (pool) (now southeast of Kaifeng, Henan), Mengzhuzai (now northeast of Shangqiu, Henan), Fengze (now south of Shangqiu, Henan), Mengze (now northeast of Shangqiu, Henan), Kongze (now northeast of Yucheng, Henan), Heze (now northeast of Dingtao, Shandong), Leixiaze (now south of Juancheng, Shandong), Ze (now southwest of Juancheng, Shandong), Aze (now east of Yanggu, Shandong), Dayeze (now north of Juye, Shandong), Peize (now Peixian, Jiangsu), Fengxize (now west of Fengxian, Jiangsu), Huze (now east of Suxian, AnhuiNorth), Shaze (approximately in the current southern Shandong and northern Jiangsu area), Yuze (approximately in the current southern Shandong and northern Jiangsu area), Zhuoze (now Changge, Henan), Langyuan (now west of Xuchang, Henan),Jize (now near Xinzheng, Henan), Hongxibei (now north of Xixian, Henan), Weiyuan (now near Xinzheng, Henan), Keze (noted by Du Yu: Zheng area), Xibei (noted by Du Yu: Song area), Yuze (noted by Du Yu: Zhou area), Zhangze (noted by Du Yu: Wei area), Suoze (noted by Du Yu: area of deficiency), Dazai (approximately in the current east of Licheng, Shandong or north of Zhangqiu), Xiazaizai (approximately in the current north of Zibo, Shandong);
滨海地区2处
Two coastal areas
钜定（泽）（今山东广饶东），海隅（莱州湾滨海沼泽）。
Juding (Ze) (now Dong Guangrao, Shandong), Haiyu (coastal marsh of Laizhou Bay).
邹逸麟说：“以上仅限于文献所载，事实上古代黄淮海平原上的湖沼，远不止此。”“先秦西汉时代，华北大平原的湖沼十分发育，分布很广，可以说是星罗棋布，与今天的景观有很大的差异。”
Zou Yilin said:““The above is limited to what is recorded in the literature; in fact, the lakes and marshes in the ancient Huang-Huai-Hai Plain were far more numerous than this.” “During the Pre-Qin and Western Han periods, the lakes and marshes in the North China Plain were very developed and widely distributed, resembling a starry sky, which is quite different from today’s landscape.”
所列湖沼的具体的名称和位置，或许还有待于细致的考论。如河北平原11处湖沼中被判定为位于今河南修武、获嘉间的“大陆泽”，资料出处为《左传·定公元年》。而被判定为位于今河北任县迤东一带的“大陆泽”，资料出处为《左传·定公元年》《禹贡》《尔雅·释地》《汉书·地理志》。疑2处均见于 《左传·定公元年》的“大陆泽”或有重复的可能。又黄淮平原33处湖沼中两见“逢泽”，一在今河南开封东南，一在今河南商丘南。前者资料出处为《汉书·地理志》，后者资料出处为《左传·哀公十四年》。也有原本为一泽的可能。
The specific names and locations of the listed lakes and marshes may still require detailed examination. For instance, among the 11 lakes and marshes in the Hebei Plain, the "Continental Marsh" identified as located between present-day Xiuwu and Huojia in Henan is referenced in the "Zuo Zhuan, Year of Duke Ding." The "Continental Marsh" identified as located in the eastern part of present-day Renxian, Hebei, is cited in the "Zuo Zhuan, Year of Duke Ding," "Yugong," "Erya, Explanation of the Earth," and "Book of Han, Geography." There is a possibility that both instances of "Continental Marsh" in the "Zuo Zhuan, Year of Duke Ding" may be duplicates. Among the 33 lakes and marshes in the Yellow-Huai Plain, "Feng Marsh" appears twice, once southeast of present-day Kaifeng in Henan and once south of present-day Shangqiu in Henan. The former is referenced in the "Book of Han, Geography," while the latter is cited in the "Zuo Zhuan, Year of Duke Ai." There is also a possibility that they were originally one marsh.
邹逸麟关于位于“今河南内黄西”的“黄泽”写道：“西汉时方数十里。” 所举“黄泽”资料出处为《汉书·地理志》及《沟洫志》。《汉书·地理志上》“河内郡”条下写道：
Zou Yilin wrote about "Huangze," located in "present-day Neihuang, Henan," stating: "In the Western Han period, it was several dozen miles in size." The sources cited for "Huangze" are from the "Book of Han: Treatise on Geography" and "Treatise on Canals and Ditches." In the "Book of Han: Treatise on Geography, Volume One," under the entry for "Henei Commandery," it is written:
荡阴。荡水东至内黄泽。
The water flows east to the Inner Yellow Marsh.
是其泽或应称“内黄泽”。《史记·曹相国世家》：“王武反于外黄。”裴骃 《集解》：“徐广曰：‘内黄县有黄泽。’”
It is its marsh or should be called "Neihuang Marsh." "Records of the Grand Historian: The Family of Prime Minister Cao": "Wang Wu rebelled at Waihuang." Pei Yin's "Collected Explanations": "Xu Guang said: 'Neihuang County has Huang Marsh.'"
《汉书·地理志下》“信都国扶柳”条颜师古注：“阚骃云：其地有扶泽， 泽中多柳，故曰扶柳。”邹逸麟“根据目前掌握的文献资料”所论先秦西汉黄淮海平原湖沼未及“扶泽”。看来即使于“文献记载”而言，当时“黄淮海平原上的湖沼”，同样“远不止此”。
In the "Geography Records of the Han Book," the entry for "Xindu Kingdom Fu Liu" has a note by Yan Shigu: "Kan Yan says: There is Fu Ze in that area, and there are many willows in the marsh, hence it is called Fu Liu." Zou Yilin, "based on the current available literature," argues that the lakes and marshes of the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain in the pre-Qin and Western Han periods did not reach "Fu Ze." It seems that even in terms of "literary records," the "lakes and marshes on the Huang-Huai-Hai Plain" were similarly "far more than this."