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American Association for Public Opinion Research
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The Two-Step Flow of Communication: An Up-To-Date Report on an Hypothesis
两步传播流程：假设的最新报告Author(s): Elihu Katz 作者：伊莱休-卡茨Source: The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 21, No. 1, Anniversary Issue Devoted to Twenty
资料来源来源：《民意季刊》，第 21 卷第 1 期，纪念二十周年特刊Years of Public Opinion Research (Spring, 1957), pp. 61-78
《民意研究年》（1957 年春），第 61-78 页Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Association for Public
出版商：牛津大学出版社牛津大学出版社代表美国公共管理协会出版。Opinion Research 民意调查Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2746790
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The Two-Step Flow of Communication: An Up-To-Date Report on an Hypothesis*
两步传播流程：一个假设的最新报告*

By Elihu Katz 作者：伊莱休-卡茨

The hypothesis that “ideas often flow from radio and print to opinion leaders and from these to the less active sections of the population” has been tested in several successive studies. Each study has attempted a different solution to the problem of how to take account of interpersonal relations in the traditional design of survey research. As a result, the original hypothesis is largely corroborated and considerably refined.
关于 "思想往往从广播和报刊流向舆论领袖，再从舆论领袖流向不那么活跃的人群 "的假设，已在连续几项研究中得到验证。对于如何在传统的调查研究设计中考虑人际关系这一问题，每项研究都尝试了不同的解决方案。因此，最初的假设在很大程度上得到了证实和完善。

A former staff member of the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University, the author is now on leave from his post as assistant professor of sociology at the University of Chicago and is currently guest lecturer in sociology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.
作者曾是哥伦比亚大学应用社会研究局的工作人员，现已从芝加哥大学社会学助理教授的职位上离职，目前在耶路撒冷希伯来大学担任社会学客座讲师。
Analysis of the process of decision-making during the course of an election campaign led the authors of The People’s Choice to suggest that the flow of mass communications may be less direct than was commonly supposed. It may be, they proposed, that influences stemming from the mass media first reach “opinion leaders” who, in turn, pass on what they read and hear to those of their every-day associates for whom they are influential. This hypothesis was called “the two-step flow of communication.”

^{1}

《人民的选择》一书的作者通过对竞选过程中的决策过程进行分析，认为大众传播的流动可能没有人们通常认为的那么直接。他们提出，大众传媒的影响可能首先到达 "意见领袖 "那里，而 "意见领袖 "又会把他们所读到和听到的信息传递给那些对他们有影响力的日常伙伴。这一假设被称为 "两步传播流"。

^{1}

The hypothesis aroused considerable interest. The authors themselves were intrigued by its implications for democratic society. It was a healthy sign, they felt, that people were still most successfully persuaded by give-andtake with other people and that the influence of the mass media was less automatic and less potent than had been assumed. For social theory, and for the design of communications research, the hypothesis suggested that the image of modern urban society needed revision. The image of the audience as a mass of disconnected individuals hooked up to the media but not to each other could not be reconciled with the idea of a two-step flow of communication implying, as it did, networks of interconnected individuals through which mass communications are channeled.
这一假设引起了人们的极大兴趣。作者自己也对其对民主社会的影响感到好奇。他们认为，这是一个健康的迹象，表明人们仍然是通过与他人的互惠互利来成功说服他人的，大众传媒的影响没有人们想象的那么自动和有力。对于社会理论和传播研究设计而言，这一假设表明现代城市社会的形象需要修正。受众的形象是一大群与媒体有联系但相互之间没有联系的人，这种形象无法与两步传播流的概念相协调，因为两步传播流意味着相互联系的个人网络，而大众传播正是通过这些网络进行的。

Of all the ideas in The People’s Choice, however, the two-step flow hypothesis is probably the one that was least well documented by empirical data. And the reason for this is clear: the design of the study did not anticipate the importance which interpersonal relations would assume in the analysis of the data. Given the image of the atomized audience which characterized so much of mass media research, the surprising thing is that interpersonal influence attracted the attention of the researchers at all.

^{2}

然而，在《人民的选择》中的所有观点中，"两步流动假设 "可能是最没有经验数据支持的观点。原因显而易见：研究的设计没有预料到人际关系在数据分析中的重要性。考虑到大众传媒研究的一大特点是受众原子化的形象，令人惊讶的是，人际关系的影响竟然引起了研究人员的注意。

^{2}

In the almost seventeen years since the voting study was undertaken, several studies at the Bureau of Applied Social Research of Columbia University have attempted to examine the hypothesis and to build upon it. Four such studies will be singled out for review. These are Merton’s study of interpersonal influence and communications behavior in Rovere;

^{3}

the Decatur study of decisionmaking in marketing, fashions, movie-going and public affairs, reported by Katz and Lazarsfeld;

^{4}

the Elmira study of the 1948 election campaign reported by Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee;

^{5}

and, finally, a very recent study by Coleman, Katz and Menzel on the diffusion of a new drug among doctors.

^{6}

自投票研究开展以来的近十七年间，哥伦比亚大学应用社会研究局的几项研究都试图对这一假设进行检验，并在此基础上加以完善。我们将挑出其中四项研究进行回顾。它们是默顿在《Rovere》中对人际影响和传播行为的研究；

^{3}

卡茨和拉扎斯菲尔德报告的迪凯特对营销、时尚、观影和公共事务决策的研究；

^{4}

贝雷尔森、拉扎斯菲尔德和麦克菲报告的埃尔米拉对1948年竞选活动的研究；

^{5}

最后是科尔曼、卡茨和门泽尔最近对一种新药在医生中传播的研究。

^{6}

These studies will serve as a framework within which an attempt will be made to report on the present state of the two-step flow hypothesis, to examine the extent to which it has found confirmation and the ways in which it has been extended, contracted and reformulated. More than that, the studies will be drawn upon to highlight the successive strategies which have been developed in attempting to take systematic account of interpersonal relations in the design of communications research, aiming ultimately at a sort of “survey sociometry.” Finally, these studies, plus others which will be referred to in passing, will provide an unusual opportunity to reflect upon problems in the continuity of social research.

^{7}

这些研究将作为一个框架，在这个框架内，我们将尝试报告两步流程假设的现状，研究它在多大程度上得到了证实，以及它被扩展、收缩和重新表述的方式。此外，我们还将利用这些研究来强调为在设计传播研究时系统地考虑人际关系而制定的一系列策略，这些策略的最终目标是建立一种 "调查社会测量学"。最后，这些研究，加上将顺带提及的其他研究，将为我们提供一个不同寻常的机会，对社会研究的连续性问题进行反思。

^{7}

findings of The People's Choice
《人民的选择》评选结果

The starting point for this review must be an examination of the evidence in the 1940 voting study which led to the original formulation of the hypothesis. Essentially, three distinct sets of findings seem to have been involved. The first had to do with the impact of personal influence. It is reported that people who made up their minds late in the campaign, and those who changed their minds during the course of the campaign, were more likely than other people to mention personal influence as having figured in their decisions. The political pressure brought to bear by everyday groups such as family and friends is illustrated by reference to the political homogeneity which characterizes such groups. What’s more, on an average day, a greater number of people reported participating in discussion of the election than hearing a campaign speech or reading a newspaper editorial. From all of this, the authors conclude that personal contacts appear to have been both more frequent and more effective than the mass media in influencing voting decisions.

^{8}

这次审查的出发点必须是对 1940 年投票研究中的证据进行审查，该研究最初提出了这一假设。从根本上说，似乎有三组不同的发现。首先是个人影响。据报道，在竞选后期才下定决心的人以及在竞选过程中改变主意的人，比其他人更有可能提到个人影响在他们的决定中的作用。家庭和朋友等日常群体所带来的政治压力，可以通过这些群体的政治同质性得到说明。此外，平均每天有更多的人表示参与了有关选举的讨论，而不是听取竞选演讲或阅读报纸社论。综上所述，作者得出结论：在影响投票决定方面，个人接触似乎比大众媒体更频繁、更有效。

^{8}

The second ingredient that went into the formulation of the hypothesis concerned the flow of personal influence. Given the apparent importance of interpersonal influence, the obvious next step was to ask whether some people were more important than others in the transmission of influence. The study sought to single out the “opinion leaders” by two questions: “Have you recently tried to convince anyone of your political ideas?”, and “Has anyone recently asked you for your advice on a political question?” Comparing the opinion leaders with others, they found the opinion leaders more interested in the election. And from the almost even distribution of opinion leaders throughout every class and occupation, as well as the frequent mention by decision-makers of the influence of friends, co-workers and relatives, it was concluded that opinion leaders are to be found on every level of society and presumably, therefore, are very much like the people whom they influence.

^{9}

提出假设的第二个要素涉及个人影响力的流动。鉴于人际影响力的明显重要性，下一步显然就是要问，在影响力的传递过程中，是否有些人比其他人更重要。研究试图通过两个问题找出 "意见领袖"："你最近是否试图说服别人接受你的政治观点？"和 "最近是否有人就政治问题向你征求过意见？将 "意见领袖 "与其他人进行比较，他们发现 "意见领袖 "对选举更感兴趣。舆论领袖几乎均匀地分布在各个阶层和职业中，决策者也经常提到朋友、同事和亲戚的影响，由此得出结论：舆论领袖遍布社会的各个层面，因此，他们可能与受其影响的人非常相似。

^{9}

A further comparison of leaders and others with respect to mass media habits provides the third ingredient: the opinion leaders and the mass media. Compared with the rest of the population, opinion leaders were found to be
在大众传媒习惯方面，对领导者和其他人的进一步比较提供了第三个要素：舆论领袖和大众传媒。与其他人群相比，舆论领袖被发现

considerably more exposed to the radio, to the newspapers and to magazines, that is, to the formal media of communication.

^{10}

他们接触广播、报纸和杂志的机会要多得多，也就是说，接触正规传播媒体的机会要多得多。

^{10}

Now the argument is clear: If word-of-mouth is so important, and if word-of-mouth specialists are widely dispersed, and if these specialists are more exposed to the media than the people whom they influence, then perhaps “ideas often flow from radio and print to opinion leaders and from these to the less active sections of the population.”

^{11}

现在，论点已经很清楚了：如果口碑如此重要，如果口碑专家分布广泛，如果这些专家比他们所影响的人更容易接触媒体，那么也许 "思想往往从广播和报刊流向舆论领袖，再从这些舆论领袖流向不那么活跃的人群"。

^{11}

。

DESIGN OF THE VOTING STUDY
投票研究的设计

For studying the flow of influence as it impinges on the making of decisions, the study design of The People’s Choice had several advantages. Most important was the panel method which made it possible to locate changes almost as soon as they occurred and then to correlate change with the influences reaching the decision-maker. Secondly, the unit of effect, the decision, was a tangible indicator of change which could readily be recorded. But for studying that part of the flow of influence which had to do with contacts among people, the study design fell short, since it called for a random sample of individuals abstracted from their social environments. It is this traditional element in the design of survey research which explains the leap that had to be made from the available data to the hypothesis of the two-step flow of communication.
在研究影响决策的影响流时，《人民的选择》的研究设计有几个优点。最重要的是采用了小组讨论的方法，这样就可以在变化发生时立即对其进行定位，然后将变化与到达决策者手中的影响因素联系起来。其次，效果单位，即决定，是变化的有形指标，可以随时记录。但是，在研究与人与人之间的接触有关的那部分影响流动时，研究设计就显得不足了，因为它要求从个人的社会环境中抽取随机样本。正是调查研究设计中的这一传统因素，解释了从现有数据到两步传播流假设所必须实现的飞跃。

Because every man in a random sample can speak only for himself, opinion leaders in the 1940 voting study had to be located by self-designation, that is, on the basis of their own answers to the two advice-giving questions cited above.

^{12}

In effect, respondents were simply asked to report whether or not they were opinion leaders. Much more important than the obvious problem of validity posed by this technique is the fact that it does not permit a comparison of leaders with their respective followers, but only of leaders and nonleaders in general. The data, in other words, consist only of two statistical groupings: people who said they were advice-givers and those who did not. Therefore, the fact that leaders were more interested in the election than nonleaders cannot be taken to mean that influence flows from more interested persons to less interested ones. To state the problem drastically, it may even be that the leaders influence only each other, while the uninterested non-leaders stand outside the influence market altogether. Nevertheless, the tempta-
由于随机抽样中的每个人都只能为自己说话，因此1940年投票研究中的意见领袖必须通过自我定位来确定，即根据他们自己对上述两个提供建议的问题的回答来确定。

^{12}

实际上，受访者只是被要求报告自己是否是意见领袖。比这种方法带来的显而易见的有效性问题更重要的是，这种方法无法对领导者和其各自的追随者进行比较，而只能对一般的领导者和非领导者进行比较。换句话说，数据只包括两个统计分组：自称是建议提供者的人和不是建议提供者的人。因此，领导者比非领导者对选举更感兴趣这一事实不能被理解为影响力从更感兴趣的人流向了不太感兴趣的人。从根本上说，领导者之间可能只是相互影响，而对选举不感兴趣的非领导者则完全置身于影响市场之外。尽管如此，影响市场的

tion to assume that the non-leaders are the followers of the leaders is very great, and while The People’s Choice is quite careful about this, it cannot help but succumb.

^{13}

Thus, from the fact that the opinion leaders were more exposed to the mass media than the non-leaders came the suggestion of the two-step flow of communication; yet, manifestly, it can be true only if the non-leaders are, in fact, followers of the leaders.
虽然《人民的选择》在这一点上相当谨慎，但它还是不能不屈服。

^{13}

因此，从舆论领袖比非领袖更多地接触大众传媒这一事实中，产生了两步传播流的建议；然而，很明显，只有当非领袖实际上是领袖的追随者时，这一建议才是正确的。

The authors themselves point out that a far better method would have been based on "asking people to whom they turn for advice on the issue at hand and then investigating the interaction between advisers and advisees. But that procedure would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, since few of the related ‘leaders’ and ‘followers’ would happen to be included in the sample.

^{14}

As will be shown immediately, this is perhaps the most important problem which succeeding studies have attempted to solve.
作者自己也指出，更好的方法应该是 "询问人们就当前问题向谁咨询，然后调查咨询者和被咨询者之间的互动情况。但这一程序即使不是不可能，也是极其困难的，因为相关的 "领导者 "和 "追随者 "恰好很少被纳入样本。

^{14}

我们马上就会看到，这也许是后续研究试图解决的最重要的问题。

DESIGNS OF THREE SUBSEQUENT STUDIES
随后三项研究的设计

To this point, two aspects of the original statement of the two-step flow hypothesis have been reviewed. First of all, the hypothesis has been shown to have three distinct components, concerning respectively the impact of personal influence; the flow of personal influence; and the relationship of opinion leaders to the mass media. The evidence underlying each has been examined. Secondly, the design of the study has been recalled in order to point up the difficulty that arises from attempting to cope with the fundamentally new problem of incorporating both partners to an influence transaction into a cross-sectional study.
至此，我们回顾了 "两步流动假说 "最初陈述的两个方面。首先，该假说有三个不同的组成部分，分别涉及个人影响力的影响、个人影响力的流动以及舆论领袖与大众媒体的关系。对每个部分所依据的证据都进行了研究。其次，对研究的设计进行了回顾，以指出试图解决将影响力交易的双方纳入横截面研究这一全新问题所带来的困难。

From this point forward, the major focus will turn to those studies that have succeeded The People’s Choice. We will first report the different ways in which three of the four studies selected for review approached the problem of designing research on interpersonal influence.

^{15}

Thereafter, the substantive findings of the several studies will be reviewed and evaluated so as to constitute an up-to-date report on the accumulating evidence for and against the hypothesis of the two-step flow of communication.
从这一点出发，我们将把重点转向那些继承了《人民的选择》的研究。我们将首先报告被选中进行回顾的四项研究中的三项研究在设计人际影响研究时所采用的不同方法。

^{15}

随后，我们将对这几项研究的实质性结论进行回顾和评估，从而就支持和反对两步传播流这一假设的不断积累的证据形成一份最新报告。

The Rovere Study. Undertaken just as the 1940 voting study was being completed, the earliest of the three studies was conducted in a small town in New Jersey. It began by asking a sample of 86 respondents to name the
罗夫雷研究。就在 1940 年投票研究完成之际，三项研究中最早的一项在新泽西州的一个小镇进行。该研究首先抽样调查了 86 名受访者，要求他们说出
13 There is an alternative procedure which is something of an improvement. Respondents can be asked not only whether they have given advice but whether they have taken advice. This was done in the Decatur and Elmira studies which are cited below. Thus the nonleaders can be classified in terms of whether or not they are in the influence market at all, that is, whether or not they are “followers.”
13 另一种程序是一种改进。不仅可以询问受访者是否提供过建议，还可以询问他们是否接受过建议。下文引用的迪凯特研究和埃尔米拉研究就是这样做的。这样，就可以根据非领导者是否处于影响力市场中，即是否是 "追随者"，对他们进行分类。
$^{14}$ Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet, op. cit., pp. 49-50.
$^{14}$ Lazarsfeld、Berelson 和 Gaudet，引用如前，第 49-50 页。
. 15 The Elmira study will be omitted at this point because its design is essentially the same as that of the 1940 voting study except for the important fact that it obtained from each respondent considerably more information about the vote-intentions of others in his environment, the kinds of people he talks with, etc., than was done in The People’s Choice.
.15 埃尔米拉的研究在此省略，因为它的设计与 1940 年的投票研究基本相同，除了一个重要的事实，即与人民的选择相比，它从每个受访者那里获得了更多关于其所处环境中其他人的投票意向、与他交谈的人的种类等信息。
people to whom they turned for information and advice regarding a variety of matters. Hundreds of names were mentioned in response, and those who were designated four times or more were considered opinion leaders. These influentials were then sought out and interviewed. $^{16}$
他们就各种问题向哪些人寻求信息和建议。回答中提到的名字多达数百个，被提及四次或四次以上的人被视为意见领袖。我们随后对这些有影响力的人进行了寻找和采访。 $^{16}$

Here, then, is the initial attempt, on a pilot scale, to solve the problem of research design posed by The People’s Choice. To locate influentials, this study suggests, begin by asking somebody, “Who influences you?” and proceed from the persons influenced to those who are designated as influential.
因此，这里是解决《人民的选择》提出的研究设计问题的初步尝试。本研究建议，要找到有影响力的人，首先要问某人："谁影响了你？"然后从受影响的人到被指定为有影响力的人。

Two important differences between this study and the 1940 voting study must be pointed out. First, there is a difference in the conception of opinion leadership. Whereas the voting study regards any advice-giver as an opinion leader if he influences even one other person (such as a husband telling his wife for whom to vote), the leaders singled out by the criterion employed in Rovere were almost certainly wielders of wider influence.
必须指出本研究与 1940 年投票研究之间的两个重要区别。首先，意见领袖的概念不同。投票研究认为，任何建议的提供者，只要他影响了哪怕一个人（比如丈夫告诉妻子投谁的票），他就是舆论领袖；而罗韦雷研究采用的标准所挑出的领袖，几乎可以肯定是具有更广泛影响力的人。

Secondly, the voting study, at least by implication, was interested in such questions as the extent of the role of interpersonal influence in decisionmaking and its relative effectiveness compared to the mass media. The Rovere study took for granted the importance of this kind of influence, and proceeded to try to find the people who play key roles in its transmission.
其次，投票研究，至少隐含地说，对人际影响在决策中的作用程度及其与大众传媒相比的相对有效性等问题感兴趣。罗维雷研究认为这种影响的重要性是理所当然的，并进而试图找到在其传播过程中发挥关键作用的人。

A final point to make in connection with the design of this study is that it makes use of the initial interviews almost exclusively to locate opinion leaders and hardly at all to explore the relationships between leaders and followers. Once the leaders were designated, almost exclusive attention was given to classifying them into different types, studying the communications behavior of the different types and the interaction among the leaders themselves, but very little attention was given to the interaction between the leaders and the original informants who designated them.
关于本研究的设计，最后需要指出的一点是，本研究几乎只利用了最初的访谈来确定意见领袖，而几乎没有探讨领袖与追随者之间的关系。一旦确定了意见领袖，研究人员几乎只关注了将他们划分为不同类型、研究不同类型意见领袖的交流行为以及意见领袖之间的互动，却很少关注意见领袖与最初确定他们的信息提供者之间的互动。
2. The Decatur Study, carried out in 1945-46, tried to go a step further.

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Like the voting study, but unlike Rovere, it tried to account for decisionsspecific instances in which the effect of various influences could be discerned and assessed. Like Rovere, but unlike the voting study, it provided for interviews with the persons whom individuals in the initial sample had credited as influential in the making of recent decisions (in the realms of marketing, movie-going, and public affairs). The focus of the study this time was not on the opinion leaders alone, but (1) on the relative importance of personal influence and (2) on the person who named the leader as well as the leaderthe advisor-advisee dyad.
2.1945-46年进行的迪凯特研究试图更进一步。

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与投票研究一样，但与罗韦雷研究不同的是，该研究试图说明决策的具体情况，在这些情况中，各种影响因素的作用是可以辨别和评估的。与罗维雷研究一样，但与投票研究不同的是，该研究对初始样本中被认为对近期决策（在营销、观影和公共事务等领域）有影响的人进行了访谈。这次研究的重点不只是意见领袖，而是：（1）个人影响力的相对重要性；（2）提名领袖的人以及领袖--顾问--被顾问二人组。

Ideally, then, this study could ask whether opinion leaders tended to be from the same social class as their followers or whether the tendency was for
因此，理想情况下，本研究可以询问舆论领袖是否倾向于与其追随者来自同一社会阶层，还是倾向于与其追随者来自同一社会阶层。

influence to flow from the upper classes downwards. Were members of the dyads likely to be of the same age, the same sex, etc.? Was the leader more interested in the particular sphere of influence than his advisee? Was he more likely to be exposed to the mass media?
从上层阶级向下流动的影响。二人组的成员是否可能是同年龄、同性别的？领导者是否比他的建议者对特定的影响领域更感兴趣？他是否更有可能接触大众媒体？

Just as the dyad could be constructed by proceeding from an advisee to his adviser, it was also possible to begin the other way around by talking first to a person who claimed to have acted as an adviser, and then locating the person he said he had influenced. The Decatur study tried this too. Using the same kind of self-designating questions employed in the voting study, persons who designated themselves as influential were asked to indicate the names of those whom they had influenced. By “snowballing” to the people thus designated, there arose the opportunity not only to study the interaction between adviser and advisee but also to explore the extent to which people who designated themselves as influential were confirmed in their self-evaluations by those whom they allegedly had influenced. Proceeding in this way, the researchers hoped to be able to say something about the validity of the self-designating technique.

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正如可以通过从被建议者到建议者来构建二元对立关系一样，也可以反其道而行之，首先与自称担任过建议者的人交谈，然后找到他所说的受其影响的人。迪凯特的研究也尝试了这种方法。使用与投票研究中相同的自我指定问题，要求自称有影响力的人指出他们影响过的人的姓名。通过 "滚雪球 "的方式，不仅可以研究顾问和被顾问之间的互动，还可以探索那些自称有影响力的人在多大程度上得到了那些据称受他们影响的人对其自我评价的肯定。通过这种方法，研究人员希望能够对自我指定技术的有效性有所了解。

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The authors of The People’s Choice had said that “asking people to whom they turn and then investigating the interaction between advisers and advisees . . . would be extremely difficult if not impossible.” And, in fact, it proved to be extremely difficult. Many problems were encountered in the field work, the result of which was that not all the “snowball” interviews could be completed.

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In many parts of the analysis of the data, therefore, it was necessary to revert to comparisons of leaders and non-leaders, imputing greater influence to groups with higher concentrations of self-designated leadership. Yet, in principle, it was demonstrated that a study design taking account of interpersonal relations was both possible and profitable to execute.
人民的选择》一书的作者曾说过，"询问人们向谁求助，然后调查顾问和被顾问之间的互动......如果不是不可能，也是极其困难的"。......即使不是不可能，也是极其困难的"。"而事实证明，这是极其困难的。在实地工作中遇到了许多问题，结果导致无法完成所有的 "滚雪球 "式访谈。

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因此，在对数据进行分析时，有许多地方不得不重新对领导者和非领导者进行比较，将更大的影响力归因于自称领导者人数较多的群体。然而，从原则上讲，考虑到人际关系的研究设计既是可行的，也是有利的。

But about the time it became evident that this goal was within reach, the goal itself began to change. It began to seem desirable to take account of chains of influence longer than those involved in the dyad; and hence to view the adviser-advisee dyad as one component of a more elaborately structured social group.
但是，就在这一目标明显可以实现的时候，目标本身也开始发生变化。人们开始倾向于考虑到比二人关系所涉及的人更长的影响链，从而将顾问-被顾问二人关系视为结构更为复杂的社会群体的一个组成部分。

These changes came about gradually and for a variety of reasons. First of all, findings from the Decatur study and from the later Elmira study re-
这些变化是逐渐产生的，原因是多方面的。首先，迪凯特研究和后来的埃尔米拉研究的结果再次证明了这一点。

vealed that the opinion leaders themselves often reported that their own decisions were influenced by still other people.

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It began to seem desirable, therefore, to think in terms of the opinion leaders of opinion leaders.

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ondly, it became clear that opinion leadership could not be viewed as a “trait” which some people possess and others do not, although the voting study sometimes implied this view. Instead, it seemed quite apparent that the opinion leader is influential at certain times and with respect to certain substantive areas by virtue of the fact that he is “empowered” to be so by other members of his group. Why certain people are chosen must be accounted for not only in demographic terms (social status, sex, age, etc.) but also in terms of the structure and values of the groups of which both adviser and advisee are members. Thus, the unexpected rise of young men to opinion leadership in traditional groups, when these groups faced the new situations of urbanization and industrialization, can be understood only against the background of old and new patterns of social relations within the group and of old and new patterns of orientation to the world outside the group.

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Reviewing the literature of small group research hastened the formulation of this conception.

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我们发现，意见领袖自己也经常说，他们自己的决定受到了其他人的影响。

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因此，从舆论领袖的舆论领袖的角度来思考问题似乎是可取的。

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其次，舆论领袖显然不能被看作是一种 "特质"，有些人拥有这种特质，而有些人则没有，尽管投票研究有时会暗示这种观点。相反，似乎很明显的是，舆论领袖在某些时候和某些实质性领域具有影响力，这是因为他的群体中的其他成员 "授权 "他这样做。为什么会选择某些人，这不仅要从人口统计学的角度（社会地位、性别、年龄等）来考虑，还要从顾问和被顾问所在群体的结构和价值观的角度来考虑。因此，当传统群体面临城市化和工业化的新形势时，年轻男性出人意料地崛起为这些群体的舆论领袖，只有在群体内部新旧社会关系模式以及群体外部新旧世界定位模式的背景下才能理解。

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对小组研究文献的回顾加速了这一概念的形成。

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One other factor shaped the direction of the new program as well. Reflecting upon the Decatur study, it became clear that while one could talk about the role of various influences in the making of fashion decisions by individuals, the study design was not adequate for the study of fashion in the aggregate-fashion as a process of diffusion-as long as it did not take account of either the content of the decision or the time factor involved. The decisions of the “fashion changers” studied in Decatur might have cancelled each other out: while Mrs. X reported a change from Fashion A to Fashion B, Mrs. Y might have been reporting a change from B to A. What is true for fashion is true for any other diffusion phenomenon: to study it, one must trace the flow of some specific item over time. Combining this interest in diffusion with that of studying the role of more elaborate social networks of communication gave birth to a new study which focused on (1) a specific item, (2) diffusion over time, (3) through the social structure of an entire community.
还有一个因素也决定了新项目的方向。在对迪凯特研究进行反思后，我们清楚地认识到，虽然我们可以讨论各种影响因素在个人时尚决策中的作用，但只要不考虑决策内容或所涉及的时间因素，研究设计就不足以对时尚进行总体研究--时尚是一个传播过程。在迪凯特研究的 "时尚改变者 "的决定可能会相互抵消：当 X 女士报告从时尚 A 到时尚 B 的改变时，Y 女士可能会报告从 B 到 A 的改变。将这种对传播的兴趣与研究更复杂的社会传播网络的作用结合起来，就产生了一项新的研究，其重点是：(1) 特定物品，(2) 随着时间的推移而传播，(3) 通过整个社区的社会结构传播。
3. The Drug Study. This study was conducted to determine the way in which doctors make decisions to adopt new drugs. This time, when it came to de-
3.药物研究。这项研究旨在确定医生决定采用新药的方式。这一次，当涉及到去

signing a study which would take account of the possible role of interpersonal influence among physicians, it became clear that there were so few physicians (less than one and one-half per 1000 population) that it was feasible to interview all members of the medical profession in several cities. If all doctors (or all doctors in specialties concerned with the issue at hand) could be interviewed, then there would be no doubt that all adviser-advisee pairs would fall within the sample. All such pairs could then be located within the context of larger social groupings of doctors, which could be measured by sociometric methods.
在考虑到人际影响在医生中可能发挥的作用的研究中，很明显，医生的人数很少（每 1000 人中不到 1.5 人），因此对几个城市的所有医疗专业人员进行访谈是可行的。如果能对所有医生（或与当前问题相关的所有专科医生）进行访谈，那么毫无疑问，所有顾问-被顾问配对都将属于样本范围。然后，所有这些对子都可以在更大的医生社会群体背景下进行定位，并可以通过社会计量学方法进行测量。

Doctors in the relevant specialties in four midwestern cities were interviewed. In addition to questions on background, attitudes, drug-use, exposure to various sources of information and influence, and the like, each doctor was also asked to name the three colleagues he saw most often socially, the three colleagues with whom he talked most frequently about cases, and the three colleagues to whom he looked for information and advice.

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对美国中西部四个城市相关专业的医生进行了访谈。除了有关背景、态度、药物使用、接触各种信息来源和影响等方面的问题外，还要求每位医生说出他在社交场合最常见到的三位同事、最常与他谈论病例的三位同事以及他向其寻求信息和建议的三位同事。

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In addition to the opportunity of mapping the networks of interpersonal relations, the drug study also provided for the two other factors necessary for a true diffusion study: attention to a specific item in the course of gaining acceptance, and a record of this diffusion over time. This was accomplished by means of an audit of prescriptions on file in the local pharmacies of the cities studied, which made it possible to date each doctor’s earliest use of a particular new drug-a drug which had gained widespread acceptance a few months before the study had begun. Each doctor could thus be classified in terms of the promptness of his decision to respond to the innovation, and in terms of other information provided by the prescription audit.
除了提供绘制人际关系网络图的机会外，药物研究还提供了真正的传播研究所需的另外两个因素：在获得认可的过程中对特定项目的关注，以及随着时间推移的传播记录。这项工作是通过对所研究城市当地药房的处方档案进行审核来完成的，这样就可以确定每位医生最早使用某种新药的日期--这种新药在研究开始前几个月就已被广泛接受。因此，可以根据医生对创新做出反应的迅速程度以及处方审计提供的其他信息，对每位医生进行分类。

Altogether, compared with the earlier studies, the drug study imposes a more objective framework-both psychological and sociological-on the decision. First of all, the decision-maker himself is not the only source of information concerning his decision. Objective data from the prescription record are used as well. Secondly, the role of different influences is assessed not only on the basis of the decision-maker’s own reconstruction of the event, but also on the basis of objective correlations from which inferences concerning the flow of influence can be drawn. For example, doctors who adopted the new drug early were more likely to be participants in out-of-town medical specialty meetings than those who adopted it later.
总之，与之前的研究相比，药物研究为决策提供了一个更加客观的框架，既包括心理框架，也包括社会学框架。首先，决策者本人并不是有关其决定的唯一信息来源。处方记录中的客观数据也被采用。其次，评估不同影响因素的作用时，不仅要以决策者本人对事件的再现为基础，还要以客观的相关性为基础，从中推断出影响因素的流向。例如，较早采用新药的医生比较晚采用新药的医生更有可能参加外地的医学专业会议。

Similarly, it is possible to infer the role of social relations in doctor’s decision-making not only from the doctor’s own testimony concerning the role of social influences but also from the doctor’s “location” in the interpersonal networks mapped by the sociometric questions. Thus, on the basis of sociometric data, it is possible to classify doctors according to their integration into the medical community, or the degree of their influence, as measured by the
同样，不仅可以从医生本人关于社会影响作用的证词中，还可以从社会计量问题所映射的医生在人际网络中的 "位置 "来推断社会关系在医生决策中的作用。因此，根据社会计量学数据，可以按照医生融入医学界的程度或其影响程度对医生进行分类。

number of times they are named by their colleagues as friends, discussionpartners, and consultants. They can also be classified according to their membership in one or another network or clique, as indicated by who names them. Using the first measure makes it possible to investigate whether or not the more influential doctors adopt a drug earlier than those who are less influential. From the second kind of analysis one can learn, for example, whether or not those doctors who belong to the same sub-groups have similar drug-use patterns. In this way, it becomes possible to weave back and forth between the doctor’s own testimony about his decisions and the influences involved, on the one hand, and the more objective record of his decisions and of the influences to which he has been exposed, on the other hand.
他们被同事称为朋友、讨论伙伴和顾问的次数。此外，还可以根据他们在某个网络或小团体中的成员身份对他们进行分类，即由谁提名。使用第一种方法可以研究影响力较大的医生是否比影响力较小的医生更早采用某种药物。例如，从第二种分析中可以了解到，属于同一小团体的医生是否具有相似的药物使用模式。这样，我们就可以在医生自己关于其决定和所受影响的证词与关于其决定和所受影响的更为客观的记录之间来回穿梭。

Note that the networks of social relations in this study are mapped “prior” to the introduction of the new drug being studied, in the sense that friendship, consultation, and so on, are recorded independently of any particular decision the doctor has made. The study is concerned with the potential relevance of various parts of these sociometric structures to the transmission of influence. For example, it is possible to point to the parts of the structure which are “activated” upon the introduction of a new drug, and to describe the sequence of diffusion of the drug as it gains acceptance by individuals and groups in the community. While the Decatur study could hope to examine only the particular face-to-face relationship which had been influential in a given decision, the drug study can locate this relationship against the background of the entire web of potentially relevant relationships within which the doctor is embedded.
请注意，本研究中的社会关系网络是在所研究的新药问世之前 "绘制的"，也就是说，所记录的友谊、咨询等都与医生做出的任何特定决定无关。本研究关注的是这些社会计量结构的各个部分与影响力传播的潜在相关性。例如，可以指出该结构中哪些部分在引入新药时被 "激活"，并描述新药被社区中的个人和团体接受后的传播顺序。迪凯特的研究只能考察对某一决定有影响的特定面对面关系，而药物研究则可以将这种关系置于医生所处的整个潜在相关关系网的背景之下。

the findings of studies subsequent to The People's Choice
《人民的选择》之后的研究结果

Having examined the designs of these studies, the next step is to explore their findings insofar as these are relevant to the hypothesis about the twostep flow of communication. It will be useful to return to the three categories already singled out in discussing The People’s Choice: (1) the impact of personal influence; (2) the flow of personal influence; and (3) opinion leaders and the mass media. Evidence from the three studies just reported, as well as from the 1948 Elmira study

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and from others, will be brought together here; but in every case the characteristics of each study’s design must be borne in mind in evaluating the evidence presented.
在研究了这些研究的设计之后，下一步就是探讨这些研究的结论，因为这些结论与关于两步传播流的假设有关。我们不妨再回到在讨论《人民的选择》时已经指出的三个类别：(1) 个人影响力的影响；(2) 个人影响力的流动；(3) 舆论领袖和大众传媒。这里将汇集刚刚报告的三项研究以及1948年埃尔米拉研究

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和其他研究的证据；但在评估所提供的证据时，必须牢记每项研究的设计特点。

A. THE IMPACT OF PERSONAL INFLUENCE
A.个人影响力的影响

Personal and the Mass Media Influence. The 1940 study indicated that personal influence affected voting decisions more than the mass media did,
个人和大众媒体的影响。1940 年的研究表明，个人影响比大众媒体对投票决定的影响更大、

particularly in the case of those who changed their minds during the course of the campaign. The Decatur study went on to explore the relative impact of personal influences and the mass media in three other realms: marketing, fashions and movie-going. Basing its conclusions on the testimony of the decision-makers themselves, and using an instrument for evaluating the relative effectiveness of the various media which entered into the decisions, the Decatur study again found that personal influence figured both more frequently and more effectively than any of the mass media.

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尤其是那些在竞选过程中改变主意的人。迪凯特研究继续探讨了个人影响和大众传媒在其他三个领域的相对影响：市场营销、时尚和观影。迪凯特研究根据决策者本人的证词得出结论，并使用一种工具来评估参与决策的各种媒体的相对效果，结果再次发现，个人影响比任何大众媒体都更频繁、更有效。

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In the analysis to date, the drug study has not approached the problem of the relative effectiveness of the various media from the point of view of the doctor’s own reconstruction of what went into the making of his decision. Comparing mere frequency of mention of different media, it is clear that colleagues are by no means the most frequently mentioned source. Nevertheless, exploration of the factors related to whether the doctor’s decision to adopt the drug came early or late indicates that the factor most strongly associated with the time of adoption of the new drug is the extent of the doctor’s integration in the medical community. That is, the more frequently a doctor is named by his colleagues as a friend or a discussion partner, the more likely he is to be an innovator with respect to the new drug. Extent of integration proves to be a more important factor than any background factor (such as age, medical school, or income of patients), or any other source of influence (such as readersip of medical journals) that was examined.
在迄今为止的分析中，药物研究并没有从医生本人对其决定的再现角度来探讨各种媒体的相对有效性问题。仅从提及不同媒体的频率来比较，同事显然不是最常被提及的来源。尽管如此，对与医生决定采用新药的时间早晚有关的因素的探讨表明，与采用新药的时间最密切相关的因素是医生融入医学界的程度。也就是说，医生被同事称为朋友或讨论伙伴的次数越多，他就越有可能成为新药的创新者。事实证明，与任何背景因素（如患者的年龄、医学院或收入）或任何其他影响来源（如医学期刊的读者群）相比，融合程度是一个更重要的因素。

Investigation of why integration is related to innovation suggests two central factors: (1) interpersonal communication-doctors who are integrated are more in touch and more up-to-date; and (2) social support-doctors who are integrated feel more secure when facing the risks of innovation in medicine.

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Thus the drug study, too, provides evidence of the strong impact of personal relations-even in the making of scientific decisions.
关于融合与创新之间关系的调查表明，有两个核心因素：(1)人际沟通--融合的医生接触更多，更新更快；(2)社会支持--融合的医生在面对医学创新的风险时更有安全感。

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因此，药物研究也证明了人际关系的强大影响--即使是在科学决策中。
2. Homogeneity of Opinion in Primary Groups. The effectiveness of interpersonal influence, as it is revealed in the studies under review, is reflected in the homogeneity of opinions and actions in primary groups. The medium of primary group communication is, by definition, person-to-person. Both of the voting studies indicate the high degree of homogeneity of political opinion among members of the same families, and among co-workers and friends. The effectiveness of such primary groups in pulling potential deviates back into line is demonstrated by the fact that those who changed their vote inten-
2.初级群体意见的一致性。研究显示，人际影响的有效性体现在初级群体意见和行动的一致性上。顾名思义，初级群体交流的媒介就是人与人之间的交流。两项投票研究都表明，同一家庭的成员、同事和朋友之间的政治观点高度一致。这些初级群体能有效地将潜在的偏离者拉回正轨，这一点可以从改变投票意向者的事实中得到证明。

tions were largely people who, early in the campaign, had reported that they intended to vote differently from their family or friends.

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The drug study, too, was able to examine the extent of homogeneity in the behavior of sociometrically related doctors, and was able to demonstrate that there were situations where similar behavior could be deserved. For example, it was found that, when called upon to treat the more puzzling diseases, doctors were likely to prescribe the same drug as their sociometric colleagues. The study also showed that, very early in the history of a new drug, innovating doctors who were sociometrically connected tended to adopt the new drug at virtually the same time. This phenomenon of homogeneity of opinion or behavior among interacting individuals confronting an unclear or uncertain situation which calls for action has often been studied by sociologists and social psychologists.

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药物研究也能够考察社会计量学相关医生行为的同质性程度，并能够证明在某些情况下，类似的行为是理所应当的。例如，研究发现，当医生被要求治疗更令人费解的疾病时，他们很可能会开出与其社会计量学同事相同的药物。研究还表明，在一种新药问世的初期，与社会计量学有联系的创新型医生往往几乎在同一时间采用这种新药。社会学家和社会心理学家经常研究这种现象，即面对不明确或不确定的情况，需要采取行动时，相互影响的个体之间意见或行为的一致性。

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3. The Various Roles of the Media. The 1940 voting study explored some of the reasons why personal influence might be expected to be more influential in changing opinions than the mass media: It is often non-purposive; it is flexible; it is trustworthy. It was suggested that the mass media more often play a reinforcing role in the strengthening of predispositions and of decisions already taken. Nevertheless, it was assumed that the various media and personal influence are essentially competitive, in the sense that a given decision is influenced by one or the other. The Decatur study tended toward this assumption too, but at one point the study does attempt to show that different media play different parts in the decision-making process and take patterned positions in a sequence of several influences. The drug study elaborates on the roles of the media even further, distinguishing between media that “inform” and media the “legitimate” decisions. Thus in doctors’ decisions, professional media (including colleagues) seem to play a legitimating role, while commercial media play an informing role.
3.媒体的各种作用。1940 年的投票研究探讨了个人影响在改变观点方面可能比大众传媒更具影响力的一些原因：它通常是非目的性的；它是灵活的；它是值得信赖的。有人认为，大众传媒在加强倾向性和已做出的决定方面更经常发挥强化作用。不过，也有人认为，各种媒体和个人影响本质上是相互竞争的，即某一决定受其中一种影响。迪凯特的研究也倾向于这一假设，但该研究在某一点上确实试图表明，不同的媒体在决策过程中扮演着不同的角色，并在几种影响的序列中占据着模式化的位置。药物研究进一步阐述了媒体的作用，区分了 "提供信息 "的媒体和 "合法 "决策的媒体。因此，在医生的决策中，专业媒体（包括同事）似乎起着合法化的作用，而商业媒体则起着提供信息的作用。

B. THE FLOW OF PERSONAL INFLUENCE
B.个人影响力的流动

The 1940 voting study found that opinion leaders were not concentrated in the upper brackets of the population but were located in almost equal proportions in every social group and stratum. This finding led to efforts in subsequent studies to establish the extent to which this was true in areas other than election campaigns and also to ascertain what it is that does distinguish opinion leaders from those whom they influence.
1940 年的投票研究发现，舆论领袖并不集中在人口的上层，而是几乎等比例地分布在各个社会群体和阶层。这一发现促使人们在随后的研究中努力确定这一现象在竞选活动之外的其他领域中的真实程度，并确定是什么将舆论领袖与他们所影响的人区分开来。

The first thing that is clear from the series of studies under review is that the subject matter concerning which influence is transmitted has a lot to do with determining who will lead and who follow. Thus, the Rovere study suggests that within the broad sphere of public affairs one set of influentials is occupied with “local” affairs and another with “cosmopolitan” affairs.

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The Decatur study suggests that in marketing, for example, there is a concentration of opinion leadership among older women with larger families, while in fashions and movie-going it is the young, unmarried girl who has a disproportionate chance of being turned to for advice. There is very little overlap of leadership: a leader in one sphere is not likely to be influential in another unrelated sphere as well.

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从这一系列研究中，我们首先可以清楚地看到，影响力传递的主题与决定谁将领导和谁将追随有很大关系。因此，Rovere 的研究表明，在公共事务的大范围内，一组有影响力的人负责 "地方 "事务，另一组则负责 "世界 "事务。

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迪凯特的研究表明，例如，在市场营销领域，舆论领袖主要集中在家庭人口较多的老年妇女中，而在时尚和观影领域，年轻的未婚女孩被征求意见的几率更大。领导力的重叠现象非常少：一个领域的领导者不可能在另一个不相关的领域也具有影响力。

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Yet, even when leadership in one or another sphere is heavily concentrated among the members of a particular group-as was the case with marketing leadership in Decatur-the evidence suggests that people still talk, most of all, to others like themselves. Thus, while the marketing leaders among the older “large-family wives” also influenced other kinds of women, most of their influence was directed to women of their own age with equally large families. In marketing, fashions, and moviegoing, furthermore, there was no appreciable concentration of influentials in any of the three socio-economic levels. Only in public affairs was there a concentration of leadership in the highest status, and there was some slight evidence that influence flows from this group to individuals of lower status. The Elmira study also found opinion-leaders in similar proportions on every socio-economic and occupational level and found that conversations concerning the campaign went on, typically, between people of similar age, occupation, and political opinion.
然而，即使一个或另一个领域的领导者主要集中在某一特定群体的成员中--迪凯特的营销领导者就是这种情况--证据也表明，人们最常谈论的仍然是与自己相似的人。因此，尽管年长的 "大家庭妻子 "中的营销领袖也会影响其他类型的女性，但她们的大部分影响力都是针对与她们同龄、同样拥有大家庭的女性。此外，在市场营销、时尚和观影方面，三个社会经济阶层的影响力都没有明显的集中。只有在公共事务中，领导力集中在地位最高的人身上，而且有一些轻微的证据表明，影响力从这一群体流向地位较低的人。埃尔米拉的研究还发现，舆论领袖在各个社会经济和职业层面上的比例相似，并且发现有关竞选的谈话通常是在年龄、职业和政治观点相似的人之间进行的。

What makes for the concentration of certain kinds of opinion leadership within certain groups? And when influential and influencee are outwardly alike-as they so often seem to be-what, if anything, distinguishes one from the other? Broadly, it appears that influence is related (1) to the personification of certain values (who one is); (2) to competence (what one knows); and (3) to strategic social location (whom one knows). Social location, in turn, divides into whom one knows within a group; and “outside.”
是什么让某些舆论领袖集中在某些群体中？当 "有影响力的 "和 "有影响力的 "在表面上相似时--就像他们经常看起来一样--是什么（如果有的话）将二者区分开来？大致看来，影响力与以下几个方面有关：（1）某些价值观的人格化（一个人是谁）；（2）能力（一个人知道什么）；（3）战略性社会位置（一个人认识谁）。而社会位置又可分为群体内认识的人和 "群体外 "认识的人。

Influence is often successfully transmitted because the influencee wants to be as much like the influential as possible.

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That the young, unmarried girls
影响力之所以能够成功传播，往往是因为受影响者希望自己尽可能地成为有影响力的人。

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年轻的未婚女孩

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Merton, op. cit., pp. 187-188.

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默顿，同前，第 187-188 页。

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For a summary of the Decatur findings on the flow of interpersonal influence, see Katz and Lazarsfeld, op. cit., pp. 327-334.

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有关迪凯特对人际影响流动的研究成果摘要，见 Katz 和 Lazarsfeld，同前，第 327-334 页。
32 That leaders are, in a certain sense, the most conformist members of their groups-upholding whatever norms and values are central to the group-is a proposition which further illustrates this point. For an empirical illustration from a highly relevant study, see C. Paul Marsh and A. Lee Coleman, “Farmers’ Practice Adoption Rates in Relation to Adoption Rates of Leaders,” Rural Sociology, Vol. 19 (1954), pp. 180-183.
32 从某种意义上说，领导者是群体中最顺从的成员--持有群体的核心规范和价值观--这一命题进一步说明了这一点。关于一项非常相关的研究的经验性说明，见 C. Paul Marsh 和 A. Lee Coleman 合著的《农民的实践采纳率与领导者采纳率的关系》，《农村社会学》，第 19 卷（1954 年），第 180-183 页。
are fashion leaders can be understood easily in a culture where youth and youthfulness are supreme values. This is an example where “who one is” counts very heavily.
在以年轻和青春为最高价值观的文化中，时尚领导者的身份很容易理解。这就是 "我是谁 "非常重要的一个例子。

But “what one knows” is no less important.

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The fact is that older women, by virtue of their greater experience, are looked to as marketing advisers and that specialists in internal medicine-the most “scientific” of the practicing physicians-are the most frequently mentioned opinion leaders among the doctors. The influence of young people in the realm of moviegoing can also be understood best in terms of their familiarity with the motion picture world. The Elmira study found slightly greater concentrations of opinion leadership among the more educated people on each socioeconomic level, again implying the importance of competence. Finally, the influence of the “cosmopolitans” in Rovere rested on the presumption that they had large amounts of information.
但 "知道什么 "同样重要。

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事实是，年长的女性凭借其丰富的经验被视为营销顾问，而内科专家--最 "科学 "的执业医生--是医生中最常被提及的意见领袖。从年轻人对电影世界的熟悉程度也可以很好地理解他们在观影领域的影响力。艾尔迈拉研究发现，在各个社会经济阶层中，受教育程度较高的人在意见领袖中的集中度略高，这再次说明了能力的重要性。最后，《罗韦雷》中 "世界主义者 "的影响力建立在他们掌握大量信息的假设之上。

It is, however, not enough to be a person whom others want to emulate, or to be competent. One must also be accessible. Thus, the Decatur study finds gregariousness-“whom one knows”-related to every kind of leadership. The Rovere study reports that the leadership of the “local” influentials is based on their central location in the web of interpersonal contacts. Similarly, studies of rumor transmission have singled out those who are “socially active” as agents of rumor.

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然而，仅仅成为一个别人想效仿的人或有能力是不够的。一个人还必须平易近人。因此，迪凯特的研究发现，"认识的人"（gregiousness）与每一种领导力都有关系。Rovere 的研究报告指出，"当地 "有影响力的人的领导力取决于他们在人际交往网络中的中心位置。同样，对谣言传播的研究也将那些 "社会活跃分子 "挑出来作为谣言的传播者。

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Of course, the importance of whom one knows is not simply a matter of the number of people with whom an opinion leader is in contact. It is also a question of whether the people with whom he is in touch happen to be interested in the area in which his leadership is likely to be sought. For this reason, it is quite clear that the greater interest of opinion leaders in the subjects over which they exert influence is not a sufficient explanation of their influence. While the voting studies as well as the Decatur study show leaders to be more interested, the Decatur study goes on to show that interest alone is not the determining factor.

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In fashion, for example, a young unmarried girl is considerably more likely to be influential than a matron with an equally great interest in clothes. The reason, it is suggested, is that a girl who is interested in fashion is much more likely than a matron with an equally high interest to know other people who share her preoccupation, and thus is more likely than the matron to have followers who are interested enough to ask for her advice. In other words, it takes two to be a leader-a leader and a follower.
当然，"认识谁 "的重要性不仅仅在于舆论领袖接触的人有多少。这也是一个问题，即与他接触的人是否恰好对他可能寻求领导的领域感兴趣。因此，很明显，舆论领袖对其施加影响的对象更感兴趣，并不能充分解释其影响力。尽管投票研究和迪凯特研究都表明，领导者更感兴趣，但迪凯特研究继续表明，兴趣本身并不是决定性因素。

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例如，在时尚界，未婚少女比对服装同样感兴趣的女主人更有可能产生影响力。有人认为，原因在于对时尚感兴趣的女孩比同样对时尚感兴趣的女主人更有可能认识其他与她有相同爱好的人，因此比女主人更有可能拥有对时尚感兴趣并向她请教的追随者。换句话说，成为领导者需要两个人--领导者和追随者。

Finally, there is the second aspect of “whom one knows.” An individual
最后，第二个方面是 "认识谁"。个人

may be influential not only because people within his group look to him for advice but also because of whom he knows outside his group.

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Both the Elmira and Decatur studies found that men are more likely than women to be opinion leaders in the realm of public affairs and this, it is suggested, is because they have more of a chance to get outside the home to meet people and talk politics. Similarly, the Elmira study indicated that opinion leaders belonged to more organizations, more often knew workers for the political parties, and so on, than did others. The drug study found that influential doctors could be characterized in terms of such things as their more frequent attendance at out-of-town meetings and the diversity of places with which they maintained contact, particularly far-away places. It is interesting that a study of the farmer-innovators responsible for the diffusion of hybrid seedcorn in Iowa concluded that these leaders also could be characterized in terms of the relative frequency of their trips out of town.

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他之所以有影响力，不仅是因为他所在群体的人向他寻求建议，还因为他在群体之外认识的人。

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艾尔迈拉和迪凯特的研究都发现，在公共事务领域，男性比女性更有可能成为意见领袖，据说这是因为他们有更多机会走出家门，与人接触，谈论政治。同样，埃尔米拉研究表明，与其他人相比，舆论领袖加入的组织更多，认识的政党工作人员也更多。药物研究发现，有影响力的医生可以从以下几个方面来描述，比如他们更频繁地参加外地会议，以及与他们保持联系的地方的多样性，尤其是遥远的地方。有趣的是，对爱荷华州负责推广杂交玉米种子的农民创新者进行的一项研究得出结论，这些领导者也可以根据他们出城的相对频率来描述。

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C. THE OPINION LEADERS AND THE MASS MEDIA
C.舆论领袖和大众传媒

The third aspect of the hypothesis of the two-step flow of communication states that opinion leaders are more exposed to the mass media than are those whom they influence. In The People’s Choice this is supported by reference to the media behavior of leaders and non-leaders.
两步传播流假设的第三个方面指出，舆论领袖比他们所影响的人更容易接触大众传媒。在《人民的选择》中，领导者和非领导者的媒体行为证明了这一点。

The Decatur study corroborated this finding, and went on to explore two additional aspects of the same idea.

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First of all, it was shown that leaders in a given sphere (fashions, public affairs, etc.) were particularly likely to be exposed to the media appropriate to that sphere. This is essentially a corroboration of the Rovere finding that those who proved influential with regard to “cosmopolitan” matters were more likely to be readers of national news magazines, but that this was not at all the case for those influential with regard to “local” matters. Secondly, the Decatur study shows that at least in the realm of fashions, the leaders are not only more exposed to the mass media, but are also more affected by them in their own decisions. This did not appear to be the case in other realms, where opinion leaders, though more exposed to the media than non-leaders, nevertheless
迪凯特的研究证实了这一结论，并继续探讨了同一观点的另外两个方面。

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首先，研究表明，某一领域（时尚、公共事务等）的领导者特别容易接触到与该领域相关的媒体。这基本上证实了罗韦雷的研究结果，即那些在 "世界性 "事务上有影响力的人更有可能成为全国性新闻杂志的读者，而那些在 "地方性 "事务上有影响力的人则完全不是这种情况。其次，迪凯特的研究表明，至少在时尚领域，领导者不仅更多地接触大众传媒，而且在自己的决策中也更多地受到大众传媒的影响。其他领域的情况似乎并非如此，在这些领域中，舆论领袖虽然比非领袖更多地接触媒体，但却

reported personal influence as the major factor in their decisions. This suggests that in some spheres considerably longer chains of person-to-person influence than the dyad may have to be traced back before one encounters any decisive influence by the mass media, even though their contributory influence may be perceived at many points. This was suggested by the Elmira study too. It found that the leaders, though more exposed to the media, also more often reported that they sought information and advice from other persons.

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据报告，个人影响是他们做出决定的主要因素。这表明，在某些领域，尽管人们可能在很多地方都能感受到大众传媒的影响，但在遇到大众传媒的决定性影响之前，可能还需要追溯到比二人关系更长的人与人之间的影响链。埃尔米拉研究也表明了这一点。研究发现，领导者虽然更多地接触媒体，但他们也更经常地向其他人寻求信息和建议。

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Similarly, the drug study showed that the influential doctors were more likely to be readers of a large number of professional journals and valued them more highly than did doctors of lesser influence. But at the same time, they were as likely as other doctors to say that local colleagues were an important source of information and advice in their reaching particular decisions.
同样，药物研究表明，与影响力较小的医生相比，有影响力的医生更有可能成为大量专业期刊的读者，也更重视专业期刊。但与此同时，他们也和其他医生一样，认为当地同事是他们做出特定决定时的重要信息和建议来源。

Finally, the drug study demonstrated that the more influential doctors could be characterized by their greater attention not only to medical journals, but to out-of-town meetings and contacts as well. This finding has already been discussed in the previous section treating the strategic location of the opinion leader with respect to “the world outside” his group. Considering it again under the present heading suggests that the greater exposure of the opinion leader to the mass media may only be a special case of the more general proposition that opinion leaders serve to relate their groups to relevant parts of the environment through whatever media happen to be appropriate. This more general statement makes clear the similar functions of big city newspapers for the Decatur fashion leader; of national news magazines for the “cosmopolitan” influentials of Rovere; of out-of-town medical meetings for the influential doctor; and of contact with the city for the farmer-innovator in Iowa

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as well as for the newly-risen, young opinion leaders in underdeveloped areas throughout the world.

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最后，药物研究表明，更有影响力的医生不仅更关注医学期刊，也更关注市外会议和联系。这一发现在上一节关于意见领袖对其所在群体 "外部世界 "的战略位置的论述中已经讨论过。在本节中再次讨论这一问题，可以看出，舆论领袖更多地接触大众传媒，可能只是舆论领袖通过任何适当的媒体将其群体与环境的相关部分联系起来这一更普遍命题的一个特例。这一更具普遍性的说法清楚地表明，大城市的报纸对于迪凯特的时尚领袖、全国性新闻杂志对于罗夫雷的 "世界性 "影响力人物、城外的医学会议对于有影响力的医生、与城市的联系对于爱荷华州的农民创新者

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以及全世界欠发达地区新崛起的年轻舆论领袖都具有类似的功能。

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CONCLUSIONS 结论

Despite the diversity of subject matter with which they are concerned, the studies reviewed here constitute an example of continuity and cumulation both in research design and theoretical commitment. Piecing together the findings of the latter-day studies in the light of the original statement of the two-step flow hypothesis suggests the following picture.
尽管这些研究涉及的主题各不相同，但本文回顾的这些研究在研究设计和理论承诺方面都是连续性和累积性的典范。根据 "两步流动假说 "的原始陈述，将后世的研究结果拼凑在一起，可以得出以下结论。

Opinion leaders and the people whom they influence are very much alike and typically belong to the same primary groups of family, friends and coworkers. While the opinion leader may be more interested in the particular sphere in which he is influential, it is highly unlikely that the persons influenced will be very far behind the leader in their level of interest. Influentials and influencees may exchange roles in different spheres of influence. Most spheres focus the group’s attention on some related part of the world outside the group, and it is the opinion leader’s function to bring the group into touch with this relevant part of its environment through whatever media are appropriate. In every case, influentials have been found to be more exposed to these points of contact with the outside world. Nevertheless, it is also true that, despite their greater exposure to the media, most opinion leaders are primarily affected not by the communication media but by still other people.
意见领袖和他们所影响的人非常相似，通常属于相同的主要群体，如家人、朋友和同事。虽然意见领袖可能对他所影响的特定领域更感兴趣，但受影响者的兴趣程度却不太可能远远落后于领袖。影响者和被影响者可能会在不同的影响领域交换角色。大多数影响范围都会将群体的注意力集中在群体之外世界的某些相关部分，而意见领袖的职责就是通过任何适当的媒介，让群体接触到环境中的这一相关部分。在任何情况下，有影响力的人都更容易接触到这些与外部世界的接触点。然而，尽管舆论领袖接触媒体的机会更多，但大多数舆论领袖主要受到的影响并不是传播媒体，而是其他人。

The main emphasis of the two-step flow hypothesis appears to be on only one aspect of interpersonal relations-interpersonal relations as channels of communication. But from the several studies reviewed, it is clear that these very same interpersonal relations influence the making of decisions in at least two additional ways. In addition to serving as networks of communication, interpersonal relations are also sources of pressure to conform to the group’s way of thinking and acting, as well as sources of social support. The workings of group pressure are clearly evident in the homogeneity of opinion and action observed among voters and among doctors in situations of unclarity or uncertainty. The social support that comes from being integrated in the medical community may give a doctor the confidence required to carry out a resolution to adopt a new drug. Thus, interpersonal relations are (1) channels of information, (2) sources of social pressure, and (3) sources of social support, and each relates interpersonal relations to decisionmaking in a somewhat different way.

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两步流动假说的重点似乎只放在人际关系的一个方面--作为沟通渠道的人际关系。但是，从所回顾的几项研究来看，这些人际关系显然至少在另外两个方面影响着决策的做出。除了作为沟通网络之外，人际关系还是压力的来源，迫使人们服从群体的思维和行为方式，同时也是社会支持的来源。在不明确或不确定的情况下，选民和医生的意见和行动趋于一致，这就清楚地表明了群体压力的作用。融入医学界所带来的社会支持可能会给医生带来必要的信心，使其能够执行采用新药的决议。因此，人际关系是：（1）信息渠道；（2）社会压力来源；（3）社会支持来源。

^{42}

The central methodological problem in each of the studies reviewed has been how to take account of interpersonal relations and still preserve the economy and representativeness which the random, cross-sectional sample affords. Answers to this problem range from asking individuals in the sample to describe the others with whom they interacted (Elmira), to conducting “snowball” interviews with influential-influencee dyads (Decatur), to interviewing an entire community (drug study). Future studies will probably
每项研究的核心方法问题都是如何在考虑人际关系的同时，保持随机横截面样本所具有的经济性和代表性。解决这一问题的方法多种多样，有的要求样本中的个人描述与他们有交往的其他人（埃尔米拉），有的对有影响力-受影响力的二人组进行 "滚雪球 "式访谈（迪凯特），还有的对整个社区进行访谈（毒品研究）。未来的研究可能会

find themselves somewhere in between. For most studies, however, the guiding principle would seem to be to build larger or smaller social molecules around each individual atom in the sample.

^{43}

在这两者之间。不过，对于大多数研究来说，指导原则似乎是围绕样本中的每个原子建立或大或小的社会分子。

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43 Various ways of accomplishing this have been discussed for the past two years in a staff seminar on “relational analysis” at the Bureau of Applied Social Research. The recent study by Seymour M. Lipset, Martin A. Trow and James S. Coleman, Union Democracy, Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1956, illustrates one approach in its study of printers within the varying social contexts of the shops in which they are employed. The study by Riley and Riley, op. cit., is another good example.
43 过去两年，在应用社会研究局举办的 "关系分析 "员工研讨会上，讨论了实现这一目标的各种方法。Seymour M. Lipset、Martin A. Trow 和 James S. Coleman 最近发表的研究报告《工会民主》（Union Democracy）（Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1956）说明了一种方法，即在印刷厂的不同社会背景下对印刷工人进行研究。前引 Riley 和 Riley 的研究是另一个很好的例子。

*This may be identified as Publication No. A-225 of the Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University. It is an abridged version of a chapter in the author’s “Interpersonal Relations and Mass Communications: Studies in the Flow of Influence,” unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University, 1956. The advice and encouragement of Dr. Paul F. Lazarsfeld in the writing of this thesis are gratefully acknowledged.
* 本书可认定为哥伦比亚大学应用社会研究局第 A-225 号出版物。它是作者《人际关系与大众传播》中一章的节选：影响流研究 "中一章的节选，该论文为哥伦比亚大学未发表的博士论文，1956 年。感谢保罗-F-拉扎斯菲尔德（Paul F. Lazarsfeld）博士在本论文写作过程中给予的建议和鼓励。
$^{1}$ Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson and Hazel Gaudet, The People’s Choice, New York: Columbia University Press, 1948 (2nd edition), p. 151.
$^{1}$ Paul F. Lazarsfeld、Bernard Berelson 和 Hazel Gaudet 著，《人民的选择》，纽约：哥伦比亚大学出版社，1948 年（第 2 版），第 151 页。
$^{2}$ For the discussion of the image of the atomized audience and the contravening empirical evidence, see Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Personal Influence: The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955, pp. 15-42; Eliot Friedson, “Communications Research and the Concept of the Mass,” American Sociological Review, Vol. 18, (1953), pp. 313-317; and Morris Janowitz, The Urban Press in a Community Setting, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1952.
$^{2}$ 关于原子化受众形象的讨论以及与之相悖的经验证据，见 Elihu Katz 和 Paul F. Lazarsfeld，《个人影响》：The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications, Glencoe, Illinois：自由出版社，1955 年，第 15-42 页；艾略特-弗里德森，《传播研究与大众概念》，《美国社会学评论》，第 18 卷（1953 年），第 313-317 页；莫里斯-贾诺维茨，《社区环境中的城市新闻》，格伦科，伊利诺斯州：自由出版社，1952 年。
$^{3}$ Robert K. Merton, “Patterns of Influence: A Study of Interpersonal Influence and Communications Behavior in a Local Community,” in Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Frank N. Stanton, eds., Communications Research, 1948-9, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949, pp. 180-219.
$^{3}$ 罗伯特-K-默顿：《影响的模式：A Study of Interpersonal Influence and Communications Behavior in a Local Community," in Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Frank N. Stanton, eds., Communications Research, 1948-9, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949, pp.
$^{4}$ Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld, op. cit., Part Two.
$^{4}$ Elihu Katz 和 Paul F. Lazarsfeld，同前，第二部分。
$^{5}$ Bernard R. Berelson, Paul F. Lazarsfeld and William N. McPhee, Voting: A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954.
$^{5}$ Bernard R. Berelson, Paul F. Lazarsfeld and William N. McPhee, Voting：芝加哥大学出版社，1954 年：芝加哥大学出版社，1954 年。
$^{6}$ A report on the pilot phase of this study is to be found in Herbert Menzel and Elihu Katz, “Social Relations and Innovation in the Medical Profession,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 19, (1955), pp. 337-52; a volume and various articles on the full study are now in preparation.
$^{6}$ 关于这项研究试验阶段的报告见 Herbert Menzel 和 Elihu Katz 合著的《医学界的社会关系与创新》，《舆论季刊》，第 19 卷（1955 年），第 337-52 页；关于这项研究全文的一卷和多篇文章正在编写中。
$^{7}$ Other authors who have drawn upon the concepts of opinion leadership and the two-step flow of communication, and developed them further, are Matilda and John Riley, “A Sociological Approach to Communications Research,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 15 (1951), pp. 445460; S. N. Eisenstadt, “Communications Processes Among Immigrants in Israel,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 16 (1952), pp. 42-58 and “Communication Systems and Social Structure: An Exploratory Study,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 19 (1955), pp. 153-167; David Riesman,
$^{7}$ 其他借鉴了舆论引导和两步传播流概念并对其进行了进一步发展的作者有：Matilda 和 John Riley，"传播研究的社会学方法"，《舆论季刊》，第 15 卷（1951 年），第 445460 页；S. N. Eisenstadt，"以色列移民的传播过程"，《舆论季刊》，第 16 卷（1952 年），第 42-58 页和 "传播系统和社会结构：An Exploratory Study," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 19 (1955), pp、
The Lonely Crowd, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950; Leo A. Handel, Hollywood Looks at its Audience, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1950. The program of research in international communications at the Bureau of Applied Social Research has given considerable attention to opinion leadership; see Charles Y. Glock, “The Comparative Study of Communications and Opinion Formation,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 16 (1952-53), pp. 512-523; J. M. Stycos, “Patterns of Communication in a Rural Greek Village,” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 16 (1952), pp. 59-70; and the forthcoming book by Daniel Lerner, Paul Berkman and Lucille Pevsner, Modernizing the Middle East. Forthcoming studies by Peter H. Rossi and by Robert D. Leigh and Martin A. Trow are also concerned with the interplay of personal and mass media influences in local communities.
The Lonely Crowd, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950; Leo A. Handel, Hollywood Looks at its Audience, Urbana：伊利诺伊大学出版社，1950 年。应用社会研究局（Bureau of Applied Social Research）的国际传播研究计划对舆论引导给予了相当大的关注；见 Charles Y. Glock, "The Comparative Study of Communications and Opinion Formation," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.16 (1952-53)，第 512-523 页；J. M. Stycos, "Patterns of Communication in a Rural Greek Village," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 16 (1952)，第 59-70 页；以及 Daniel Lerner、Paul Berkman 和 Lucille Pevsner 即将出版的著作《中东现代化》。Peter H. Rossi 以及 Robert D. Leigh 和 Martin A. Trow 即将出版的研究报告也关注当地社区中个人和大众媒体影响的相互作用。
$^{8}$ Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet, op. cit., pp. 135-152.
$^{8}$ Lazarsfeld、Berelson 和 Gaudet，同前，第 135-152 页。
$^{9}$ Ibid., pp. 50-51.
$^{9}$ 同上，第 50-51 页。
10 Ibid., p. 51. 10 同上，第 51 页。
11 Ibid., p. 151. 11 同上，第 151 页。
12 Strictly speaking, of course, if a respondent reports whether or not he is a leader he is not speaking for himself but for his followers, real or imagined. Furthermore, it ought to be pointed out for the record that it is sometimes possible for a respondent to speak for others besides himself. The voting studies, for example, ask respondents to report the vote-intentions of other family members, of friends, of co-workers, though this procedure is of undetermined validity.
12 当然，严格地说，如果答辩人报告自己是否是领导人，他并不是在为自己说话，而是在为他的追随者说话，不管是真实的追随者还是想象中的追随者。此外，有必要郑重指出的是，受访者有时可能会代表自己以外的其他人发言。例如，投票研究要求被调查者报告其他家庭成员、朋友和同事的投票意向，尽管这一程序的有效性尚不确定。
16 Merton, op. cit., pp. 184-185.
16 默顿，同前，第 184-185 页。
$^{17}$ Katz and Lazarsfeld, op. cit., Part Two.
$^{17}$ 卡茨和拉扎斯菲尔德，同前，第二部分。
$^{18}$ About two-thirds of the alleged influencees confirmed the fact that a conversation had taken place between themselves and the self-designated influential on the subject-matter in question. Of these, about 80 per cent further confirmed that they had received advice. The extent of confirmation is considerably less in the realm of public affairs than it is in marketing or fashion. Itid., pp. 149-161 and 353-362.
$^{18}$ 约三分之二的所谓受影响者确认，他们与自我指定的影响者就有关问题进行过交谈。其中，约 80% 的人进一步确认他们曾接受过建议。与市场营销或时尚领域相比，公共事务领域的确认程度要低得多。同上，第 149-161 页和第 353-362 页。
$^{19}$ Partly this was due to inability to locate the designated people, but partly, too, to the fact that original respondents did not always know the person who had influenced them as is obvious, for example, in the case of a woman copying another woman’s hat style, etc. See Ibid., pp. 362-363.
$^{19}$ 部分原因是无法找到指定的人，但也有部分原因是原受访者并不总是认识影响他们的人，这一点显而易见，例如一位妇女模仿另一位妇女的帽子样式等。见同上，第 362-363 页。
$^{20}$ Ibid., p. 318; Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee, op. cit., p. 110.
$^{20}$ 同上，第 318 页；Berelson、Lazarsfeld 和 McPhee，同前，第 110 页。
$^{21}$ This was actually tried at one point in the Decatur study. See Katz and Lazarsfeld, op. cit., pp. 283-287.
$^{21}$ 在迪凯特的研究中，这实际上是一个尝试。见 Katz 和 Lazarsfeld，同前，第 283-287 页。
$^{22}$ See, for example, the articles by Eisenstadt, op. cit., and Glock, op. cit.; the Rovere study, too, takes careful account of the structure of social relations and values in which influentials are embedded, and discusses the various avenues to influentiality open to different kinds of people.
$^{22}$ 例如，参见前引艾森斯塔特和前引格洛克的文章；罗韦雷的研究也仔细考虑了影响者所处的社会关系和价值观结构，并讨论了不同类型的人获得影响的各种途径。
$^{23}$ Reported in Part I of Katz and Lazarsfeld, op. cit.
$^{23}$ 见 Katz 和 Lazarsfeld，引用如前，第一部分。
$^{24}$ See footnote 6.
$^{24}$ 见脚注 6。
25 Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee, op. cit.
25 Berelson、Lazarsfeld 和 McPhee，引用如前。
$^{26}$ Katz and Lazarsfeld, op. cit., pp. 169-186.
$^{26}$ 卡茨和拉扎斯菲尔德，同前，第 169-186 页。
$^{27} On$ the relationship between social integration and self-confidence in a work situation, see Peter M. Blau, The Dynamics of Bureaucracy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955, pp. 126-129.
$^{27} On$ 工作环境中社会融合与自信之间的关系，见 Peter M. Blau, The Dynamics of Bureaucracy, Chicago：芝加哥大学出版社，1955 年，第 126-129 页。
$^{28}$ Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet, op. cit., pp. 137-145; Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee, op. cit., pp. 94-101, 120-122.
$^{28}$ Lazarsfeld、Berelson 和 Gaudet，前引书，第 137-145 页；Berelson、Lazarsfeld 和 McPhee，前引书，第 94-101 页，第 120-122 页。
29 That men, faced with an unstructured situation, look to each other to establish a “social reality” in terms of which they act, is a central theme in the work of Durkheim, Kurt Lewin and his disciples, H. S. Sullivan (“consensual validation”), and in the studies of Sherif, Asch and others.
29 在杜克海姆、库尔特-卢因（Kurt Lewin）及其弟子、H. S. 沙利文（H. S. Sullivan）（"共识验证"）的著作中，以及在谢里夫、阿什等人的研究中，人们在面对无序的情境时，会相互寻求建立 "社会现实"，并据此采取行动，这是一个核心主题。
$^{33}$ The distinction between “what” and “whom” one knows is used by Merton, op. cit., p. 197.
$^{33}$ 默顿使用了 "知道什么 "和 "知道谁 "之间的区别，同前，第 197 页。
$^{34}$ Gordon W. Allport and Leo J. Postman, The Psychology of Rumor, New York: Henry Holt, 1943, p. 183.
$^{34}$ Gordon W. Allport 和 Leo J. Postman，《谣言心理学》，纽约：Henry Holt，1943 年，第 183 页。
$^{35} Katz$ and Lazarsfeld, op. cit., pp. 249-252.
$^{35} Katz$ 和拉扎斯菲尔德，同前，第 249-252 页。
$^{36}$ It is interesting that a number of studies have found that the most integrated persons within a group are also likely to have more contacts outside the group than others. One might have expected the more marginal members to have more contacts outside. For example, see Blau, op. cit., p. 128.
$^{36}$ 有趣的是，许多研究发现，一个群体中融入程度最高的人也可能比其他人有更多的群体外联系。人们可能会认为，边缘化程度较高的成员会有更多的外部接触。例如，见 Blau，同前，第 128 页。
$^{37}$ Bryce Ryan and Neal Gross, Acceptance and Diffusion of Hybrid Seed Corn in Two Iowa Communities, Ames, Iowa: Iowa State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, Research Bulletin 372, pp. 706-707. For a general summary, see Ryan and Gross, “The Diffusion of Hybrid Seed Corn in Two Iowa Communities,” Rural Sociology, Vol. 8 (1942), pp. 15-24. An article, now in preparation, will point out some of the parallels in research design and in findings between this study and the drug study.
$^{37}$ 布莱斯-莱恩和尼尔-格罗斯，《爱荷华州两个社区对杂交种子玉米的接受和传播》，爱荷华州艾姆斯：爱荷华州立农业和机械艺术学院，第 372 号研究公报，第 706-707 页。总体摘要见 Ryan 和 Gross 合著的《杂交种子玉米在爱荷华州两个社区的传播》，《农村社会学》，第 8 卷（1942 年），第 15-24 页。目前正在撰写的一篇文章将指出本研究与药物研究在研究设计和研究结果方面的一些相似之处。
$^{38} Katz$ and Lazarsfeld, op. cit., pp. 309-320.
$^{38} Katz$ 和 Lazarsfeld，同前，第 309-320 页。
$^{39}$ Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee, op. cit., p. 110.
$^{39}$ Berelson、Lazarsfeld 和 McPhee，同前，第 110 页。
$^{40}$ Ryan and Gross, op. cit., choose to explain “trips to the city” as another index of the non-traditional orientation of which innovation itself is also an index. In the case of the drug of-town meetings, trips to out-of-town centers of learning, etc., but the latter were also mentioned as key sources of advice by doctors who were innovators and influentials. sources of advice by doctors who were innovators and influentials.
$^{40}$ Ryan和Gross（前引）选择将 "进城旅行 "解释为非传统取向的另一个指标，而创新本身也是非传统取向的一个指标。在市内药物会议、前往市外学习中心等情况下，作为创新者和有影响力的医生也提到后者是建议的主要来源。
$^{41}$ See the forthcoming book by Lerner, et. al cited above.
$^{41}$ 参见上文引用的 Lerner 等人即将出版的书。
$^{42}$ These different dimensions of interpersonal relations can be further illustrated by reference to studies which represent the “pure type” of each dimension. Studies of rumor flow illustrate the “channels” dimension; see, for example, Jacob L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive, Beacon, N. Y.: Beacon House, 1953, pp. 440-450. The study by Leon Festinger, Stanley Schachter and Kurt Back, Social Pressures in Informal Groups, New York: Harper and Bros., 1950, illustrates the second dimension. Blau, op. cit., pp. 126-129, illustrates the “social support” dimension,
$^{42}$ 人际关系的这些不同维度可以通过参考代表每个维度 "纯类型 "的研究来进一步说明。对谣言流的研究说明了 "渠道 "维度；例如，参见 Jacob L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive, Beacon, N. Y.：Beacon House, 1953, pp.Leon Festinger、Stanley Schachter 和 Kurt Back 的研究报告《非正式群体中的社会压力》（Social Pressures in Informal Groups），纽约：哈珀兄弟出版社，1950 年，说明了第二个维度。Blau，同前，第 126-129 页，说明了 "社会支持 "维度、

OXFORD JOURNALS OFORD UNIYERSTY PRE 牛津期刊 ÖDORD UNIYERSTY预

American Association for Public Opinion Research美国舆论研究协会

The Two-Step Flow of Communication: An Up-To-Date Report on an Hypothesis* 两步传播流程：一个假设的最新报告*

findings of The People's Choice《人民的选择》评选结果

DESIGN OF THE VOTING STUDY投票研究的设计

DESIGNS OF THREE SUBSEQUENT STUDIES随后三项研究的设计

the findings of studies subsequent to The People's Choice《人民的选择》之后的研究结果

A. THE IMPACT OF PERSONAL INFLUENCEA.个人影响力的影响

B. THE FLOW OF PERSONAL INFLUENCEB.个人影响力的流动

C. THE OPINION LEADERS AND THE MASS MEDIAC.舆论领袖和大众传媒

CONCLUSIONS 结 论