Acknowledgments  致谢

Of the many friends who helped me I single out those who read and criticized the manuscript at various stages: Martin Boer, Robert Costrell, Barbara Ellis, John Ellis, Ronni Gordon, Don Klein, Erika Kors, Evelyn Rich, Gail Savitz, David Stillman, Abigail Thernstrom, and Stephan Thernstrom.
在帮助我的众多朋友中，我特别提到那些在不同阶段阅读并批评手稿的人：马丁·博尔、罗伯特·科斯特雷尔、芭芭拉·埃利斯、约翰·埃利斯、罗尼·戈登、唐·克莱因、埃里卡·科尔斯、埃弗林·里奇、盖尔·萨维茨、大卫·斯蒂尔曼、阿比盖尔·瑟恩斯特龙和斯特凡·瑟恩斯特龙。
I am grateful to Dawn Baker, an undergraduate at Boston University, Peter Welsh, a political science graduate student at Boston College, and Alex Stillman, an undergraduate at Johns Hopkins. They checked facts and looked for primary sources, which were more often than not difficult to trace. Special thanks also to Hilary Olsen for her many hours of proofreading, editing, and retyping.
我感谢波士顿大学的本科生 Dawn Baker、波士顿学院的政治学研究生 Peter Welsh，以及约翰霍普金斯大学的本科生 Alex Stillman。他们核实事实并寻找初级来源，这些来源常常难以追踪。特别感谢 Hilary Olsen 为她的多小时校对、编辑和重新打字付出的努力。
I am obliged to Lynn Chu and Glen Hartley for having urged me to undertake this book. My editor, Rebecca Saletan, has been superb throughout the two years I took in writing it. Denise Roy and Jay Schweitzer ably shepherded the book through the editorial and production processes.
我必须感谢林茱和格伦·哈特利，他们鼓励我写这本书。在我撰写这本书的两年中，我的编辑丽贝卡·萨莱坦表现得非常出色。丹尼斯·罗伊和杰伊·施维策则出色地引导这本书完成编辑和制作过程。

Louise Hoff, my sister, traveled with me to many feminist conferences, into the very dens of the lionesses, providing much needed moral support. Our mother, Dolores Hoff, has shown us both that being a feminist has nothing to do with resenting men.
我的姐姐路易丝·霍夫陪我参加了许多女权主义会议，深入狮群的巢穴，提供了急需的道德支持。我们的母亲多洛雷斯·霍夫向我们俩证明，女权主义与怨恨男人无关。

It is easy enough to get grants for feminist research aimed at showing how women are being shortchanged and "silenced" by the male establishment. It is not so easy to receive grants for a study that criticizes the feminist establishment for its errors and excesses. The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the Carthage Foundation, and the John M. Olin Foundation believed that what I had to say was important, and I thank them for their gracious and generous support for this project. I could not have written this book without their aid and cooperation, nor without the support of Clark University, which allowed me a two-year leave and awarded me a Mellon Faculty Development Grant and a Higgins Research Grant.
获得资助来进行旨在揭示女性如何被男性体制短缺和“沉默”的女性主义研究，这很容易。但要获得资助来进行一项批判女性主义体制的错误和过度的研究，则并非易事。林德和哈里·布拉德利基金会、迦太基基金会和约翰·M·奥林基金会认为我所说的话很重要，我感谢他们对这个项目的慷慨和慷慨支持。没有他们的帮助和合作，以及克拉克大学的支持，我无法写成这本书。克拉克大学给了我两年的休假，并授予我梅隆教师发展奖和希金斯研究奖。

Numerous others-too numerous to identify here-supported me morally and intellectually. They know well who they are and know as well how thankful I am. I apologize for not acknowledging them by name.
许多其他人——太多以至于无法在此一一列举——在精神上和智力上支持我。他们很清楚自己的身份，也知道我有多么感谢他们。对于没有一一提及他们的姓名，我表示歉意。

A great deal of what is valuable and right about Who Stole Feminism? is due to the wisdom, encouragement, and unfailing assistance of my husband, Fred Sommers. My views on feminism are controversial, and when those who do not take well to criticism react by maligning me rather than my argument, Fred helps me stay calm and clear.
关于《谁盗了女权主义？》的许多宝贵和正确之处，归功于我丈夫弗雷德·萨默斯的智慧、鼓励和持续的支持。我的女权主义观点颇具争议，当那些不善于接受批评的人选择抹黑我而不是我的观点时，弗雷德帮助我保持冷静和清晰。

I am grateful to my stepson, Tamler Sommers, whose twenty-threeyear-old perspective saved me more than once from what he assured me were misguided efforts at humor.
我感谢我的继子，坦勒·萨默斯，他 23 岁的视角多次救了我，他向我保证，我那些努力想幽默的尝试是错误的。

This book is dedicated to Fred, to Tamler, and to my nine-year-old son, David Sommers, who is, I suspect, delighted to see the last of its writing.
本书献给弗雷德、塔姆勒，以及我的九岁儿子大卫·索默斯，我怀疑他很高兴看到这本书的写作终于结束。

Preface ..... 11 前言 ..... 11

In Revolution from Within, Gloria Steinem informs her readers that "in this country alone . . . about 150,000 females die of anorexia each year." That is more than three times the annual number of fatalities from car accidents for the total population. Steinem refers readers to another feminist best-seller, Naomi Wolf's The Beauty Myth. And in Ms. Wolfs book one again finds the statistic, along with the author's outrage. "How," she asks, "would America react to the mass self-immolation by hunger of its favorite sons?" Although "nothing justifies comparison with the Holocaust," she cannot refrain from making one anyway. "When confronted with a vast number of emaciated bodies starved not by nature but by men, one must notice a certain resemblance."
在《从内部革命》中，格洛丽亚·斯泰纳姆告诉她的读者，“仅在美国……每年就有大约 15 万女性死于厌食症。” 这比全国范围内汽车事故造成的死亡人数的三倍还要多。斯泰纳姆将读者引导到另一本女权主义畅销书，娜奥米·沃尔夫的《美丽神话》。而在沃尔夫女士的书中，人们再次发现了这个数据，以及作者的愤怒。“美国，”她问道，“会如何应对其最心爱的儿子们因饥饿而集体自焚？” 尽管“没有任何理由可以与大屠杀相提并论”，但她还是忍不住做出了比较。“当面对大量因饥饿而消瘦的尸体，这些尸体不是因自然而是因男人而饿死时，人们必须注意到某种相似之处。”

Where did Ms. Wolf get her figures? Her source is Fasting Girls: The Emergence of Anorexia Nervosa as a Modern Disease by Joan Brumberg, a historian and former director of women's studies at Cornell University. Brumberg, too, is fully aware of the political significance of the startling statistic. She points out that the women who study eating problems "seek
沃尔夫女士从哪里获得她的数据？她的来源是《禁食女孩：厌食症作为现代疾病的出现》 ，作者是琼·布伦伯格，她是康奈尔大学的历史学家和前妇女研究主任。布伦伯格也充分意识到这个惊人统计数据的政治意义。她指出，研究饮食问题的女性“寻求
to demonstrate that these disorders are an inevitable consequence of a misogynistic society that demeans women . . by objectifying their bodies." Professor Brumberg, in turn, attributes the figure to the American Anorexia and Bulimia Association.
这些疾病是贬低女性、物化她们身体的厌女社会不可避免的结果。 布伦伯格教授反过来将这个数字归因于美国厌食症和贪食症协会。

I called the American Anorexia and Bulimia Association and spoke to Dr. Diane Mickley, its president. "We were misquoted," she said. In a 1985 newsletter the association had referred to 150,000 to 200,000 sufferers (not fatalities) of anorexia nervosa.
我给美国厌食症和贪食症协会打了电话，并与该协会主席黛安·米克利博士进行了交谈。“我们被误引用了，”她说。在 1985 年的一份新闻通讯中，该协会提到了 15 万至 20 万名厌食症患者（而不是死亡人数）。

What is the correct morbidity rate? Most experts are reluctant to give exact figures. One clinician told me that of 1,400 patients she had treated in ten years, four had died-all through suicide. The National Center for Health Statistics reported 101 deaths from anorexia nervosa in 1983 and 67 deaths in 1988. Thomas Dunn of the Division of Vital Statistics at the National Center for Health Statistics reports that in 1991 there were 54 deaths from anorexia nervosa and no deaths from bulimia. The deaths of these young women are a tragedy, certainly, but in a country of one hundred million adult females, such numbers are hardly evidence of a "holocaust."
什么是正确的发病率？大多数专家不愿给出确切的数字。一位临床医生告诉我，在她十年治疗的 1400 名患者中，有 4 人死亡——都是自杀。国家卫生统计中心报告称，1983 年有 101 人死于厌食症，1988 年有 67 人死亡。 国家卫生统计中心人口统计司的托马斯·邓恩报告称，1991 年有 54 人死于厌食症，而没有因贪食症死亡。这些年轻女性的死亡无疑是一场悲剧，但在一个拥有 1 亿成年女性的国家，这样的数字 hardly evidence of a "holocaust."

Yet now the false figure, supporting the view that our "sexist society" demeans women by objectifying their bodies, is widely accepted as true. Ann Landers repeated it in her syndicated column in April 1992: "Every year, 150,000 American women die from complications associated with anorexia and bulimia."
然而，现在这种错误的说法，即支持我们“性别歧视的社会”通过物化女性的身体来贬低女性的说法，已被广泛接受为真。安·兰德斯在 1992 年 4 月的专栏文章中重复了这一说法：“每年，有 150,000 名美国女性死于与厌食症和贪食症相关的并发症。”

I sent Naomi Wolf a letter pointing out that Dr. Mickley had said she was mistaken. Wolf sent me word on February 3, 1993, that she intends to revise her figures on anorexia in a later edition of The Beauty Myth. Will she actually state that the correct figure is less than one hundred per year? And will she correct the implications she drew from the false report? For example, will she revise her thesis that masses of young women are being "starved not by nature but by men" and her declaration that "women must claim anorexia as political damage done to us by a social order that considers our destruction insignificant . . . as Jews identify the death camps"?
我给娜奥米·沃尔夫写了一封信，指出米克利博士说她错了。沃尔夫在 1993 年 2 月 3 日告诉我，她打算在《美丽神话》的后续版本中修改她关于厌食症的数字。 她真的会说明正确数字每年不到一百吗？她会纠正她从错误报告中得出的结论吗？例如，她会修改她关于大量年轻女性“不是被自然而是被男性饿死”的论点，以及她宣称“女性必须将厌食症视为社会秩序对我们造成的政治伤害，这种社会秩序认为我们的毁灭无关紧要……就像犹太人认定集中营一样”吗？

Will Ms. Steinem advise her readers of the egregious statistical error? Will Ms. Landers? Will it even matter? By now, the 150,000 figure has made it into college textbooks. A recent women's studies text, aptly titled The Knowledge Explosion, contains the erroneous figure in its preface.
施泰因女士会向她的读者指出这个严重的统计错误吗？兰德斯女士会吗？这甚至重要吗？到目前为止，这个 15 万的数字已经出现在大学教科书中。一本最近的女性研究教科书，恰如其分地命名为《知识爆炸》，在其前言中包含了这个错误的数字。

The anorexia "crisis" is only one sample of the kind of provocative but inaccurate information being purveyed by women about "women's issues" these days. On November 4, 1992, Deborah Louis, president of the National Women's Studies Association, sent a message to the Women's Stud-
厌食症“危机”只是如今女性关于“女性问题”散布的具有挑衅性但又不准确的信息的一个例子。1992 年 11 月 4 日，全国妇女研究协会主席黛博拉·路易斯给妇女研究协会发了一封信，信中写道：
ies Electronic Bulletin Board: "According to [the] last March of Dimes report, domestic violence (vs. pregnant women) is now responsible for more birth defects than all other causes combined. Personally [this] strikes me as the most disgusting piece of data I've seen in a long while." This was, indeed, unsettling news. But it seemed implausible. I asked my neighbor, a pediatric neurologist at Boston's Children's Hospital, about the report. He told me that although severe battery may occasionally cause miscarriage, he had never heard of battery as a significant cause of birth defects. Yet on February 23, 1993, Patricia Ireland, president of the National Organization of Women, made a similar claim during a PBS interview with Charlie Rose: "Battery of pregnant women is the number one cause of birth defects in this country."
根据去年三月份的《缺陷报告》，家庭暴力（与孕妇相关）现在造成的出生缺陷比所有其他原因加起来还要多。对我个人而言，这数据在很长一段时间内都让我感到非常恶心。这的确是个令人不安的消息。但这似乎不太可信。我问了我的邻居，他是波士顿儿童医院的儿科神经科医生，关于这个报告。他告诉我，虽然严重的殴打偶尔可能导致流产，但他从没听说过殴打是出生缺陷的重要原因。然而，在 1993 年 2 月 23 日，国家妇女组织主席帕特里夏·爱尔兰在与查理·罗斯的 PBS 采访中做出了类似的断言：“对孕妇的殴打是这个国家出生缺陷的头号原因。”

I called the March of Dimes to get a copy of the report. Maureen Corry, director of the March's Education and Health Promotion Program, denied any knowledge of it. "We have never seen this research before," she said.
我打电话给“三月捐助”组织，想要获取这份报告的副本。该组织的教育与健康促进项目主管莫琳·科里否认对此有任何了解。她说：“我们以前从未见过这项研究。”

I did a search and found that—study or no study—journalists around the country were citing it.
我搜索了一下，发现全国各地的记者都在引用它，无论他们是否学习过。

Domestic violence is the leading cause of birth defects, more than all other medical causes combined, according to a March of Dimes study. (Boston Globe, September 2, 1991)
根据美国“三月捐赠”组织的一项研究，家庭暴力是导致出生缺陷的主要原因，超过所有其他医疗原因的总和。（波士顿环球报，1991 年 9 月 2 日）

Especially grotesque is the brutality reserved for pregnant women: the March of Dimes has concluded that the battering of women during pregnancy causes more birth defects than all the diseases put together for which children are usually immunized. (Time magazine, January 18,1993 )
尤其荒诞的是，针对孕妇的残酷行为：三月的财团得出结论，孕期对女性的殴打造成的出生缺陷比通常为儿童接种的所有疾病加起来还要多。(《时代》杂志，1993 年 1 月 18 日)

The March of Dimes has concluded that the battering of women during pregnancy causes more birth defects than all the diseases put together for which children are usually immunized. (Dallas Morning News, February 7, 1993)
美好的时光基金会已经得出结论，孕期对女性的殴打造成的出生缺陷比孩子通常接种疫苗的所有疾病加起来还要多。（达拉斯晨报，1993 年 2 月 7 日）

The March of Dimes says battering during pregnancy causes more birth defects than all diseases for which children are immunized.
怀孕期间的殴打比所有儿童接种疫苗的疾病造成的出生缺陷还要多，三月基金会表示。
(Arizona Republic, March 21, 1993)
(亚利桑那共和报，1993 年 3 月 21 日)
The March of Dimes estimates that domestic violence is the largest single cause of birth defects. (Chicago Tribune, April 18, 1993)
美国孕期健康组织估计，家庭暴力是出生缺陷的最大单一原因。(芝加哥论坛报，1993 年 4 月 18 日)

I called the March of Dimes again. Andrea Ziltzer of their media relations department told me that the rumor was spinning out of control. Gover-
我又给美国早产儿基金会打了电话。他们的媒体关系部门的安德烈娅·齐尔策告诉我，谣言正在失控。政府-
nors' offices, state health departments, and Washington politicians had flooded the office with phone calls. Even the office of Senator Edward Kennedy had requested a copy of the "report." The March of Dimes had asked Time for a retraction. For some reason, Time was stalling.
nors'办公室、州卫生部门和华盛顿政客们纷纷向办公室打电话。连爱德华·肯尼迪参议员的办公室也要求了一份“报告”的副本。三月资金委员会曾要求《时代》杂志撤回报道。不知为何，《时代》杂志在拖延。

When I finally reached Jeanne McDowell, who had written the Time article, the first thing she said was "That was an error." She sounded genuinely sorry and embarrassed. She explained that she is always careful about checking sources, but this time, for some reason, she had not. Time was supposed to have printed a retraction in the letters column, but because of a mixup, it had failed to do so. Time has since called the March of Dimes' media relations department to apologize. An official retraction finally appeared in the magazine on December 6, 1993, under the heading "Inaccurate Information." 12
当我终于联系到写那篇《时代》杂志文章的珍妮·麦克道威尔时，她第一句话就是“那是个错误”。她听起来真的很抱歉，也很尴尬。她解释说她一直很注意核实消息来源，但这次，出于某种原因，她没有。时代杂志本应该在读者来信栏目发表更正声明，但由于混淆，它没有做到。时代杂志后来致电美国“三月捐赠”组织的媒体关系部门道歉。1993 年 12 月 6 日，一篇正式的更正声明终于在该杂志上以“不准确的信息”为标题刊登。12

I asked Ms. McDowell about her source. She had relied on information given her by the San Francisco Family Violence Prevention Fund, which in turn had obtained it from Sarah Buel, a founder of the domestic violence advocacy project at Harvard Law School who now heads a domestic abuse project in Massachusetts. Ms. Buel had obtained it from Caroline Whitehead, a maternal nurse and child care specialist in Raleigh, North Carolina. I called Ms. Whitehead.
我问麦克道威尔女士关于她的消息来源。她依赖旧金山家庭暴力预防基金提供给她的信息，该基金又从哈佛法学院家庭暴力倡导项目的创始人莎拉·布埃尔那里获得了信息，莎拉·布埃尔现在领导着马萨诸塞州的一个家庭虐待项目。 布埃尔女士从北卡罗来纳州罗利市的产科护士和儿童保育专家卡罗琳·怀特黑德那里获得了信息。我给怀特黑德女士打了电话。
"It blows my mind. It is not true," she said. The whole mixup began, she explained, when she introduced Sarah Buel as a speaker at a 1989 conference for nurses and social workers. In presenting her, Ms. Whitehead mentioned that according to some March of Dimes research she had seen, more women are screened for birth defects than are ever screened for domestic battery. "In other words, what I said was, 'We screen for battery far less than we screen for birth defects.'" Ms. Whitehead had said nothing at all about battery causing birth defects. "Sarah misunderstood me," she said. Buel went on to put the erroneous information into an unpublished manuscript, which was then circulated among family violence professionals. They saw no reason to doubt its authority and repeated the claim to others.
“这让我感到震惊，这不是真的，”她说。她解释说，整件误会的开始是她在 1989 年为护士和社会工作者举办的会议上介绍萨拉·比尔作为演讲者时。在介绍她时，怀特黑德女士提到，根据她看到的一些白求恩基金会的研究，接受出生缺陷筛查的女性比接受家庭暴力筛查的女性要多。“换句话说，我所说的是，‘我们对家庭暴力的筛查远远少于对出生缺陷的筛查。’”怀特黑德女士并没有提到家庭暴力会导致出生缺陷。“萨拉误解了我，”她说。比尔后来把这一错误信息放入了一个未发表的手稿中，该手稿随后在家庭暴力专业人士中流传。他们并没有看到怀疑其权威性的理由，并将这一说法传递给了其他人。

I called Sarah Buel and told her that it seemed she had misheard Ms. Whitehead. She was surprised. "Oh, I must have misunderstood her. I'll have to give her a call. She is my source." She thanked me for having informed her of the error, pointing out that she had been about to repeat it yet again in a new article she was writing.
我给莎拉·比尔打了电话，告诉她似乎她听错了怀特黑德女士。她很惊讶。“哦，我一定是误解了她。我得给她打个电话。她是我的来源。”她感谢我告诉她这个错误，并指出她本来要在她正在写的新文章中再次重复这个错误。

Why was everybody so credulous? Battery responsible for more birth defects than all other causes combined? More than genetic disorders such as spina bifida, Down syndrome, Tay-Sachs, sickle-cell anemia? More than congenital heart disorders? More than alcohol, crack, or AIDS-
为什么大家都这么轻信？电池导致的出生缺陷比所有其他原因加起来还多？比脊柱分裂、唐氏综合症、泰萨克斯病、镰形细胞贫血等遗传疾病还多？比先天性心脏病还多？比酒精、可卡因或艾滋病还多？
more than all these things combined? Where were the fact-checkers, the editors, the skeptical journalists?
比起所有这些东西的总和更加重要的是什么？事实核查者、编辑和持怀疑态度的记者们在哪里？

Unfortunately, the anorexia statistic and the March of Dimes "study" are typical of the quality of information we are getting on many women's issues from feminist researchers, women's advocates, and journalists. More often than not, a closer look at the supporting evidence-the studies and statistics on eating disorders, domestic battery, rape, sexual harassment, bias against girls in school, wage differentials, or the demise of the nuclear family-will raise grave questions about credibility, not to speak of objectivity.
不幸的是，厌食症统计数据和“三月捐赠”的“研究”反映了我们从女权主义研究人员、女性权益倡导者和记者那里获得的关于许多女性问题的资讯质量。更常见的是，仔细查看支持证据——关于饮食失调、家庭暴力、强奸、性骚扰、学校对女孩的偏见、工资差异或核心家庭衰落的调查和统计数据——会对可信度提出严重质疑，更不用说客观性了。

When they engage in exaggeration, oversimplification, and obfuscation, the feminist researchers may be no different from such other advocacy groups as the National Rifle Association or the tobacco industry. But when the NRA does a "study that shows ...," or the tobacco industry finds "data that suggest . . .," journalists are on their guard. They check sources and seek dissenting opinions.
当她们进行夸大、过度简化和模糊化时，女权主义研究者可能与国家步枪协会或 tobacco 产业等其他倡导团体没有区别。但是，当国家步枪协会做出“研究显示……”或烟草行业发现“数据显示……”时，记者们会警惕。他们会核实来源并寻求反对意见。

In January 1993 newspapers and television networks reported an alarming finding: incidence of domestic battery tended to rise by 40 percent on Super Bowl Sunday. NBC, which was broadcasting the game that year, made special pleas to men to stay calm. Feminists called for emergency preparations in anticipation of the expected increase in violence on January 31. They also used the occasion to drive home the message that maleness and violence against women are synonymous. Nancy Isaac, a Harvard School of Public Health research associate who specializes in domestic violence, told the Boston Globe: "It's a day for men to revel in their maleness and unfortunately, for a lot of men that includes being violent toward women if they want to be." 15
1993 年 1 月，报纸和电视网络报道了一项令人担忧的发现：家庭暴力的发生率在超级碗星期天往往上升 40%。当年转播比赛的 NBC 特别呼吁男性保持冷静。女权主义者呼吁采取紧急措施，以应对预期在 1 月 31 日暴力事件的增加。他们还借此机会强调男性气概与对女性的暴力是同义的。哈佛公共卫生学院的家庭暴力研究助理南希·艾萨克告诉《波士顿环球报》：“这一天是男性沉醉于他们的男性气概的日子，不幸的是，对于许多男性来说，这包括对女性施暴，如果他们想的话。”
Journalists across the country accepted the 40 percent figure at face value and duly reported the bleak tidings. The sole exception was Ken Ringle, a reporter at the Washington Post, who decided to check on the sources. As we shall see later in this book, he quickly found that the story had no basis in fact. It turns out that Super Bowl Sunday is in no way different from other days in the amount of domestic violence. Though Ringle exposed the rumor, it had done its work: millions of American women who heard about it are completely unaware that it is not true. What they do "know" is that American males, especially the sports fans among them, are a dangerous and violent species.
全国的记者们对 40%的数字信以为真，并如实报道了这一悲惨的消息。唯一的例外是《华盛顿邮报》的记者肯·林格，他决定核实消息来源。正如我们稍后在本书中所看到的，他很快发现这个故事毫无事实依据。结果表明，超级碗星期日与其他日子在家庭暴力的发生数量上没有任何不同。尽管林格揭穿了这个谣言，但它的影响已经产生：数百万听说过这个谣言的美国女性完全 unaware 这并不真实。她们所“知道”的是，美国男性，尤其是其中的体育迷，是一种危险和暴力的物种。

To the question "Why is everyone so credulous?" we must add another: "Why are certain feminists so eager to put men in a bad light?" I shall try to answer both these questions and to show how the implications affect us all.
对于“为什么每个人都如此轻信？”这个问题，我们还必须提出另一个问题：“为什么某些女性主义者如此渴望让男性处于不利地位？”我将尝试回答这两个问题，并展示其含义如何影响我们所有人。

American feminism is currently dominated by a group of women who seek to persuade the public that American women are not the free creatures we think we are. The leaders and theorists of the women's movement believe that our society is best described as a patriarchy, a "male hegemony," a "sex/gender system" in which the dominant gender works to keep women cowering and submissive. The feminists who hold this divisive view of our social and political reality believe we are in a gender war, and they are eager to disseminate stories of atrocity that are designed to alert women to their plight. The "gender feminists" (as I shall call them) believe that all our institutions, from the state to the family to the grade schools, perpetuate male dominance. Believing that women are virtually under siege, gender feminists naturally seek recruits to their side of the gender war. They seek support. They seek vindication. They seek ammunition.
美国女性主义目前由一群女性主导，她们试图说服公众相信美国女性并不是我们认为的自由存在。女性运动的领导者和理论家认为，我们的社会最好被描述为父权制，一个“男性霸权”，一个“性/性别系统”，在这个系统中，主导性别努力让女性感到害怕和顺从。持这种分裂观点的女性主义者相信我们正处于一场性别战争中，她们急于传播旨在提醒女性她们困境的暴行故事。那些我称之为“性别女性主义者”的人认为，我们所有的制度，从国家到家庭再到小学，都延续了男性的主导地位。性别女性主义者相信女性几乎处于围困状态，因此自然寻求招募支持其性别战争的盟友。她们寻求支持。她们寻求证明。她们寻求武器。

Not everyone, including many women who consider themselves feminists, is convinced that contemporary American women live in an oppressive "male hegemony." To confound the skeptics and persuade the undecided, the gender feminists are constantly on the lookout for proof, for the smoking gun, the telling fact that will drive home to the public how profoundly the system is rigged against women. To rally women to their cause, it is not enough to remind us that many brutal and selfish men harm women. They must persuade us that the system itself sanctions male brutality. They must convince us that the oppression of women, sustained from generation to generation, is a structural feature of our society.
并不是所有人，包括许多自认为是女性主义者的女性，都相信当代美国女性生活在压迫性的“男性霸权”之中。为了驳斥怀疑者并说服尚未决定的人，性别女性主义者不断寻找证据，寻找能够清楚表明系统如何深刻地对女性不利的确凿事实。为了动员女性支持她们的事业，仅仅提醒我们许多残酷自私的男性伤害女性是不够的。她们必须说服我们，系统本身在纵容男性的残暴。她们必须让我们相信，代代相传的女性压迫是我们社会的一个结构性特征。

Well-funded, prestigious organizations as well as individuals are engaged in this enterprise. In 1992, for example, the American Association of University Women and the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women announced findings that our schools systematically favor boys and are contributing to a dramatic drop in girls' self-esteem. In another study, the Commonwealth Fund, relying on polls taken by Louis Harris and Associates, spread the news that 37 percent of American women are psychologically abused by their husbands or partners every year and that " 40 percent of women... experience severe depression in a given week." As we shall see, these alarming reports have little more basis in fact than did the Super Bowl hoax.
资金充足、享有声望的组织以及个人参与了这一事业。例如，在 1992 年，美国大学妇女协会和威尔斯利学院女性研究中心宣布的研究结果表明，我们的学校系统性地偏向男孩，并导致女孩自尊心急剧下降。在另一项研究中，英联邦基金依靠路易斯·哈里斯与协会进行的民意调查，传播了 37%的美国女性每年受到丈夫或伴侣的心理虐待，以及“40%的女性……在某一周经历严重抑郁”的消息。 正如我们将看到的，这些令人担忧的报告与超级碗的骗局一样，几乎没有事实基础。

I recently told a friend that I was coming across a lot of mistakes and misleading data in feminist studies. "It's a mess," I said. "Are you sure you want to write about it?" she asked. "The far right will use what you
我最近告诉一个朋友，我在女权主义研究中发现了很多错误和误导性数据。“这太乱了，”我说。“你确定要写这个吗？”她问道。“极右翼会利用你
find to attack all women. It will harm the women who are working in such problem areas as battery and wage discrimination. Why do anything to endanger our fragile gains?" My friend's questions were sobering, and I want to underscore at the outset that I do not mean to confuse the women who work in the trenches to help the victims of true abuse and discrimination with the gender feminists whose falsehoods and exaggerations are muddying the waters of American feminism. These feminist ideologues are helping no one; on the contrary, their divisive and resentful philosophy adds to the woes of our society and hurts legitimate feminism. Not only are women who suffer real abuse not helped by untruths, they are in fact harmed by inaccuracies and exaggerations.
针对所有女性的攻击。它将伤害在电池和工资歧视等问题领域工作的女性。为什么要做任何危害我们脆弱成果的事情呢？”我朋友的问题令人深思，我想在一开始就强调，我并不想将那些在一线帮助真正遭受虐待和歧视的受害者的女性与那些通过虚假和夸大来模糊美国女性主义界限的性别女权主义者混淆。这些女权意识形态者没有帮助任何人；相反，他们的分裂和愤恨哲学加重了我们社会的困境，伤害了合法的女性主义。遭受真正虐待的女性不仅没有从虚假中得到帮助，实际上还受到不准确和夸大的严重伤害。

For example, as Ms. Whitehead noted, more women are screened for birth defects than for battery. She was touching on a terribly important problem. Battery is still not taken seriously enough as a medical problem. Most hospitals have procedures to avoid discharging patients at high risk of suffering a relapse of the condition for which they are being treated. Yet few hospitals have procedures that would put women likely to suffer further abuse in touch with the professional services that could help them avoid it, a real and shocking problem. That battery is the chief cause of birth defects is perhaps more shocking, but it is untrue. The March of Dimes has developed an excellent hospital "Protocol of Care for the Battered Woman." Wouldn't it have been more effective to publicize the problem that Ms. Whitehead had actually talked about and promoted the March of Dimes' solution? True, the alleged findings had great value as gender feminist propaganda. But, being incorrect, they could lead to nothing constructive in the way of alleviating the actual suffering of women.
例如，正如怀特黑德女士指出的，接受出生缺陷筛查的女性比接受电池筛查的女性更多。她触及了一个非常重要的问题。电池仍然没有得到足够的重视，因为它是一个医学问题。大多数医院都有程序来避免在高风险下因其正在接受治疗的疾病复发而将患者出院。然而，很少有医院有程序可以将可能遭受进一步虐待的女性与可以帮助她们避免虐待的专业服务联系起来，这是一个真正令人震惊的问题。电池是出生缺陷的主要原因，这可能更令人震惊，但这是不真实的。美国早产儿基金会制定了一份优秀的医院“虐待妇女护理方案”。宣传怀特黑德女士实际谈论的问题，并推广美国早产儿基金会的解决方案，难道不更有效吗？诚然，这些所谓的发现作为性别女权主义宣传具有很大的价值。但是，由于不正确，它们在减轻女性实际痛苦方面无法带来任何建设性成果。

American women owe an incalculable debt to the classically liberal feminists who came before us and fought long and hard, and ultimately with spectacular success, to gain for women the rights that the men of this country had taken for granted for over two hundred years. Exposing the hypocrisy of the gender feminists will not jeopardize those achievements. Battered women don't need untruths to make their case before a fair-minded public that hates and despises bullies; there is enough tragic truth to go around.
美国女性对那些曾经为我们而长久奋斗的经典自由主义女权主义者们负有难以衡量的债务，最终她们以辉煌的成功为女性赢得了在这个国家被男性理所当然拥有的权利，历时超过两百年。揭露性别女权主义者的虚伪不会危及这些成就。遭受虐待的女性并不需要不实之词来向公正的公众陈述她们的案件，因为公众恨恶并鄙视欺凌者；悲惨的真相已经足够。

With that in mind, I shall evaluate here the views of such feminists as Gloria Steinem, Patricia Ireland, Susan Faludi, Marilyn French, Naomi Wolf, and Catharine MacKinnon and the findings that inform them. I
考虑到这一点，我将在这里评估像格洛丽亚·斯坦姆（Gloria Steinem）、帕特里夏·爱尔兰（Patricia Ireland）、苏珊·法鲁迪（Susan Faludi）、玛丽莲·法 rench（Marilyn French）、娜奥米·沃尔夫（Naomi Wolf）和凯瑟琳·麦金农（Catharine MacKinnon）等女权主义者的观点，以及影响这些观点的研究结果。
shall take a look at the feminist institutions that now control large areas of information about women. I shall take note of overly trusting journalists and the many politicians who are eager to show that they "get it."
我们将看看现在控制着大量女性信息的女权主义机构。我将注意到过于信任的记者和许多渴望表现出“理解”的政客。

Above all, I shall examine the philosophy, the beliefs, and the passions of the feminist theorists and researchers-the ones who do the "studies that show . . " and who provide the movement its intellectual leadership. These articulate, energetic, and determined women are training a generation of young activists. All indications are that the new crop of young feminist ideologues coming out of our nation's colleges are even angrier, more resentful, and more indifferent to the truth than their mentors.
最重要的是，我要检视女权主义理论家和研究人员的哲学、信仰和激情——那些进行“显示……”的研究，并为运动提供思想领导的人。这些口齿伶俐、精力充沛、意志坚定的女性正在培训一代年轻的活动家。所有迹象表明，从我们国家大学涌现的新一代年轻的女权主义意识形态者比他们的导师更愤怒、更怨恨、更漠不关心真相。

The large majority of women, including the majority of college women, are distancing themselves from this anger and resentfulness. Unfortunately, they associate these attitudes with feminism, and so they conclude that they are not really feminists. According to a 1992 Time/CNN poll, although 57 percent of the women responding said they believed there was a need for a strong women's movement, 63 percent said they do not consider themselves feminists. Another poll conducted by R. H. Brushkin reported that only 16 percent of college women "definitely" considered themselves to be feminists.
绝大多数女性，包括大多数大学女性，正在与这种愤怒和怨恨保持距离。不幸的是，她们将这些态度与女权主义联系在一起，因此得出结论她们并不是真正的女权主义者。根据 1992 年《时代》杂志/美国有线新闻网的调查，虽然 57%的女性受访者表示她们认为迫切需要强大的女性运动，但 63%的人表示她们不认为自己是女权主义者。另一项由 R.H. Brushkin 进行的调查报告显示，只有 16%的大学女性“明确”认为自己是女权主义者。

In effect, the gender feminists lack a grass roots constituency. They blame a media "backlash" for the defection of the majority of women. But what happened is clear enough: the gender feminists have stolen "feminism" from a mainstream that had never acknowledged their leadership.
实际上，性别主义者缺乏草根选民基础。他们把大多数女性的背叛归咎于媒体的“反弹”。但发生的事情很清楚：性别主义者从未承认他们领导的主流中窃取了“女权主义”。

The women currently manning-womanning-the feminist ramparts do not take well to criticism. How could they? As they see it, they are dealing with a massive epidemic of male atrocity and a constituency of benighted women who have yet to comprehend the seriousness of their predicament. Hence, male critics must be "sexist" and "reactionary," and female critics "traitors," "collaborators," or "backlashers." This kind of reaction has had a powerful inhibiting effect. It has alienated and silenced women and men alike.
目前在女性主义阵地奋战的女性们对批评反应不佳。她们怎么看得起批评呢？在她们看来，她们正在面对男性暴行的严重流行以及还未能理解自己困境严重性的无知女性群体。因此，男性批评者必须是“性别歧视者”和“反动派”，而女性批评者则是“叛徒”、“合作者”或“反弹者”。这种反应产生了强大的抑制效应，使得女性和男性都感到疏离和沉默。

I have been moved to write this book because I am a feminist who does not like what feminism has become. The new gender feminism is badly in need of scrutiny. Only forthright appraisals can diminish its inordinate and divisive influence. If others join in a frank and honest critique, before long a more representative and less doctrinaire feminism will again pick up the reins. But that is not likely to happen without a fight.
我写这本书的动机，是因为我是一名女权主义者，但我并不喜欢女权主义的现状。新的性别女权主义急需审查。只有坦率的评价才能削弱其过度的和分裂的影响。如果其他人加入坦率和诚实的批评，不久之后，一种更具代表性和更少教条主义的女权主义将再次掌握主导权。但如果没有斗争，这种情况不太可能发生。

The New Feminism emphasizes the importance of the "women's point of view," the Old Feminism believes in the primary importance of the human being.
新女性主义强调“女性视角”的重要性，而旧女性主义则相信人类的基本重要性。
—Winifred Holtby,  ——温弗里德·霍尔特比，

A surprising number of clever and powerful feminists share the conviction that American women still live in a patriarchy where men collectively keep women down. It is customary for these feminists to assemble to exchange stories and to talk about the "anger issues" that vex them.
令人惊讶的是，许多聪明而有影响力的女性主义者相信，美国女性仍然生活在一个男性集体压制女性的父权制社会中。这些女性主义者通常会聚在一起，交流故事，讨论困扰她们的“愤怒问题”。

One such conference-"Out of the Academy and Into the World with Carolyn Heilbrun"-took place at the Graduate Center of City University of New York in October 1992. The morning sessions were devoted to honoring the feminist scholar and mystery writer Carolyn Heilbrun on the occasion of her voluntary retirement from Columbia University after thirty-two years of tenure. I had just then been reading Marilyn French's The War Against Women, which Ms. Heilbrun touts on the cover as a book that "lays out women's state in this world-and it is a state of siege." 2
其中一场会议“走出学术界，走向世界，凯瑟琳·海尔布伦”于 1992 年 10 月在纽约市立大学研究生中心举行。上午的会议致力于表彰女性主义学者和神秘小说家凯瑟琳·海尔布伦，以庆祝她在哥伦比亚大学工作三十二年后自愿退休。那时我刚刚在阅读玛丽莲·法伦的《对女性的战争》，海尔布伦女士在书封面上推荐这本书，称其为“阐述女性在这个世界上的处境——这是一种围困状态。”

Intelligent women who sincerely believe that American women are in a gender war intrigue me, so a day with Ms. Heilbrun and her admirers promised to be rewarding. I arrived early, but so did an overflow crowd of more than five hundred women. I was lucky to get a seat.
聪明的女性真心相信美国女性正处于性别战争中，这让我很感兴趣，因此与海尔布伦女士及其崇拜者度过的一天一定会很有收获。我早点到了，但有超过五百名女性也提前到场。我很幸运找到一个座位。

Though she had long held a prestigious chair in Columbia's English department, Heilbrun made it clear that she felt beleaguered there. But she had survived. "In life, as in fiction," she told the New York Times, "women who speak out usually end up punished or dead. I'm lucky to escape with my pension and a year of leave." Thirty-two years ago, there were no tenured female professors in Columbia's English department. Now eight of its thirty-two tenured professors are women, and a majority of its junior professors are women. According to the Times, such facts do not impress Heilbrun. "Female doesn't mean feminist," she snapped.
虽然她在哥伦比亚大学英语系担任了长时间的著名职位，但海尔布伦明确表示她在那里的感觉是受到围困的。但她活了下来。她在《纽约时报》中说：“在生活中，就像在小说中，发声的女性通常会被惩罚或死去。我很幸运能带着我的养老金和一年的假期逃脱。”三十二年前，哥伦比亚大学英语系没有一位女性终身教授。现在三十二位终身教授中有八位是女性，大多数初级教授也是女性。根据《时报》的报道，这样的事实并没有给海尔布伦留下深刻印象。“女性并不意味着女性主义者，”她冷冷地说道。

As if to underscore that Columbia was intent on slighting her, Professor Heilbrun accused the male and female members of the Columbia English department of deliberately scheduling their own feminist conference on the same day as the conference honoring her. The Chronicle of Higher Education later reported that Ms. Heilbrun was mistaken: the rival conference, "Women at the Turn of the Century: 1890-1910," had been planned many months before this one.
好像为了强调哥伦比亚大学意图轻视她，海尔布伦教授指责哥伦比亚英语系的男女成员故意在同一天安排自己的女权主义会议，以与荣誉她的会议相对抗。《高等教育纪事》后来报道说，海尔布伦女士搞错了：对立的会议“世纪之交的女性：1890-1910”是在几个月前就已经计划好的。

Heilbrun's theme of "siege" set the tone for the rest of the conference. As the Chronicle put it, "If someone as prominent as Ms. Heilbrun could feel so 'isolated and powerless' . . . where did that leave other feminists?" One admirer of Ms. Heilbrun, Professor Pauline Bart of the University of Illinois, spoke of Heilbrun and herself as victims of mass persecution: "Carolyn [Heilbrun] and people like us will survive, from the outside if need be. One of my male students, a Chilean refugee, and his wife just had a baby. They named him Paolo, after me, because his father fought back and was tortured under Pinochet, and he sees me carrying on in that tradition."
海尔布伦的“围 siege”主题为会议的其余部分定下了基调。《编年史》提到：“如果像海尔布伦女士这样的知名人士会感到如此‘孤立和无助’……那么其他女性主义者又该如何呢？”海尔布伦的一位崇拜者，伊利诺伊大学的保琳·巴特教授，将海尔布伦和自己视为大规模迫害的受害者：“卡罗琳（海尔布伦）和我们这样的人会生存下去，如果有必要，我们将从外部生存下去。我的一位男性学生，一个智利难民，他和妻子刚刚有了宝宝。他们以我的名字命名他为保罗，因为他的父亲在皮诺切特统治下反抗并受到了酷刑，他看到我坚持这样的传统。”

Throughout the day, speakers recited tales of outrage and warned of impending male backlash. Sarah Ruddick, a New School for Social Research feminist known for "valorizing" women as the gentle nurturers of our species, paid tribute to Heilbrun's "politicized anger": "Our anger, as Carolyn puts it so well, arouses the patriarchy to disgust." The historian Blanche Wiesen Cook (who had just released a book in which she claimed that Eleanor Roosevelt was really a lesbian) spoke of the vital stake women had in the impending 1992 presidential election: "It is a cross-road that will lead to a Fourth Reich or a real opportunity."
一整天，演讲者们讲述了愤怒的故事，并警告即将到来的男性反弹。萨拉·鲁迪克，一位以“赞扬”女性为我们物种的温柔养育者而闻名的社会研究新学院女权主义者，向海尔布伦的“政治化愤怒”致敬：“正如卡罗琳所说，我们的愤怒激起了父权制的厌恶。” 历史学家布兰奇·维森·库克（她刚刚出版了一本书，声称埃莉诺·罗斯福实际上是同性恋）谈到了女性在即将到来的 1992 年总统大选中所起的至关重要的作用：“这是一个十字路口，将通往第四帝国或一个真正的机会。”

Jane Marcus, of the City University of New York, called the afternoon "Anger Session" to order, introducing herself as "an expert on anger" and thanking Heilbrun for teaching her "to use my rage in my writing." She introduced the other panelists as angry in one way or another: Alice Jardine of Harvard University's French department was "angry and strug-
纽约城市大学的简·马库斯宣布下午的“愤怒会议”，并介绍自己为“愤怒专家”，感谢海尔布伦教她“在写作中运用我的愤怒”。她介绍了其他小组成员，称他们都以不同的方式愤怒：哈佛大学法语系的艾丽斯·贾丁“愤怒而挣扎-
gling." Brenda Silver of Dartmouth had been "struggling and angry since 1972." Catharine Stimpson, former provost at Rutgers and recently selected to head the distinguished MacArthur Fellows Program, was introduced as "an enraged and engaged intellectual." 8
布伦达·西尔弗（Brenda Silver）来自达特茅斯，自 1972 年以来一直在“挣扎和愤怒”。前罗格斯大学教务长凯瑟琳·斯廷普森（Catharine Stimpson）最近被选中担任著名的麦克阿瑟基金会奖学金项目的负责人，被介绍为“一位愤怒且积极参与的知识分子”。

Gloria Steinem took the microphone and explained why she was enraged: "I have become even more angry . . . the alternative is depression." To deal with patriarchal schools, she recommended an "underground system of education," a bartering system in which a midwife could exchange her services "in return for Latin American history." Steinem believes things are so bad for contemporary American women that we might have to consider setting up centers for training political organizers.
格洛丽亚·斯泰纳姆拿起麦克风，解释了她为什么愤怒：“我变得更加愤怒……另一种选择是沮丧。”为了应对父权制的学校，她建议建立一个“地下教育体系”，一个以物易物的系统，其中助产士可以“用拉丁美洲历史交换她的服务”。斯泰纳姆认为，当代美国女性的处境如此糟糕，我们可能不得不考虑建立政治组织者培训中心。

For someone like me, who does not believe that American women are in a state of siege (and so lacks the basis for the kind of anger that drives out depression), the conference was depressing. It was clear that these well-favored women sincerely felt aggrieved. It was equally clear to me that the bitter spirits they were dispensing to the American public were unwholesome and divisive.
对于像我这样不相信美国女性处于围困状态的人（因此缺乏驱散抑郁的愤怒基础），这次会议令人沮丧。显然，这些面貌姣好的女性真诚地感到委屈。同样明显的是，她们向公众传达的苦涩情绪对美国社会不利且具有分裂性。

For whom do these "engaged and enraged" women at the conference speak? Who is their constituency? It might be said that as academics and intellectuals they speak for no one but themselves. But that would be to mistake their mission. They see themselves as the second wave of the feminist movement, as the moral vanguard fighting a war to save women. But do American women need to be saved by anyone?
这些在会议上“充满激情和愤怒”的女性为谁发言？她们的基础支持者是谁？可以说，作为学者和知识分子，她们只为自己发声。但这会误解她们的使命。她们视自己为第二波女性主义运动的一部分，作为道德先锋，奋战以拯救女性。但美国女性真的需要被人拯救吗？

The women at the Heilbrun conference are the New Feminists: articulate, prone to self-dramatization, and chronically offended. Many of the women on the "Anger" panel were tenured professors at prestigious universities. All had fine and expensive educations. Yet, listening to them one would never guess that they live in a country whose women are legally as free as the men and whose institutions of higher learning now have more female than male students.
在海尔布伦会议上的女性是新型女权主义者：善于表达，倾向于自我夸张，并且时常感到被冒犯。在“愤怒”小组中的许多女性都是知名大学的终身教授。她们都接受了优质而昂贵的教育。然而，听她们讲话，完全无法想象她们生活在一个女性在法律上享有与男性同等自由，并且高等教育机构中女学生人数已超过男学生的国家。

It was inevitable that such single-minded and energetic women would find their way into leadership positions. It is unfortunate for American feminism that their ideology and attitude are diverting the women's movement from its true purposes.
这样的专注而充满活力的女性最终进入领导职位是不可避免的。对于美国女性主义来说，她们的意识形态和态度使女性运动偏离了其真正目的，这一点令人遗憾。

The presumption that men are collectively engaged in keeping women down invites feminist bonding in a resentful community. When a Heilbrun or a Steinem advises us that men are not about to relinquish their hegemony, the implicit moral is that women must form self-protective enclaves. In such enclaves women can speak out safely and help one another to recover from the indignities they suffer under patriarchy. In
将男性普遍参与压制女性的假设，促使女性主义在一个充满怨恨的群体中形成联系。当海尔布隆或斯坦姆告诫我们男性并不会放弃他们的霸权时，隐含的道德是女性必须形成自我保护的领域。在这些领域中，女性可以安全地表达自己，并相互帮助，从父权制中恢复所遭受的屈辱。
such enclaves they can think of how to change or provide alternatives to the "androcentric" institutions that have always prevailed in education and the workplace. The message is that women must be "gynocentric," that they must join with and be loyal only to women.
这样的飞地，他们可以考虑如何改变或提供“男性中心”教育和工作场所中一直占主导地位的机构的替代方案。信息是女性必须“女性中心”，她们必须与女性团结并忠诚于女性。

The traditional, classically liberal, humanistic feminism that was initiated more than 150 years ago was very different. It had a specific agenda, demanding for women the same rights before the law that men enjoyed. The suffrage had to be won, and the laws regarding property, marriage, divorce, and child custody had to be made equitable. More recently, abortion rights had to be protected. The old mainstream feminism concentrated on legal reforms. In seeking specific and achievable ends, it did not promote a gynocentric stance; self-segregation of women had no part in an agenda that sought equality and equal access for women.
传统的经典自由主义人文主义 feminism 始于 150 多年前，非常不同。它有一个特定的议程，要求女性享有与男性相同的法律权利。选举权必须赢得，关于财产、婚姻、离婚和抚养权的法律必须变得公平。最近，必须保护堕胎权。旧的主流女性主义专注于法律改革。在追求具体和可实现的目标时，它并没有提倡女性中心主义的立场；女性的自我隔离在寻求平等和女性平等机会的议程中没有任何部分。

Most American women subscribe philosophically to that older "First Wave" kind of feminism whose main goal is equity, especially in politics and education. A First Wave, "mainstream," or "equity" feminist wants for women what she wants for everyone: fair treatment, without discrimination. "We ask no better laws than those you have made for yourselves. We need no other protection than that which your present laws secure to you," said Elizabeth Cady Stanton, perhaps the ablest exponent of equity feminism, addressing the New York State Legislature in The equity agenda may not yet be fully achieved, but by any reasonable measure, equity feminism has turned out to be a great American success story.
大多数美国女性在哲学上认同那种较早的“第一波”女权主义，其主要目标是实现平等，尤其是在政治和教育方面。“第一波”，“主流”或“平权”女权主义者希望女性能够享有与所有人一样的待遇：公正对待，不受歧视。伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿（Elizabeth Cady Stanton），或许是平权女权主义的最有力倡导者，在 ニューヨーク州立法机构发表演讲时说：“我们不要求比你们为自己制定的法律更好的法律。我们需要的保护与现行法律给予你们的保护没有其他不同。”平权议程可能尚未完全实现，但按照任何合理的标准看，平权女权主义已经成为一个伟大的美国成功故事。

Heilbrun, Steinem, and other current feminist notables ride this First Wave for its popularity and its moral authority, but most of them adhere to a new, more radical, "Second Wave" doctrine: that women, even modern American women, are in thrall to "a system of male dominance" variously referred to as "heteropatriarchy" or the sex/gender system. According to one feminist theorist, the sex/gender system is "that complex process whereby bi-sexual infants are transformed into male and female gender personalities, the one destined to command, the other to obey." 10 Sex/gender feminism ("gender feminism" for short) is the prevailing ideology among contemporary feminist philosophers and leaders. But it lacks a grass roots constituency.
海尔布伦、斯坦因和其他当前的女性主义知名人士因其受欢迎程度和道德权威而支持这一第一波女性主义，但他们大多数人坚持一种新的、更加激进的“第二波”理论：即女性，甚至现代美国女性，都被“男性主导的系统”所控制，这一系统被称为“异性父权制”或性别系统。根据一位女性主义理论家的说法，性别系统是“那种复杂的过程，通过它双性别的婴儿被转变为男性和女性的性别个性，一个注定要指挥，另一个则注定要服从。”性别/性别女性主义（简称“性别女性主义”）是当代女性主义哲学家和领袖中的主流意识形态。但它缺乏草根支持。

The New Feminists claim continuity with the likes of the eighteenthcentury feminist Mary Wollstonecraft or later feminists like the Grimké sisters, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Harriet Taylor. But those giants of the women's movement grounded their feminist demands on Enlightenment principles of individual justice. By contrast, the New Feminists have little faith in the Enlightenment principles that influ-
新女权主义者声称与十八世纪女权主义者玛丽·沃伦斯克拉夫特以及后来的女权主义者，如格林基姐妹、伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿、苏珊·安东尼和哈丽特·泰勒，保持连贯性。但这些女性运动的巨头们将她们的女权主义要求建立在启蒙时代个人正义的原则之上。相比之下，新女权主义者对影响——
enced the founders of America's political order and that inspired the great classical feminists to wage their fight for women's rights.
影响了美国政治秩序的创始人和激励伟大的古典女权主义者为妇女权利而战的。

The idea that women are in a gender war originated in the midsixties, when the antiwar and antigovernment mood revivified and redirected the women's movement away from its Enlightenment liberal philosophy to a more radical, antiestablishment philosophy. The decisive battles of the sexual revolution had been won, and students here and on the Continent were reading Herbert Marcuse, Karl Marx, Franz Fanon, and Jean-Paul Sartre and learning how to critique their culture and institutions in heady new ways. They began to see the university, the military, and the government as merely different parts of a defective status quo.
女性处于性别战争中的观念起源于六十年代中期，当时反战和反政府的情绪复苏，并将妇女运动从其启蒙自由主义哲学转向更加激进的反建制哲学。性革命的决定性战役已经取得胜利，这里和欧洲大陆的学生正在阅读赫伯特·马尔库塞、卡尔·马克思、弗朗茨·法农和让-保罗·萨特，并学习以新的方式批判他们的文化和制度。他们开始将大学、军队和政府仅仅视为有缺陷现状的不同组成部分。

Betty Friedan and Germaine Greer would continue to offer women a liberal version of consciousness raising whose aim was to awaken them to new possibilities of individual self-fulfillment. But by the midseventies, faith in liberal solutions to social problems had waned, and the old style of consciousness raising that encouraged women to seek avenues of selffulfillment rapidly gave way to one that initiated women into an appreciation of their subordinate situation in the patriarchy and the joys and comforts of group solidarity.
贝蒂·弗里丹和杰曼·格里尔将继续为女性提供一种自由主义版的意识觉醒，旨在唤醒她们对个人自我实现的新可能性。但到了七十年代中期，对社会问题自由主义解决方案的信任减弱，而鼓励女性寻求自我实现途径的旧式意识觉醒迅速让位于一种让女性认识到她们在父权制下的从属地位以及群体团结的乐趣和安慰的方式。

Having "transcended" the liberalism of Friedan and the fierce individualism of Greer, feminists began to work seriously on getting women to become aware of the political dimension of their lives. Kate Millett's Sexual Politics was critical in moving feminism in this new direction. It taught women that politics was essentially sexual and that even the socalled democracies were male hegemonies: "However muted its present appearance may be, sexual dominion obtains nevertheless as perhaps the most pervasive ideology of our culture and provides its most fundamental concept of power."
超越了弗里丹的自由主义和格里尔的激烈个人主义后，女性主义者开始认真致力于让女性意识到生活的政治维度。凯特·米勒的《性政治》在将女性主义推向这个新方向上发挥了重要作用。它教导女性，政治本质上是性的，甚至所谓的民主制度也充斥着男性霸权：“无论其当前的表现看起来多么微弱，性统治仍然作为我们文化中或许最普遍的意识形态存在，并提供了其最基本的权力概念。”

The New Feminists began to direct their energies toward getting women to join in the common struggle against patriarchy, to view society through the sex/gender prism. When a woman's feminist consciousness is thus "raised," she learns to identify her personal self with her gender. She sees her relations to men in political terms ("the personal is the political"). This "insight" into the nature of male/female relations makes the gender feminist impatient with piecemeal liberal reformist solutions and leads her to strive for a more radical transformation of our society than earlier feminists had envisioned.
新女权主义者开始将精力集中在让女性参与共同抵抗父权制的斗争上，以性别视角看待社会。当女性的女权意识被“唤醒”时，她学会将个人自我与性别认同起来。她从政治的角度看待与男性的关系（“私人与政治相连”）。这种对男女关系本质的“洞察”使得性别女权主义者对零碎的自由主义改革方案感到不耐烦，并促使她努力追求比早期女权主义者设想的更为激进的社会转型。

It is now commonplace for feminist philosophers to reject the Enlightenment ideals of the old feminism. According to the University of Colorado feminist theorist Alison Jaggar, "Radical and socialist feminists
如今，女权哲学家普遍拒绝旧女权主义的启蒙理想。根据科罗拉多大学的女权理论家阿利森·贾格尔的说法，“激进和社会主义女权主义者
have shown that the old ideals of freedom, equality and democracy are insufficient." Iris Young, of the University of Pittsburgh, echoes the contemporary feminist disillusionment with the classically liberal feminism of yesteryear, claiming that "after two centuries of faith . . . the ideal of equality and fraternity" no longer prevails:
已经表明，自由、平等和民主的旧理想已经不足。 匹兹堡大学的艾里斯·杨（Iris Young）呼应了当代女权主义者对往昔古典自由主义女权主义的失望，声称“经过两个世纪的信仰……平等和博爱的理想”不再盛行：

Most feminists of the nineteenth and twentieth century, including feminists of the early second wave, have been humanist feminists. In recent years, a different account of women's oppression has gained influence, however, partly growing from a critique of humanist feminism. Gynocentric feminism defines women's oppression as the devaluation and repression of women's experience by a masculinist culture that exalts violence and individualism.
大多数十九和二十世纪的女权主义者，包括早期第二波女权主义者，都是人本主义女权主义者。然而，近年来，一种不同的女性压迫观念获得了影响，部分来源于对人本主义女权主义的批评。以女性为中心的女权主义将女性的压迫定义为男性文化对女性经验的贬低和压制，这种文化崇尚暴力和个人主义。

The University of Wisconsin philosopher Andrea Nye acknowledges that the liberal agenda had been successful in gaining women legal freedoms, but she insists that this means very little, because "the liberated enfranchised woman might complain that democratic society has only returned her to a more profound subordination." 15
威斯康星大学哲学家安德烈娅·奈承认，自由主义议程在为女性争取法律自由方面取得了成功，但她坚持认为这意义不大，因为“获得解放和权利的女性可能会抱怨，民主社会只是把她重新置于一种更深刻的从属地位”。 15

The loss of faith in classically liberal solutions, coupled with the conviction that women remain besieged and subject to a relentless and vicious male backlash, has turned the movement inward. We hear very little today about how women can join with men on equal terms to contribute to a universal human culture. Instead, feminist ideology has taken a divisive, gynocentric turn, and the emphasis now is on women as a political class whose interests are at odds with the interests of men. Women must be loyal to women, united in principled hostility to the males who seek to hold fast to their patriarchal privileges and powers.
对古典自由主义解决方案的信心丧失，加上女性仍然受到围困，并遭受着无情而恶毒的男性反弹的信念，使这场运动转向了内部。我们今天很少听到关于女性如何与男性平等地合作，为创造一种普遍的人类文化做出贡献。相反，女权主义意识形态采取了分裂的、以女性为中心的转向，现在的重点是女性作为一个政治阶层，其利益与男性的利益相冲突。女性必须忠于女性，团结一致，原则上敌视那些试图坚持其父权特权和权力的男性。

This clash of "old" and "new" feminism is itself nothing new. Here is the British feminist and novelist Winifred Holtby writing in 1926: "The New Feminism emphasizes the importance of the 'women's point of view,' the Old Feminism believes in the primary importance of the human being. . . . Personally I am . . . an Old Feminist." The old feminism has had many exponents, from Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony in the middle of the nineteenth century to Betty Friedan and Germaine Greer in our own day. It demanded that women be allowed to live as freely as men. To most Americans, that was a fair demand. The old feminism was neither defeatist nor gender-divisive, and it is even now the philosophy of the feminist "mainstream."
这种“旧”与“新”女性主义的冲突本身并不新鲜。这里是英国女权主义者和小说家温妮弗雷德·霍尔特比在 1926 年的一段话：“新女性主义强调‘女性视角’的重要性，旧女性主义则认为人的重要性更为首要……就个人而言，我是……一个旧女性主义者。”旧女性主义有许多代表，从十九世纪中叶的伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·安东尼，到我们这个时代的贝蒂·弗里丹和杰尔梅因·格里尔。它要求女性能够像男性一样自由地生活。对大多数美国人而言，这是一项合理的要求。旧女性主义既不悲观也不分性别，至今仍是女性主义“主流”的哲学。

The New Feminists, many of them privileged, all of them legally protected and free, are preoccupied with their own sense of hurt and their
新女权主义者中，许多人身处特权之中，所有人都受到法律保护和自由，但她们却沉迷于自身的伤害感
own feelings of embattlement and "siege." When they speak of their personal plight they use words appropriate to the tragic plight of many American women of a bygone day and of millions of contemporary, truly oppressed women in other countries. But their resentful rhetoric discredits the American women's movement today and seriously distorts its priorities.
他们对自身的困境和“围城”感到困扰。当她们谈论自己的境遇时，使用的词汇适合描述曾经许多美国女性的悲惨境遇，以及当今其他国家数百万真正被压迫女性的境遇。然而，她们充满怨恨的言辞削弱了当今美国女性运动的信誉，并严重扭曲了其优先事项。

Indeed, one of the main hallmarks of the New Feminism is its degree of self-preoccupation. Feminists like Elizabeth Stanton and Susan B. Anthony were keenly aware of themselves as privileged, middle-class, protected women. They understood how inappropriate it would be to equate their struggles with those of less fortunate women, and it never occurred to them to air their personal grievances before the public.
确实，新女性主义的一个主要特征是其自我关注的程度。像伊丽莎白·斯坦顿和苏珊·安东尼这样的女权主义者非常清楚自己是特权的中产阶级受保护女性。她们明白将自己的斗争与不幸女性的斗争等同起来是多么不合适，她们从未想过在公众面前抒发个人的不满。

During the Clarence Thomas-Anita Hill hearings, Catharine MacKinnon, the influential feminist theorist and professor of law at the University of Michigan, seized the opportunity for a "national teach-in" on feminist perspectives. Calling the Senate's treatment of Ms. Hill "a public hanging," she was quick to promote it as an example of how women suffer when other women are mistreated. She was similarly affected by Patricia Bowman's ordeal in the trial of William Kennedy Smith:
在克拉伦斯·托马斯与安妮塔·希尔听证会上，著名女性主义理论家、密歇根大学法学教授凯瑟琳·麦金农抓住了机会进行一次关于女性主义观点的“全国教导”。她将参议院对希尔女士的处理称为“公开绞刑”，迅速将其作为其他女性受到虐待时女性所遭受痛苦的例子。她同样对帕特里夏·博曼在威廉·肯尼迪·史密斯审判中的经历感到受到影响：
Watching the second public hanging of a woman who accused a
观看第二次公开绞刑，其中一名被控的女性
powerful man of sexual violation reflects the way in which sexual
强大的性侵犯者反映了性行为的方式
assault in the United States today resembles lynching in times not
今天在美国的袭击与过去的私刑相似
long past. One is lynched and raped as a member of a socially
很久以前。一个人作为社会的一员被私刑处死和强奸。
subordinated group. Each is an act of torture, a violent sexual hu-
被压迫的群体。每一个都是折磨的行为，一种暴力的性虐待。
miliation ritual in which victims are often killed. When it happens,
灭绝仪式，受害者常常被杀害。发生时，
the target population cringes, withdraws, identifies and disidentifies
目标人群畏缩、退缩、认同和反认同
in terror.  在恐惧中。
Watching the second public hanging of a woman who accused a powerful man of sexual violation reflects the way in which sexual assault in the United States today resembles lynching in times not long past. One is lynched and raped as a member of a socially subordinated group. Each is an act of torture, a violent sexual humiliation ritual in which victims are often killed. When it happens, the target population cringes, withdraws, identifies and disidentifies in terror.
观看第二次公开处决一位指控强大男性性侵犯的女性，反映了今天美国的性侵害与不久前的私刑之间的相似之处。作为社会下层群体的成员，人们遭到私刑和强奸。这都是折磨的行为，是一种暴力性羞辱仪式，受害者常常被杀害。当这种情况发生时，目标人群感到恐惧，退缩，既认同又否认。

That the ordeals of Ms. Hill and Ms. Bowman were comparable to lynchings is debatable. Although the dire effect they had on Ms. MacKinnon and other New Feminists may not be debatable, the alleged ramified effect on all women, the so-called "target population," is. In fact, there is no evidence that most women, including those who believed that the truth lay more with Ms. Hill or Ms. Bowman, felt terrorized or "targeted"; or that they "cringed" or thought of themselves as members of a "socially subordinated group."
希尔女士和鲍曼女士的遭遇与私刑相提并论是有争议的。尽管她们对麦金农女士和其他新女权主义者所产生的严重影响可能无可争议，但对所有女性，即所谓的“目标人群”，所声称的深远影响则存在争议。事实上，没有证据表明大多数女性，包括那些相信事实更多在希尔女士或鲍曼女士一边的女性，感到恐惧或被“针对”；或者她们会“畏缩”或认为自己是“社会从属群体”的成员。

Alice Jardine ("angry and struggling" at the Heilbrun conference) told the Harvard Crimson how she reacted to the report that a crazed misogyn-
爱丽丝·贾尔丁（在海尔布伦会议上“愤怒而挣扎”）告诉哈佛克 rimson，她对那份关于疯狂的厌女症者的报告的反应
ist male had just shot and killed fourteen women students at the University of Montreal: "What I saw in the incident in Montreal was the acting out of what I experience discursively every day of my life and particularly at this institution." Ms. Jardine's claim sets a standard of sisterly empathy that not many can hope to match, but her exquisite sensibility is paradigmatic for the New Feminist.
刚刚在蒙特利尔大学枪杀了十四名女学生的男子说：“我在蒙特利尔事件中看到的是我每天生活中，尤其是在这个机构中，所经历的语言表现的具象化。” Jardine 女士的主张树立了一种姐妹般的共情标准，鲜有能匹配者，但她精致的敏感性为新女权主义者树立了典范。

Popular books advertising motifs of humiliation, subordination, and male backlash bolster the doctrine of a bifurcated society in which women are trapped in the sex/gender system. The feminists who write these books speak of the sex/gender system as a "lens" that reveals the world in a new way, giving them a new perspective on society and making them authorities on what facts to "see," to stress, and to deplore.
流行书籍宣扬羞辱、从属和男性反击的主题，加强了一个二元社会的理论，在这个社会中，女性被困在性别/性别系统中。撰写这些书籍的女性主义者将性别/性别系统称为一种“视角”，可以以新的方式揭示世界，使她们对社会有了新的看法，并使她们成为应当“看到”、强调和谴责的事实的权威。

Virginia Held, a philosophy professor at the City University of New York, reported on the feminist conviction that feminist philosophers are the initiators of an intellectual revolution comparable to those of "Copernicus, Darwin, and Freud." Indeed, as Held points out, "some feminists think the latest revolution will be even more profound." According to Held, the sex/gender system is the controlling insight of this feminist revolution. Ms. Held tells us of the impact that the discovery of the sex/ gender system has had on feminist theory: "Now that the sex/gender system has become visible to us, we can see it everywhere."
弗吉尼亚·赫尔德，纽约城市大学的哲学教授，报告了女权主义者的信念，即女权主义哲学家是与“哥白尼、达尔文和弗洛伊德”相媲美的智力革命的发起者。赫尔德指出，“一些女权主义者认为这场最新的革命将更加深刻。”根据赫尔德的说法，性别/性别系统是这场女权革命的控制性见解。赫尔德女士告诉我们，性别/性别系统的发现对女权主义理论产生了怎样的影响：“现在性别/性别系统已对我们可见，我们可以在各处看到它。”

Indeed, most feminist philosophers are "sex/gender feminists," and most do "see it everywhere." Held describes the "intellectually gripping" effect of the new perspective. I confess I sometimes envy Held and her sister gender feminists for the excitement they experience from seeing the world through the lens of sexual politics. On the other hand, I believe that how these feminist theorists regard American society is more a matter of temperament than a matter of insight into social reality. The belief that American women are living in thrall to men seems to suit some women more than others. I have found that it does not suit me.
事实上，大多数女权主义哲学家都是“性别/性别女权主义者”，大多数人“无处不在”。赫尔德描述了这种新视角的“智力吸引力”。我承认，有时我会嫉妒赫尔德和她的姐妹性别女权主义者，因为她们从性政治的视角看待世界而体验到的兴奋。另一方面，我认为这些女权主义理论家如何看待美国社会，更多的是气质问题，而不是洞察社会现实的问题。认为美国女性生活在男性奴役下的信念，对一些女性来说似乎比其他女性更合适。我发现它不适合我。

Anyone reading contemporary feminist literature will find a genre of writing concerned with personal outrage. Professor Kathryn Allen Rabuzzi of Syracuse University opens her book Motherself by recounting this incident:
任何阅读当代女性主义文学的人都将发现一种关注个人愤怒的写作体裁。雪城大学的凯瑟琳·艾伦·拉布兹教授在她的书《母亲自我》中回忆了这个事件：
As I was walking down a sleazy section of Second Avenue in New
当我走在纽约第二大道一条肮脏的街区时
York City a few years ago, a voice suddenly intruded on my con-
几年前的约克市，一个声音突然打断了我的思绪
sciousness: "Hey Mama, spare change?" The words outraged me. . .
意识：“嘿，妈妈，能给点零钱吗？”这话让我感到愤怒……
Although I had by then been a mother for many years, never till that
虽然我已经做了很多年的母亲，但直到那时
moment had I seen myself as "Mama" in such an impersonal, exter-
我却在这样的无情、外部的情况下看到了自己作为“妈妈”
As I was walking down a sleazy section of Second Avenue in New York City a few years ago, a voice suddenly intruded on my consciousness: "Hey Mama, spare change?" The words outraged me. . . . Although I had by then been a mother for many years, never till that moment had I seen myself as "Mama" in such an impersonal, exter-
几年前，当我在纽约市第二大道的一个肮脏地段走着时，一个声音突然闯入我的意识：“嘿，妈妈，给点零钱吗？”这些话让我感到愤怒……虽然那时我已经做了很多年的母亲，但直到那一刻，我从未以如此冷漠的方式看待自己作为“妈妈”。
nal context. In the man's speaking I beheld myself anew. "I" disappeared, as though turned inside out, and "Mama" took my place.
在他的讲话中，我重新看到了自己。“我”消失了，仿佛被翻转过来，而“妈妈”取代了我的位置。

Ms. Rabuzzi informs us that the panhandler's term caused in her a "shocking dislocation of self." Similarly, University of Illinois feminist theorist Sandra Lee Bartky recounts:
拉布齐女士告诉我们，那个乞丐的用语让她感到“自我严重错位”。同样，伊利诺伊大学女权主义理论家桑德拉·李·巴特基回忆道：

It is a fine spring day, and with an utter lack of self-consciousness, I am bouncing down the street. Suddenly . . . catcalls and whistles fill the air. These noises are clearly sexual in intent and they are meant for me; they come from across the street. I freeze. As Sartre would say, I have been petrified by the gaze of the Other. My face flushes and my motions become stiff and self-conscious. The body which only a moment before I inhabited with such ease now floods my consciousness. I have been made into an object. . . . Blissfully unaware, breasts bouncing, eyes on the birds in the trees, I could have passed by without having been turned to stone. But I must be made to know that I am a "nice piece of ass": I must be made to see myself as they see me. There is an element of compulsion in . . . this being-made-to-be-aware of one's own flesh: like being made to apologize, it is humiliating. . . . What I describe seems less the spontaneous expression of a healthy eroticism than a ritual of subjugation.
这是一个美好的春天，我毫无自觉地在街上蹦跳。突然……猫 calls 和口哨声充满了空气。这些声音显然是出于性意图，目标就是我；它们来自街对面。我僵住了。正如萨特所说，我被他者的目光石化了。我的脸红了，动作变得僵硬而自觉。就在片刻之前我轻松地 inhabiting 的身体，现在涌入我的意识。我被物化了……无意识地，胸部晃动，眼睛盯着树上的鸟，我本可以毫无阻碍地走过去而不被石化。但我必须意识到自己是“一块好肉”：我必须看到自己是他们所看到的那样。在……这种被迫意识到自己肉体的过程中，有一种强迫的元素：就像被迫道歉一样，这是令人羞辱的……我所描述的似乎不太是一种健康的色情的自发表现，而是一种屈从的仪式。

Marilyn French, the author of The War Against Women, finds herself vulnerable in museums:
玛丽琳·弗伦奇，《反女权之战》的作者，发现自己在博物馆中处于脆弱的状态：

Artists appropriate the female body as their subject, their possession ... assaulting female reality and autonomy. . . . Visiting galleries and museums (especially the Pompidou Center in Paris) I feel assaulted by twentieth-century abstract sculpture that resembles exaggerated female body parts, mainly breasts.
艺术家将女性身体作为他们的主题和拥有物...攻击女性的现实和自主权。...参观画廊和博物馆（尤其是巴黎的蓬皮杜中心）时，我感到受到二十世纪抽象雕塑的攻击，这些雕塑类似于夸张的女性身体部位，主要是乳房。

Janet Radcliffe Richards has pointed to some significant similarities between modern feminism and religion. I think she is right, but there is an interesting difference in the public testimony of the adherents. The devout tend to confess their sins. By contrast, the feminist ideologue testifies relentlessly to how she has been sinned against. Moreover, she sees revelations of monstrosity in the most familiar and seemingly innocuous phenomena. Her experience of the world may be compared to that
珍妮特·拉德克利夫·理查兹指出，现代女性主义与宗教之间有一些显著的相似之处。 我认为她是对的，但信奉者的公开见证中存在一个有趣的区别。虔诚者倾向于忏悔自己的罪。相比之下，女性主义意识形态者无情地见证自己如何受到侵犯。此外，她在最熟悉且看似无害的现象中看到了怪异的启示。她对世界的体验可以与之相比。
of the Dutch naturalist Antonin Van Leeuwenhoek when he looked for the first time at a drop of water through the microscope he had invented and saw there a teeming predatory jungle.
荷兰博物学家安东尼·范·列文虎克第一次用他发明的显微镜观察一滴水时，看到那里是一个充满掠食者的丛林。

This, for example, is what Professor Susan McClary, a musicologist at the University of Minnesota, tells us to listen for in Beethoven's Ninth Symphony: "The point of recapitulation in the first movement of the Ninth is one of the most horrifying moments in music, as the carefully prepared cadence is frustrated, damming up energy which finally explodes in the throttling, murderous rage of a rapist incapable of attaining release." McClary also directs us to be alert to themes of male masturbation in the music of Richard Strauss and Gustav Mahler.
例如，这就是明尼苏达大学的音乐学家苏珊·麦克拉里的观点，她告诉我们在贝多芬的第九交响曲中要注意的地方：“第九交响曲第一乐章的再现部是音乐中最令人恐惧的时刻之一，因为精心准备的终止被挫败，能量被阻滞，最终以无法获得释放的强奸犯的窒息、谋杀般的愤怒爆发。”麦克拉里还提醒我们在理查德·施特劳斯和古斯塔夫·马勒的音乐中警惕男性自慰的主题。

The "gender war" requires a constant flow of horror stories showing women that male perfidy and female humiliation are everywhere. The gender feminists who expose these evils for us often argue that what appears innocent to the untrained perception is in fact degrading to women. They highlight the pain this causes to those feminists who are sufficiently aware of what is really going on.
“性别战争”需要不断流传的恐怖故事，向女性展示男性的背叛和女性的羞辱无处不在。为我们揭露这些恶行的性别女权主义者常常辩称，对未经训练的感知者而言看似无辜的事物实际上是对女性的贬低。她们强调这种情况对那些足够意识到真实情况的女权主义者造成的痛苦。

Addressing the Scripps College graduating class of 1992, Naomi Wolf told of an incident from her own commencement exercises when she was graduated from Yale eight years before. Dick Cavett, the speaker, had made the experience a "graduation from hell." Cavett, himself a Yale alumnus, had opened his address with an anecdote about his undergraduate days: "When I was an undergraduate . . . the women went to Vassar. At Vassar they had nude photographs taken of the women in gym class to check their posture. One year the photos were stolen, and turned up for sale in New Haven's red light district. . . . The photos found no buyers." According to Ms. Wolf, the moment was devastating. "There we were, silent in our black gowns, our tassels, our brand-new shoes. We dared not break the silence. . . . That afternoon, several hundred men were confirmed in the power of a powerful institution. But many of the women felt the shame of the powerless: the choking silence, the complicity, the helplessness." Never mind that Ms. Wolf was addressing some of the most privileged young women in the country. The remainder of her speech was devoted to giving them suggestions for the "survival kit" they would need in the hostile male world they were about to enter.
在 1992 年斯 cripps 学院的毕业典礼上，娜奥米·沃尔夫讲述了她自己八年前在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的一个事件。演讲者迪克·卡维特把这个经历称为“地狱般的毕业”。卡维特本人也是耶鲁校友，他在开场时用一个关于自己本科学习时光的轶事引入：“当我还是本科学习时……女孩们去巴萨学院。在巴萨，女生在健身课上拍摄裸体照片，以检查她们的姿势。有一年，这些照片被盗，并出现在纽黑文的红灯区出售……这些照片并没有找到买家。”沃尔夫女士说，那一刻令人痛心。“我们静默地穿着黑袍，带着流苏，脚踏崭新的鞋子。我们不敢打破沉默……那个下午，几百名男性在一个强大机构的权力下得到确认。但许多女性感受到无力的羞耻：窒息的沉默、默许和无助。”无所谓沃尔夫女士所面对的是全国一些最有特权的年轻女性。 她演讲的剩余部分则专门用来给他们提供建议，帮助他们在即将进入的充满敌意的男性世界中获得“生存工具包”。

Is it possible that the Yale women were so stricken by Cavett's tasteless joke? Did the Scripps women really need a survival kit? If these privileged young women are really so fragile, what could Wolfs survival kit do for them anyway? (It seems that Cavett discombobulated Wolf even more than she realized. In a letter to the Times, Cavett pointed out that though Wolf had called him "the speaker" at her commencement, he spoke not
耶鲁大学的女性真的会对卡维特无品味的笑话感到如此震惊吗？斯克里普斯学院的女性真的需要生存工具包吗？如果这些特权年轻女性真的是如此脆弱，那么沃尔夫的生存工具包对她们有什么用呢？（看来卡维特让沃尔夫更加不知所措，甚至超出了她的认识。在给《泰晤士报》的信中，卡维特指出虽然沃尔夫在她的毕业典礼上称呼他为“演讲者”，但他并没有发言。）
at commencement but on Class Day, "a separate, more lighthearted event." )
在开学典礼上，而是在班级日，“一个单独的、更轻松的活动。” ）

Wolf herself was showing the Scripps graduating class how she survives, but though her methods were different, her general approach was old-fashioned indeed. Earlier in this century, many households still had smelling salts on hand in the event that "delicate" women reacted to displays of male vulgarity by fainting. Today, women of delicacy have a new way to demonstrate their exquisitely fragile sensibilities: by explaining to anyone who will listen how they have been blighted and violated by some male's offensive coarseness. If nothing of a telling nature has recently happened to us, we can tell about how we felt on hearing what happened to others. We faint, "discursively" and publicly, at our humiliations at the hands of men.
狼自己正在向斯克里普斯毕业班展示她是如何生存的，尽管她的方法不同，但她的总体方法确实是老式的。进入本世纪早期，许多家庭仍然备有香味盐，以防“娇嫩”的女性因男性粗俗的表现而晕倒。如今，娇嫩的女性有了一种新的方式来展示她们脆弱的敏感性：向任何愿意倾听的人解释她们是如何被某些男性的冒犯粗俗所摧残和侵犯的。如果最近没有发生什么具有启发性的事情，我们可以讲述当听到别人所经历的事情时的感受。我们在男人的羞辱面前“离散地”并公开地晕倒。

The Hyatt Regency in Austin, Texas, is a pleasant hotel, but not all of the five hundred participants of the 1992 National Women's Studies Association Conference were happy with it. One woman, a professor of women's studies from a well-known southern college, complained to me about the weddings being held there throughout the weekend. "Why have they put us in a setting where that sort of thing is going on?"
德克萨斯州奥斯汀的凯悦酒店是一家舒适的酒店，但参加 1992 年全国妇女研究协会会议的 500 名参与者中，并非所有人都感到满意。一位来自南方知名学院的妇女研究教授向我抱怨整个周末都在那里举行的婚礼。“为什么把我们放在这种地方？”

The conference participants represented a cross section of the New Feminist leadership in all areas of the women's movement. Some head urban women's centers. Others work in the offices of important politicians. Many of the women who attended the conference are in the academy in one capacity or another, either as teachers or as administrators.
与会者代表了妇女运动各个领域的新女性主义领导层的横截面。一些人领导着城市妇女中心。另一些人在重要政治家的办公室工作。许多参加会议的女性以某种身份在学术界工作，无论是作为教师还是管理人员。

Being aggrieved was a conference motif. The keynote speaker, Annette Kolodny, a feminist literary scholar and former dean of the humanities faculty at the University of Arizona, opened the proceedings with a brief history of the "narratives of pain" within the NWSA. She reported that ten years ago, the organization "almost came apart over outcries by our lesbian sisters that we had failed adequately to listen to their many voices." Five years ago, sisters in the Jewish caucus had wept at their own "sense of invisibility." Three years later the Disability caucus threatened to quit, and the following year the women of color walked out. A pernicious bigotry, Kolodny confessed, persisted in the NWSA. "Our litanies of outrage . . . overcame our fragile consensus of shared commitment and the center would no longer hold."
受委屈是会议的主题。主旨演讲者安妮特·科洛德尼，一位女权主义文学学者和亚利桑那大学人文学科的前院长，开场时简要回顾了 NWSA 内“痛苦叙事”的历史。她提到十年前，该组织“几乎因为我们的女同性恋姐妹们的呼声而解体，她们觉得我们未能充分倾听她们的众多声音。”五年前，犹太小组的姐妹们因“无形感”而痛哭。三年后，残疾小组威胁要退出，随后的那一年，有色人种女性走出了会议。科洛德尼坦白道，NWSA 中存在一种有害的偏见。“我们的愤怒圣歌……战胜了我们脆弱的共同承诺共识，中心再也无法维持。”

At past conferences, oppressed women had accused other women of oppressing them. Participants met in groups defined by their grievances and healing needs: Jewish women, Jewish lesbians, Asian-American
在过去的会议上，被压迫的女性指责其他女性压迫她们。参与者按照她们的委屈和治愈需求分成小组：犹太女性、犹太女同性恋者、亚裔美国人。
women, African-American women, old women, disabled women, fat women, women whose sexuality is in transition. None of the groups proved stable. The fat group polarized into gay and straight factions, and the Jewish women discovered they were deeply divided: some accepted being Jewish; others were seeking to recover from it. This year, concern extended to "marginalized" allergy groups. Participants were sent advance notice not to bring perfumes, dry-cleaned clothing, hairspray, or other irritants to the conference out of concern for allergic sisters. Hyperconcern is now the norm: at the first National Lesbian Convention in Atlanta, flash cameras were outlawed-on grounds that they might bring on epileptic fits.
女性，非裔美国女性，老年女性，残疾女性，肥胖女性，性取向正在转变的女性。没有一个群体被证明是稳定的。肥胖群体分化为同性恋和异性恋派别，犹太女性发现她们内部存在严重分歧：一些人接受了犹太人身份；另一些人则试图从这种身份中恢复过来。 今年，人们开始关注“边缘化”的过敏群体。出于对过敏姐妹的考虑，与会者提前收到通知，不要携带香水、干洗过的衣服、发胶或其他刺激性物品参加会议。过度关注现在已经成为常态：在亚特兰大举行的首届全国女同性恋大会上，闪光灯被禁止使用——理由是它们可能会引发癫痫发作。

Eleanor Smeal, the former president of NOW, was scheduled to be the first speaker on the NWSA "empowerment panel," but her plane had been delayed in Memphis. To pass the time, we were introduced to an array of panelists who were touted as being experienced in conflict resolution. One woman was introduced as a member of the Mohawk nation who "facilitates antibias training." Another, an erstwhile dancer, was described as a black lesbian activist who was "doing an amazing, miraculous job on campuses building coalitions." A third, who had training as a holistic health practitioner, headed workshops that "creatively optimize human capacity."
埃莉诺·斯米尔，前国家组织女性（NOW）主席，原定在国家女性研究协会（NWSA）的“赋权小组”中担任首位发言人，但她的航班在孟菲斯延误。为了打发时间，我们认识了一系列被宣传为在冲突解决方面经验丰富的讨论嘉宾。一位女性被介绍为摩霍克部落的成员，她“进行反偏见培训。”另一位曾是一名舞者的女性被描述为一位黑人女同性恋活动家，她“在校园内建立联盟方面做得非常出色，令人惊奇。”第三位接受过整体健康从业者培训的人，则主持着“创造性地优化人类能力”的工作坊。

The moderator told us that "these women have agreed to come to us as a team and work together to help us figure out how we might begin to deal much more effectively . . . with issues of inclusion, empowerment, diversity." To keep our spirits high, we were taught the words to a round, which we dutifully sang:
主持人告诉我们：“这些女性同意作为一个团队来帮助我们一起找出如何更有效地处理……包容、赋权和多样性的问题。”为了保持我们的士气高涨，我们被教唱了一首轮唱，我们认真地唱了：
We have come this far by strength,
我们走到了这一步，靠的是力量
Leaning on each other. 互相依靠
Trusting in each other's words.
相信彼此的话。
We never failed each other yet.
我们从未让彼此失望过。
Singing, oh, oh, oh. Can't turn around.
唱歌，哦，哦，哦。无法转身。
We have come this far by strength.
我们走到这一步是凭借着力量。
We have come this far by strength, Leaning on each other.
我们靠着力量走到今天，互相依靠。
Trusting in each other's words.
彼此信任
We never failed each other yet.
我们从未互相辜负。
Singing, oh, oh, oh. Can't turn around.
唱歌，哦，哦，哦。无法转身。
We have come this far by strength.
我们已经走到这一步，凭借力量。
After several minutes of singing and still no Smeal, panelist Angela (the former dancer) took the mike to tell about "ouch experiences." An "ouch" is when you experience racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, ableism, ageism, or lookism. One of Angela's biggest ouches came after her lesbian support group splintered into two factions, black and white. Tension then developed in her black group between those whose lovers were black and those whose lovers were white. "Those of us in the group who had white
经过几分钟的唱歌，仍然没有 Smeal，评委安吉拉（前舞蹈演员）拿起麦克风讲述了“哎哟经历”。“哎哟”是指你经历种族歧视、性别歧视、阶级歧视、同性恋恐惧症、残疾人歧视、年龄歧视或外貌歧视。安吉拉最大的“哎哟”之一发生在她所在的同性恋支持小组分裂成两个派别，黑人和白人。然后，在她所在的黑色群体中，那些恋人是黑人和那些恋人是白人之间产生了紧张关系。“我们小组中那些有白人
lovers were immediately targeted. . . It turned into a horrible mess. . . . I ended up leaving that group for self-protection."
恋人们立即成为目标……这变成了一场可怕的混乱……我最终为了自我保护离开了那个团体。

A weary Eleanor Smeal finally arrived and was pressed into immediate service. She confided that she was feeling discouraged about the feminist movement. "We need totally new concepts. . . In many ways it's not working. . . It is so depressing. We are leaving . . . the next generation [in a] mess." Smeal's liveliest moment came when she attacked "liberal males on the campus," saying, "they have kept us apart. They have marginalized our programs. We need fighting madness."
疲惫的埃莱诺·斯米尔终于到达，并被立即投入工作。她坦言自己对妇女运动感到沮丧。“我们需要全新的概念……在很多方面这行不通……这让人感到非常沮丧。我们正在把下一代留在一片混乱中。”斯米尔最生动的时刻是当她攻击“校园里的自由男性”时，她说：“他们让我们分开。他们边缘化了我们的项目。我们需要战斗的疯狂。”

Despite the call to arms, Smeal's talk was a downer, and the moderator acted quickly to raise our spirits: "What we want to do now is to dwell for a minute on success. . . . Think about the fact that we have been so successful in transforming the curriculum." It was soon time for another song.
尽管呼吁战斗，斯米尔的讲话却让人沮丧，主持人迅速采取行动提升我们的士气：“我们现在想做的是花一点时间关注成功……想想我们在转变课程方面取得了如此大的成功。”很快又到了唱歌的时间。
We are sisters in a circle.
我们是圈中的姐妹。
We are sisters in a struggle.
我们是奋斗中的姐妹。
Sisters one and all. 姐妹们，大家好。
We are colors of the rainbow,
我们是彩虹的颜色，
Sisters one and all. 姐妹们
We are sisters in a circle.
我们是圈中的姐妹。
We are sisters in a struggle.
我们是斗争中的姐妹。
Sisters one and all. 姐妹们，所有人。
We are colors of the rainbow, Sisters one and all.
我们是彩虹的颜色，姐妹们，皆是如此。

As it happened, I did have a real sister (in the unexciting biological sense) with me at the conference. Louise and I were frankly relieved to have the singing interrupted by a coffee break. Cream was available, but perhaps not for long. The ecofeminist caucus had been pushing to eliminate all meat, fish, eggs, and dairy products at NWSA events. As the break ended, Phyllis, the panelist from the Mohawk nation, came around with two little puppets, a dog and a teddy bear, to inform us, "Teddy and his friend say it's time to go back inside." Louise, who is a psychologist, was beginning to find the conference professionally intriguing.
正巧，我在会议上确实有一个真正的姐妹（在无趣的生物学意义上）。路易丝和我坦率地说，咖啡休息打断了唱歌让我们感到宽慰。提供了奶油，但或许不会持续太久。生态女权主义小组一直在推动在 NWSA 活动中消除所有肉类、鱼类、蛋类和乳制品。休息结束时，来自莫霍克民族的小组讨论者菲利斯带着两个小木偶，一个狗和一个泰迪熊，告诉我们：“泰迪和他的朋友说是时候回到里面了。”作为心理学家的路易丝开始觉得这次会议在专业上引人入胜。

Phyllis, who told us that in addition to her Mohawk ancestry she is French and Irish with traces of Algonquin, asked us to "take a moment to give ourselves a big hug. Let me remind us that the person we're hugging is the most important person we have in our life." She continued:
菲利斯告诉我们，除了莫霍克族血统，她还有法国和爱尔兰血统，以及一些阿冈昆族血统。她让我们“花点时间给自己一个大大的拥抱。让我提醒大家，我们拥抱的人是我们生命中最重要的人。”她接着说：
Let's do it again! Each and every one of you is my relative . . . we
让我们再来一次！你们每一个人都是我的亲人……我们
are interconnected. We are interdependent. And we have respect.
相互关联。我们是相互依存的。我们彼此尊重。
Those are principles. So, what would I need from you in a loving
那些是原则。那么，我需要你什么呢？
relationship, the reminder that I have gotten away from my princi-
关系，提醒我我已经偏离了我的原则
ples here; and to help me get back to my principles. Even if I have
在这里；并帮助我回到我的原则。即使我有
to say "ouch" and hug my puppets-or whatever I have to do.
说“哎哟”然后抱住我的玩偶——或者我必须做的事情。
Let's do it again! Each and every one of you is my relative . . . we are interconnected. We are interdependent. And we have respect. Those are principles. So, what would I need from you in a loving relationship, the reminder that I have gotten away from my principles here; and to help me get back to my principles. Even if I have to say "ouch" and hug my puppets-or whatever I have to do.
再来一次！你们每一个人都是我的亲人……我们是相互联系的。我们是相互依存的。我们互相尊重。这些都是原则。那么，在一段充满爱的关系中，我需要你们提醒我，我在这里偏离了我的原则；帮助我回到我的原则。即使我需要说“哎呀”，拥抱我的玩偶——或者做任何我需要做的事情。

To conclude the empowerment panel session, a "feminist facilitator" led us in a "participatory experience." She told us to turn to our neighbor and tell her what we liked most about the NWSA.
为了结束赋权小组讨论，一位“女权主义主持人”带领我们进行了一次“参与式体验”。她让我们转向我们的邻居，告诉她我们最喜欢 NWSA 的什么。

After the morning session, Louise and I visited the exhibition hall. There, dozens of booths offered women's studies books and paraphernalia. Witchcraft and goddess worship supplies were in aisle one. Adjoining aisles featured handmade jewelry, leather crafts, ponchos, and other peasant apparel. One booth offered videos on do-it-yourself menstrual extractions and home abortions for those who want to avoid "patriarchal medicine." Though weak on scholarship, the conference was strong on workshops and film screenings. We were idly thinking of looking in on one of two movies: Sex and the Sandinistas and We're Talking Vulva.
晨间会议结束后，我和路易斯参观了展览馆。那里有几十个展位提供女性研究书籍和相关用品。巫术和女神崇拜用品在第一过道。相邻的过道则陈列着手工珠宝、皮革工艺、斗篷和其他农民服装。一个展位提供关于 DIY 月经抽取和家庭流产的视频，供那些想避免“父权医学”的人使用。尽管学术性较弱，但会议在工作坊和电影放映方面表现强劲。我们闲思几想，考虑观看两部电影之一：《性与桑迪尼斯塔》和《我们在谈论阴户》。

A feminist philosopher, Paula Rothenberg, spotted me and approached. She knew I was a skeptic. "I am very uncomfortable having you here. I saw you taking notes. We are in the middle of working through our problems. I feel as if you have come into the middle of my dysfunctional family, and you are seeing us at the worst possible moment."
女权主义哲学家宝拉·罗森伯格发现了我和我走近。她知道我是一个怀疑论者。“我对你在这里感到很不舒服。我看到你在做笔记。我们正在努力解决我们的问题。我觉得你闯入了我的问题家庭，而且你看到了我们最糟糕的一面。”

But Professor Rothenberg's "dysfunctional family" has had many such moments. Ouchings and mass therapy are more the norm than the exception. The year before, at a meeting of women's studies program directors, everyone joined hands to form a "healing circle." They also assumed the posture of trees experiencing rootedness and tranquility. Victim testimonials and healing rituals crowd out the reading of academic papers at NWSA conferences. I told Ms. Rothenberg that this was supposed to be an open conference and that I had every right to attend. But I did feel a bit sorry for her. As a philosopher she was trained to think analytically. Now she finds herself in a "dysfunctional family" whose faddish therapies even she must find fatuous. Still, she has her consolations. She is director of the "New Jersey Project: Integrating the Scholarship on Gender," a state-funded educational reform movement to make the New Jersey curriculum more "women-centered." Later that day, she would be boasting to fellow workshoppers about how sympathetic the New Jersey chancellor of education, Edward Goldberg, was to her goals.
但罗森伯格教授的“功能失调的家庭”已经经历过许多这样的时刻。哎哟声和集体治疗比例外情况更为普遍。前一年，在妇女研究项目主任会议上，每个人都手牵着手组成一个“疗愈圈”。他们还摆出树木体验根深蒂固和宁静的姿势。受害者证词和疗愈仪式挤满了 NWSA 会议上的学术论文阅读。我告诉罗森伯格女士，这应该是一个开放的会议，我有权参加。但我确实有点同情她。作为一名哲学家，她接受过分析性思维的训练。现在，她发现自己身处一个“功能失调的家庭”，这个家庭的时尚疗法即使是她也会觉得愚蠢。不过，她也有自己的安慰。她是“新泽西项目：整合性别研究”的主任，这是一个由州政府资助的教育改革运动，旨在使新泽西州的课程更加“以女性为中心”。那天晚些时候，她会向一起参加研讨会的同事吹嘘，新泽西州教育部长爱德华·戈德堡对她目标的同情。

Ms. Rothenberg and the other Austin conferees run the largest growth area in the academy. Though their conferences may be untidy, they are politically astute on their campuses. They have strong influence in key areas, in English departments (especially freshman writing courses), French and Spanish departments, history departments, law schools, and divinity schools. They are disproportionately represented in dean of students' offices, in dormitory administration, in harassment offices, in of-
罗森伯格女士和其他奥斯丁会议的与会者在学术界运营着最大的增长领域。尽管他们的会议可能有些杂乱，但他们在各自的校园中政治上很精明。他们在关键领域具有很强的影响力，包括英语系（特别是大一写作课程）、法语和西班牙语系、历史系、法学院和神学院。他们在学生事务主任办公室、宿舍管理、骚扰办公室等方面的代表性过于明显。
fices of multicultural affairs, and in various counseling centers. They are quietly engaged in hundreds of well-funded projects to transform a curriculum that they regard as unacceptably "androcentric." These consciousness-raisers are driving out the scholars on many campuses. Their moral authority comes from a widespread belief that they represent "women." In fact, their gynocentric version of feminism falls far short of being representative.
他们活跃在多元文化事务办公室和各种咨询中心。他们默默地参与了数百个资金充足的项目，旨在改变他们认为不可接受的“男性中心”课程。这些意识觉醒者正在将许多校园的学者赶走。他们的道德权威来自一种普遍的信念，即他们代表“女性”。事实上，他们以女性为中心的女性主义版本远未达到代表性的程度。

The conference received a warm letter from Governor Ann Richards welcoming us to the great state of Texas. The governor called the assembled feminists "the vanguard of the latest incarnation of the women's movement" and praised them for their crucial leadership role. The NWSA audience broke into thunderous applause as the letter was read aloud. It is, however, unlikely that Governor Richards was aware of the witchcraft booths, the menstrual extraction videos, the teddy bear puppets, or the paranoid exposés of "phallocentric discourse"-let alone the implacable hostility to all exact thinking as "male."
大会收到德克萨斯州州长安·理查兹的一封热情洋溢的信，欢迎我们来到伟大的德克萨斯州。州长称集会的女权主义者为“妇女运动最新形式的先锋”，并赞扬她们在领导中的关键作用。当信件被大声朗读时，NWSA 的观众爆发了雷鸣般的掌声。然而，州长理查兹不太可能知道巫术摊位、月经提取视频、泰迪熊玩偶，或对“男性中心话语”的偏执揭露——更不用说对所有精确思维的“男性”的坚定敌意了。

Many foundations and government agencies are involved in making it financially possible for a lot of resentful and angry women to spread their divisive philosophy and influence. If I had my way, those who make the decisions to support them with generous grants would be required to view the tapes of the meetings they fund, and then asked to hug themselves until they "ouch."
许多基金会和政府机构参与使许多充满怨恨和愤怒的女性能够在经济上得以传播她们的分裂哲学和影响力。如果让我来决定，那些做出支持她们并给予慷慨拨款的决策者将被要求观看他们资助的会议录像，然后被要求拥抱自己，直到感到“痛”。

To understand how the women's movement has changed, we must look back to its beginnings. On July 14, 1848, the following notice appeared in the Seneca County Courier: "A convention to discuss the social, civil, and religious condition and rights of women will be held in the Wesleyan Chapel, at Seneca Falls, N.Y., on Wednesday and Thursday, the 19th and 20th of July current; commencing at 10 o'clock A.m." The unsigned announcement had been drafted by four women meeting in the home of Richard Hunt, a wealthy reformer who had offered to help them organize the convention. Two of the women, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, were to become famous. The tea table on which they wrote the announcement is now on exhibit at the Smithsonian as a relic of the moment when American women began the political struggle to win such elementary rights as the right to divorce without losing property and children and the right to be educated, culminating in the right to vote and the attainment of full legal equality.
要理解女性运动是如何变化的，我们必须回顾它的起源。1848 年 7 月 14 日，塞内卡县邮报上出现了以下通知：“一个会议将讨论女性的社会、民事和宗教状况及权利，将于本月 7 月 19 日和 20 日的星期三和星期四在纽约塞内卡瀑布的卫理公会教堂举行；会议于上午 10 点开始。” 这则无署名的公告是由四位女性在富裕改革者理查德·亨特的家中起草的，他主动提出帮助她们组织此次会议。其中两位女性，露克丽霞·莫特和伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿，将因此成名。她们写下公告的茶几现在作为美国女性开始争取离婚时不失去财产和孩子、接受教育的基本权利，最终获得投票权和全面法律平等的政治斗争的遗物，展出在史密森学会。

The press immediately called them "sour old maids," "childless women," and "divorced wives" and implied that they would be ineffec-
媒体立即称她们为“酸溜溜的老姑婆”、“无子女的女性”和“离婚妻子”，暗示她们会无效……
tual. These criticisms would always be made of feminists. In fact, the organizers of the Seneca Falls convention were exceptionally well-favored, well-adjusted, morally advanced women-and they were making social and political history. As for being old maids, that too was inaccurate. Stanton, the movement's principal organizer and scribe, would have eight children. Nor was there anything sour about them. Referring to the women who participated in the Seneca Falls convention, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony later wrote that "they had not in their own experience endured the coarser forms of tyranny resulting from unjust laws, or association with immoral and unscrupulous men, but they had souls large enough to feel the wrongs of others without being scarified in their own flesh."
这些批评总是针对女权主义者。事实上，塞内卡瀑布会议的组织者们都是非常受欢迎、心理健康、道德先进的女性——她们正在创造社会和政治历史。至于被称为老处女，这一点也不准确。运动的主要组织者和文书斯坦顿将会有八个孩子。她们也没有任何酸葡萄心理。伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·安东尼后来提到，参加塞内卡瀑布会议的女性“在自己的经历中并没有忍受来自不公正法律的粗暴压迫或与不道德和不择手段的男性的交往，但她们的灵魂足够宽广，能够感受到他人的错误，而不必在自己的肉体上受苦。”

The small notice brought more than three hundred women to Seneca Falls. The organizers were not quite certain how to go about putting together a convention, so they "resigned themselves to a faithful perusal of various masculine productions." They reviewed the procedures of temperance and abolitionist conventions to see how they had been managed, and with the help of several sympathetic and experienced men, they went ahead with their history-making program.
这份小小的通知吸引了三百多名女性来到塞内卡瀑布。组织者并不确定如何举办一个大会，所以他们“认命地仔细阅读了各种男性作品”。 他们回顾了禁酒和废奴主义大会的程序，以了解它们是如何管理的，并在一些富有同情心和经验丰富的男性的帮助下，他们继续进行他们的历史性活动。

The convention voted to adopt a "Declaration of Sentiments" written by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who adapted the words of Jefferson's "Declaration of Independence" but specified that the liberties demanded were for women as well as men. It opened thus:
大会投票通过了伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿起草的《权利宣言》。斯坦顿借鉴了杰斐逊的《独立宣言》的措辞，但明确指出，所要求的自由不仅属于男性，也属于女性。宣言的开头是：

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one portion of the family of man to assume among the people of the earth a position different from that which they have hitherto occupied, but one to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes that impel them to such a course.
当人类历史进程中，人类大家庭的一部分有必要在世界人民中承担一个不同于他们迄今为止所处地位的位置，但这个位置是自然法和自然之神赋予他们的权利，那么，对人类意见的尊重要求他们宣布促使他们采取这种行动的原因。

And she went on to speak of the truth we all hold to be self-evident, that "all men and women are created equal."
她继续谈论我们都认为不言而喻的真理，即“所有男人和女人生来平等”。

The organizers presented a list of grievances, detailing injuries that women suffer at the hands of men. Among them:
组织者列出了一份诉求清单，详细说明了女性在男性手中遭受的伤害。其中包括：

He has never permitted her to exercise her inalienable right to the elective franchise. . . . He has compelled her to submit to laws, in the formation of which she had no voice . . . thereby leaving her without representation in the halls of legislation. . . He has made her, if married, in the eye of the law, civilly dead. . . . In the cove-
他从未允许她行使不可剥夺的选举权……他强迫她服从法律，而她在这法律的制定中没有发言权……因此，她在立法机构中没有代表……他使她，如果结婚了，在法律眼中，在民事上死亡……在海湾-
nant of marriage, she is compelled to promise obedience to her husband, he becoming, to all intents and purposes, her masterthe law giving him power to deprive her of her liberty, and to administer chastisement.
在婚姻关系中，她被迫承诺服从她的丈夫，实际上他成为了她的主人，法律赋予他剥夺她自由和施加惩罚的权力。

Seneca Falls focused on specific injustices of the kind that social policy could repair by making the laws equitable. In thinking about that first women's conference, it is helpful to remember the state of the average American woman in the mid-nineteenth century. Consider the story of Hester Vaughan. In 1869, at the age of twenty, she had been deserted by her husband. She found work in a wealthy Philadelphia home where the man of the house seduced her and, when she became pregnant, fired her. In a state of terrible indigence, she gave birth alone in an unheated rented room, collapsing minutes afterward. By the time she was discovered, the baby had died. She was charged with murder. No lawyer represented her at her trial, and she was not permitted to testify. An all-male jury found her guilty, and the judge sentenced her to death.
塞内卡瀑布会议关注的是社会政策能够通过使法律公平来修复的特定不公正现象。在思考第一次女性会议时，回忆一下十九世纪中叶普通美国女性的境况是很有帮助的。考虑一下海斯特·沃恩的故事。1869 年，20 岁的她被丈夫抛弃。她在一户富裕的费城家庭中找到了一份工作，家庭男主人引诱了她，当她怀孕后被解雇。在极度贫困的状态下，她独自在一个没有暖气的租房中分娩，几分钟后便昏倒了。当她被发现时，孩子已经死去。她被控以谋杀罪。在审判中没有律师为她辩护，她也不被允许作证。一个全男性陪审团判定她有罪，法官判处她死刑。

Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony learned of her plight and organized a campaign to help her. One protest meeting drew nearly a thousand women. Here is how the historian Elisabeth Griffith describes it: "They demanded a pardon for Vaughan, an end to the double standard of morality, the right of women to serve as jurors, and the admission of women to law schools. . . . According to Stanton, Vaughan's trial by a jury of men . . . illustrated the indignity and injustice of women's legal status."
伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·安东尼得知她的困境，组织了一场运动来帮助她。一场抗议会议吸引了近千名女性。历史学家伊丽莎白·格里菲斯这样描述这件事：“她们要求为沃恩赦免，结束道德的双重标准，妇女作为陪审员的权利，以及妇女进入法学院的资格……根据斯坦顿的说法，沃恩被男性陪审团审判……体现了女性法律地位的侮辱和不公。”

Vaughan was pardoned. More crucially, her champions and their successors went on to win for American women in general full equality before the law, including the right to vote, the right to hold property even in marriage, the right to divorce, and the right to equal education.
沃恩获得了赦免。更为重要的是，她的支持者及其继承者为美国女性赢得了全面的法律平等，包括投票权、即便在婚姻中也拥有财产的权利、离婚权和接受平等教育的权利。

The aims of the Seneca Falls activists were clearly stated, finite, and practicable. They would eventually be realized because they were grounded in principles-recognized constitutional principles-that were squarely in the tradition of equity, fairness, and individual liberty. Stanton's reliance on the Declaration of Independence was not a ploy; it was a direct expression of her own sincere creed, and it was the creed of the assembled men and women. Indeed, it is worth remembering that Seneca Falls was organized by both men and women and that men actively participated in it and were welcomed. Misandrism (hostility to men, the counterpart to misogyny) was not a notable feature of the women's movement until our own times.
塞尼卡福尔斯活动家的目标被清晰地表述出来，明确且可行。它们最终将会实现，因为它们基于被认可的宪法原则，这些原则切实植根于公平、公正和个人自由的传统中。斯坦顿对《独立宣言》的依赖不是一种策略；它是她自己真诚信仰的直接表达，也是汇聚的男女的信仰。确实值得记住的是，塞尼卡福尔斯是由男女共同组织的，男性积极参与其中并受到欢迎。直到我们这个时代，厌男主义（对男性的敌意，与厌女主义相对）并不是女性运动的显著特征。

A 1992 meeting of the American Association of University Women
美国大学妇女协会 1992 年会议
held at Mills College in Oakland, California, shows how far modern feminism has come-or gone. Mills had been much in the news two years before, when its board announced its decision to go the way of colleges like Vassar and Bennington in admitting male students. Televised film footage showed sobbing, hysterical young women protesting. So distraught were they at the prospect of allowing men into Mills that the trustees revoked the decision. When the reversal was announced, the cameras rolled again, this time showing students sobbing with joy and relief. Mills on the West Coast, like Smith on the East Coast, remains exclusively female.
在加利福尼亚州奥克兰的米尔斯学院举行的活动，显示了现代女权主义已经走了多远。 两年前，米尔斯学院曾多次上新闻，当时其董事会宣布决定像瓦萨学院和本宁顿学院那样招收男性学生。电视摄像机拍摄到了哭泣、歇斯底里的年轻女性抗议的画面。她们对允许男性进入米尔斯的前景感到如此沮丧，以至于校董会撤回了这一决定。当逆转决定公布时，摄像机再次启动，这次记录下了学生们哭泣着表达喜悦和松了一口气的场景。米尔斯学院在西海岸，像东海岸的斯密斯学院一样，仍然是完全女性的。

As at most gender feminist gatherings, the Mills College meeting had almost no men. One man, however, did figure prominently in a panel discussion called "The Perils and Pleasures of Feminist Teaching." Raphael Atlas, professor of music at Smith College, had come to talk about what it is like to be a male feminist at a women's college. His fellow panelists were Candice Taylor Hogan, assistant professor of history at Wheaton College in Massachusetts, and Faye Crosby, a psychology professor, also from Smith. Professor Hogan spoke first, reading a paper in which she described her trauma when Wheaton College went coed. "I was aghast, saddened, appalled, and angered. . . . The transition was brutal, painful, and demoralizing." Before it could be made clear what her remarks had to do with the conference's theme, "Balancing the Educational Equation," Raphael Atlas spoke.
在大多数性别女权主义会议上，米尔斯学院的会议几乎没有男性。然而，有一位男士在名为“女权教学的危险与乐趣”的小组讨论中扮演了重要角色。斯密斯学院的音乐教授拉斐尔·阿特拉斯前来谈论在女子学院作为男性女权主义者的感受。他的另一位小组成员是马萨诸塞州惠顿学院的历史助理教授坎迪斯·泰勒·霍根，以及同样来自斯密斯的心理学教授费伊·克劳斯比。霍根教授首先发言，朗读了一篇论文，描述了惠顿学院男女合校时她的创伤。“我感到震惊、伤心、愤怒和不安……这个转变十分残酷、痛苦且令人丧气。”在她的发言与会议主题“平衡教育方程式”之间的联系未能明确之前，拉斐尔·阿特拉斯发言了。

Raphael (as all the participants called him) was earnest and nonthreatening. He, too, read his paper because, he explained, its contents were too emotional for a more informal delivery. He told us that being a male feminist at Smith College filled his life with "great anxiety." The course he gave last spring on women composers made him feel like "an imposter." He asked, "Is it honest to identify my project as feminist? . . . Am I just one of those social and cultural forces trying to police women's voices?"
拉斐尔（所有参与者都这样称呼他）诚恳且没有威胁性。他也读了他的论文，因为他解释说，内容对更随意的表达来说太情绪化。他告诉我们，作为史密斯学院的男性女性主义者，他的生活充满了“巨大焦虑”。他去年春天开设的关于女性作曲家的课程让他感到自己像“一个冒名顶替者”。他问：“把我的项目称为女性主义是否诚实？……我是否只是那些试图监管女性声音的社会和文化力量之一？”

As we pondered these questions, Raphael told us about the many colleagues and students who believe that the few males at Smith "poisoned" the atmosphere. He said in anguished tones, "What do these women's voices say to me? I am alien. I do not belong. I believe them." I felt a bit less sorry for Raphael when he finished his confession by telling us that he finds it all "exciting."
当我们思考这些问题时，拉斐尔告诉我们许多同事和学生认为在史密斯学院的少数男性“毒害”了氛围。他用痛苦的语气说：“这些女性的声音在对我说什么？我很陌生。我不属于这里。我相信她们。”当拉斐尔以“这让我感到兴奋”结束他的忏悔时，我对他的同情稍微减少了一些。

It was Professor Crosby's turn. "In feminist pedagogy," she explained, "you do not just theorize, but take action." For homework, she had instructed her introductory psychology students at Smith to buy three condoms, making eye contact with the vendor. She thought the assign-
轮到克罗斯比教授了。“在女性主义教学法中，”她解释道，“你不仅要理论化，还要采取行动。”作为家庭作业，她指示史密斯学院的初级心理学学生购买三个安全套，并与卖家进行目光交流。她认为这个任务—
ment had been successful until several students pointed out that it was "heterosexist." It marginalized lesbians. They told her about dental dams -condomlike devices useful for safe lesbian oral sex.
该计划一直很成功，直到几名学生指出它是“异性恋中心主义”的。这使女同性恋者边缘化。他们告诉她关于牙膜——用于安全女同性恋口交的类似安全套的设备。

Professor Crosby told us that during Parents' Weekend, she had invited her students and their parents to a small interactive lecture. Condoms were again a theme. The class played a "condom relay race," in which parents and students raced each other to see which group of five could put five condoms on an unpeeled banana without breaking the banana. Said Professor Crosby, referring to the condom, "They had to own it and enjoy it."
克罗斯比教授告诉我们，在家长周末期间，她邀请她的学生和他们的父母参加一个小型互动讲座。安全套再次成为一个主题。课堂上进行了一场“安全套接力赛”，父母和学生比赛，看看哪个五人小组能在不弄坏香蕉的情况下，将五个安全套套在一个未剥皮的香蕉上。克罗斯比教授提到安全套时说：“他们必须拥有它并享受它。”

Once again Ms. Crosby thought all had gone well. She had been careful to make mention of the dental dams. But angry students pointed out to her that though she had shown the parents the dental dams, she hadn't used them in the relay races. They'd complained, she said, that "it was as if you said, oh, well, here are the dental dams-boring, insignificant lesbian sex . . . now let's get to the really great and fun heterosexual sex." Professor Crosby ended by telling us about her guilt over having been "exclusionary." "I felt terrible!" Like Raphael, she was clearly exhilarated by how terrible she felt.
克罗斯比女士再次认为一切都进展顺利。她小心翼翼地提到了牙科阻挡物。但愤怒的学生们指出，尽管她向家长展示了牙科阻挡物，但她在接力赛中并没有使用它们。她说，他们抱怨说，“就好像你在说，哦，好吧，这里是牙科阻挡物——无聊、微不足道的同性性爱……现在让我们来看看真正伟大且有趣的异性性爱。”克罗斯比教授最后告诉我们，她对自己曾经“排斥他人”的内疚。“我感到很糟糕！”像拉斐尔一样，她显然为自己感到糟糕而兴奋不已。

The workshop had been a bit unconventional, but until that point all had been decorous. Decorum was irreparably shattered by "Rita" from the City College of San Francisco, who spoke loudly and angrily from the rear of the room. Addressing Raphael, she said, "First of all, why did you read your paper? As a poet and someone who cares about language, I found it extremely dull to have to sit though all of that." But then Rita went on to say she was so upset that she too preferred to read her statement: "Raphael said he was a male feminist: that is an oxymoron. My deep belief is that men cannot be feminists. They have no place in women-centered spheres. Raphael is a womb envier and a feminist wannabe-a poseur in our midst. Let him take his voice into an all-male forum."
研讨会有些不寻常，但在那之前一切都是得体的。"旧金山城市学院"的"丽塔"从房间后面大声愤怒地说，打破了这种得体。她对拉斐尔说："首先，为什么要念你的论文？作为一名诗人和关心语言的人，我觉得这一切极其乏味。你让我坐在这里听这一切。"然而，丽塔接着说，她感到非常不安，宁愿阅读她的声明："拉斐尔说他是男女性主义者：这简直是个矛盾。我的深刻信念是，男人不能是女性主义者。他们在以女性为中心的领域没有立足之地。拉斐尔是一个对子宫心存羡慕的伪女性主义者——在我们中间的一个伪装者。让他把自己的声音带到一个全男性的论坛中去。"

Terry, a day care provider from Oakland, was very moved by Rita's declaration. "I agree with Rita. I did not come to a workshop to hear that," she said, referring to the male voice.
来自奥克兰的日托服务提供者特里对丽塔的声明深受感动。“我同意丽塔的观点。我来参加研讨会不是为了听这些，”她说，指的是那个男声。

Ms. Crosby, who was also the moderator, looked a bit nervous. It seemed clear that she should come to the defense of her beleaguered Smith colleague. But she was patently intrigued by what she described as an "affectively charged exchange." "Rita, your attack on Raphael was extremely rude," she said. "You are breaking norms by attacking our speaker like that. And that is wrong. But," she continued, "as a feminist, I believe in breaking norms."
克罗斯比女士作为主持人，显得有些紧张。很明显，她应该为处于困境中的史密斯同事辩护。但她显然对她所描述的“情感充沛的交流”感到好奇。“丽塔，你对拉斐尔的攻击非常无礼，”她说道。“你这样攻击我们的发言者是在破坏规范。这是不对的。但是，”她继续说道，“作为一个女权主义者，我相信要打破规范。”

Then Raphael spoke up, although he looked at the floor as he spoke. "It is a dilemma. Little parts of me agree with Rita," he said. "Men do not belong at Smith. So why am I there? In addition to nitty-gritty issues of job market and my modest research projects-I still ask: do I belong there? It saddens me, demoralizes me, and depresses me. Yet I feel anger toward you, Rita. I feel you have typed me. I wonder if it is possible for us to have a dialogue? On the flight home I will be thinking about what I might have said."
然后拉斐尔开口了，尽管他在说话时看着地板。“这是一个两难的境地。我的内心深处有小部分认同丽塔，”他说。“男人不应该在史密斯学院。那我为什么在这里？除了就业市场和我那些微不足道的研究项目的琐事，我还是在问：我适合在这里吗？这让我感到难过，挫败和沮丧。然而，我对你感到愤怒，丽塔。我觉得你给我贴上了标签。我在想，我们是否有可能进行一次对话？在回家的航班上，我会想着我可能说过的话。”

Ms. Crosby was now in her element: "One aspect of the patriarchy is that we have to keep to schedules. But before breaking up, let us go around the room and see if anyone wants to share their feelings." She moved about, Phil Donahue-style, soliciting comments. Her first taker was a woman who said, "My heart is pounding with Rita and Terry. . . I was upset to see a man on the panel. I thought there would be only women; I was not expecting this sort of-difference."
克罗斯比女士现在正处于她的元素中：“父权制的一个方面是我们必须遵守时间表。但在分手之前，让我们环顾四周，看看是否有人想分享他们的感受。”她像菲尔·多纳休那样走动，征求意见。第一个发言的是一位女士，她说：“我的心与丽塔和特里同跳……我看到小组中有男士时感到不安。我以为只有女性；我没想到会有这种差异。”

My sister Louise spoke up. "I like differences between people. I try to heighten differences between people. I like individuals." Ms. Crosby moved along hastily to another speaker. "My name is Anthea; I am the daughter of Beatrice, who is the daughter of her mother, who was a vegan and a suffragette. Let's clap for everybody." Most people did clap. Then Raphael called out, "Rita and I inhabit different spheres. I am a white male, age 30-34. That is difficult for me."
我姐姐路易丝说：“我喜欢人与人之间的差异。我努力增强人与人之间的差异。我喜欢个体。”克罗斯比女士匆匆走到另一个发言者那儿。“我的名字是安西娅；我是比阿特丽斯的女儿，而比阿特丽斯是她母亲的女儿，她是个素食主义者和妇女选举权运动的支持者。让我们为每个人鼓掌。”大多数人确实鼓掌了。然后拉斐尔喊道：“里塔和我生活在不同的领域。我是一个白人男性，年龄在 30 到 34 岁之间。这对我来说很困难。”

A gray-haired woman in the back, an AAUW member and an oldschool feminist, ventured meekly: "I am in favor of educating our young people, girls and boys, to accept one another as equals." But before anyone could pounce on that particular heresy, it was time to go.
一个灰发的女性坐在后面，她是一位 AAUW 成员，也是一个老派女权主义者，怯生生地说道：“我支持教育我们的年轻人，无论是女孩还是男孩，接受彼此作为平等的个体。”但在任何人能够抓住这个特别的异端之前，时间已经到了。

The workshoppers filed out to attend the next event. Raphael disappeared completely. At the next workshop all the panelists were women, which Rita's faction would undoubtedly find more comfortable. As my sister and I were leaving the seminar room, we passed a jubilant Professor Crosby speaking to a Smith College student and her visiting parents. The parents had attended the workshop and were looking a little bemused. "I consider that session a great success," said Crosby, "because it was the most like a Smith College class than any of the other events so far!"
研讨会参与者陆续离开，准备参加下一个活动。拉斐尔完全消失了。在下一个研讨会上，所有小组成员都是女性，这无疑会让丽塔的派系感觉更舒服。我和姐姐离开研讨室时，路过一位兴高采烈的克罗斯比教授，他正在和一位史密斯学院的学生及其来访的父母交谈。这对父母参加了研讨会，看起来有点茫然。“我认为这次会议非常成功，”克罗斯比说，“因为它比迄今为止的任何其他活动都更像史密斯学院的课堂！”

Gender feminists do not relish criticism, and there are no forums where old and new feminists meet for a free exchange of competing ideas. I did learn of one such encounter that occurred spontaneously in the spring of 1991 at a conference called "Glasnost in Two Cultures: Soviet Russian/ North American Women's Writing," sponsored by feminist scholars at the New York Institute for the Humanities at New York University. The
性别主义者并不喜欢批评，也没有任何论坛供老一辈和新一辈女权主义者自由交流竞争思想。我确实了解过这样一次邂逅，它发生在 1991 年春季，在一个名为“两个文化中的公开性：苏联俄罗斯/北美女性写作”的会议上，该会议由纽约大学人文学科研究所的女权学者赞助。
episode was recounted by the Russian-American writer David Gurevich, who attended the conference as a translator.
这个事件是由俄裔美籍作家大卫·古列维奇讲述的，他作为翻译参加了会议。

A small group of talented and outspoken Russian women poets and novelists had been invited to attend the conference, which began, inauspiciously, with the American author Grace Paley taking the visitors on a tour of the Lower East Side for a close-up look at America's slums, complete with panhandlers and junkies. The visitors, who had since childhood seen Soviet propaganda films highlighting American misery, were not duly appreciative.
一小组才华横溢且直言不讳的俄罗斯女诗人和小说家被邀请参加会议，会议的开始并不顺利，美国作家格蕾丝·佩利带着这些来访者参观了下东区，近距离观察美国的贫民区，那里满是乞讨者和吸毒者。这些来访者从小就看过苏联的宣传片，强调美国的苦难，因此并未对此表示充分的欣赏。

At the meeting itself, the ideological gulf between the Russian and American feminists became more obvious. The literary critic Natalya Adzhikhina championed the idea of throwing out the canon, an idea that was well received all around until it slowly dawned on the gender feminists that Ms. Adzhikhina was referring to the official Communist Party canon. She and most of the other Russian writers wanted to return to the canon of masterworks that American feminists consider "masculinist."
在会议上，俄罗斯和美国女权主义者之间的意识形态差异变得更加明显。文学评论家纳塔莉亚·阿季赫金娜（Natalya Adzhikhina）提倡抛弃经典的理念，这一观点受到广泛欢迎，直到性别女权主义者们慢慢意识到阿季赫金娜女士所指的正是共产党的官方经典。她和大多数其他俄罗斯作家希望回归美国女权主义者认为是“男性主义”的经典杰作。

When the other Russian writers spoke, they too uttered blasphemies, such as "There is only good and bad literature-not male and female." It became shockingly clear that the Russians were seeking to liberate art from politics, including sexual politics. Professor Linda Kauffman of the University of Maryland was alarmed and offended: "I don't want to sound like I am from California—which actually I am—but this is, like, heavyduty denial." Ms. Kauffman went on to deliver an impromptu sermon on the evils of the FBI, Jesse Helms, and censorship at the NEA. She pointed out that the "MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour" was funded by AT&T and spoke of a women's gulag. As she continued in this familiar vein, several of the Russian women slowly made their way to the ladies' room, the only place where they were free to smoke.
当其他俄罗斯作家发言时，他们也发出了亵渎之言，例如“只有好和坏的文学——没有男性和女性之分。” 俄罗斯人显然在寻求将艺术从政治中解放出来，包括性别政治。马里兰大学的琳达·考夫曼教授感到震惊和冒犯：“我不想显得像是来自加利福尼亚——实际上我就是——但这就像是严重的否认。” 考夫曼女士接着即兴发表了一场关于联邦调查局、杰西·赫尔姆斯和国家艺术基金会审查制度的讲道。她指出，“麦克尼尔/莱赫新闻时段”是由 AT&T 资助的，并谈到了女性古拉格。 当她继续谈论这些熟悉的话题时，几位俄罗斯女性慢慢走向女厕，那是她们唯一可以自由吸烟的地方。

When it was again the Russian women's turn to speak, the blasphemies poured forth once more. Olesya Nikolayeva, the Moscow poet, told the American feminists how socialism had denied women their femininity, how it broke the tradition of moral and spiritual women in Russian literature, and how it broke the Christian tradition without which Russian literature after Pushkin was unthinkable. She insisted that the attack on religion had been fatal to literature, since religion had always been such a sustaining force for writers. She concluded by citing disturbing statistics about juvenile crime in Moscow and encouraging all the women in the audience to pay more attention to their traditional role as "keepers of the hearth."
当轮到俄罗斯女性再次发言时，亵渎之词再次倾泻而出。莫斯科诗人奥列斯佳·尼古拉耶娃告诉美国女权主义者，社会主义如何剥夺了女性的女性气质，如何打破了俄罗斯文学中道德和精神女性的传统，以及如何破坏了没有基督教传统的俄罗斯文学，推理文学是不可想象的。她坚决认为，对宗教的攻击对文学是致命的，因为宗教一直是作家的重要支撑力量。她最后引用了关于莫斯科青少年犯罪的令人不安的统计数据，并鼓励在场的所有女性更加关注她们作为“家庭守护者”的传统角色。

Catharine Stimpson, a director at the MacArthur Foundation and
凯瑟琳·斯廷普森，麦克阿瑟基金会的主任
one of the founding mothers of the New Feminism, could no longer contain herself. She warned of a "new totalitarianism" and said that working mothers could not be blamed for runaways and delinquency: the state should find a solution. Domna Stanton, a Michigan women's studies professor who had organized the conference, warned of the perils of "white male morality."
新女权主义的创始母亲之一，无法再忍受。她警告说存在“新极权主义”，并表示不能将离家出走和犯罪归咎于职场母亲：国家应找到解决方案。组织了此次会议的密歇根州女性研究教授多姆娜·斯坦顿警告“白人男性道德”的危险。

A young novelist, Valerya Narbikova, took the microphone and spoke about her writers' group, the New Amazons. The American feminists were beginning to hope they could finally make contact when Ms. Narbikova announced, "It is just a name. We have nothing to do with feminism."
一位年轻的小说家瓦莱里娅·纳尔比科娃拿起麦克风，谈到了她的作家小组——新亚马逊。美国女权主义者们开始希望她们终于能够取得联系时，纳尔比科娃女士宣布：“这只是一个名字。我们与女权主义无关。”
"Nothing at all?" the disbelieving critic Hortense Spiller asked. Gurevich describes the scene: "Wine glass in hand, Valerya was pure artiste. 'Nope.' . . Ladylike pretenses were dropped. The women were tearing the mike from each other's hand. . . . Stanton was soon left alone-her faction, including Stimpson, had fled quietly-and she was actually wringing her hands." Tatyana Tolstaya, a writer whose short stories had been recently acclaimed by American critics, thundered: "You . . . keep coming to Russia and we keep telling you these things! Why do you never listen to us? Why do you think you know more about our life than we do?"
“根本没有？”不相信的评论家霍腾斯·斯皮勒问道。古列维奇描述了这一场景：“手里拿着酒杯，瓦莱里亚完全是个艺术家。‘不，没有。’… 女性的优雅伪装被抛弃了。女人们正在互相抢夺麦克风……斯坦顿很快就被独自留下——她的派系，包括斯廷普森，都悄悄离开了——她实际上在扭着自己的双手。”塔季扬娜·托尔斯泰，最近被美国评论家赞誉的短篇小说作家，怒吼道：“你们……不停地来俄罗斯，而我们一次又一次地告诉你这些事情！你们为什么从来不听我们说？为什么你们觉得自己比我们更了解我们的生活？”

Undoubtedly, the gender feminists left the conference pitying the benighted Russian writers for being so retrograde in their attitudes to gender. To me, those Russian women are the hope of feminism-a new avant-garde. I wish they would all emigrate to the United States. They know firsthand about the terrible consequences of group loyalty based on groupthink; they are utterly immune to ideological blandishments.
毫无疑问，性别女权主义者在会议结束后对那些落后于时代的俄罗斯作家感到遗憾。对我而言，那些俄罗斯女性是女权主义的希望——一种新的先锋。希望她们都能移民到美国。她们亲身经历了基于集体思维的群体忠诚所带来的可怕后果；她们对意识形态的诱惑完全免疫。

Since reading Gurevich's account of the New York University encounter, I have been attending feminist meetings in a more hopeful frame of mind. When some gender feminist is in the middle of yet another mindnumbing exposé of the evils of male culture, I find myself looking about for some innocent or intrepid soul who looks as if she might speak up and say what , as an observer, must often refrain from saying. It hasn't happened yet, but now I know it is not out of the question.
自从阅读了古列维奇关于纽约大学会面的描述后，我对女性主义会议的参与变得更加充满希望。当某个性别女权主义者正沉浸在又一次令人乏味的揭露男性文化恶行的演讲中时，我会四处张望，寻找一些无辜或无畏的灵魂，她看起来可能会站出来说出作为观察者的我经常不得不克制而不说的话。目前还没有发生这样的情况，但我现在知道这并不是不可能的。

Every day the public is witness to feminist outrage at how badly women are treated: in the workplace, in the courts, on dates, in marriages, in the schools-by men mostly, but sometimes by other women. Much of what is reported is true, and some of it is very disturbing.
每天，公众都目睹着女性对女性待遇不公的愤怒：在职场、法庭、约会、婚姻、学校——主要来自男性，但有时也来自其他女性。许多报道都是真实的，其中一些非常令人不安。

Of course, the abuse or slighting of women must be made known and should arouse indignation. Plato himself recognized the role of righteous indignation as a mainspring of moral action. In his metaphor, indignation is the good steed helping the charioteer to stay on the path of virtue by controlling the vicious, wayward steed straining to go its own brutish way. It is the "spirited element" in the soul that supplies the wise person with the emotional energy, the horsepower, to curb the appetites so that he or she may act virtuously.
当然，对妇女的虐待或轻视必须让人知道，并应该引起义愤。柏拉图本人认识到义愤在道德行动中的作用。在他的比喻中，义愤是良驹，帮助车夫控制住想要任性妄为的劣马，从而保持在美德的道路上。它是灵魂中的“精神元素”，为智者提供情绪能量，即马力，以抑制欲望，使他们能够有德行地行动。

But most of those who publicly bemoan the plight of women in America are moved by more dubious passions and interests. Theirs is a feminism of resentment that rationalizes and fosters a wholesale rancor in women that has little to do with moral indignation. Resentment may
但那些公开哀叹美国女性困境的人，大多数是出于更可疑的激情和利益。他们所倡导的是一种怨恨的女权主义，合理化并助长了女性之间大规模的怨恨，这与道德愤慨几乎没有关系。怨恨可能
begin in and include indignation, but it is by far the more abiding passion. Resentment is "harbored" or "nurtured"; it "takes root" in a subject (the victim) and remains directed at another (the culprit). It can be vicarious-you need not have harmed me personally, but if I identify with someone you have harmed, I may resent you. Such resentment is very common and may easily be as strong and intense as resentment occasioned by direct injury. In a way it is stronger, for by enlarging the class of victims to include others, it magnifies the villainy as well.
在愤怒中开始并包含愤慨，但这无疑是更持久的激情。怨恨是“积攒”或“滋养”的；它在一个主体（受害者）中“扎根”，并始终指向另一个（罪犯）。它可能是替代性的——你不需要对我个人造成伤害，但如果我认同你伤害的某个人，我可能会怨恨你。这种怨恨非常普遍，可能与因直接伤害而产生的怨恨一样强烈和激烈。在某种意义上，它更强烈，因为通过将受害者的范围扩大到其他人，它也放大了恶棍的罪行。

Having demarcated a victimized "us" with whom I now feel solidarity, I can point to one victim and say, "In wronging her, he has betrayed his contempt for us all," or "Anyone who harms a woman harms us all," or simply "What he did to her, he did to all of us." The next step is to regard the individual who wronged "us" as himself representative of a group, giving our animus a larger target. This I may do quite "reasonably" by adopting a position from which people like the perpetrator (male, rich, etc.) are regarded as "the kind of people" who exploit people like "us." My social reality has now been dichotomized into two groups politically at odds, one of whom dominates and exploits the other.
在标定出一个受害的“我们”后，我现在感到与之团结，我可以指出一个受害者并说：“在伤害她的过程中，他背叛了对我们所有人的蔑视，”或者“任何伤害女性的人都伤害了我们所有人，”或者简单地说“他对她所做的，就是对我们所有人所做的。”下一步是将伤害“我们”的个体视为代表一个群体，从而使我们的敌意有了更大的目标。这可以通过采取一个立场来实现，从这个立场看，像施害者（男性、富有等）这样的人被视为“那些利用像‘我们’这样的人”的“那种人”。我的社会现实现在被划分为两个在政治上对立的群体，其中一个群体主导并剥削另一个群体。

Susan Faludi, author of Backlash and one of the more popular resenters of our time, reminds us of the feminist truism that feminist anger comes when women construe their individual experiences in a political framework: "When you're not able to see your experience as political, you're not able to be angry about it." Sandra Bartky, who is an expert on something she calls the "phenomenology of feminist consciousness," puts it succinctly: "Feminist consciousness is consciousness of victimization . . . to come to see oneself as a victim" (her emphasis).
苏珊·法鲁迪，《反击》的作者，是我们这个时代更受欢迎的怨恨者之一，她提醒我们，一个女性主义真理是：女性主义愤怒来自于女性将自己的个人经历置于政治框架中：“当你无法将自己的经历视为政治问题时，你就无法对此感到愤怒。” 桑德拉·巴特基，她是一个关于她称之为“女性主义意识现象学”的专家，简明扼要地说：“女性主义意识就是受害意识……将自己视为受害者”（她强调）。

Once I get into the habit of regarding women as a subjugated gender, I'm primed to be alarmed, angry, and resentful of men as oppressors of women. I am also prepared to believe the worst about them and the harm they cause to women. I may even be ready to fabricate atrocities. Eleanor Smeal spoke in Austin of the need to get women fighting mad. Neither she nor any of the other feminist leaders and thinkers who promote the sexual politics of resentment and anger seem to be aware of how injuriously divisive their version of feminism is-or if they are, they seem not to care.
一旦我习惯于将女性视为被压迫的性别，我就准备对男性作为女性的压迫者感到惊慌、愤怒和怨恨。我也准备相信他们的坏的一面和他们对女性造成的伤害。我甚至可能准备编造暴行。埃莉诺·斯米尔在奥斯丁谈到了让女性愤怒斗争的必要性。她和其他提倡怨恨与愤怒的性别政治的女权主义领袖和思想家似乎都没有意识到她们版本的女权主义是多么伤害性分裂——或者即使意识到了，她们似乎也不在乎。

Consider how Patricia Ireland, the president of NOW, speaks of her seven years as a flight attendant for Pan Am: "I thought of myself as a professional. But what I really did was go down the aisle and take people's garbage and thank them for it. That's what women have been doing. We've been taking their garbage and thanking them for it. We've got to stop." Ms. Ireland is telling us how easy it is (in a society that routinely
考虑一下 NOW 的主席帕特里夏·爱尔兰如何谈论她作为泛美航空空乘人员的七年经历：“我把自己视为专业人士。但我真正做的就是走过过道，收集人们的垃圾，并为此感谢他们。这就是女性所做的。我们一直在收集他们的垃圾，并为此感谢他们。我们必须停止。”
humiliates women) for women to deceive themselves into thinking they are doing something dignified when they are "really" doing something demeaning. She speaks of "their garbage," meaning "men's," though probably half the passengers were women. She asks us to note the shame of taking their garbage and having to thank "them" for it. Would she be in favor of having the airlines phase out women flight attendants, replacing them with men? But Ireland knows what she is doing. By so construing male/female relations, she is doing what any political leader does in time of war: get potential allies angry and unified behind the effort to defeat the enemy.
贬低女性）让女性自我欺骗，以为自己在做一些有尊严的事情，而实际上却是在做一些羞辱人的事情。她提到“他们的垃圾”，指的是“男性”，尽管可能有一半的乘客是女性。她要求我们注意拿着他们的垃圾并必须感谢“他们”的羞耻。她是否支持航空公司逐步淘汰女性空乘人员，替换为男性？但爱尔兰知道她在做什么。通过如此解释男女关系，她正在做任何政治领袖在战争时期所做的事情：激怒潜在的盟友，让他们团结一致，共同努力击败敌人。

Resentment is not a wholesome passion. Unlike indignation, it is not an ethical passion. But because it often originates in moral outrage at real injustice (from wife battering to job discrimination), resentment can be made to sound like a commendable passion for social justice. The idea that men are generally culpable has the status of a first principle among some establishment feminists.
怨恨不是一种健康的激情。与义愤不同，它不是一种道德激情。但由于它经常源于对真实不公正行为的道德愤怒（从家庭暴力到工作歧视），怨恨可以被伪装成一种值得称赞的社会正义激情。男人普遍有罪的想法在一些主流女权主义者中具有第一原则的地位。

According to Marilyn French, "The entire system of female oppression rests on ordinary men, who maintain it with a fervor and dedication to duty that any secret police force might envy. What other system can depend on almost half the population to enforce a policy daily, publicly and privately, with utter reliability?" It is a system that uses threat as well as force to exploit and humiliate women.
根据玛丽琳·弗伦奇的说法：“整个女性压迫系统依赖于普通男性，他们以任何秘密警察部队都可能羡慕的热情和责任感来维持这一制度。还有什么其他系统可以依赖近一半的人口在日常生活中，以绝对的可靠性公开和私下执行政策呢？”这是一个利用威胁以及暴力来剥削和羞辱女性的系统。

As long as some men use physical force to subjugate females, all men need not. The knowledge that some men do suffices to threaten all women. Beyond that, it is not necessary to beat up a woman to beat her down. A man can simply refuse to hire women in well-paid jobs, extract as much or more work from women than men but pay them less, or treat women disrespectfully at work or at home. He can fail to support a child he has engendered, demand the woman he lives with wait on him like a servant. He can beat or kill the woman he claims to love; he can rape women, whether mate, acquaintance, or stranger; he can rape or sexually molest his daughters, nieces, stepchildren, or the children of a woman he claims to love. The vast majority of men in the world do one or more of the above [her emphasis].
只要有一些男人使用暴力来征服女性，所有男人就不需要这样做。知道有些男人这样做就足以威胁所有女性。除此之外，不必真的打女人也可以让她屈服。一个男人可以简单地拒绝雇佣女性来做高薪工作，从女性身上榨取与男性相同或更多的工作却给予她们更少的薪酬，或者在工作或家庭中对女性不尊重。他可以不抚养自己生的孩子，要求与他同居的女性像仆人一样侍候他。他可以殴打或杀死他声称爱着的女性；他可以强奸女性，无论是伴侣、熟人还是陌生人；他可以强奸或性侵犯自己的女儿、侄女、继子女或他声称关心的女性的孩子。世界上绝大多数男性都做过以上一种或多种行为【她强调】。

In French's view, male atrocity and criminal abuse are pandemic. We must, however, insist that the burden of proof for so broad a claim be on her. Even if we accept the premise that men and women are at odds, the factual question of guilt cannot be begged - at least not in this country.
在弗朗西斯的观点中，男性的暴行和犯罪虐待是普遍存在的。然而，我们必须坚持，这种广泛主张的举证责任在于她。即使我们接受男人和女人相互对立的前提，关于罪责的事实问题也不能被回避——至少在这个国家是这样。

Moreover, we cannot help noticing that French's contempt for men is accompanied by a strong bias in favor of women: "While men strut and fret their hour upon the stage, shout in bars and sports arenas, thump their chests or show their profiles in the legislatures, and explode incredible weapons in an endless contest for status, an obsessive quest for symbolic 'proof' of their superiority, women quietly keep the world going."
此外，我们不禁注意到，弗朗西斯对男性的蔑视伴随着对女性的强烈偏见：“当男性在舞台上张扬和焦虑，酒吧和体育场高声喧哗，捶打自己的胸膛或在立法机构展示自己的形象，并在无尽的地位争夺中爆炸出不可思议的武器，执着追求象征性‘证据’以证明他们的优越性时，女性则默默地维持着世界的运转。”

Resenter feminists are convinced that men generally take every opportunity to exploit women and that they often delight in humiliating them physically and mentally. "Given the prevalence of rape and given the socio-cultural supports for sexual aggression and violence against women in this society, perhaps we should be asking men who don't rape, why not! In other words, we should be asking what factors prevent men from abusing women in rape-supportive societies." That is the view of Diana Scully, author of Understanding Sexual Violence.
反女性主义者相信，男性总是利用每一个机会来剥削女性，并且他们常常以身体和精神上羞辱女性为乐。 "考虑到强奸的普遍性以及这种社会对性侵和对女性暴力的社会文化支持，也许我们应该问那些不强奸的男性，为什么不呢！换句话说，我们应该询问在支持强奸的社会中，是什么因素阻止男性虐待女性。" 这是戴安娜·斯库利（Diana Scully），《理解性暴力》一书的作者的观点。

Recently several male students at Vassar were falsely accused of date rape. After their innocence was established, the assistant dean of students, Catherine Comins, said of their ordeal: "They have a lot of pain, but it is not a pain that I would necessarily have spared them. I think it ideally initiates a process of self-exploration. 'How do I see women?' 'If I did not violate her, could I have?' 'Do I have the potential to do to her what they say I did?' These are good questions." 8 Dean Comins clearly feels justified in trumping the common law principle "presumed innocent until proven guilty" by a new feminist principle, "guilty even if proven innocent." Indeed, she believes that the students are not really innocent after all. How so? Because, being male and being brought up in the patriarchal culture, they could easily have done what they were falsely accused of having done, even though they didn't actually do it. Where men are concerned, Comins quite sincerely believes in collective guilt. Moreover, she feels she can rely on her audience to be in general agreement with her on this.
最近，瓦萨学院的几名男学生被错误地指控强奸。在他们的清白被证实后，学生助理院长凯瑟琳·科明斯谈到他们的遭遇说：“他们承受了很多痛苦，但我不会说我一定会让他们免受这种痛苦。我认为，理想情况下，这会开启一个自我探索的过程。‘我如何看待女性？’‘如果我没有侵犯她，我可能会吗？’‘我有可能对她做他们说我做的事情吗？’这些都是很好的问题。”科明斯院长显然认为，用新的女权主义原则“即使被证明无罪也应被认定有罪”来取代普通法原则“在被证明有罪之前应被认定为无罪”是合理的。事实上，她认为这些学生并非真的无辜。为什么呢？因为，作为男性，并且在父权制文化中长大，他们很容易做出被错误指控的那些事，即使他们并没有真正去做。在涉及男性时，科明斯真诚地相信集体有罪。此外，她认为她可以依靠她的听众普遍同意她的观点。

The idea of collective guilt may sound like the theological doctrine of original sin, but in Christianity, at least, it applies equally to all human beings. Racists and gender feminists are more "discriminating."
集体罪恶的概念听起来可能像原罪的神学教义，但至少在基督教中，它对所有人类都是适用的。种族主义者和性别女权主义者更具“区分性”。

In the spring of 1993, nine women students, who were taking a course called "Contemporary Issues in Feminist Art" at the University of Maryland, distributed posters and fliers all over the campus with the names of dozens of male students under the heading "Notice: These Men Are Potential Rapists." The women knew nothing whatever about the bearers of the names; they had simply chosen them at random from the university
在 1993 年春季，九名在马里兰大学修读“女性主义艺术的当代问题”课程的女学生在校园内分发了海报和传单，上面列出了几十名男学生的名字，标题为“通知：这些男人是潜在的强奸犯。”这些女性对名字的持有者一无所知；她们只是随意从大学中选择了这些名字。
directory to use in their class project. The instructor, Josephine Withers, would not comment to the press.
用于他们课堂项目的目录。讲师约瑟芬·威瑟斯（Josephine Withers）拒绝向媒体发表评论。

The New Feminists are a powerful source of mischief because their leaders are not good at seeing things as they are. Resenter feminists like Faludi, French, Heilbrun and MacKinnon speak of backlash, siege, and an undeclared war against women. But the condition they describe is mythic-with no foundation in the facts of contemporary American life. Real-life men have no war offices, no situation rooms, no battle plans against women. There is no radical militant wing of a masculinist movement. To the extent one can speak at all of a gender war, it is the New Feminists themselves who are waging it.
新的女性主义者是一个强大的麻烦源，因为他们的领导者并不善于看待事物的本质。像法鲁迪、弗 rench、海尔布伦和麦金农这样的愤怒女性主义者谈到反击、围攻以及对女性的未宣而战。然而，他们所描述的状态是神话般的——与当代美国生活的事实没有基础。现实生活中的男性没有战争办公室，没有情况室，也没有反对女性的战斗计划。没有一种激进的男性主义运动的武装派别。在某种程度上，如果可以谈论性别战争，那么发起战争的正是新的女性主义者自己。

Gender feminists are fond of telling men who don't realize the depth of women's anger and resentment that "they just don't get it." Feminist leaders immediately rallied to the side of Lorena Bobbitt, the Virginia woman accused of having severed her sleeping husband's penis but who in turn accused him of having raped her. The Virginia chapter of NOW set up a support line for Ms. Bobbitt headed by Virginia's NOW coordinator, Denise Lee. In Vanity Fair, Kim Masters reported on "Lorena supporters who have transformed the V-for-Victory sign into a symbol of solidarity by making scissorlike motions with their fingers." Kim Gandy, executive vice president of NOW, talked of the many women "who have gone through this and probably wish they had a chance to get their own revenge." 12
性别主义者喜欢告诉那些没有意识到女性愤怒和怨恨深度的男性：“他们只是不明白。”女权主义领导人迅速支持洛雷娜·博比特，这位被指控割掉酣睡丈夫阴茎的弗吉尼亚女性，她反过来指控丈夫对她实施强奸。弗吉尼亚的全国妇女组织(NOW)设立了一个支持热线，负责人是弗吉尼亚 NOW 协调员丹尼斯·李。在《名利场》上，金·马斯特斯报道了“洛雷娜的支持者们通过动作手指做出剪刀状来将胜利的 V 标志转变为团结的象征。”NOW 的执行副总裁金·甘迪谈到了许多“经历过这一切的女性，可能希望自己有机会复仇。”

The journalist Daniel Wattenberg rightly saw in all this the presumption of John Wayne Bobbitt's guilt long before the case had gone to trial. "It is assumed that he routinely beat his wife over a period of years. It is assumed that he raped her the night she castrated him." It hardly matters that Mr. Bobbitt has since been found not guilty by the courts. Commenting on the castration on "20/20," Patricia Ireland said, "The depth of anger that was plumbed by this and the response of support that comes for Lorena Bobbitt comes from the depth of anger, of feeling there has not been adequate resources and recourse and redress of the terrible violence that women face." But, sticking to what facts we have, all we can say is that Lorena was enraged to the point of violence. The personal tragedy of this unhappy couple has been appropriated as a symbol of righteous feminist revenge. The in-joke among Lorena's feminist admirers is that Lorena has since been greeting John by saying, "Now do you get it?"
记者丹尼尔·瓦滕伯格在这一切中正确地看到了约翰·韦恩·博比特的罪责预设，这在案件审理之前就已显现。“人们假设他在多年时间里定期殴打他的妻子。人们假设他在被阉割的那晚强奸了她。”博比特先生自此被法院裁定无罪，这几乎无关紧要。在“20/20”节目中，帕特里夏·爱尔兰评论了这一阉割事件，“这所揭示的愤怒深度，以及对洛雷娜·博比特的支持反应，源于对女性所面临的可怕暴力没有足够的资源、救济和补偿的愤怒。”但根据我们所掌握的事实，我们只能说洛雷娜愤怒到暴力的地步。这个不幸夫妇的个人悲剧被作为正义女权主义复仇的象征而被挪用。洛雷娜的女权主义崇拜者之间的玩笑是，洛雷娜此后见到约翰时会说：“现在你明白了吗？”

When collective guilt is assigned (to males, to Germans, to Moslems,
当集体罪责被归于（男性、德国人、穆斯林，
etc.), children are usually included. Explaining why Minnesota has adopted strict sexual harassment policies for children as young as five, Sue Sattel, the "sex equity specialist" for the Minnesota Department of Education, points out that "serial killers tell interviewers they started sexually harassing at age 10 , and got away with it."
等），通常会包括儿童。明尼苏达州教育部的“性别平等专家”苏·萨特尔解释了为什么明尼苏达州为年仅五岁的孩子制定严格的性骚扰政策，她指出：“连环杀手在采访中表示，他们从 10 岁开始就进行性骚扰，并逃脱了惩罚。”

Nan Stein, a project director at the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women who specializes in sexual harassment by juveniles, is angry with Montana school officials and teachers for ignoring the "gendered terrorism" in their schoolyards.
南·斯坦，威尔斯利学院女性研究中心的项目主任，专门研究青少年的性骚扰，她对蒙大拿州的学校官员和教师漠视校园内的“性别恐怖主义”感到愤怒。
Friday "Flip-Up Day" is a weekly occurrence at many elementary
星期五的“翻转日”是许多小学每周的活动
schools in Montana. Every Friday, boys chase girls around the
蒙大拿州的学校。每个星期五，男孩们追逐女孩。
school playgrounds; those girls who have worn skirts are fair game
学校操场；那些穿着裙子的女孩是公正的猎物
-their skirts will be flipped up, not once, but as many times as
-她们的裙子会被掀起，不止一次，而是多次
possible by as many boys as can get them. School administrators
尽可能多的男孩都可以得到它们。学校管理人员
. . have seen no reason to intervene or to punish the perpetrators.
...没有理由干预或惩罚肇事者。
Their silence has allowed this gendered terrorism on the playground
他们的沉默让这种校园的性别恐怖主义得以存在
to continue. 继续。
Friday "Flip-Up Day" is a weekly occurrence at many elementary schools in Montana. Every Friday, boys chase girls around the school playgrounds; those girls who have worn skirts are fair game -their skirts will be flipped up, not once, but as many times as possible by as many boys as can get them. School administrators . . . have seen no reason to intervene or to punish the perpetrators. Their silence has allowed this gendered terrorism on the playground to continue.
周五的“翻裙日”在蒙大拿州的许多小学是每周的常规活动。每个星期五，男孩们在学校操场上追逐女孩；那些穿着裙子的女孩是公平的猎物——她们的裙子会被尽可能多的男孩多次翻起来。学校管理人员……没有看到干预或惩罚肇事者的理由。他们的沉默使这种性别恐怖主义在操场上继续存在。

Boys who tease girls by flipping up their skirts should be dealt with decisively and perhaps severely. But only women who view the world through "sex/gender" lenses would see in children's schoolyard rudeness the making of serial killers and gender terrorists.
戏弄女孩、掀起裙子的男孩应该被果断且严厉地处理。但只有那些通过“性别/性别角色”视角看待世界的女性，才会在孩子们的学校操场上的无礼行为中看到连环杀手和性别恐怖分子的苗头。

Should the rudeness even be regarded in sexual terms? The gender monitors believe it should be and that girls should be made aware of its true nature. One of the goals of the sex equity experts is to teach little girls to be resentful of boys' pranks by pointing out that what they are doing is sexual harassment and against the law. Bernice Sandler, a gender relations specialist at Washington's Center for Women Policy Studies, offers harassment workshops to elementary school children. At one workshop, a little girl told about a classmate who had pushed her down and tickled her. Ms. Sandler made sure to put the boy's act in perspective: "Now, you have to ask, what is this boy doing, throwing girls to the ground? This happens to be a sexual offense in New York, and in most states."
粗鲁行为是否应从性别角度来看待？性别监控者认为应该如此，并且女孩们应该意识到其真实本质。性别平等专家的目标之一是让小女孩对男孩的恶作剧心怀 resentment，指出他们的行为是性骚扰，并且是违法的。华盛顿妇女政策研究中心的性别关系专家伯尼斯·桑德勒为小学儿童提供骚扰研讨会。在一次研讨会上，一个小女孩讲述了一名同学把她推倒并抓住她的故事。桑德勒女士确保把男孩的行为放在一个合适的背景中：“现在，你要问，这个男孩在做什么，把女孩扔到地上？在纽约以及大多数州，这是性犯罪。”

The presumption of sexual guilt continues as children grow up. In more and more public schools and colleges, we find a dynamic group of feminist reformers-harassment officers, women's studies professors, resident hall staff, assorted deans and assistant deans, and sex equity experts -who regard male sexuality with alarm and seek ways to control it. The Rutgers University anthropologist Lionel Tiger has described the contem-
性罪恶的假设随着孩子的成长而持续存在。在越来越多的公立学校和大学，我们发现了一群充满活力的女权主义改革者——骚扰专员、妇女研究教授、宿舍工作人员、各种院长和助理院长，以及性别平等专家——他们对男性性行为感到担忧，并寻求控制它的方法。罗格斯大学人类学家莱昂内尔·泰格描述了当代
porary sexual environment with its hysteria over harassment and date rape as a reversal of the one described in The Scarlet Letter: "It's the male who now bears the stigma of alleged sexual violation."
当代的性环境对骚扰和约会强奸的歇斯底里是一种逆转，正如《红字》中所描述的那样：“现在承受所谓性侵犯污名的是男性。”

If they do, not many notice it. The gender feminist ideology affects women far more deeply. Many are "converted" to a view of the society they inhabit as a patriarchal system of oppression. For most, this happens in college. Laurie Martinka, a women's studies graduate from Vassar, talked to me about her personal transformation. "You're never the same again. Sometimes I even bemoan the fact that so much has changed. I am tired of always ripping things apart because they exclude the perspective of women. . . . You become so aware of things. And it is hard. My mother cannot accept it. It is hard for her because I have changed so completely." Anne Package, a student at the University of Pennsylvania, told me that students talk among themselves about this keen new awareness: "We call it 'being on the verge' or 'bottoming out.' You are down on everything. Nothing is funny anymore. It hits you like a ton of bricks. You hit rock bottom and ask: how can I live my life?" When I suggested to her that many would count her and her classmates among the world's more fortunate young women, she bristled. "We still suffer psychological oppression. If you feel like the whole world is on top of you, then it is."
如果他们这样做，没多少人会注意到。性别女性主义意识形态对女性的影响更加深远。许多人被“转化”为对他们所生活的社会的看法，即一个父权压迫系统。对大多数人来说，这在大学时发生。劳里·马丁卡，韦萨大学的女性研究毕业生，和我谈到了她的个人转变。“你再也不会一样了。有时我甚至感叹发生了这么多变化。我厌倦了总是拆解事情，因为它们排除了女性的视角……你会变得如此敏感。而且这很困难。我的母亲无法接受。这对她来说很难，因为我已经完全改变了。”宾夕法尼亚大学的学生安妮·帕克告诉我，学生们在彼此之间谈论这种敏锐的新意识：“我们称之为‘濒临边缘’或‘到底了’。你对一切都感到倦怠。没有什么再有趣了。这对你打击很大。你感到跌入谷底，问自己：我该如何生活？”当我向她提出，许多人会认为她和她的同学是世界上比较幸运的年轻女性时，她变得有些不悦。“我们仍然遭受心理上的压迫。” 如果你感觉整个世界都压在你身上，那确实是这样。"

I was intrigued, though, by her expression "being on the verge." On the verge of what? Though the expression suggests a transitory experience, being on the verge is construed as the permanent condition of women who feel they have achieved a realistic awareness of their plight in male-dominated society. Such women sometimes organize into small but powerful groups within institutions they regard as masculinist bastions and where they make their presence felt in no uncertain terms.
不过，她的“处于边缘”这个说法引起了我的兴趣。处于什么边缘？虽然这个说法暗示了一种过渡性的体验，但“处于边缘”被理解为女性的一种永久状态，她们认为自己已经对自己在男性主导的社会中的困境有了现实的认识。这些女性有时会组织成规模虽小但势力强大的团体，加入到她们认为是男性主导的堡垒的机构中，并在那里毫不含糊地表明自己的存在。

The Boston Globe is New England's largest and most prestigious newspaper. In 1991, some two dozen women editors, managers, and columnists (including Ellen Goodman) formed a group called "Women on the Verge" to counter what senior education editor Muriel Cohen called the "macho newsroom." The "vergies," as they have come to be known, have some traditional equity feminist concerns about salaries and promotions; but they have also taken up arms against such things as the use of sports metaphors in news stories and the traditional lunchtime basketball game, which symbolizes to them the once-powerful and exclusionary old-boy network (though that complaint is unfounded because women are welcome to play, and some do). Defending the basketball games, editor Ben Bradlee, Jr., says: "All it is really is a bunch of people who want to get exercise and play a game. In the current conspiracy that's abroad, it's me and the other editors perhaps cutting secret deals and
《波士顿环球报》是新英格兰地区规模最大、最负盛名的报纸。1991 年，大约二十多位女编辑、经理和专栏作家（包括艾伦·古德曼）组成了一个名为“边缘女性”的团体，以对抗资深教育编辑穆里尔·科恩所说的“男性新闻编辑室”。 这些“边缘女性”，正如她们后来所知，在薪酬和晋升方面有一些传统的平等主义女权主义关切；但她们也对诸如在新闻报道中使用体育隐喻以及传统的午餐时间篮球比赛等问题表示抗议，这些问题在她们看来象征着曾经强大的排他性老男孩网络（尽管这种抱怨毫无根据，因为女性可以参加比赛，而且有些人确实参加了）。编辑本·布拉德利·小儿子在为篮球比赛辩护时说：“这实际上只是一群想要锻炼身体和玩游戏的人。在目前流行的阴谋论中，也许是我和其他编辑在秘密达成协议，
giving the boys the best stories." . Cohen expressed concern to editor Jack Driscoll over the "hormones that are running around here." Vergies are also irritated by "the strutting zone"-a corridor where some of the managerial males like to pace before deciding on the day's lead stories. The Women on the Verge at the Globe are feared but not loved. Since their advent, the newspaper has known no internal peace.
给男孩们讲最好的故事。” 科恩向编辑杰克·德里斯科尔表示担忧，提到“这里流动的荷尔蒙。” “炫耀区”也让女性们感到恼火——这是一个一些管理男性在决定当天头条新闻之前喜欢徘徊的走廊。《环球报》的临界女性让人畏惧却不被爱。从她们出现以来，报纸就没有过内部的平静。

David Nyhan, a senior editor and syndicated columnist, has been on the paper for more than twenty years and is part of what is known as its liberal "Irish mafia." He is an old-style newspaperman who wears his sleeves rolled up and has a booming voice and a penchant for bawdy humor. It was just a matter of time before he got into trouble with the Women on the Verge. On April 20, 1993, he was on his way to play in the infamous noontime basketball match when he spotted a fellow reporter, Brian McGrory, and invited him to join the game. Brian was on assignment and had a bad knee that day, so he declined. Nyhan persisted, but when it was clear that McGrory was not going to play, Nyhan jeered him as "pussy-whipped."
大卫·奈汉是一位资深编辑和联合专栏作家，在报社工作超过二十年，是所谓的自由派“爱尔兰黑手党”的一员。他是一个传统的报纸人，袖子卷起，声音洪亮，喜欢粗俗的幽默。与《女人边缘》中的女性发生冲突只是时间问题。1993 年 4 月 20 日，他正准备去参加臭名昭著的午间篮球赛时，看到同事记者布莱恩·麦克格里，他邀请布莱恩加入比赛。那天布莱恩在外派任务，膝盖也受了伤，所以他拒绝了。奈汉执意不懈，但当显然麦克格里不会参加时，奈汉嘲笑他是“受制于女性的男人”。

Betsy Lehman, a vergie, overheard the remark in passing and made it clear that she was very offended. Nyhan, who hadn't realized anyone was listening, immediately apologized. Sensing he was in trouble, he placed a memo on his door restating his remorse. He went around the newsroom and again apologized to any woman he could find. But he was about to be made an example of, and nothing could stop it. Already several Women on the Verge had interpreted his statement as an insult to a woman editor who, they assumed, had given Brian McGrory his assignment. McGrory denies it was a woman.
贝齐·莱曼，一位女编辑，无意中听到了这句话，并明确表示她非常生气。尼汉没有意识到有人在听，立即道歉。意识到自己有麻烦，他在门上贴了一张备忘录，再次表达了他的悔恨。他走遍了新闻编辑室，再次向他能找到的任何女性道歉。但他即将成为一个反面教材，什么也阻止不了。已经有几位“边缘女性”将他的言论解读为对一位女编辑的侮辱，她们认为，这位女编辑给了布莱恩·麦克格罗里他的任务。麦克格罗里否认那是一位女性。

The Globe management had just spent thousands of dollars on sensitivity workshops. Senior editor Matt Storin drew the moral: "Coming off of that experience [the workshops], I for one am all the more saddened by today's experience." Storin warned the staff that "remarks that are racially and sexually offensive to co-workers will not be tolerated here. Those who utter such remarks will be subject to disciplinary procedures." The publisher fined Nyhan and suggested he donate that sum to a charity of Ms. Lehman's choice.
《环球报》管理层刚刚在敏感性研讨会上花费了数千美元。资深编辑马特·斯托林得出了这样的结论：“从那次经历（研讨会）中，我个人对今天的经历更加难过。” 斯托林警告员工，“对同事有种族和性歧视的言论将不会被容忍。发表此类言论的人将受到纪律处分。”出版商对尼汉处以罚款 ，并建议他将这笔钱捐赠给莱曼女士选择的慈善机构。

The vergies had made their point, but the men of the Globe (and some women reporters who sympathized with them) had been alerted to the climate of resentment they lived in. They began to react. A price list was circulated: "babe" cost , "bitch" went for , "pussy-whipped," . Someone started a David Nyhan relief fund. (The fine was eventually rescinded.) Even some of the vergies were uncomfortable. Ellen Goodman said that she disapproved of the fine: "You do not want to get
维吉斯们提出了他们的观点，但环球报的男士们（以及一些同情他们的女性记者）对他们所处的愤懑氛围有所察觉。他们开始反应。一份价目表被分发：“宝贝”值 ，“婊子”值 ，“被女性控制”值 。有人发起了大卫·尼汉救助基金。(罚款最终被取消。) 甚至一些维吉斯也感到不安。埃伦·古德曼表示，她不赞成罚款：“你不想让……
to the point where everybody feels every sentence is being monitored." But that is just the point the Globe had gotten to.
“到了每个人都觉得每一句话都被监控的地步。”但这正是《环球时报》所达到的地步。

The Globe incident is emblematic of the "achievements" of the New Feminists elsewhere. They have achieved visibility and influence, but they have not succeeded in winning the hearts of American women. Most American feminists, unwilling to be identified as part of a cause they find alien, have renounced the label and have left the field to the resenters. The harmful consequences of giving unchallenged rein to the ideologues are nowhere more evident than in the universities.
“全球事件”是新女权主义者在其他地方“成就”的象征。她们获得了知名度和影响力，但没有赢得美国女性的芳心。大多数美国女权主义者不愿被认为是她们认为陌生的事业的一部分，因此放弃了这个标签，将这个领域留给了那些怀恨在心的人。在大学里，给意识形态不受约束地放纵带来的有害后果比任何地方都更加明显。

I am grateful . . . to the students of my women's studies ovular at Washington University in the spring semester of 1982.
我很感激……1982 年春季学期华盛顿大学我女性研究课程的学生们。

This little acknowledgment, in the preface of a book by the feminist philosopher Joyce Trebilcot, is one of the more amusing examples of the feminist effort to purge language of sexist bias. Trebilcot considers "seminar" offensively "masculinist," so she has replaced it by "ovular," which she regards as its feminist equivalent. Linguistic reform is one characteristic activity of feminist academics, and biological coinages are very much in favor. Feminist literary critics and feminist theologians (who call themselves thealogians) may refer to their style of interpreting texts as "gynocriticism" or "clitoral hermeneutics," rejecting more traditional approaches as inadmissibly "phallocentric."
在女权主义哲学家乔伊斯·特雷比尔科特的书前言中，这个小小的致谢是女权运动努力清除语言性别偏见的更有趣的例子之一。特雷比尔科特认为“研讨会”有冒犯性地“男性主义”，因此她用“卵型”取代它，认为这是其女性主义对应物。语言改革是女权学者的一项典型活动，而生物学的词汇非常受欢迎。女权文学批评家和自称为女神论者的女权神学家可能会将他们的文本解读风格称为“女性批评”或“阴蒂释义”，拒绝更传统的方法，认为这些方法不可接受地“阳物中心”。

Does it matter that academic feminists speak of replacing seminars with "ovulars," history with "herstory," and theology with "thealogy"? Should it concern us that most teachers of women's studies think of knowledge as a "patriarchal construction"? It should, because twenty years ago the nation's academies offered fewer than twenty courses in women's studies; today such courses number in the tens of thousands. Such rapid growth, which even now shows little signs of abating, is unprecedented in the annals of higher education. The feminist coloniza-
学术界的女权主义者是否用“卵子”代替研讨会，用“她史”代替历史，用“神学”代替神学，这重要吗？大多数妇女研究教师认为知识是“父权制建构”，这应该让我们担忧吗？应该，因为二十年前，全国高校开设的妇女研究课程不到二十门；如今，这类课程已达数万门。这种快速增长，即使现在也几乎没有减弱的迹象，在高等教育史上是前所未有的。女权主义的殖民化
tion of the American academy warrants study. What is driving it? Is it a good thing?
美国学院的转变值得研究。这背后是什么驱动力？这是一件好事吗？

Women's studies, though officially an academic discipline, is consciously an arm of the women's movement, dedicated to a utopian ideal of social transformation. In the words of the preamble to the National Women's Studies Association constitution, "Women's Studies owes its existence to the movement for the liberation of women; the feminist movement exists because women are oppressed. . . Women's Studies, then, is equipping women . . . to transform the world to one that will be free of all oppression."
妇女研究，尽管在官方上是一个学术学科，但有意识地作为女性运动的一个分支，致力于社会变革的乌托邦理想。正如国家妇女研究协会章程的前言所述：“妇女研究的存在归功于女性解放运动；女性主义运动存在的原因是女性受到压迫……因此，妇女研究是在为女性装备……以改变世界，使其摆脱一切压迫。”

The goal may be salutary, but equipping students to "transform the world" is not quite the same as equipping them with the knowledge they need for getting on in the world. Much of what students learn in women's studies classes is not disciplined scholarship but feminist ideology. They learn that the traditional curriculum is largely a male construction and not to be trusted. They learn that in order to rid society of sexism and racism one must first realign the goals of education, purging the curriculum of its white male bias and "reconceptualizing" its subject matter.
目标可能是有益的，但让学生“改变世界”并不完全等同于让他们掌握在世界上立足所需的知识。学生在女性研究课程中学到的很多内容并不是有纪律的学术研究，而是女性主义意识形态。他们了解到传统课程在很大程度上是男性的构建，不能被信任。他们明白，要想消除社会中的性别歧视和种族主义，首先必须重新调整教育的目标，清除课程中的白人男性偏见并“重新概念化”其学科内容。

The majority of women in the academy are not feminist activists. They are mainstream equity feminists: they embrace no special feminist doctrines; they merely want for women what they want for everyone-a "fair field and no favors." Equity feminists, regarding themselves as engaged on equal terms in contributing to a universal culture of humanity, do not represent themselves as speaking for Women. They make no dubious claims to unmask a social reality that most women fail to perceive. Their moderate, unpretentious posture has put them in the shadow of the less humble and more vocal gender feminists.
大多数学术界的女性并不是女权主义活动家。她们是主流的平权女权主义者：她们不支持特别的女权主义教义；她们只是希望女性能获得她们希望所有人都能获得的——一个“公平的竞争环境，没有偏袒”。平权女权主义者认为自己是在平等的条件下为人类普遍文化作贡献，并不声称自己是在代表女性。她们没有做出可疑的主张来揭示大多数女性未能察觉的社会现实。她们温和、毫不做作的姿态使她们处于那些不那么谦虚和更加 outspoken 的性别女权主义者的阴影之中。

The gender feminists are convinced they are in the vanguard of a conceptual revolution of historic proportions, and their perspective, predicated on the "discovery" of the sex/gender system, is a beguiling one. Carolyn Heilbrun exults in the conviction that the New Feminist thought is comparable to the intellectual revolutions produced by Copernicus, Darwin, and Freud. Gerda Lerner, professor of history at the University of Wisconsin and author of the influential book The Creation of Patriarchy, warns that attempts to describe what is now going on in women's scholarship "would be like trying to describe the Renaissance-ten years after it began." Sociologist Jessie Bernard compares the feminist scholars to the philosophes of the French Enlightenment, characterizing the explosion of research in women's scholarship as "the storming of the Bastille" or "the shot heard round the world." "Academia will never be the same again," she claims. Alison Jaggar, director of women's studies at the
性别女权主义者确信她们处于一场具有历史意义的概念革命的前沿，她们的观点建立在对“性别/性”体系的“发现”之上，这是一种迷人的观点。卡罗琳·海尔布伦欣喜于这种信念，即新女权主义思想可与哥白尼、达尔文和弗洛伊德产生的智力革命相媲美。 威斯康星大学历史学教授，有影响力的著作《父权制的创造》的作者格尔达·勒纳警告说，试图描述现在女性学术领域正在发生的事情“就像试图描述文艺复兴一样——它开始十年后”。 社会学家杰西·伯纳德将女权主义学者比作法国启蒙运动的哲学家，将女性学术研究的爆炸式增长描述为“攻占巴士底狱”或“震动世界的枪声”。“学术界将永远不会再一样，”她声称。 艾莉森·贾格尔，位于

University of Colorado, says, "We're developing a whole reconstruction of the world from the perspective of women, with the keyword being 'womencenteredness.'"6
科罗拉多大学表示：“我们正在从女性的视角开发整个世界的重建，关键词是‘以女性为中心’。”

The gender feminists are exuberantly confident that they are qualified to overhaul the American educational system. Unlike other, more modest reformers, these women are convinced that their insights into social reality uniquely equip them to understand the educational needs of American women. Their revolution is thus not confined to "feminist theory." On the contrary, it is essentially practical, pedagogical, and bureaucratic.
性别女权主义者们对她们有资格彻底改革美国教育体系充满自信。与其他更谦虚的改革者不同，这些女性确信她们对社会现实的洞察力使她们能够独特地理解美国女性的教育需求。因此，她们的革命并不局限于“女权主义理论”。相反，它本质上是实用的、教学的和官僚的。

Not all gender feminist academics teach women's studies. Many are in administration. Some direct harassment centers. Others have controlling positions in such para-academic organizations as the Association of American Colleges (AAC) or the American Association of University Women (AAUW). Some head women's centers that do research on women. Still others head "curriculum transformation projects."
并非所有性别女性主义学者都教授女性研究。许多人从事行政工作。有些人负责骚扰中心。还有一些人在美国大学协会(AAC)或美国大学女性协会(AAUW)等准学术组织中担任控制性职位。一些人负责对女性进行研究的女性中心。还有一些人负责“课程转型项目”。
"The goal of feminist teaching," says University of Massachusetts feminist philosopher Ann Ferguson, "is not only to raise consciousness about
“女权主义教学的目标，”马萨诸塞大学女权主义哲学家安·弗格森说，“不仅仅是提高对
male domination system but also to create women and men who are agents of social change." That motivation, powerfully enhanced by the gender feminists' faith that they are privy to revolutionary insights into the nature of knowledge and society, inspires them with a missionary fervor unmatched by any other group in the contemporary academy. Not only do they pursue their mission in their classrooms, they are also involved in "transforming the academy" to render it more women-centered. Gender feminists are at work in hundreds of transformation projects for changing university curricula that they regard as inadmissibly "masculinist." The bias of the traditional "white male curriculum" must be eliminated, and new programs that include women must replace those in which women are "absent," "silent," "invisible." The whole "knowledge base" must be transformed.
男性统治体系，但也创造女性和男性，使之成为社会变革的推动者。 这种动机，在性别女性主义者坚信他们对知识和社会本质有革命性洞察的基础上得到了极大的增强，激励着他们以无与伦比的传教热情投身于当代学术界的使命。他们不仅在课堂上追求这个使命，还参与“变革学院”，使其更加以女性为中心。性别女性主义者在数百个转型项目中努力改变他们视为不可接受的“男性化”大学课程。传统“白人男性课程”的偏见必须消除，新的包括女性的项目必须取代那些女性“缺席”、“沉默”、“无形”的课程。整个“知识基础”必须被转变。

Gender feminists have been influential in the academy far beyond their numbers partly because their high zeal and single-mindedness brook no opposition; or rather, because they treat opposition to their exotic standpoint as opposition to the cause of women. University trustees, administrators, foundation officers, and government officials tend generally to be sympathetic to women's causes. Apart from an unwillingness to be considered insensitive and retrograde, they are aware that women have been discriminated against and may still need special protections. So they want to do what is right. But when future historians go back to find out what happened to American universities at the end of the twentieth century that so weakened them, politicized them, and rendered them illiberal,
性别女性主义者在学术界的影响力远超其人数，部分原因在于她们的高度热情和专注性不容反对；或者说，她们将对其异端立场的反对视为对女性事业的反对。大学的受托人、行政人员、基金会官员和政府官员通常对女性事业持同情态度。除了不愿被视为无情和过时外，他们也意识到女性曾遭受歧视，可能仍需要特殊保护。因此，他们想要做正确的事情。但当未来的历史学家回顾二十世纪末美国大学发生了什么，使它们如此疲弱、政治化并变得非自由时，
anti-intellectual, and humorless places, they will find that among the principal causes of the decline was the failure of intelligent, powerful, and well-intentioned officials to distinguish between the reasonable and just cause of equity feminism and its unreasonable, unjust, ideological sister -gender feminism.
反智和缺乏幽默感的地方，他们会发现，导致衰退的主要原因之一是聪明、有权势且出于好意的官员未能区分公平女性主义的合理和正当理由与其不合理、不公正的意识形态姐妹——性别女性主义。

At the 1992 National Women's Studies Conference in Austin, Texas, that I described in chapter l, the moderator urged us to "dwell for a moment on success. . . . Think about the fact that we have been so successful in transforming the curriculum." My sister Louise, who attended the conference with me, has two sons in college and a daughter starting junior high, and this remark alarmed her. Having spent several hours with the Austin conferees, she had doubts about their competence and reasonableness. "What exactly did she mean?" she asked me. She did well to ask; for she had stumbled on an area of feminist activism that has gone virtually unnoticed by the public. What began as a reasonable attempt to redress the neglect of women in the curriculum has quietly become a potent force affecting the American classroom at every level, from the primary grades to graduate school.
在我在德克萨斯州奥斯汀描述的 1992 年全国女性研究会议上，主持人催促我们“稍微停留一下，关注成功……想想我们在转变课程方面取得了多么大的成就。”与我一起参加会议的妹妹路易丝有两个上大学的儿子和一个即将上初中的女儿，这句话让她感到不安。在与奥斯汀的与会者共度了几个小时之后，她对他们的能力和理智产生了怀疑。“她到底是什么意思？”她问我。她问得非常好；因为她偶然发现了一个几乎未被公众注意的女性主义行动领域。最初是一次合理的尝试，旨在纠正课程中对女性的忽视，这一行动已经悄然成为一种强大的力量，影响着美国各级课堂，从小学到研究生院。

A nationwide feminist campaign to change the curriculum of the American academy is receiving support from the highest strata of education and government. The Ford Foundation recently helped launch a National Clearinghouse for Curriculum Transformation Resources at Towson State University in Maryland, to give the growing number of transformation consultants in our nation's schools quick access to resources. The Towson center provides consultants and project directors with readings on feminist pedagogy, samples of women-centered syllabi, lists of womencentered textbooks, and suggestions for women-centered audiovisual materials. It provides aspiring transformationists with manuals on how to start their own projects, as well as a list of resources to help them to "counter resistance." The transformation projects receive generous funding from major foundations and from federal agencies such as the Women's Education Equity Act Program and the Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education (FIPSE), as well as from the state governments of New Jersey, Tennessee, Montana, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and California.
一项旨在改变美国学院课程的全国范围内的女权主义运动正在获得教育和政府最高层的支持。福特基金会最近帮助在马里兰州陶森州立大学启动了一个国家课程转型资源中心，为全国不断增长的转型顾问提供快速获取资源的机会。陶森中心为顾问和项目主管提供有关女权主义教学法的读物、以女性为中心的教学大纲样本、以女性为中心的教科书清单以及以女性为中心的视听材料建议。它为有抱负的转型者提供有关如何启动他们自己项目的指南，以及帮助他们“应对阻力”的资源清单。 转型项目从主要基金会和联邦机构（如妇女教育平等法案项目和高等教育改进基金（FIPSE））以及新泽西州、田纳西州、蒙大拿州、宾夕法尼亚州、马里兰州和加利福尼亚州的州政府获得了大量资金。

In a recent book chronicling the triumphs of "the transformation movement," Caryn McTighe Musil reports on the success of the "hundreds of curriculum transformation projects around the country since 1980." In fact, the transformationists have been at it for longer than that, but they
在最近一本记录“转型运动”胜利的书中，凯伦·麦克蒂格·穆西尔报道了“自 1980 年以来全国数百个课程转型项目”的成功。 事实上，转型主义者已经做了更长时间，但他们
are only now coming into their own. On April 16, 1993, more than eight hundred teachers, college professors, school administrators, and state officials gathered at the Hilton Hotel in Parsippany, New Jersey, for a three-day "national" conference on curriculum transformation. The official program gives the overview: "A celebration of twenty years of curriculum transformation, this conference will bring together teachers, scholars, activists, and cultural leaders to share insights, knowledge, and strategies to assess our accomplishments and to imagine together a curriculum for the 2lst century."
现在才真正开始发挥作用。1993 年 4 月 16 日，800 多名教师、大学教授、学校管理人员和州政府官员齐聚新泽西州帕西帕尼的希尔顿酒店，参加为期三天的“全国”课程改革会议。官方日程概述如下：“庆祝课程改革 20 周年，本次会议将汇集教师、学者、活动家和文化领袖，共同分享见解、知识和策略，评估我们的成就，并共同展望 21 世纪的课程。”

The conference was sponsored by a variety of state and federal agencies such as the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Pennsylvania Humanities Council, and the New Jersey Committee for the Humanities. The keynoter, New Jersey chancellor of education Edward Goldberg, pointed out with great pride that New Jersey had invested "millions" in the curriculum transformation project. "The rest of America cannot be far behind."
这次会议得到了国家人文基金会、宾夕法尼亚人文学会和新泽西人文委员会等多种州和联邦机构的赞助。主题演讲者、新泽西教育副校长爱德华·戈德堡非常自豪地指出，新泽西在课程转型项目中投入了“数百万”资金。“美国其他地方应该也不会太远。”

Most of the eight hundred transformationists at the Parsippany Hilton had their expenses paid by their employers-mainly state governments, public schools, and public colleges and universities. Yet very few people know what transformationists do, why they do it, or why it might matter.
参加帕西帕尼希尔顿酒店的八百名转型者中，大多数的费用都由他们的雇主支付，主要是州政府、公立学校以及公立学院和大学。然而，很少有人知道转型者做什么，为什么这样做，以及为什么它可能很重要。

Ms. magazine used to run a feature called "The Click Experience," in which a woman would write in to tell about the moment when a light went on in her head and she had her first blazing realization of how women had been cheated and silenced. The "click" is a quantum leap in feminist awareness-"the sudden coming to critical consciousness about one's oppression." Gender feminist academics have their own particular version of the click experience: it happens at the moment one "sees" that the entire college curriculum has, with very few exceptions, been wrought and written by men, about men, and for men. History is "his story," men telling about men. Social science research, usually conducted by men and about men, holds up men as the norm; women are the Other. The great thoughts we study, the great art we revere, the literature we learn to love are largely male achievements. Men wrote the books, and they concocted the theories: knowledge is a male creation. In a single "click," a woman realizes that the culture and science men have created are not only wrong but self-serving and dangerous for women. The experience often has a depressing and alienating effect on a woman; the culture she had revered is suddenly not hers, and she may feel like a child of indifferent parents who discovers at a late age that she has been adopted.
《Ms.》杂志曾经有一个名为“点击体验”的栏目，女性可以写信讲述她们突然意识到女性被欺骗和沉默的那一刻。这个“点击”是女性意识的飞跃——“突然意识到自己被压迫的批判意识”。性别女权主义学者对点击体验有自己的理解：当她们“看到”整个大学课程，除了极少数例外，都是由男性撰写、关于男性、为男性而写的时候，这种体验就发生了。历史是“他的故事”，男性讲述男性。社会科学研究，通常由男性进行，关于男性，将男性视为规范；女性是异类。我们学习的伟大思想、我们尊重的伟大艺术、我们学习热爱 的文学，在很大程度上都是男性的成就。男性写书，男性构建理论：知识是男性创造的。在一个“点击”中，女性意识到男性创造的文化和科学不仅是错误的，而且是自私的，对女性来说是危险的。 这种经历常常对一个女人产生压抑和疏离的效果；她曾经崇敬的文化突然不再属于她，她可能会感到像一个被冷漠父母抚养的孩子，在晚年才发现自己被领养了。

Sooner or later, most women, gender feminist or not, have something
迟早，大多数女性，无论是否性别女权主义者，都会有某些东西
like a click experience. Men, except for the more myopic and hidebound among them, have it too. Just about everything bears the impress of patriarchy: high culture is largely a male achievement. As women have attained parity in economic status and access to higher learning and culture, the disparities, injustices, and exclusions of the past have been brought home to them as never before.
像是一种点击体验。男性，除了那些更加近视和守旧的人，也有这种体验。几乎一切都带有父权制的印记：高文化在很大程度上是男性的成就。随着女性在经济地位和高等教育及文化的获取上达到了平等，过去的不平等、不公正和排斥对她们的影响前所未有。

The evidence that women have been excluded, and their abilities as thinkers and writers demeaned, is everywhere. But once a woman appreciates the extent to which culture and civilization have been male-dominated, two roads lie before her. She can learn what can be learned about women's past achievements, and learn as well the reasons that their contributions to the larger enterprise were not greater; and she can then avail herself of the freedom she now has to accept the challenge to join with men on equal terms in the making of a new and richer culture. Or she can react to the cultural and scientific heritage as "androcentric" and move consciously to reconstruct the "knowledge base." It is at this juncture that equity and gender feminist academics begin to go their separate ways. The former stay within the bounds of traditional scholarship and join in its enterprise. The latter seek to transform scholarship to make it "womencentered."
女性被排斥，其作为思想家和作家的能力被贬低的证据随处可见。但一旦女性意识到文化和文明在多大程度上受男性主导，她们面前就会出现两条路。她可以学习有关女性过去成就的知识，并了解她们对更大事业的贡献为何不更大的原因；然后，她可以利用现在拥有的自由，接受挑战，与男性平等地参与创造一种新的、更丰富的文化。或者，她可以将文化和科学遗产视为“男性中心主义”，并有意识地重建“知识基础”。正是在这个关头，平等主义和性别女权主义学者开始分道扬镳。前者留在传统学术的范围内，并参与其中。后者寻求改变学术，使其成为“女性中心”。

Geraldine Ruthchild, a professor of English at Albion College, typifies the gender feminist reaction to the keen awareness that so much of culture has been made by men. Her click sounded when she came across these remarks by Louise Bernikow: "Which writers have survived their time and which have not depends upon who noticed them and chose to record the notice. . . . Such power, in England and America, has always belonged to white men." Professor Ruthchild writes, "After reading Louise Bernikow . . I was never again the same person, for her words abruptly crystallized random ideas I had had into a gem of revelation."
杰拉尔丁·鲁思柴尔德，阿尔比翁学院的英语教授，体现了对男性主导文化意识的性别女权主义反应。当她看到路易丝·伯尼科夫的这些话时，她的灵感被激发了：“哪些作家在他们的时代生存下来，哪些未能生存下去，取决于谁注意到他们并选择记录这些注意……在英格兰和美国，这种权力始终掌握在白人男性手中。”鲁思柴尔德教授写道：“阅读路易丝·伯尼科夫之后……我再也不是那个曾经的自己，因为她的话突然将我偶然的想法凝结成了一颗启示的宝石。”

The historian Gerda Lerner's revelation illuminates what for her is an ongoing atrocity. She asserts that men have been teaching women that sound thinking must exclude feeling. "Thus they [women] have learned to mistrust their own experience and devalue it. What wisdom can there be in menses? What source of knowledge in the milk-filled breast?" The cognitive abuse of women fills Lerner with anger: "We have long known that rape has been a way of terrorizing us and keeping us in subjection. Now we also know that we have participated, although unwittingly, in the rape of our minds."
历史学家格尔达·勒纳的启示照亮了她认为正在进行的暴行。她声称，男性一直在教导女性，理智的思考必须排除情感。“因此，她们（女性）学会了不信任自己的经历并贬低它。月经中有什么智慧？充满乳汁的乳房中有什么知识来源？”对女性的认知虐待让勒纳充满愤怒：“我们早就知道，强奸一直是恐吓我们并让我们屈服的一种方式。现在我们也知道，尽管是无意的，我们在精神上也参与了对自己的强奸。”

The gender feminist "re-vision" has been described in more sober terms in a brochure distributed by the prestigious American Association of Colleges:
美国大学协会（AAC）在宣传册中以更加冷静的措辞描述了性别女权主义的“重新审视”

In the last two decades, educators have begun to recognize that the experiences and perspectives of women are almost totally absent from the traditional curriculum. Surveys in the 1970s revealed, for example, that history textbooks devoted less than 1 percent of their coverage to women; that the most widely used textbook in art history did not include a single woman artist; and that literature courses contained, on average, only 8 percent women authors. Such discoveries have led many people to question the validity of the version of human experience offered by the liberal arts.
在过去的二十年里，教育工作者开始意识到，女性的经历和观点在传统课程中几乎完全缺失。例如，20 世纪 70 年代的调查显示，历史教科书对女性的报道不到 1%；最广泛使用的艺术史教科书中没有一个女性艺术家；文学课程平均只有 8%的女性作者。这些发现导致许多人质疑人文科学提供的关于人类经验版本的有效性。

It is possible to come to such an awareness without deciding that the rational response is to overhaul the entire canon of Western experience. Many scholars have begun to take pains to give women the recognition that was often denied them in past accounts. Women scholars of anthropology, psychology, and sociology have discovered that much previous research, which tended to concentrate on men, generalized to conclusions that did not necessarily apply to women. For the past ten or fifteen years social scientists have been working to correct this neglect. Feminist literary scholars have discovered and rescued many gifted women writers from undeserved oblivion. Textbook publishers now take pains to see that women are duly represented and that they are not demeaningly stereotyped. Such achievements stay well within the bounds of the kind of equitable adjustment that a mainstream feminism has rightly demanded. But the gender feminists are not content with them. They want transformation; a mere correction of the record won't do.
有可能在没有决定理性反应是彻底改革整个西方经验经典的情况下，达到这样的意识。许多学者已经开始努力给予女性在以往的叙述中常常被剥夺的认可。人类学、心理学和社会学的女学者们发现，许多以前的研究往往集中在男性身上，并得出不一定适用于女性的结论。在过去的十或十五年里，社会科学家一直在努力纠正这种忽视。女性主义文学学者们发现并拯救了许多才华横溢的女性作家，免于不应得的遗忘。教科书出版社现在努力确保女性得到适当代表，并且不被贬低为刻板印象。这些成就完全符合主流女性主义合理要求的公平调整的范围。但性别女性主义者对此并不满足。他们想要的是变革；单纯的记录修正是不够的。

There are, most people are aware, two meanings to the word history. On the one hand, history refers to a series of events that actually happened. On the other hand, there is History, an account of what happened. The gender feminists claim that History (written by men and focusing almost exclusively on men) has systematically distorted history.
大多数人知道，历史一词有两个含义。一方面，历史指的是一系列实际发生的事件。另一方面，还有历史（以男性为主并几乎完全聚焦于男性的记录），性别女权主义者声称，历史系统性地扭曲了历史。

It is undeniable that scholars often failed to recognize the role and importance of many gifted and historically important women. These neglected women deserve their place in History, and historians have a professional obligation to give it to them. Nevertheless, the paucity of women in History is, in the main, due not to the bias of male historians but rather to their concentration on politics, war, and conceptual change. Such History inevitably reflects the fact that women have not been allowed to make history in the way that men-and relatively few men at that-have been allowed to make it. It is a pervasive fact of history that men have rarely permitted women to participate in military and political affairs and that they have kept them away from learning and the high
不能否认，学者们常常未能认识到许多才华横溢且历史重要的女性的角色和重要性。这些被忽视的女性当之无愧地应该在历史中占有一席之地，历史学家有专业的责任将其展现出来。然而，历史中女性的稀缺主要并非由于男性历史学家的偏见，而是因为他们专注于政治、战争和观念变革。这种历史不可避免地反映了一个事实，即女性没有像男性那样，甚至相对较少的男性那样，被允许创造历史。历史的一个普遍事实是，男性很少允许女性参与军事和政治事务，并且将她们排除在学习和高层次知识之外。
arts. Any History that is faithful to the facts must acknowledge that in the past women were simply not permitted the degree of freedom commensurate with their talents. As Virginia Woolf pointed out, even the most gifted sister of Shakespeare would, tragically, never have been given the opportunities to make use of her genius. Lamentable as this may be, there is simply no honest way of writing women back into the historical narrative in a way that depicts them as movers and shakers of equal importance to men.
任何忠于事实的历史都必须承认，过去女性根本没有享有与其才能相称的自由度。正如弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫所指出的，即使是莎士比亚最有才华的姐妹，也悲惨地没有机会发挥她的天才。尽管这令人遗憾，但没有诚实的方式将女性写回历史叙事中，并将她们描绘为与男性同等重要的推动者和影响者。

To be sure, giving women only 1 percent of the narrative is too little, but 30 percent would be too much, and giving women half the space in a conventional History would blatantly falsify the narrative. Nor can historians do much about the "common people" whom God made so numerous. The vast majority of people, including most men and almost all women, have had a disproportionately small share in the history-making decisions about war, politics, and culture that historians count as momentous. But what is any historian of integrity supposed to do about that?
诚然，给女性仅占叙述的 1%太少，但 30%又太多，而在传统历史中给女性一半的篇幅将明显歪曲叙述。历史学家对上天创造的众多“普通人”也无能为力。绝大多数人，包括大多数男性和几乎所有女性，在历史学家认为重要的关于战争、政治和文化的决策中所占的份额不成比例地小。但是，任何有 integrity 的历史学家对此应当怎么做呢？

It is a standard feminist objection to traditional History that it focuses too much on male-dominated activities such as politics, war, and, more recently, science. A more balanced History would focus on areas of life that would give women greater visibility and importance. In effect, the complaint is that women figure importantly in social history but that political history has been given pride of place. This was a reasonable grievance twenty years ago, and the trend in high school and college history books since then has been toward social history. Even a strongly feminist report on the curriculum by the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women points this out: "An informal survey of twenty U.S. history textbooks compiled each year from 1984 to 1989 found a gradual but steady shift away from an overwhelming emphasis on law, wars, and control over territory and public policy, toward an emphasis on people's daily lives in many kinds of circumstances."
传统历史学遭到标准的女性主义反对，原因在于其过于关注男性主导的活动，如政治、战争以及最近的科学。更为平衡的历史将关注于那些能让女性获得更大可见性和重要性的生活领域。实际上，这个抱怨是说女性在社会历史中占有重要地位，但政治历史却被视为最重要。这在二十年前是一个合理的怨言，而自那时以来，高中和大学的历史书籍趋势已转向社会历史。甚至韦尔斯利学院女性研究中心对课程的强烈女性主义报告也指出：“1984 年至 1989 年间每年编纂的二十本美国历史教科书的非正式调查发现，强调法治、战争和对领土及公共政策的控制的倾向逐渐但稳步向强调人们在多种环境下的日常生活转变。”

In fact, both political and social history are important. By itself, social history, too, is insufficient. Even an exhaustive survey of daily life cannot substitute for the traditional kind of political history. Students need a reliable account of the events, philosophies, and cultural developments that have made a difference in the fates of nations and peoples, rendering some more successful and prosperous than others. Sooner or later the responsible teacher of history must get down to the history of politics, war, and social change.
事实上，政治史和社会史都很重要。社会史本身也不够。即使是对日常生活进行全面调查也无法替代传统的政治史。学生需要一个可靠的记录，记录那些改变了国家和人民命运的事件、哲学和文化发展，使一些国家比其他国家更成功、更繁荣。迟早，负责任的历史老师必须研究政治、战争和社会变革的历史。

But the gender feminists have far more ambitious goals than the redressing of historical neglect and bias. If history cannot be changed, History can be. Better yet, why not insist that all we ever have of history
但性别女权主义者的目标远不止纠正历史上的忽视和偏见。如果历史无法改变，那么历史就可以被改变。更妙的是，为什么不坚持我们拥有的所有历史
is the History we write, and that depends on who writes it? Heretofore, men have written History, giving us a masculinist account of the past; now women are free to change that version of History to make it more women-centered.
我们书写的历史，这取决于谁来书写？迄今为止，历史是由男性书写的，给我们提供了一个男性中心的过去；现在女性可以自由地改变这种历史版本，使其更加女性中心。

It is now common practice in high school textbooks to revise History in ways that attribute to women a political and cultural importance they simply did not have. Overt revisionism is rare. More often, history is distorted and the importance of women is falsely inflated without directly tampering with the facts. High school history texts now lavish attention on minor female figures. Sixteen-year-old Sybil Ludington, who alerted colonial soldiers in a failed attempt to cut off the escape of a British raiding party, gets more space in America: Its People and Its Values than Paul Revere. In the same textbook, Maria Mitchell, a nineteenth-century astronomer who discovered a comet, gets far more attention than Albert Einstein. In another popular high school text, there are three pictures of Civil War nurses but none of General Sherman or General Grant.
现在，高中教科书中普遍存在对历史的修正，将女性赋予了她们实际上并不具备的政治和文化重要性。公开的修正主义很少见。更常见的是，历史被扭曲，女性的重要性被虚假地夸大，而没有直接篡改事实。高中历史教科书现在对一些不重要的女性人物给予了过多的关注。16 岁的西比尔·卢丁顿，她在一次失败的阻止英国突袭部队逃跑的行动中向殖民地士兵发出警报，在美国：它的公民和价值观中获得了比保罗·里维尔更多的篇幅。在同一本教科书中，19 世纪的天文学家玛丽亚·米切尔，她发现了一颗彗星，获得了比阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦更多的关注。在另一本流行的高中教科书中，有三个内战护士的照片，但没有谢尔曼将军或格兰特将军的照片。

One of the ways human agents transform the course of history is by making war. The preeminence of men in war seems inescapable. But the feminist philosopher and transformationist Elizabeth Minnich maintains that women have played important roles in decisions about war and in war itself.
人类代理改变历史进程的一种方式是通过战争。男性在战争中的主导地位似乎不可避免。但女权主义哲学家和变革主义者伊丽莎白·米尼希认为，女性在战争决策和战争本身中发挥了重要作用。
Women have been part of and actively opposed to war throughout
女性一直是战争的一部分，并积极反对战争
the ages and across cultures. Women have fought; women have tried
在各个时代和文化中，女性一直在奋斗；女性一直在努力。
to stop the fighting; women have been on the front lines as sup-
停止战斗；女性一直在前线支持
pliers, as nurses, as spies; and have worked behind the lines as
钳子，作为护士，作为间谍；并在后方工作
cooks, secretaries, seamstresses, drivers, experts in language; to keep
厨师、秘书、女裁缝、司机、语言专家；保持
the country going. . . . Without women . . . no war could ever have
这个国家在继续……没有女人……就不会有战争。
been fought.  已经打过。
Women have been part of and actively opposed to war throughout the ages and across cultures. Women have fought; women have tried to stop the fighting; women have been on the front lines as suppliers, as nurses, as spies; and have worked behind the lines as cooks, secretaries, seamstresses, drivers, experts in language; to keep the country going. . . . Without women . . . no war could ever have been fought.
纵观历史和文化，女性一直是战争的一部分，也积极反对战争。女性参战；女性试图阻止战争；女性作为供应商、护士、间谍出现在前线；并在后方担任厨师、秘书、裁缝、司机、语言专家，以维持国家运转……没有女性……任何战争都无法进行。

Minnich does not give examples, but where historians have overlooked or airbrushed women out of significant roles they played in war, she is right to demand a truer and more complete picture. However, she also implies that a fuller picture would reveal that women's role in warfare has been pivotal. In fact it would not; no amount of supplementation can change the fact that women's roles in war have been relatively minor and their occasional protests against war have generally been unavailing. Nor would it be right to deprecate the importance of war as a factor in historical change; it remains true that war-conducted almost exclusively by
米尼希没有举例，但当历史学家忽视或抹去女性在战争中所扮演的重要角色时，她要求提供一个更真实、更完整的图景是正确的。然而，她也暗示更全面的图景会揭示女性在战争中的角色是至关重要的。事实上，并非如此；再多的补充也无法改变女性在战争中角色相对较小的事实，她们偶尔对战争的抗议通常也无济于事。贬低战争作为历史变革因素的重要性也是不对的；战争几乎是由……进行的事实依然成立。
men-has been the agent of cataclysmic historical upheavals, and any adequate History must reflect that fact, even if it means "leaving women out."
男人一直是历史巨变的推动者，任何充分的历史都必须反映这一事实，即使这意味着“不考虑女性”。

The idea that men have awarded themselves a dominance in history that they did not actually possess is becoming increasingly popular. I recently gave a public lecture on feminism and education before an audience that included several transformationists. In the lecture I defended traditional ideals of striving for objectivity and historical veracity. An annoyed man in the audience asked, "But how do we know that Mrs. Washington did not give her husband all his ideas?" I replied that we had no evidence for that. "Yes," said my interlocutor, now very excited, "that is just the point. There is no evidence! There cannot be evidence. Because those writing history would have suppressed it: the fact that there is no history proves nothing. It's lost to us forever."
越来越多人认同一种观点，即男性在历史上赋予自己了一种实际上并不存在的统治地位。我最近在一个包括几位转型主义者的听众面前发表了关于女权主义和教育的公开演讲。在演讲中，我为追求客观性和历史真实性的传统理念进行了辩护。一位恼怒的男性听众问道：“但我们怎么知道华盛顿夫人没有给她丈夫提供所有想法呢？”我回答说我们对此没有证据。“是的，”我的对话者现在很兴奋地说，“这就是重点。没有证据！不可能有证据。因为那些写历史的人会压制它：没有历史的事实证明不了任何东西。它永远地失去了。”

I answered that we have got to rely on the evidence we have until we have good reason to change our minds. I pointed out that it is most implausible that Martha Washington knew much about military campaigns or statecraft. It's also possible (and just as unlikely) that one of Washington's great-aunts was the brains behind his military prowess. We just can't do history that way.
我回答说，我们必须依赖现有的证据，直到我们有充分的理由改变主意。我指出，玛莎·华盛顿对军事行动或国政懂得并不多是极不可信的。也有可能（同样不太可能）华盛顿的一个姑姑是他军事才能的幕后智囊。我们不能以这种方式看待历史。

I could see that some members of the audience were altogether unimpressed with my rejoinder and my "obtuse" insistence on a conventional historical reasonableness, and I knew why: transformationists want "Herstory." They are impatient with an approach to History that impedes the kind of revisionism so many gender feminists are demanding as part of a "transformed knowledge base."
我可以看出，观众中有一些成员对我的反驳和我对传统历史合理性的“迟钝”坚持显得完全不感兴趣，我知道原因：变革主义者想要“她的故事”。他们对阻碍许多性别女性主义者所要求的“转变知识基础”的历史的方法感到不耐烦。

The gender feminist "reconceptualization" of History is moving right along at the university level. But the curricular changes are even more dramatic in the secondary and elementary schools. Because local and state governments are closely involved in public school curricula, and because they are very sensitive and responsive to gender feminist pressures, these changes are being imposed by fiat on thousands of public schools.
性别主义的“重新概念化”历史在大学层面正在顺利推进。但在中学和小学的课程变化则更为剧烈。由于地方和州政府与公立学校课程紧密相关，并且对性别主义的压力非常敏感和响应，这些变化正在被强制施加在数千所公立学校上。

Writers of contemporary history and social science texts, especially for the primary and secondary grades, make special efforts to provide "role models" for girls. Precollege texts usually have an abundance of pictures; these now typically show women working in factories or looking through microscopes. A "stereotypical" picture of a woman with a baby is a frowned-upon rarity. Instead, a kind of reverse stereotyping has become an informal requisite. Once Charles Lindbergh was a great role model for American boys; today, a textbook will make a point of informing students about Lindberg's World War II isolationism. In the same text, Anne
当代历史和社会科学教材的作者，尤其是针对小学和初中阶段的教材，特别努力为女孩提供“榜样”。大学前的教材通常图片丰富；这些图片通常展示女性在工厂工作或使用显微镜。女性抱着婴儿的“刻板印象”图像已被视为一种不受欢迎的稀有现象。相反，一种反向刻板印象已成为一种非正式的必需品。查尔斯·林德伯格曾是美国男孩的伟大榜样；而今天，教材则会特别提醒学生注意林德伯格在第二次世界大战期间的孤立主义。在同一本教材中，安妮

Morrow Lindbergh's very considerable achievements will be praised, but there will be no mention of her dalliance with fascism.
莫罗·林德伯格的显著成就将受到赞扬，但不会提及她与法西主义的暧昧关系。

The misplaced efforts to avoid slighting women lead quickly to extensive "re-visionings" of history, art, and the sciences. The Center for the Study of Social and Political Change at Smith College did a critical study of three of the most widely used new high school American history textbooks. Because of state mandates for gender equality, the authors of the new textbooks had to go out of their way to give women prominence. The Smith researchers were not happy with the results:
为了避免对女性的轻视而做出的错误努力，很快导致了对历史、艺术和科学的大量“重新解读”。史密斯学院社会与政治变革研究中心对三种最广泛使用的新的高中美国历史教科书进行了批判性研究。由于州政府对性别平等的强制要求，新教科书的作者不得不竭尽全力让女性占据显着地位。史密斯的研究人员对结果并不满意：
There is one major problem . . . in writing nonsexist history text-
有一个主要问题……在撰写非性别歧视的历史文本时 -
books. Most of America's history is male-dominated, in part because
书籍。美国历史大部分是男性主导的，部分原因是因为
in most states women were not allowed to vote in federal elections
在大多数州，女性不被允许参加联邦选举投票
or hold office until the twentieth century. This may be regrettable,
或者在二十世纪之前担任职务。这可能令人遗憾，
but it is still a fact. What, then, is a nonsexist writer of the American
但这仍然是一个事实。那么，什么是美国的非性别作家呢？
history textbook to do? The answer is filler feminism.
历史教科书该做什么？答案是填充女性主义。
There is one major problem . . . in writing nonsexist history textbooks. Most of America's history is male-dominated, in part because in most states women were not allowed to vote in federal elections or hold office until the twentieth century. This may be regrettable, but it is still a fact. What, then, is a nonsexist writer of the American history textbook to do? The answer is filler feminism.
有一个主要问题……在编写无性别歧视的历史教科书时。美国历史大部分是男性主导的，部分原因是大多数州直到二十世纪女性才被允许在联邦选举中投票或担任公职。这可能令人遗憾，但这仍然是事实。那么，作为美国历史教科书的无性别歧视作者该怎么办呢？答案是填充女性主义。

Filler feminism pads history with its own "facts" designed to drive home the lessons feminists wish to impart. The following passage from one of the most widely used high school American history texts, American Voices, is a good example of the sort of "feel good" feminist spin that has become the norm in our nation's textbooks.
填充女权主义用其自己设计的“事实”填补历史，以强调女权主义者希望传达的教训。以下摘自最广泛使用的高中美国历史教材之一《美国声音》的段落，展示了在我们国家的教科书中已成为常态的“让人感觉良好”的女权主义解读。

A typical [Indian] family thus consisted of an old woman, her daughters with their husbands and children, and her unmarried granddaughters and grandsons. . . . Politically, women's roles and status varied from culture to culture. Women were more likely to assume leadership roles among the agricultural peoples than among nomadic hunters. In addition, in many cases in which women did not become village chiefs, they still exercised substantial political power. For example, in Iroquois villages, when selected men sat in a circle to discuss and make decisions, the senior women of the village stood behind them, lobbying and instructing the men. In addition, the elder women named the male village chiefs to their positions.
一个典型的[印度]家庭通常由一位老妇人、她的女儿及其丈夫和孩子，以及她未婚的孙女和孙子组成。……在政治上，妇女的角色和地位因文化而异。与游牧狩猎者相比，妇女更有可能在农业民族中担任领导角色。此外，在许多妇女没有成为村长的情况下，她们仍然拥有相当大的政治权力。例如，在易洛魁人村庄，当选出的男人们围坐在一起讨论和决策时，村庄里的老妇人站在他们身后，游说和指导男人。此外，老妇人还任命男性村长担任他们的职位。

Though some of the information about the Iroquois is vaguely correct, the paragraph is blatantly designed to give high school students the impression that most Native American societies tended to be politically matriarchal. Since that is not true, the textbook "covers" itself by the
虽然关于易洛魁人的一些信息大体正确，但这段文字明显是为了让高中生认为大多数美洲原住民社会倾向于政治上的母系社会。由于这不是真的，教科书通过以下方式“掩盖”了这一点
formal disclaimer that "in many cases . . . the women did not become village chiefs." (In how many cases? A small minority? A large majority?) This is patronizing to both Indians and women, and there is no basis for it. There are more than 350 recognized Indian tribes-one can no more generalize about them than one can about "humanity." Here is what Gilbert Sewall of the American Textbook Council says about this passage: "Female-headed households? Bad old history may cede to bad new history. The presentist spin on Indian society found in the American Voices passage is less versed in evidence than aligned to contemporary feminist politics and perspectives."
正式声明“在许多情况下……女性并没有成为村长。”（在多少情况下？少数吗？大多数吗？）这对印度人和女性都是一种居高临下的态度，毫无依据。美国承认的印第安部落超过 350 个——人们不能对他们进行概括，就像无法对“人性”进行概括一样。以下是美国教科书委员会的吉尔伯特·西沃尔对此段落的看法：“女性主导的家庭？糟糕的旧历史可能会让位于糟糕的新历史。在美国声音段落中发现的对印第安社会的现代表述与其说是基于证据，不如说是与当代女性主义政治和观点相一致。”

Social studies texts are full of such "filler feminism"; indeed, in some cases, feminist pressures determine what is excluded even more than they determine what is to be included. In an extensive survey of the new textbooks written under feminist guidelines, New York University psychologist Paul Vitz could find no positive portrayal of romance, marriage, or motherhood.
社会研究文本充满了这样的“填充女权主义”；实际上，在某些情况下，女权主义的压力决定了哪些内容被排除，甚至比它们决定哪些内容被包括还要更多。在对在女权指导下编写的新教科书进行的大规模调查中，纽约大学心理学家保罗·维茨发现没有积极描绘浪漫、婚姻或母爱的内容。

By far the most noticeable ideological position in the readers is a feminist one. . . . To begin with, certain themes just do not occur in these stories and articles. Hardly a story celebrates motherhood or marriage as a positive goal or as a rich and meaningful way of living.
到目前为止，读者中最明显的意识形态立场是女权主义。……首先，某些主题在这些故事和文章中根本没有出现。几乎没有一个故事将母职或婚姻作为积极的目标或丰富而有意义的生活方式来庆祝。

Though great literature, from Tristan and Isolde to Shakespeare to Jane Austen to Louisa May Alcott, is filled with romance and the desire to marry, one finds very little of that in these texts.
尽管伟大的文学作品，从《特里斯坦与伊索尔德》到莎士比亚，再到简·奥斯汀和路易莎·梅·阿尔科特，充满了浪漫和结婚的愿望，但在这些文本中几乎找不到这些内容。

That American students are short on cultural literacy is well known. What is not known is that the transformationists are exacerbating the situation. A 1989 study entitled "What Do Our 17 Year Olds Know?" by Diane Ravitch and Chester Finn determined that more high school students recognized the name of Harriet Tubman ( 83 percent) than Winston Churchill ( 78 percent) or Joseph Stalin ( 53 percent); in fact, more knew about Ms. Tubman than knew that Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation ( 68 percent) or that the Constitution divides powers between the states and the federal government ( 43 percent). Seventyseven percent recognized that women worked in factories during World War II, but fewer could identify the Great Depression ( 75 percent) or find France on a map ( 65 percent) or knew that the Renaissance was characterized by cultural and technological advances ( 39 percent). In the fall of 1992, Dr. Frank Lutz, a fellow at the Harvard University Institute of Politics, surveyed Ivy League students to find out how much history and civics they knew. His survey of 3,119 of our nation's brightest and best-
众所周知，美国学生缺乏文化素养。鲜为人知的是，转型主义者正在加剧这种状况。黛安·拉维奇和切斯特·芬恩在 1989 年进行的一项名为“我们的 17 岁孩子知道什么？”的研究表明，更多的高中生认识哈丽特·塔布曼（83%）的名字，而不是温斯顿·丘吉尔（78%）或约瑟夫·斯大林（53%）；事实上，比知道亚伯拉罕·林肯发布解放宣言（68%）或知道宪法将权力分配给各州和联邦政府（43%）的人更多。77% 的人认识到女性在二战期间在工厂工作，但更少的人能识别出大萧条（75%）或在地图上找到法国（65%），或者知道文艺复兴以文化和技术进步为特征（39%）。 1992 年秋季，哈佛大学政治研究所研究员弗兰克·卢茨博士对常春藤盟校学生进行了调查，以了解他们对历史和公民知识的了解程度。 他对我们国家最聪明、最优秀的学生进行了调查，共计 3119 人——
educated students revealed that three out of four did not know that Thomas Jefferson had authored the opening words of the Declaration of Independence. Most (three out of four) were unable to name four Supreme Court justices, nor could they name the U.S. senators from their home states. More than a third could not name the prime minister of Great Britain. Such consequences are typical and predictable when teachers are distracted from the material they should be teaching by the effort to be ideologically correct.
受过教育的学生表明，四分之三的人不知道托马斯·杰斐逊是《独立宣言》开篇词的作者。大多数人（四分之三）无法说出四位最高法院大法官的名字，也无法说出他们家乡州的美国参议员的名字。超过三分之一的人无法说出英国首相的名字。当老师被努力追求意识形态正确性所分散注意力，而无法教授他们应该教授的材料时，这些后果是典型且可预见的。

The problem of "filler feminism" will get worse. Transformationists are well organized, and their influence is growing apace. Because of transformationist pressures, the law in some states now actually mandates "gender-fair" history. The California State Department of Education has issued guidelines called "Standards for Evaluation of Instructional Materials with Respect to Social Content." According to Education Code section 60040(a) and 60044(a), "Whenever an instructional material presents developments in history or current events, or achievements in art, science, or any other field, the contributions of women and men should be represented in approximately equal number." In effect, this law demands that the historian be more attentive to the demands of "equal representation" than to the historical facts. Needless to say, histories and social studies presented in this "fair" but factually skewed manner constitute an unworthy and dishonest approach to learning.
“填充女权主义”的问题将会加剧。变革主义者组织良好，他们的影响力正在迅速增长。由于变革主义者的压力，某些州的法律现在实际上要求“性别公平”的历史。加利福尼亚州教育部发布了名为“关于社会内容的教学材料评估标准”的指导方针。根据教育法第 60040(a)和 60044(a)条款，“每当教学材料呈现历史或时事发展，或艺术、科学或其他任何领域的成就时，男女的贡献应大致均等。” 实际上，这项法律要求历史学者更加关注“平等代表”的要求，而非历史事实。不用说，以这种“公平”但事实扭曲的方式呈现的历史和社会研究，构成了一种不值得和不诚实的学习方式。

In the history of the high arts the absence of women is deplorable but largely irreparable. Few women in the past were allowed to train and work in the major arts. Because of this, men have wrought most of the works that are commonly recognized as masterpieces. But here, especially, the temptation to redress past wrongs through "reconceptualization" has proved irresistible.
在高雅艺术的历史上，女性的缺席令人惋惜，但基本上无法弥补。过去很少有女性被允许接受主要的艺术训练和工作。正因为如此，男性创作了大多数被公认为杰作的作品。但在这里，尤其是在这里，通过“重新概念化”来纠正过去错误的诱惑证明是不可抗拒的。

The transformationists claim that works of art made by women have been passed over because the standards have always been tilted to favor men. Peggy McIntosh, a director at the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women and a leader in the movement to transform the curriculum, calls for measures to redress the historical wrong that women's art has suffered at the hands of male critics:
变革主义者声称，由女性创作的艺术作品被忽视，因为评判标准始终倾向于男性。佩吉·麦金托什，韦尔斯利学院女性研究中心的主任，以及变革课程运动的领军人物，呼吁采取措施来纠正女性艺术在男性评论家手中遭受的历史不公。

The study of music, art and architecture is transformed if one goes beyond those works that were made for public use, display, or performance and were supported by the aristocratic or institutional patrons. One begins to study quilts, breadloaf shapes, clothing, pots, or songs and dances that people who had no musical literacy or training took for granted.
如果超越那些为公共使用、展示或表演而制作，并得到贵族或机构赞助的作品，对音乐、艺术和建筑的研究就会发生改变。人们开始研究被那些没有音乐素养或训练的人视为理所当然的被子、面包形状、衣服、锅，或歌曲和舞蹈。

Janis Bell, an art historian at Kenyon College, asks the question repeated in thousands of women's studies courses: "But is the traditional rectangle of a canvas any less limiting to the design than the rectangle of the quilt?"