Of the many friends who helped me I single out those who read and criticized the manuscript at various stages: Martin Boer, Robert Costrell, Barbara Ellis, John Ellis, Ronni Gordon, Don Klein, Erika Kors, Evelyn Rich, Gail Savitz, David Stillman, Abigail Thernstrom, and Stephan Thernstrom. 在帮助我的众多朋友中，我特别提到那些在不同阶段阅读并批评手稿的人：马丁·博尔、罗伯特·科斯特雷尔、芭芭拉·埃利斯、约翰·埃利斯、罗尼·戈登、唐·克莱因、埃里卡·科尔斯、埃弗林·里奇、盖尔·萨维茨、大卫·斯蒂尔曼、阿比盖尔·瑟恩斯特龙和斯特凡·瑟恩斯特龙。
I am grateful to Dawn Baker, an undergraduate at Boston University, Peter Welsh, a political science graduate student at Boston College, and Alex Stillman, an undergraduate at Johns Hopkins. They checked facts and looked for primary sources, which were more often than not difficult to trace. Special thanks also to Hilary Olsen for her many hours of proofreading, editing, and retyping. 我感谢波士顿大学的本科生 Dawn Baker、波士顿学院的政治学研究生 Peter Welsh，以及约翰霍普金斯大学的本科生 Alex Stillman。他们核实事实并寻找初级来源，这些来源常常难以追踪。特别感谢 Hilary Olsen 为她的多小时校对、编辑和重新打字付出的努力。
I am obliged to Lynn Chu and Glen Hartley for having urged me to undertake this book. My editor, Rebecca Saletan, has been superb throughout the two years I took in writing it. Denise Roy and Jay Schweitzer ably shepherded the book through the editorial and production processes. 我必须感谢林茱和格伦·哈特利，他们鼓励我写这本书。在我撰写这本书的两年中，我的编辑丽贝卡·萨莱坦表现得非常出色。丹尼斯·罗伊和杰伊·施维策则出色地引导这本书完成编辑和制作过程。
Louise Hoff, my sister, traveled with me to many feminist conferences, into the very dens of the lionesses, providing much needed moral support. Our mother, Dolores Hoff, has shown us both that being a feminist has nothing to do with resenting men. 我的姐姐路易丝·霍夫陪我参加了许多女权主义会议，深入狮群的巢穴，提供了急需的道德支持。我们的母亲多洛雷斯·霍夫向我们俩证明，女权主义与怨恨男人无关。
It is easy enough to get grants for feminist research aimed at showing how women are being shortchanged and "silenced" by the male establishment. It is not so easy to receive grants for a study that criticizes the feminist establishment for its errors and excesses. The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the Carthage Foundation, and the John M. Olin Foundation believed that what I had to say was important, and I thank them for their gracious and generous support for this project. I could not have written this book without their aid and cooperation, nor without the support of Clark University, which allowed me a two-year leave and awarded me a Mellon Faculty Development Grant and a Higgins Research Grant. 获得资助来进行旨在揭示女性如何被男性体制短缺和“沉默”的女性主义研究，这很容易。但要获得资助来进行一项批判女性主义体制的错误和过度的研究，则并非易事。林德和哈里·布拉德利基金会、迦太基基金会和约翰·M·奥林基金会认为我所说的话很重要，我感谢他们对这个项目的慷慨和慷慨支持。没有他们的帮助和合作，以及克拉克大学的支持，我无法写成这本书。克拉克大学给了我两年的休假，并授予我梅隆教师发展奖和希金斯研究奖。
Numerous others-too numerous to identify here-supported me morally and intellectually. They know well who they are and know as well how thankful I am. I apologize for not acknowledging them by name. 许多其他人——太多以至于无法在此一一列举——在精神上和智力上支持我。他们很清楚自己的身份，也知道我有多么感谢他们。对于没有一一提及他们的姓名，我表示歉意。
A great deal of what is valuable and right about Who Stole Feminism? is due to the wisdom, encouragement, and unfailing assistance of my husband, Fred Sommers. My views on feminism are controversial, and when those who do not take well to criticism react by maligning me rather than my argument, Fred helps me stay calm and clear. 关于《谁盗了女权主义？》的许多宝贵和正确之处，归功于我丈夫弗雷德·萨默斯的智慧、鼓励和持续的支持。我的女权主义观点颇具争议，当那些不善于接受批评的人选择抹黑我而不是我的观点时，弗雷德帮助我保持冷静和清晰。
I am grateful to my stepson, Tamler Sommers, whose twenty-threeyear-old perspective saved me more than once from what he assured me were misguided efforts at humor. 我感谢我的继子，坦勒·萨默斯，他 23 岁的视角多次救了我，他向我保证，我那些努力想幽默的尝试是错误的。
This book is dedicated to Fred, to Tamler, and to my nine-year-old son, David Sommers, who is, I suspect, delighted to see the last of its writing. 本书献给弗雷德、塔姆勒，以及我的九岁儿子大卫·索默斯，我怀疑他很高兴看到这本书的写作终于结束。
A Bureaucracy of One's Own ..... 118 一个人自己的官僚机构……118
The Self-Esteem Study ..... 137 自尊心研究 ..... 137
The Wellesley Report: A Gender at Risk ..... 157 韦尔斯利报告：一个处于风险中的性别……157
Noble Lies ..... 188 高尚的谎言 ..... 188
Rape Research ..... 209 强奸研究 ..... 209
The Backlash Myth ..... 227 反弹神话..... 227
The Gender Wardens ..... 255 性别监察员……255
Notes ..... 276 笔记 ..... 276
Index ..... 307 索引 ..... 307
Preface 前言
ea.
In Revolution from Within, Gloria Steinem informs her readers that "in this country alone . . . about 150,000 females die of anorexia each year." That is more than three times the annual number of fatalities from car accidents for the total population. Steinem refers readers to another feminist best-seller, Naomi Wolf's The Beauty Myth. And in Ms. Wolfs book one again finds the statistic, along with the author's outrage. "How," she asks, "would America react to the mass self-immolation by hunger of its favorite sons?" Although "nothing justifies comparison with the Holocaust," she cannot refrain from making one anyway. "When confronted with a vast number of emaciated bodies starved not by nature but by men, one must notice a certain resemblance." 在《从内部革命》中，格洛丽亚·斯泰纳姆告诉她的读者，“仅在美国……每年就有大约 15 万女性死于厌食症。” 这比全国范围内汽车事故造成的死亡人数的三倍还要多。斯泰纳姆将读者引导到另一本女权主义畅销书，娜奥米·沃尔夫的《美丽神话》。而在沃尔夫女士的书中，人们再次发现了这个数据，以及作者的愤怒。“美国，”她问道，“会如何应对其最心爱的儿子们因饥饿而集体自焚？” 尽管“没有任何理由可以与大屠杀相提并论”，但她还是忍不住做出了比较。“当面对大量因饥饿而消瘦的尸体，这些尸体不是因自然而是因男人而饿死时，人们必须注意到某种相似之处。”
Where did Ms. Wolf get her figures? Her source is Fasting Girls: The Emergence of Anorexia Nervosa as a Modern Disease by Joan Brumberg, a historian and former director of women's studies at Cornell University. Brumberg, too, is fully aware of the political significance of the startling statistic. She points out that the women who study eating problems "seek 沃尔夫女士从哪里获得她的数据？她的来源是《禁食女孩：厌食症作为现代疾病的出现》 ，作者是琼·布伦伯格，她是康奈尔大学的历史学家和前妇女研究主任。布伦伯格也充分意识到这个惊人统计数据的政治意义。她指出，研究饮食问题的女性“寻求
to demonstrate that these disorders are an inevitable consequence of a misogynistic society that demeans women . . by objectifying their bodies." Professor Brumberg, in turn, attributes the figure to the American Anorexia and Bulimia Association. 这些疾病是贬低女性、物化她们身体的厌女社会不可避免的结果。 布伦伯格教授反过来将这个数字归因于美国厌食症和贪食症协会。
I called the American Anorexia and Bulimia Association and spoke to Dr. Diane Mickley, its president. "We were misquoted," she said. In a 1985 newsletter the association had referred to 150,000 to 200,000 sufferers (not fatalities) of anorexia nervosa. 我给美国厌食症和贪食症协会打了电话，并与该协会主席黛安·米克利博士进行了交谈。“我们被误引用了，”她说。在 1985 年的一份新闻通讯中，该协会提到了 15 万至 20 万名厌食症患者（而不是死亡人数）。
What is the correct morbidity rate? Most experts are reluctant to give exact figures. One clinician told me that of 1,400 patients she had treated in ten years, four had died-all through suicide. The National Center for Health Statistics reported 101 deaths from anorexia nervosa in 1983 and 67 deaths in 1988. Thomas Dunn of the Division of Vital Statistics at the National Center for Health Statistics reports that in 1991 there were 54 deaths from anorexia nervosa and no deaths from bulimia. The deaths of these young women are a tragedy, certainly, but in a country of one hundred million adult females, such numbers are hardly evidence of a "holocaust." 什么是正确的发病率？大多数专家不愿给出确切的数字。一位临床医生告诉我，在她十年治疗的 1400 名患者中，有 4 人死亡——都是自杀。国家卫生统计中心报告称，1983 年有 101 人死于厌食症，1988 年有 67 人死亡。 国家卫生统计中心人口统计司的托马斯·邓恩报告称，1991 年有 54 人死于厌食症，而没有因贪食症死亡。这些年轻女性的死亡无疑是一场悲剧，但在一个拥有 1 亿成年女性的国家，这样的数字 hardly evidence of a "holocaust."
Yet now the false figure, supporting the view that our "sexist society" demeans women by objectifying their bodies, is widely accepted as true. Ann Landers repeated it in her syndicated column in April 1992: "Every year, 150,000 American women die from complications associated with anorexia and bulimia." 然而，现在这种错误的说法，即支持我们“性别歧视的社会”通过物化女性的身体来贬低女性的说法，已被广泛接受为真。安·兰德斯在 1992 年 4 月的专栏文章中重复了这一说法：“每年，有 150,000 名美国女性死于与厌食症和贪食症相关的并发症。”
I sent Naomi Wolf a letter pointing out that Dr. Mickley had said she was mistaken. Wolf sent me word on February 3, 1993, that she intends to revise her figures on anorexia in a later edition of The Beauty Myth. Will she actually state that the correct figure is less than one hundred per year? And will she correct the implications she drew from the false report? For example, will she revise her thesis that masses of young women are being "starved not by nature but by men" and her declaration that "women must claim anorexia as political damage done to us by a social order that considers our destruction insignificant . . . as Jews identify the death camps"? 我给娜奥米·沃尔夫写了一封信，指出米克利博士说她错了。沃尔夫在 1993 年 2 月 3 日告诉我，她打算在《美丽神话》的后续版本中修改她关于厌食症的数字。 她真的会说明正确数字每年不到一百吗？她会纠正她从错误报告中得出的结论吗？例如，她会修改她关于大量年轻女性“不是被自然而是被男性饿死”的论点，以及她宣称“女性必须将厌食症视为社会秩序对我们造成的政治伤害，这种社会秩序认为我们的毁灭无关紧要……就像犹太人认定集中营一样”吗？
Will Ms. Steinem advise her readers of the egregious statistical error? Will Ms. Landers? Will it even matter? By now, the 150,000 figure has made it into college textbooks. A recent women's studies text, aptly titled The Knowledge Explosion, contains the erroneous figure in its preface. 施泰因女士会向她的读者指出这个严重的统计错误吗？兰德斯女士会吗？这甚至重要吗？到目前为止，这个 15 万的数字已经出现在大学教科书中。一本最近的女性研究教科书，恰如其分地命名为《知识爆炸》，在其前言中包含了这个错误的数字。
The anorexia "crisis" is only one sample of the kind of provocative but inaccurate information being purveyed by women about "women's issues" these days. On November 4, 1992, Deborah Louis, president of the National Women's Studies Association, sent a message to the Women's Stud- 厌食症“危机”只是如今女性关于“女性问题”散布的具有挑衅性但又不准确的信息的一个例子。1992 年 11 月 4 日，全国妇女研究协会主席黛博拉·路易斯给妇女研究协会发了一封信，信中写道：
ies Electronic Bulletin Board: "According to [the] last March of Dimes report, domestic violence (vs. pregnant women) is now responsible for more birth defects than all other causes combined. Personally [this] strikes me as the most disgusting piece of data I've seen in a long while." This was, indeed, unsettling news. But it seemed implausible. I asked my neighbor, a pediatric neurologist at Boston's Children's Hospital, about the report. He told me that although severe battery may occasionally cause miscarriage, he had never heard of battery as a significant cause of birth defects. Yet on February 23, 1993, Patricia Ireland, president of the National Organization of Women, made a similar claim during a PBS interview with Charlie Rose: "Battery of pregnant women is the number one cause of birth defects in this country." 根据去年三月份的《缺陷报告》，家庭暴力（与孕妇相关）现在造成的出生缺陷比所有其他原因加起来还要多。对我个人而言，这数据在很长一段时间内都让我感到非常恶心。这的确是个令人不安的消息。但这似乎不太可信。我问了我的邻居，他是波士顿儿童医院的儿科神经科医生，关于这个报告。他告诉我，虽然严重的殴打偶尔可能导致流产，但他从没听说过殴打是出生缺陷的重要原因。然而，在 1993 年 2 月 23 日，国家妇女组织主席帕特里夏·爱尔兰在与查理·罗斯的 PBS 采访中做出了类似的断言：“对孕妇的殴打是这个国家出生缺陷的头号原因。”
I called the March of Dimes to get a copy of the report. Maureen Corry, director of the March's Education and Health Promotion Program, denied any knowledge of it. "We have never seen this research before," she said. 我打电话给“三月捐助”组织，想要获取这份报告的副本。该组织的教育与健康促进项目主管莫琳·科里否认对此有任何了解。她说：“我们以前从未见过这项研究。”
I did a search and found that—study or no study—journalists around the country were citing it. 我搜索了一下，发现全国各地的记者都在引用它，无论他们是否学习过。
Domestic violence is the leading cause of birth defects, more than all other medical causes combined, according to a March of Dimes study. (Boston Globe, September 2, 1991) 根据美国“三月捐赠”组织的一项研究，家庭暴力是导致出生缺陷的主要原因，超过所有其他医疗原因的总和。（波士顿环球报，1991 年 9 月 2 日）
Especially grotesque is the brutality reserved for pregnant women: the March of Dimes has concluded that the battering of women during pregnancy causes more birth defects than all the diseases put together for which children are usually immunized. (Time magazine, January 18,1993 ) 尤其荒诞的是，针对孕妇的残酷行为：三月的财团得出结论，孕期对女性的殴打造成的出生缺陷比通常为儿童接种的所有疾病加起来还要多。(《时代》杂志，1993 年 1 月 18 日)
The March of Dimes has concluded that the battering of women during pregnancy causes more birth defects than all the diseases put together for which children are usually immunized. (Dallas Morning News, February 7, 1993) 美好的时光基金会已经得出结论，孕期对女性的殴打造成的出生缺陷比孩子通常接种疫苗的所有疾病加起来还要多。（达拉斯晨报，1993 年 2 月 7 日）
The March of Dimes says battering during pregnancy causes more birth defects than all diseases for which children are immunized. 怀孕期间的殴打比所有儿童接种疫苗的疾病造成的出生缺陷还要多，三月基金会表示。
(Arizona Republic, March 21, 1993) (亚利桑那共和报，1993 年 3 月 21 日)
The March of Dimes estimates that domestic violence is the largest single cause of birth defects. (Chicago Tribune, April 18, 1993) 美国孕期健康组织估计，家庭暴力是出生缺陷的最大单一原因。(芝加哥论坛报，1993 年 4 月 18 日)
I called the March of Dimes again. Andrea Ziltzer of their media relations department told me that the rumor was spinning out of control. Gover- 我又给美国早产儿基金会打了电话。他们的媒体关系部门的安德烈娅·齐尔策告诉我，谣言正在失控。政府-
nors' offices, state health departments, and Washington politicians had flooded the office with phone calls. Even the office of Senator Edward Kennedy had requested a copy of the "report." The March of Dimes had asked Time for a retraction. For some reason, Time was stalling. nors'办公室、州卫生部门和华盛顿政客们纷纷向办公室打电话。连爱德华·肯尼迪参议员的办公室也要求了一份“报告”的副本。三月资金委员会曾要求《时代》杂志撤回报道。不知为何，《时代》杂志在拖延。
When I finally reached Jeanne McDowell, who had written the Time article, the first thing she said was "That was an error." She sounded genuinely sorry and embarrassed. She explained that she is always careful about checking sources, but this time, for some reason, she had not. Time was supposed to have printed a retraction in the letters column, but because of a mixup, it had failed to do so. Time has since called the March of Dimes' media relations department to apologize. An official retraction finally appeared in the magazine on December 6, 1993, under the heading "Inaccurate Information." 12 当我终于联系到写那篇《时代》杂志文章的珍妮·麦克道威尔时，她第一句话就是“那是个错误”。她听起来真的很抱歉，也很尴尬。她解释说她一直很注意核实消息来源，但这次，出于某种原因，她没有。时代杂志本应该在读者来信栏目发表更正声明，但由于混淆，它没有做到。时代杂志后来致电美国“三月捐赠”组织的媒体关系部门道歉。1993 年 12 月 6 日，一篇正式的更正声明终于在该杂志上以“不准确的信息”为标题刊登。12
I asked Ms. McDowell about her source. She had relied on information given her by the San Francisco Family Violence Prevention Fund, which in turn had obtained it from Sarah Buel, a founder of the domestic violence advocacy project at Harvard Law School who now heads a domestic abuse project in Massachusetts. Ms. Buel had obtained it from Caroline Whitehead, a maternal nurse and child care specialist in Raleigh, North Carolina. I called Ms. Whitehead. 我问麦克道威尔女士关于她的消息来源。她依赖旧金山家庭暴力预防基金提供给她的信息，该基金又从哈佛法学院家庭暴力倡导项目的创始人莎拉·布埃尔那里获得了信息，莎拉·布埃尔现在领导着马萨诸塞州的一个家庭虐待项目。 布埃尔女士从北卡罗来纳州罗利市的产科护士和儿童保育专家卡罗琳·怀特黑德那里获得了信息。我给怀特黑德女士打了电话。
"It blows my mind. It is not true," she said. The whole mixup began, she explained, when she introduced Sarah Buel as a speaker at a 1989 conference for nurses and social workers. In presenting her, Ms. Whitehead mentioned that according to some March of Dimes research she had seen, more women are screened for birth defects than are ever screened for domestic battery. "In other words, what I said was, 'We screen for battery far less than we screen for birth defects.'" Ms. Whitehead had said nothing at all about battery causing birth defects. "Sarah misunderstood me," she said. Buel went on to put the erroneous information into an unpublished manuscript, which was then circulated among family violence professionals. They saw no reason to doubt its authority and repeated the claim to others. “这让我感到震惊，这不是真的，”她说。她解释说，整件误会的开始是她在 1989 年为护士和社会工作者举办的会议上介绍萨拉·比尔作为演讲者时。在介绍她时，怀特黑德女士提到，根据她看到的一些白求恩基金会的研究，接受出生缺陷筛查的女性比接受家庭暴力筛查的女性要多。“换句话说，我所说的是，‘我们对家庭暴力的筛查远远少于对出生缺陷的筛查。’”怀特黑德女士并没有提到家庭暴力会导致出生缺陷。“萨拉误解了我，”她说。比尔后来把这一错误信息放入了一个未发表的手稿中，该手稿随后在家庭暴力专业人士中流传。他们并没有看到怀疑其权威性的理由，并将这一说法传递给了其他人。
I called Sarah Buel and told her that it seemed she had misheard Ms. Whitehead. She was surprised. "Oh, I must have misunderstood her. I'll have to give her a call. She is my source." She thanked me for having informed her of the error, pointing out that she had been about to repeat it yet again in a new article she was writing. 我给莎拉·比尔打了电话，告诉她似乎她听错了怀特黑德女士。她很惊讶。“哦，我一定是误解了她。我得给她打个电话。她是我的来源。”她感谢我告诉她这个错误，并指出她本来要在她正在写的新文章中再次重复这个错误。
Why was everybody so credulous? Battery responsible for more birth defects than all other causes combined? More than genetic disorders such as spina bifida, Down syndrome, Tay-Sachs, sickle-cell anemia? More than congenital heart disorders? More than alcohol, crack, or AIDS- 为什么大家都这么轻信？电池导致的出生缺陷比所有其他原因加起来还多？比脊柱分裂、唐氏综合症、泰萨克斯病、镰形细胞贫血等遗传疾病还多？比先天性心脏病还多？比酒精、可卡因或艾滋病还多？
more than all these things combined? Where were the fact-checkers, the editors, the skeptical journalists? 比起所有这些东西的总和更加重要的是什么？事实核查者、编辑和持怀疑态度的记者们在哪里？
Unfortunately, the anorexia statistic and the March of Dimes "study" are typical of the quality of information we are getting on many women's issues from feminist researchers, women's advocates, and journalists. More often than not, a closer look at the supporting evidence-the studies and statistics on eating disorders, domestic battery, rape, sexual harassment, bias against girls in school, wage differentials, or the demise of the nuclear family-will raise grave questions about credibility, not to speak of objectivity. 不幸的是，厌食症统计数据和“三月捐赠”的“研究”反映了我们从女权主义研究人员、女性权益倡导者和记者那里获得的关于许多女性问题的资讯质量。更常见的是，仔细查看支持证据——关于饮食失调、家庭暴力、强奸、性骚扰、学校对女孩的偏见、工资差异或核心家庭衰落的调查和统计数据——会对可信度提出严重质疑，更不用说客观性了。
When they engage in exaggeration, oversimplification, and obfuscation, the feminist researchers may be no different from such other advocacy groups as the National Rifle Association or the tobacco industry. But when the NRA does a "study that shows ...," or the tobacco industry finds "data that suggest . . .," journalists are on their guard. They check sources and seek dissenting opinions. 当她们进行夸大、过度简化和模糊化时，女权主义研究者可能与国家步枪协会或 tobacco 产业等其他倡导团体没有区别。但是，当国家步枪协会做出“研究显示……”或烟草行业发现“数据显示……”时，记者们会警惕。他们会核实来源并寻求反对意见。
In January 1993 newspapers and television networks reported an alarming finding: incidence of domestic battery tended to rise by 40 percent on Super Bowl Sunday. NBC, which was broadcasting the game that year, made special pleas to men to stay calm. Feminists called for emergency preparations in anticipation of the expected increase in violence on January 31. They also used the occasion to drive home the message that maleness and violence against women are synonymous. Nancy Isaac, a Harvard School of Public Health research associate who specializes in domestic violence, told the Boston Globe: "It's a day for men to revel in their maleness and unfortunately, for a lot of men that includes being violent toward women if they want to be." 15 1993 年 1 月，报纸和电视网络报道了一项令人担忧的发现：家庭暴力的发生率在超级碗星期天往往上升 40%。当年转播比赛的 NBC 特别呼吁男性保持冷静。女权主义者呼吁采取紧急措施，以应对预期在 1 月 31 日暴力事件的增加。他们还借此机会强调男性气概与对女性的暴力是同义的。哈佛公共卫生学院的家庭暴力研究助理南希·艾萨克告诉《波士顿环球报》：“这一天是男性沉醉于他们的男性气概的日子，不幸的是，对于许多男性来说，这包括对女性施暴，如果他们想的话。”
Journalists across the country accepted the 40 percent figure at face value and duly reported the bleak tidings. The sole exception was Ken Ringle, a reporter at the Washington Post, who decided to check on the sources. As we shall see later in this book, he quickly found that the story had no basis in fact. It turns out that Super Bowl Sunday is in no way different from other days in the amount of domestic violence. Though Ringle exposed the rumor, it had done its work: millions of American women who heard about it are completely unaware that it is not true. What they do "know" is that American males, especially the sports fans among them, are a dangerous and violent species. 全国的记者们对 40%的数字信以为真，并如实报道了这一悲惨的消息。唯一的例外是《华盛顿邮报》的记者肯·林格，他决定核实消息来源。正如我们稍后在本书中所看到的，他很快发现这个故事毫无事实依据。结果表明，超级碗星期日与其他日子在家庭暴力的发生数量上没有任何不同。尽管林格揭穿了这个谣言，但它的影响已经产生：数百万听说过这个谣言的美国女性完全 unaware 这并不真实。她们所“知道”的是，美国男性，尤其是其中的体育迷，是一种危险和暴力的物种。
To the question "Why is everyone so credulous?" we must add another: "Why are certain feminists so eager to put men in a bad light?" I shall try to answer both these questions and to show how the implications affect us all. 对于“为什么每个人都如此轻信？”这个问题，我们还必须提出另一个问题：“为什么某些女性主义者如此渴望让男性处于不利地位？”我将尝试回答这两个问题，并展示其含义如何影响我们所有人。
American feminism is currently dominated by a group of women who seek to persuade the public that American women are not the free creatures we think we are. The leaders and theorists of the women's movement believe that our society is best described as a patriarchy, a "male hegemony," a "sex/gender system" in which the dominant gender works to keep women cowering and submissive. The feminists who hold this divisive view of our social and political reality believe we are in a gender war, and they are eager to disseminate stories of atrocity that are designed to alert women to their plight. The "gender feminists" (as I shall call them) believe that all our institutions, from the state to the family to the grade schools, perpetuate male dominance. Believing that women are virtually under siege, gender feminists naturally seek recruits to their side of the gender war. They seek support. They seek vindication. They seek ammunition. 美国女性主义目前由一群女性主导，她们试图说服公众相信美国女性并不是我们认为的自由存在。女性运动的领导者和理论家认为，我们的社会最好被描述为父权制，一个“男性霸权”，一个“性/性别系统”，在这个系统中，主导性别努力让女性感到害怕和顺从。持这种分裂观点的女性主义者相信我们正处于一场性别战争中，她们急于传播旨在提醒女性她们困境的暴行故事。那些我称之为“性别女性主义者”的人认为，我们所有的制度，从国家到家庭再到小学，都延续了男性的主导地位。性别女性主义者相信女性几乎处于围困状态，因此自然寻求招募支持其性别战争的盟友。她们寻求支持。她们寻求证明。她们寻求武器。
Not everyone, including many women who consider themselves feminists, is convinced that contemporary American women live in an oppressive "male hegemony." To confound the skeptics and persuade the undecided, the gender feminists are constantly on the lookout for proof, for the smoking gun, the telling fact that will drive home to the public how profoundly the system is rigged against women. To rally women to their cause, it is not enough to remind us that many brutal and selfish men harm women. They must persuade us that the system itself sanctions male brutality. They must convince us that the oppression of women, sustained from generation to generation, is a structural feature of our society. 并不是所有人，包括许多自认为是女性主义者的女性，都相信当代美国女性生活在压迫性的“男性霸权”之中。为了驳斥怀疑者并说服尚未决定的人，性别女性主义者不断寻找证据，寻找能够清楚表明系统如何深刻地对女性不利的确凿事实。为了动员女性支持她们的事业，仅仅提醒我们许多残酷自私的男性伤害女性是不够的。她们必须说服我们，系统本身在纵容男性的残暴。她们必须让我们相信，代代相传的女性压迫是我们社会的一个结构性特征。
Well-funded, prestigious organizations as well as individuals are engaged in this enterprise. In 1992, for example, the American Association of University Women and the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women announced findings that our schools systematically favor boys and are contributing to a dramatic drop in girls' self-esteem. In another study, the Commonwealth Fund, relying on polls taken by Louis Harris and Associates, spread the news that 37 percent of American women are psychologically abused by their husbands or partners every year and that " 40 percent of women... experience severe depression in a given week." As we shall see, these alarming reports have little more basis in fact than did the Super Bowl hoax. 资金充足、享有声望的组织以及个人参与了这一事业。例如，在 1992 年，美国大学妇女协会和威尔斯利学院女性研究中心宣布的研究结果表明，我们的学校系统性地偏向男孩，并导致女孩自尊心急剧下降。在另一项研究中，英联邦基金依靠路易斯·哈里斯与协会进行的民意调查，传播了 37%的美国女性每年受到丈夫或伴侣的心理虐待，以及“40%的女性……在某一周经历严重抑郁”的消息。 正如我们将看到的，这些令人担忧的报告与超级碗的骗局一样，几乎没有事实基础。
I recently told a friend that I was coming across a lot of mistakes and misleading data in feminist studies. "It's a mess," I said. "Are you sure you want to write about it?" she asked. "The far right will use what you 我最近告诉一个朋友，我在女权主义研究中发现了很多错误和误导性数据。“这太乱了，”我说。“你确定要写这个吗？”她问道。“极右翼会利用你
find to attack all women. It will harm the women who are working in such problem areas as battery and wage discrimination. Why do anything to endanger our fragile gains?" My friend's questions were sobering, and I want to underscore at the outset that I do not mean to confuse the women who work in the trenches to help the victims of true abuse and discrimination with the gender feminists whose falsehoods and exaggerations are muddying the waters of American feminism. These feminist ideologues are helping no one; on the contrary, their divisive and resentful philosophy adds to the woes of our society and hurts legitimate feminism. Not only are women who suffer real abuse not helped by untruths, they are in fact harmed by inaccuracies and exaggerations. 针对所有女性的攻击。它将伤害在电池和工资歧视等问题领域工作的女性。为什么要做任何危害我们脆弱成果的事情呢？”我朋友的问题令人深思，我想在一开始就强调，我并不想将那些在一线帮助真正遭受虐待和歧视的受害者的女性与那些通过虚假和夸大来模糊美国女性主义界限的性别女权主义者混淆。这些女权意识形态者没有帮助任何人；相反，他们的分裂和愤恨哲学加重了我们社会的困境，伤害了合法的女性主义。遭受真正虐待的女性不仅没有从虚假中得到帮助，实际上还受到不准确和夸大的严重伤害。
For example, as Ms. Whitehead noted, more women are screened for birth defects than for battery. She was touching on a terribly important problem. Battery is still not taken seriously enough as a medical problem. Most hospitals have procedures to avoid discharging patients at high risk of suffering a relapse of the condition for which they are being treated. Yet few hospitals have procedures that would put women likely to suffer further abuse in touch with the professional services that could help them avoid it, a real and shocking problem. That battery is the chief cause of birth defects is perhaps more shocking, but it is untrue. The March of Dimes has developed an excellent hospital "Protocol of Care for the Battered Woman." Wouldn't it have been more effective to publicize the problem that Ms. Whitehead had actually talked about and promoted the March of Dimes' solution? True, the alleged findings had great value as gender feminist propaganda. But, being incorrect, they could lead to nothing constructive in the way of alleviating the actual suffering of women. 例如，正如怀特黑德女士指出的，接受出生缺陷筛查的女性比接受电池筛查的女性更多。她触及了一个非常重要的问题。电池仍然没有得到足够的重视，因为它是一个医学问题。大多数医院都有程序来避免在高风险下因其正在接受治疗的疾病复发而将患者出院。然而，很少有医院有程序可以将可能遭受进一步虐待的女性与可以帮助她们避免虐待的专业服务联系起来，这是一个真正令人震惊的问题。电池是出生缺陷的主要原因，这可能更令人震惊，但这是不真实的。美国早产儿基金会制定了一份优秀的医院“虐待妇女护理方案”。宣传怀特黑德女士实际谈论的问题，并推广美国早产儿基金会的解决方案，难道不更有效吗？诚然，这些所谓的发现作为性别女权主义宣传具有很大的价值。但是，由于不正确，它们在减轻女性实际痛苦方面无法带来任何建设性成果。
American women owe an incalculable debt to the classically liberal feminists who came before us and fought long and hard, and ultimately with spectacular success, to gain for women the rights that the men of this country had taken for granted for over two hundred years. Exposing the hypocrisy of the gender feminists will not jeopardize those achievements. Battered women don't need untruths to make their case before a fair-minded public that hates and despises bullies; there is enough tragic truth to go around. 美国女性对那些曾经为我们而长久奋斗的经典自由主义女权主义者们负有难以衡量的债务，最终她们以辉煌的成功为女性赢得了在这个国家被男性理所当然拥有的权利，历时超过两百年。揭露性别女权主义者的虚伪不会危及这些成就。遭受虐待的女性并不需要不实之词来向公正的公众陈述她们的案件，因为公众恨恶并鄙视欺凌者；悲惨的真相已经足够。
With that in mind, I shall evaluate here the views of such feminists as Gloria Steinem, Patricia Ireland, Susan Faludi, Marilyn French, Naomi Wolf, and Catharine MacKinnon and the findings that inform them. I 考虑到这一点，我将在这里评估像格洛丽亚·斯坦姆（Gloria Steinem）、帕特里夏·爱尔兰（Patricia Ireland）、苏珊·法鲁迪（Susan Faludi）、玛丽莲·法 rench（Marilyn French）、娜奥米·沃尔夫（Naomi Wolf）和凯瑟琳·麦金农（Catharine MacKinnon）等女权主义者的观点，以及影响这些观点的研究结果。
shall take a look at the feminist institutions that now control large areas of information about women. I shall take note of overly trusting journalists and the many politicians who are eager to show that they "get it." 我们将看看现在控制着大量女性信息的女权主义机构。我将注意到过于信任的记者和许多渴望表现出“理解”的政客。
Above all, I shall examine the philosophy, the beliefs, and the passions of the feminist theorists and researchers-the ones who do the "studies that show . . " and who provide the movement its intellectual leadership. These articulate, energetic, and determined women are training a generation of young activists. All indications are that the new crop of young feminist ideologues coming out of our nation's colleges are even angrier, more resentful, and more indifferent to the truth than their mentors. 最重要的是，我要检视女权主义理论家和研究人员的哲学、信仰和激情——那些进行“显示……”的研究，并为运动提供思想领导的人。这些口齿伶俐、精力充沛、意志坚定的女性正在培训一代年轻的活动家。所有迹象表明，从我们国家大学涌现的新一代年轻的女权主义意识形态者比他们的导师更愤怒、更怨恨、更漠不关心真相。
The large majority of women, including the majority of college women, are distancing themselves from this anger and resentfulness. Unfortunately, they associate these attitudes with feminism, and so they conclude that they are not really feminists. According to a 1992 Time/CNN poll, although 57 percent of the women responding said they believed there was a need for a strong women's movement, 63 percent said they do not consider themselves feminists. Another poll conducted by R. H. Brushkin reported that only 16 percent of college women "definitely" considered themselves to be feminists. 绝大多数女性，包括大多数大学女性，正在与这种愤怒和怨恨保持距离。不幸的是，她们将这些态度与女权主义联系在一起，因此得出结论她们并不是真正的女权主义者。根据 1992 年《时代》杂志/美国有线新闻网的调查，虽然 57%的女性受访者表示她们认为迫切需要强大的女性运动，但 63%的人表示她们不认为自己是女权主义者。另一项由 R.H. Brushkin 进行的调查报告显示，只有 16%的大学女性“明确”认为自己是女权主义者。
In effect, the gender feminists lack a grass roots constituency. They blame a media "backlash" for the defection of the majority of women. But what happened is clear enough: the gender feminists have stolen "feminism" from a mainstream that had never acknowledged their leadership. 实际上，性别主义者缺乏草根选民基础。他们把大多数女性的背叛归咎于媒体的“反弹”。但发生的事情很清楚：性别主义者从未承认他们领导的主流中窃取了“女权主义”。
The women currently manning-womanning-the feminist ramparts do not take well to criticism. How could they? As they see it, they are dealing with a massive epidemic of male atrocity and a constituency of benighted women who have yet to comprehend the seriousness of their predicament. Hence, male critics must be "sexist" and "reactionary," and female critics "traitors," "collaborators," or "backlashers." This kind of reaction has had a powerful inhibiting effect. It has alienated and silenced women and men alike. 目前在女性主义阵地奋战的女性们对批评反应不佳。她们怎么看得起批评呢？在她们看来，她们正在面对男性暴行的严重流行以及还未能理解自己困境严重性的无知女性群体。因此，男性批评者必须是“性别歧视者”和“反动派”，而女性批评者则是“叛徒”、“合作者”或“反弹者”。这种反应产生了强大的抑制效应，使得女性和男性都感到疏离和沉默。
I have been moved to write this book because I am a feminist who does not like what feminism has become. The new gender feminism is badly in need of scrutiny. Only forthright appraisals can diminish its inordinate and divisive influence. If others join in a frank and honest critique, before long a more representative and less doctrinaire feminism will again pick up the reins. But that is not likely to happen without a fight. 我写这本书的动机，是因为我是一名女权主义者，但我并不喜欢女权主义的现状。新的性别女权主义急需审查。只有坦率的评价才能削弱其过度的和分裂的影响。如果其他人加入坦率和诚实的批评，不久之后，一种更具代表性和更少教条主义的女权主义将再次掌握主导权。但如果没有斗争，这种情况不太可能发生。
Chapter 1 第一章
Women Under Siege 女性被围困
sa.
The New Feminism emphasizes the importance of the "women's point of view," the Old Feminism believes in the primary importance of the human being. 新女性主义强调“女性视角”的重要性，而旧女性主义则相信人类的基本重要性。
—Winifred Holtby, ——温弗里德·霍尔特比，
A surprising number of clever and powerful feminists share the conviction that American women still live in a patriarchy where men collectively keep women down. It is customary for these feminists to assemble to exchange stories and to talk about the "anger issues" that vex them. 令人惊讶的是，许多聪明而有影响力的女性主义者相信，美国女性仍然生活在一个男性集体压制女性的父权制社会中。这些女性主义者通常会聚在一起，交流故事，讨论困扰她们的“愤怒问题”。
One such conference-"Out of the Academy and Into the World with Carolyn Heilbrun"-took place at the Graduate Center of City University of New York in October 1992. The morning sessions were devoted to honoring the feminist scholar and mystery writer Carolyn Heilbrun on the occasion of her voluntary retirement from Columbia University after thirty-two years of tenure. I had just then been reading Marilyn French's The War Against Women, which Ms. Heilbrun touts on the cover as a book that "lays out women's state in this world-and it is a state of siege." 2 其中一场会议“走出学术界，走向世界，凯瑟琳·海尔布伦”于 1992 年 10 月在纽约市立大学研究生中心举行。上午的会议致力于表彰女性主义学者和神秘小说家凯瑟琳·海尔布伦，以庆祝她在哥伦比亚大学工作三十二年后自愿退休。那时我刚刚在阅读玛丽莲·法伦的《对女性的战争》，海尔布伦女士在书封面上推荐这本书，称其为“阐述女性在这个世界上的处境——这是一种围困状态。”
Intelligent women who sincerely believe that American women are in a gender war intrigue me, so a day with Ms. Heilbrun and her admirers promised to be rewarding. I arrived early, but so did an overflow crowd of more than five hundred women. I was lucky to get a seat. 聪明的女性真心相信美国女性正处于性别战争中，这让我很感兴趣，因此与海尔布伦女士及其崇拜者度过的一天一定会很有收获。我早点到了，但有超过五百名女性也提前到场。我很幸运找到一个座位。
Though she had long held a prestigious chair in Columbia's English department, Heilbrun made it clear that she felt beleaguered there. But she had survived. "In life, as in fiction," she told the New York Times, "women who speak out usually end up punished or dead. I'm lucky to escape with my pension and a year of leave." Thirty-two years ago, there were no tenured female professors in Columbia's English department. Now eight of its thirty-two tenured professors are women, and a majority of its junior professors are women. According to the Times, such facts do not impress Heilbrun. "Female doesn't mean feminist," she snapped. 虽然她在哥伦比亚大学英语系担任了长时间的著名职位，但海尔布伦明确表示她在那里的感觉是受到围困的。但她活了下来。她在《纽约时报》中说：“在生活中，就像在小说中，发声的女性通常会被惩罚或死去。我很幸运能带着我的养老金和一年的假期逃脱。”三十二年前，哥伦比亚大学英语系没有一位女性终身教授。现在三十二位终身教授中有八位是女性，大多数初级教授也是女性。根据《时报》的报道，这样的事实并没有给海尔布伦留下深刻印象。“女性并不意味着女性主义者，”她冷冷地说道。
As if to underscore that Columbia was intent on slighting her, Professor Heilbrun accused the male and female members of the Columbia English department of deliberately scheduling their own feminist conference on the same day as the conference honoring her. The Chronicle of Higher Education later reported that Ms. Heilbrun was mistaken: the rival conference, "Women at the Turn of the Century: 1890-1910," had been planned many months before this one. 好像为了强调哥伦比亚大学意图轻视她，海尔布伦教授指责哥伦比亚英语系的男女成员故意在同一天安排自己的女权主义会议，以与荣誉她的会议相对抗。《高等教育纪事》后来报道说，海尔布伦女士搞错了：对立的会议“世纪之交的女性：1890-1910”是在几个月前就已经计划好的。
Heilbrun's theme of "siege" set the tone for the rest of the conference. As the Chronicle put it, "If someone as prominent as Ms. Heilbrun could feel so 'isolated and powerless' . . . where did that leave other feminists?" One admirer of Ms. Heilbrun, Professor Pauline Bart of the University of Illinois, spoke of Heilbrun and herself as victims of mass persecution: "Carolyn [Heilbrun] and people like us will survive, from the outside if need be. One of my male students, a Chilean refugee, and his wife just had a baby. They named him Paolo, after me, because his father fought back and was tortured under Pinochet, and he sees me carrying on in that tradition." 海尔布伦的“围 siege”主题为会议的其余部分定下了基调。《编年史》提到：“如果像海尔布伦女士这样的知名人士会感到如此‘孤立和无助’……那么其他女性主义者又该如何呢？”海尔布伦的一位崇拜者，伊利诺伊大学的保琳·巴特教授，将海尔布伦和自己视为大规模迫害的受害者：“卡罗琳（海尔布伦）和我们这样的人会生存下去，如果有必要，我们将从外部生存下去。我的一位男性学生，一个智利难民，他和妻子刚刚有了宝宝。他们以我的名字命名他为保罗，因为他的父亲在皮诺切特统治下反抗并受到了酷刑，他看到我坚持这样的传统。”
Throughout the day, speakers recited tales of outrage and warned of impending male backlash. Sarah Ruddick, a New School for Social Research feminist known for "valorizing" women as the gentle nurturers of our species, paid tribute to Heilbrun's "politicized anger": "Our anger, as Carolyn puts it so well, arouses the patriarchy to disgust." The historian Blanche Wiesen Cook (who had just released a book in which she claimed that Eleanor Roosevelt was really a lesbian) spoke of the vital stake women had in the impending 1992 presidential election: "It is a cross-road that will lead to a Fourth Reich or a real opportunity." 一整天，演讲者们讲述了愤怒的故事，并警告即将到来的男性反弹。萨拉·鲁迪克，一位以“赞扬”女性为我们物种的温柔养育者而闻名的社会研究新学院女权主义者，向海尔布伦的“政治化愤怒”致敬：“正如卡罗琳所说，我们的愤怒激起了父权制的厌恶。” 历史学家布兰奇·维森·库克（她刚刚出版了一本书，声称埃莉诺·罗斯福实际上是同性恋）谈到了女性在即将到来的 1992 年总统大选中所起的至关重要的作用：“这是一个十字路口，将通往第四帝国或一个真正的机会。”
Jane Marcus, of the City University of New York, called the afternoon "Anger Session" to order, introducing herself as "an expert on anger" and thanking Heilbrun for teaching her "to use my rage in my writing." She introduced the other panelists as angry in one way or another: Alice Jardine of Harvard University's French department was "angry and strug- 纽约城市大学的简·马库斯宣布下午的“愤怒会议”，并介绍自己为“愤怒专家”，感谢海尔布伦教她“在写作中运用我的愤怒”。她介绍了其他小组成员，称他们都以不同的方式愤怒：哈佛大学法语系的艾丽斯·贾丁“愤怒而挣扎-
gling." Brenda Silver of Dartmouth had been "struggling and angry since 1972." Catharine Stimpson, former provost at Rutgers and recently selected to head the distinguished MacArthur Fellows Program, was introduced as "an enraged and engaged intellectual." 8 布伦达·西尔弗（Brenda Silver）来自达特茅斯，自 1972 年以来一直在“挣扎和愤怒”。前罗格斯大学教务长凯瑟琳·斯廷普森（Catharine Stimpson）最近被选中担任著名的麦克阿瑟基金会奖学金项目的负责人，被介绍为“一位愤怒且积极参与的知识分子”。
Gloria Steinem took the microphone and explained why she was enraged: "I have become even more angry . . . the alternative is depression." To deal with patriarchal schools, she recommended an "underground system of education," a bartering system in which a midwife could exchange her services "in return for Latin American history." Steinem believes things are so bad for contemporary American women that we might have to consider setting up centers for training political organizers. 格洛丽亚·斯泰纳姆拿起麦克风，解释了她为什么愤怒：“我变得更加愤怒……另一种选择是沮丧。”为了应对父权制的学校，她建议建立一个“地下教育体系”，一个以物易物的系统，其中助产士可以“用拉丁美洲历史交换她的服务”。斯泰纳姆认为，当代美国女性的处境如此糟糕，我们可能不得不考虑建立政治组织者培训中心。
For someone like me, who does not believe that American women are in a state of siege (and so lacks the basis for the kind of anger that drives out depression), the conference was depressing. It was clear that these well-favored women sincerely felt aggrieved. It was equally clear to me that the bitter spirits they were dispensing to the American public were unwholesome and divisive. 对于像我这样不相信美国女性处于围困状态的人（因此缺乏驱散抑郁的愤怒基础），这次会议令人沮丧。显然，这些面貌姣好的女性真诚地感到委屈。同样明显的是，她们向公众传达的苦涩情绪对美国社会不利且具有分裂性。
For whom do these "engaged and enraged" women at the conference speak? Who is their constituency? It might be said that as academics and intellectuals they speak for no one but themselves. But that would be to mistake their mission. They see themselves as the second wave of the feminist movement, as the moral vanguard fighting a war to save women. But do American women need to be saved by anyone? 这些在会议上“充满激情和愤怒”的女性为谁发言？她们的基础支持者是谁？可以说，作为学者和知识分子，她们只为自己发声。但这会误解她们的使命。她们视自己为第二波女性主义运动的一部分，作为道德先锋，奋战以拯救女性。但美国女性真的需要被人拯救吗？
The women at the Heilbrun conference are the New Feminists: articulate, prone to self-dramatization, and chronically offended. Many of the women on the "Anger" panel were tenured professors at prestigious universities. All had fine and expensive educations. Yet, listening to them one would never guess that they live in a country whose women are legally as free as the men and whose institutions of higher learning now have more female than male students. 在海尔布伦会议上的女性是新型女权主义者：善于表达，倾向于自我夸张，并且时常感到被冒犯。在“愤怒”小组中的许多女性都是知名大学的终身教授。她们都接受了优质而昂贵的教育。然而，听她们讲话，完全无法想象她们生活在一个女性在法律上享有与男性同等自由，并且高等教育机构中女学生人数已超过男学生的国家。
It was inevitable that such single-minded and energetic women would find their way into leadership positions. It is unfortunate for American feminism that their ideology and attitude are diverting the women's movement from its true purposes. 这样的专注而充满活力的女性最终进入领导职位是不可避免的。对于美国女性主义来说，她们的意识形态和态度使女性运动偏离了其真正目的，这一点令人遗憾。
The presumption that men are collectively engaged in keeping women down invites feminist bonding in a resentful community. When a Heilbrun or a Steinem advises us that men are not about to relinquish their hegemony, the implicit moral is that women must form self-protective enclaves. In such enclaves women can speak out safely and help one another to recover from the indignities they suffer under patriarchy. In 将男性普遍参与压制女性的假设，促使女性主义在一个充满怨恨的群体中形成联系。当海尔布隆或斯坦姆告诫我们男性并不会放弃他们的霸权时，隐含的道德是女性必须形成自我保护的领域。在这些领域中，女性可以安全地表达自己，并相互帮助，从父权制中恢复所遭受的屈辱。
such enclaves they can think of how to change or provide alternatives to the "androcentric" institutions that have always prevailed in education and the workplace. The message is that women must be "gynocentric," that they must join with and be loyal only to women. 这样的飞地，他们可以考虑如何改变或提供“男性中心”教育和工作场所中一直占主导地位的机构的替代方案。信息是女性必须“女性中心”，她们必须与女性团结并忠诚于女性。
The traditional, classically liberal, humanistic feminism that was initiated more than 150 years ago was very different. It had a specific agenda, demanding for women the same rights before the law that men enjoyed. The suffrage had to be won, and the laws regarding property, marriage, divorce, and child custody had to be made equitable. More recently, abortion rights had to be protected. The old mainstream feminism concentrated on legal reforms. In seeking specific and achievable ends, it did not promote a gynocentric stance; self-segregation of women had no part in an agenda that sought equality and equal access for women. 传统的经典自由主义人文主义 feminism 始于 150 多年前，非常不同。它有一个特定的议程，要求女性享有与男性相同的法律权利。选举权必须赢得，关于财产、婚姻、离婚和抚养权的法律必须变得公平。最近，必须保护堕胎权。旧的主流女性主义专注于法律改革。在追求具体和可实现的目标时，它并没有提倡女性中心主义的立场；女性的自我隔离在寻求平等和女性平等机会的议程中没有任何部分。
Most American women subscribe philosophically to that older "First Wave" kind of feminism whose main goal is equity, especially in politics and education. A First Wave, "mainstream," or "equity" feminist wants for women what she wants for everyone: fair treatment, without discrimination. "We ask no better laws than those you have made for yourselves. We need no other protection than that which your present laws secure to you," said Elizabeth Cady Stanton, perhaps the ablest exponent of equity feminism, addressing the New York State Legislature in The equity agenda may not yet be fully achieved, but by any reasonable measure, equity feminism has turned out to be a great American success story. 大多数美国女性在哲学上认同那种较早的“第一波”女权主义，其主要目标是实现平等，尤其是在政治和教育方面。“第一波”，“主流”或“平权”女权主义者希望女性能够享有与所有人一样的待遇：公正对待，不受歧视。伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿（Elizabeth Cady Stanton），或许是平权女权主义的最有力倡导者，在 ニューヨーク州立法机构发表演讲时说：“我们不要求比你们为自己制定的法律更好的法律。我们需要的保护与现行法律给予你们的保护没有其他不同。”平权议程可能尚未完全实现，但按照任何合理的标准看，平权女权主义已经成为一个伟大的美国成功故事。
Heilbrun, Steinem, and other current feminist notables ride this First Wave for its popularity and its moral authority, but most of them adhere to a new, more radical, "Second Wave" doctrine: that women, even modern American women, are in thrall to "a system of male dominance" variously referred to as "heteropatriarchy" or the sex/gender system. According to one feminist theorist, the sex/gender system is "that complex process whereby bi-sexual infants are transformed into male and female gender personalities, the one destined to command, the other to obey." 10 Sex/gender feminism ("gender feminism" for short) is the prevailing ideology among contemporary feminist philosophers and leaders. But it lacks a grass roots constituency. 海尔布伦、斯坦因和其他当前的女性主义知名人士因其受欢迎程度和道德权威而支持这一第一波女性主义，但他们大多数人坚持一种新的、更加激进的“第二波”理论：即女性，甚至现代美国女性，都被“男性主导的系统”所控制，这一系统被称为“异性父权制”或性别系统。根据一位女性主义理论家的说法，性别系统是“那种复杂的过程，通过它双性别的婴儿被转变为男性和女性的性别个性，一个注定要指挥，另一个则注定要服从。”性别/性别女性主义（简称“性别女性主义”）是当代女性主义哲学家和领袖中的主流意识形态。但它缺乏草根支持。
The New Feminists claim continuity with the likes of the eighteenthcentury feminist Mary Wollstonecraft or later feminists like the Grimké sisters, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Harriet Taylor. But those giants of the women's movement grounded their feminist demands on Enlightenment principles of individual justice. By contrast, the New Feminists have little faith in the Enlightenment principles that influ- 新女权主义者声称与十八世纪女权主义者玛丽·沃伦斯克拉夫特以及后来的女权主义者，如格林基姐妹、伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿、苏珊·安东尼和哈丽特·泰勒，保持连贯性。但这些女性运动的巨头们将她们的女权主义要求建立在启蒙时代个人正义的原则之上。相比之下，新女权主义者对影响——
enced the founders of America's political order and that inspired the great classical feminists to wage their fight for women's rights. 影响了美国政治秩序的创始人和激励伟大的古典女权主义者为妇女权利而战的。
The idea that women are in a gender war originated in the midsixties, when the antiwar and antigovernment mood revivified and redirected the women's movement away from its Enlightenment liberal philosophy to a more radical, antiestablishment philosophy. The decisive battles of the sexual revolution had been won, and students here and on the Continent were reading Herbert Marcuse, Karl Marx, Franz Fanon, and Jean-Paul Sartre and learning how to critique their culture and institutions in heady new ways. They began to see the university, the military, and the government as merely different parts of a defective status quo. 女性处于性别战争中的观念起源于六十年代中期，当时反战和反政府的情绪复苏，并将妇女运动从其启蒙自由主义哲学转向更加激进的反建制哲学。性革命的决定性战役已经取得胜利，这里和欧洲大陆的学生正在阅读赫伯特·马尔库塞、卡尔·马克思、弗朗茨·法农和让-保罗·萨特，并学习以新的方式批判他们的文化和制度。他们开始将大学、军队和政府仅仅视为有缺陷现状的不同组成部分。
Betty Friedan and Germaine Greer would continue to offer women a liberal version of consciousness raising whose aim was to awaken them to new possibilities of individual self-fulfillment. But by the midseventies, faith in liberal solutions to social problems had waned, and the old style of consciousness raising that encouraged women to seek avenues of selffulfillment rapidly gave way to one that initiated women into an appreciation of their subordinate situation in the patriarchy and the joys and comforts of group solidarity. 贝蒂·弗里丹和杰曼·格里尔将继续为女性提供一种自由主义版的意识觉醒，旨在唤醒她们对个人自我实现的新可能性。但到了七十年代中期，对社会问题自由主义解决方案的信任减弱，而鼓励女性寻求自我实现途径的旧式意识觉醒迅速让位于一种让女性认识到她们在父权制下的从属地位以及群体团结的乐趣和安慰的方式。
Having "transcended" the liberalism of Friedan and the fierce individualism of Greer, feminists began to work seriously on getting women to become aware of the political dimension of their lives. Kate Millett's Sexual Politics was critical in moving feminism in this new direction. It taught women that politics was essentially sexual and that even the socalled democracies were male hegemonies: "However muted its present appearance may be, sexual dominion obtains nevertheless as perhaps the most pervasive ideology of our culture and provides its most fundamental concept of power." 超越了弗里丹的自由主义和格里尔的激烈个人主义后，女性主义者开始认真致力于让女性意识到生活的政治维度。凯特·米勒的《性政治》在将女性主义推向这个新方向上发挥了重要作用。它教导女性，政治本质上是性的，甚至所谓的民主制度也充斥着男性霸权：“无论其当前的表现看起来多么微弱，性统治仍然作为我们文化中或许最普遍的意识形态存在，并提供了其最基本的权力概念。”
The New Feminists began to direct their energies toward getting women to join in the common struggle against patriarchy, to view society through the sex/gender prism. When a woman's feminist consciousness is thus "raised," she learns to identify her personal self with her gender. She sees her relations to men in political terms ("the personal is the political"). This "insight" into the nature of male/female relations makes the gender feminist impatient with piecemeal liberal reformist solutions and leads her to strive for a more radical transformation of our society than earlier feminists had envisioned. 新女权主义者开始将精力集中在让女性参与共同抵抗父权制的斗争上，以性别视角看待社会。当女性的女权意识被“唤醒”时，她学会将个人自我与性别认同起来。她从政治的角度看待与男性的关系（“私人与政治相连”）。这种对男女关系本质的“洞察”使得性别女权主义者对零碎的自由主义改革方案感到不耐烦，并促使她努力追求比早期女权主义者设想的更为激进的社会转型。
It is now commonplace for feminist philosophers to reject the Enlightenment ideals of the old feminism. According to the University of Colorado feminist theorist Alison Jaggar, "Radical and socialist feminists 如今，女权哲学家普遍拒绝旧女权主义的启蒙理想。根据科罗拉多大学的女权理论家阿利森·贾格尔的说法，“激进和社会主义女权主义者
have shown that the old ideals of freedom, equality and democracy are insufficient." Iris Young, of the University of Pittsburgh, echoes the contemporary feminist disillusionment with the classically liberal feminism of yesteryear, claiming that "after two centuries of faith . . . the ideal of equality and fraternity" no longer prevails: 已经表明，自由、平等和民主的旧理想已经不足。 匹兹堡大学的艾里斯·杨（Iris Young）呼应了当代女权主义者对往昔古典自由主义女权主义的失望，声称“经过两个世纪的信仰……平等和博爱的理想”不再盛行：
Most feminists of the nineteenth and twentieth century, including feminists of the early second wave, have been humanist feminists. In recent years, a different account of women's oppression has gained influence, however, partly growing from a critique of humanist feminism. Gynocentric feminism defines women's oppression as the devaluation and repression of women's experience by a masculinist culture that exalts violence and individualism. 大多数十九和二十世纪的女权主义者，包括早期第二波女权主义者，都是人本主义女权主义者。然而，近年来，一种不同的女性压迫观念获得了影响，部分来源于对人本主义女权主义的批评。以女性为中心的女权主义将女性的压迫定义为男性文化对女性经验的贬低和压制，这种文化崇尚暴力和个人主义。
The University of Wisconsin philosopher Andrea Nye acknowledges that the liberal agenda had been successful in gaining women legal freedoms, but she insists that this means very little, because "the liberated enfranchised woman might complain that democratic society has only returned her to a more profound subordination." 15 威斯康星大学哲学家安德烈娅·奈承认，自由主义议程在为女性争取法律自由方面取得了成功，但她坚持认为这意义不大，因为“获得解放和权利的女性可能会抱怨，民主社会只是把她重新置于一种更深刻的从属地位”。 15
The loss of faith in classically liberal solutions, coupled with the conviction that women remain besieged and subject to a relentless and vicious male backlash, has turned the movement inward. We hear very little today about how women can join with men on equal terms to contribute to a universal human culture. Instead, feminist ideology has taken a divisive, gynocentric turn, and the emphasis now is on women as a political class whose interests are at odds with the interests of men. Women must be loyal to women, united in principled hostility to the males who seek to hold fast to their patriarchal privileges and powers. 对古典自由主义解决方案的信心丧失，加上女性仍然受到围困，并遭受着无情而恶毒的男性反弹的信念，使这场运动转向了内部。我们今天很少听到关于女性如何与男性平等地合作，为创造一种普遍的人类文化做出贡献。相反，女权主义意识形态采取了分裂的、以女性为中心的转向，现在的重点是女性作为一个政治阶层，其利益与男性的利益相冲突。女性必须忠于女性，团结一致，原则上敌视那些试图坚持其父权特权和权力的男性。
This clash of "old" and "new" feminism is itself nothing new. Here is the British feminist and novelist Winifred Holtby writing in 1926: "The New Feminism emphasizes the importance of the 'women's point of view,' the Old Feminism believes in the primary importance of the human being. . . . Personally I am . . . an Old Feminist." The old feminism has had many exponents, from Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony in the middle of the nineteenth century to Betty Friedan and Germaine Greer in our own day. It demanded that women be allowed to live as freely as men. To most Americans, that was a fair demand. The old feminism was neither defeatist nor gender-divisive, and it is even now the philosophy of the feminist "mainstream." 这种“旧”与“新”女性主义的冲突本身并不新鲜。这里是英国女权主义者和小说家温妮弗雷德·霍尔特比在 1926 年的一段话：“新女性主义强调‘女性视角’的重要性，旧女性主义则认为人的重要性更为首要……就个人而言，我是……一个旧女性主义者。”旧女性主义有许多代表，从十九世纪中叶的伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·安东尼，到我们这个时代的贝蒂·弗里丹和杰尔梅因·格里尔。它要求女性能够像男性一样自由地生活。对大多数美国人而言，这是一项合理的要求。旧女性主义既不悲观也不分性别，至今仍是女性主义“主流”的哲学。
The New Feminists, many of them privileged, all of them legally protected and free, are preoccupied with their own sense of hurt and their 新女权主义者中，许多人身处特权之中，所有人都受到法律保护和自由，但她们却沉迷于自身的伤害感
own feelings of embattlement and "siege." When they speak of their personal plight they use words appropriate to the tragic plight of many American women of a bygone day and of millions of contemporary, truly oppressed women in other countries. But their resentful rhetoric discredits the American women's movement today and seriously distorts its priorities. 他们对自身的困境和“围城”感到困扰。当她们谈论自己的境遇时，使用的词汇适合描述曾经许多美国女性的悲惨境遇，以及当今其他国家数百万真正被压迫女性的境遇。然而，她们充满怨恨的言辞削弱了当今美国女性运动的信誉，并严重扭曲了其优先事项。
Indeed, one of the main hallmarks of the New Feminism is its degree of self-preoccupation. Feminists like Elizabeth Stanton and Susan B. Anthony were keenly aware of themselves as privileged, middle-class, protected women. They understood how inappropriate it would be to equate their struggles with those of less fortunate women, and it never occurred to them to air their personal grievances before the public. 确实，新女性主义的一个主要特征是其自我关注的程度。像伊丽莎白·斯坦顿和苏珊·安东尼这样的女权主义者非常清楚自己是特权的中产阶级受保护女性。她们明白将自己的斗争与不幸女性的斗争等同起来是多么不合适，她们从未想过在公众面前抒发个人的不满。
During the Clarence Thomas-Anita Hill hearings, Catharine MacKinnon, the influential feminist theorist and professor of law at the University of Michigan, seized the opportunity for a "national teach-in" on feminist perspectives. Calling the Senate's treatment of Ms. Hill "a public hanging," she was quick to promote it as an example of how women suffer when other women are mistreated. She was similarly affected by Patricia Bowman's ordeal in the trial of William Kennedy Smith: 在克拉伦斯·托马斯与安妮塔·希尔听证会上，著名女性主义理论家、密歇根大学法学教授凯瑟琳·麦金农抓住了机会进行一次关于女性主义观点的“全国教导”。她将参议院对希尔女士的处理称为“公开绞刑”，迅速将其作为其他女性受到虐待时女性所遭受痛苦的例子。她同样对帕特里夏·博曼在威廉·肯尼迪·史密斯审判中的经历感到受到影响：
Watching the second public hanging of a woman who accused a 观看第二次公开绞刑，其中一名被控的女性
powerful man of sexual violation reflects the way in which sexual 强大的性侵犯者反映了性行为的方式
assault in the United States today resembles lynching in times not 今天在美国的袭击与过去的私刑相似
long past. One is lynched and raped as a member of a socially 很久以前。一个人作为社会的一员被私刑处死和强奸。
subordinated group. Each is an act of torture, a violent sexual hu- 被压迫的群体。每一个都是折磨的行为，一种暴力的性虐待。
miliation ritual in which victims are often killed. When it happens, 灭绝仪式，受害者常常被杀害。发生时，
the target population cringes, withdraws, identifies and disidentifies 目标人群畏缩、退缩、认同和反认同
in terror. 在恐惧中。
Watching the second public hanging of a woman who accused a powerful man of sexual violation reflects the way in which sexual assault in the United States today resembles lynching in times not long past. One is lynched and raped as a member of a socially subordinated group. Each is an act of torture, a violent sexual humiliation ritual in which victims are often killed. When it happens, the target population cringes, withdraws, identifies and disidentifies in terror. 观看第二次公开处决一位指控强大男性性侵犯的女性，反映了今天美国的性侵害与不久前的私刑之间的相似之处。作为社会下层群体的成员，人们遭到私刑和强奸。这都是折磨的行为，是一种暴力性羞辱仪式，受害者常常被杀害。当这种情况发生时，目标人群感到恐惧，退缩，既认同又否认。
That the ordeals of Ms. Hill and Ms. Bowman were comparable to lynchings is debatable. Although the dire effect they had on Ms. MacKinnon and other New Feminists may not be debatable, the alleged ramified effect on all women, the so-called "target population," is. In fact, there is no evidence that most women, including those who believed that the truth lay more with Ms. Hill or Ms. Bowman, felt terrorized or "targeted"; or that they "cringed" or thought of themselves as members of a "socially subordinated group." 希尔女士和鲍曼女士的遭遇与私刑相提并论是有争议的。尽管她们对麦金农女士和其他新女权主义者所产生的严重影响可能无可争议，但对所有女性，即所谓的“目标人群”，所声称的深远影响则存在争议。事实上，没有证据表明大多数女性，包括那些相信事实更多在希尔女士或鲍曼女士一边的女性，感到恐惧或被“针对”；或者她们会“畏缩”或认为自己是“社会从属群体”的成员。
Alice Jardine ("angry and struggling" at the Heilbrun conference) told the Harvard Crimson how she reacted to the report that a crazed misogyn- 爱丽丝·贾尔丁（在海尔布伦会议上“愤怒而挣扎”）告诉哈佛克 rimson，她对那份关于疯狂的厌女症者的报告的反应
ist male had just shot and killed fourteen women students at the University of Montreal: "What I saw in the incident in Montreal was the acting out of what I experience discursively every day of my life and particularly at this institution." Ms. Jardine's claim sets a standard of sisterly empathy that not many can hope to match, but her exquisite sensibility is paradigmatic for the New Feminist. 刚刚在蒙特利尔大学枪杀了十四名女学生的男子说：“我在蒙特利尔事件中看到的是我每天生活中，尤其是在这个机构中，所经历的语言表现的具象化。” Jardine 女士的主张树立了一种姐妹般的共情标准，鲜有能匹配者，但她精致的敏感性为新女权主义者树立了典范。
Popular books advertising motifs of humiliation, subordination, and male backlash bolster the doctrine of a bifurcated society in which women are trapped in the sex/gender system. The feminists who write these books speak of the sex/gender system as a "lens" that reveals the world in a new way, giving them a new perspective on society and making them authorities on what facts to "see," to stress, and to deplore. 流行书籍宣扬羞辱、从属和男性反击的主题，加强了一个二元社会的理论，在这个社会中，女性被困在性别/性别系统中。撰写这些书籍的女性主义者将性别/性别系统称为一种“视角”，可以以新的方式揭示世界，使她们对社会有了新的看法，并使她们成为应当“看到”、强调和谴责的事实的权威。
Virginia Held, a philosophy professor at the City University of New York, reported on the feminist conviction that feminist philosophers are the initiators of an intellectual revolution comparable to those of "Copernicus, Darwin, and Freud." Indeed, as Held points out, "some feminists think the latest revolution will be even more profound." According to Held, the sex/gender system is the controlling insight of this feminist revolution. Ms. Held tells us of the impact that the discovery of the sex/ gender system has had on feminist theory: "Now that the sex/gender system has become visible to us, we can see it everywhere." 弗吉尼亚·赫尔德，纽约城市大学的哲学教授，报告了女权主义者的信念，即女权主义哲学家是与“哥白尼、达尔文和弗洛伊德”相媲美的智力革命的发起者。赫尔德指出，“一些女权主义者认为这场最新的革命将更加深刻。”根据赫尔德的说法，性别/性别系统是这场女权革命的控制性见解。赫尔德女士告诉我们，性别/性别系统的发现对女权主义理论产生了怎样的影响：“现在性别/性别系统已对我们可见，我们可以在各处看到它。”
Indeed, most feminist philosophers are "sex/gender feminists," and most do "see it everywhere." Held describes the "intellectually gripping" effect of the new perspective. I confess I sometimes envy Held and her sister gender feminists for the excitement they experience from seeing the world through the lens of sexual politics. On the other hand, I believe that how these feminist theorists regard American society is more a matter of temperament than a matter of insight into social reality. The belief that American women are living in thrall to men seems to suit some women more than others. I have found that it does not suit me. 事实上，大多数女权主义哲学家都是“性别/性别女权主义者”，大多数人“无处不在”。赫尔德描述了这种新视角的“智力吸引力”。我承认，有时我会嫉妒赫尔德和她的姐妹性别女权主义者，因为她们从性政治的视角看待世界而体验到的兴奋。另一方面，我认为这些女权主义理论家如何看待美国社会，更多的是气质问题，而不是洞察社会现实的问题。认为美国女性生活在男性奴役下的信念，对一些女性来说似乎比其他女性更合适。我发现它不适合我。
Anyone reading contemporary feminist literature will find a genre of writing concerned with personal outrage. Professor Kathryn Allen Rabuzzi of Syracuse University opens her book Motherself by recounting this incident: 任何阅读当代女性主义文学的人都将发现一种关注个人愤怒的写作体裁。雪城大学的凯瑟琳·艾伦·拉布兹教授在她的书《母亲自我》中回忆了这个事件：
As I was walking down a sleazy section of Second Avenue in New 当我走在纽约第二大道一条肮脏的街区时
York City a few years ago, a voice suddenly intruded on my con- 几年前的约克市，一个声音突然打断了我的思绪
sciousness: "Hey Mama, spare change?" The words outraged me. . . 意识：“嘿，妈妈，能给点零钱吗？”这话让我感到愤怒……
Although I had by then been a mother for many years, never till that 虽然我已经做了很多年的母亲，但直到那时
moment had I seen myself as "Mama" in such an impersonal, exter- 我却在这样的无情、外部的情况下看到了自己作为“妈妈”
As I was walking down a sleazy section of Second Avenue in New York City a few years ago, a voice suddenly intruded on my consciousness: "Hey Mama, spare change?" The words outraged me. . . . Although I had by then been a mother for many years, never till that moment had I seen myself as "Mama" in such an impersonal, exter- 几年前，当我在纽约市第二大道的一个肮脏地段走着时，一个声音突然闯入我的意识：“嘿，妈妈，给点零钱吗？”这些话让我感到愤怒……虽然那时我已经做了很多年的母亲，但直到那一刻，我从未以如此冷漠的方式看待自己作为“妈妈”。
nal context. In the man's speaking I beheld myself anew. "I" disappeared, as though turned inside out, and "Mama" took my place. 在他的讲话中，我重新看到了自己。“我”消失了，仿佛被翻转过来，而“妈妈”取代了我的位置。
Ms. Rabuzzi informs us that the panhandler's term caused in her a "shocking dislocation of self." Similarly, University of Illinois feminist theorist Sandra Lee Bartky recounts: 拉布齐女士告诉我们，那个乞丐的用语让她感到“自我严重错位”。同样，伊利诺伊大学女权主义理论家桑德拉·李·巴特基回忆道：
It is a fine spring day, and with an utter lack of self-consciousness, I am bouncing down the street. Suddenly . . . catcalls and whistles fill the air. These noises are clearly sexual in intent and they are meant for me; they come from across the street. I freeze. As Sartre would say, I have been petrified by the gaze of the Other. My face flushes and my motions become stiff and self-conscious. The body which only a moment before I inhabited with such ease now floods my consciousness. I have been made into an object. . . . Blissfully unaware, breasts bouncing, eyes on the birds in the trees, I could have passed by without having been turned to stone. But I must be made to know that I am a "nice piece of ass": I must be made to see myself as they see me. There is an element of compulsion in . . . this being-made-to-be-aware of one's own flesh: like being made to apologize, it is humiliating. . . . What I describe seems less the spontaneous expression of a healthy eroticism than a ritual of subjugation. 这是一个美好的春天，我毫无自觉地在街上蹦跳。突然……猫 calls 和口哨声充满了空气。这些声音显然是出于性意图，目标就是我；它们来自街对面。我僵住了。正如萨特所说，我被他者的目光石化了。我的脸红了，动作变得僵硬而自觉。就在片刻之前我轻松地 inhabiting 的身体，现在涌入我的意识。我被物化了……无意识地，胸部晃动，眼睛盯着树上的鸟，我本可以毫无阻碍地走过去而不被石化。但我必须意识到自己是“一块好肉”：我必须看到自己是他们所看到的那样。在……这种被迫意识到自己肉体的过程中，有一种强迫的元素：就像被迫道歉一样，这是令人羞辱的……我所描述的似乎不太是一种健康的色情的自发表现，而是一种屈从的仪式。
Marilyn French, the author of The War Against Women, finds herself vulnerable in museums: 玛丽琳·弗伦奇，《反女权之战》的作者，发现自己在博物馆中处于脆弱的状态：
Artists appropriate the female body as their subject, their possession ... assaulting female reality and autonomy. . . . Visiting galleries and museums (especially the Pompidou Center in Paris) I feel assaulted by twentieth-century abstract sculpture that resembles exaggerated female body parts, mainly breasts. 艺术家将女性身体作为他们的主题和拥有物...攻击女性的现实和自主权。...参观画廊和博物馆（尤其是巴黎的蓬皮杜中心）时，我感到受到二十世纪抽象雕塑的攻击，这些雕塑类似于夸张的女性身体部位，主要是乳房。
Janet Radcliffe Richards has pointed to some significant similarities between modern feminism and religion. I think she is right, but there is an interesting difference in the public testimony of the adherents. The devout tend to confess their sins. By contrast, the feminist ideologue testifies relentlessly to how she has been sinned against. Moreover, she sees revelations of monstrosity in the most familiar and seemingly innocuous phenomena. Her experience of the world may be compared to that 珍妮特·拉德克利夫·理查兹指出，现代女性主义与宗教之间有一些显著的相似之处。 我认为她是对的，但信奉者的公开见证中存在一个有趣的区别。虔诚者倾向于忏悔自己的罪。相比之下，女性主义意识形态者无情地见证自己如何受到侵犯。此外，她在最熟悉且看似无害的现象中看到了怪异的启示。她对世界的体验可以与之相比。
of the Dutch naturalist Antonin Van Leeuwenhoek when he looked for the first time at a drop of water through the microscope he had invented and saw there a teeming predatory jungle. 荷兰博物学家安东尼·范·列文虎克第一次用他发明的显微镜观察一滴水时，看到那里是一个充满掠食者的丛林。
This, for example, is what Professor Susan McClary, a musicologist at the University of Minnesota, tells us to listen for in Beethoven's Ninth Symphony: "The point of recapitulation in the first movement of the Ninth is one of the most horrifying moments in music, as the carefully prepared cadence is frustrated, damming up energy which finally explodes in the throttling, murderous rage of a rapist incapable of attaining release." McClary also directs us to be alert to themes of male masturbation in the music of Richard Strauss and Gustav Mahler. 例如，这就是明尼苏达大学的音乐学家苏珊·麦克拉里的观点，她告诉我们在贝多芬的第九交响曲中要注意的地方：“第九交响曲第一乐章的再现部是音乐中最令人恐惧的时刻之一，因为精心准备的终止被挫败，能量被阻滞，最终以无法获得释放的强奸犯的窒息、谋杀般的愤怒爆发。”麦克拉里还提醒我们在理查德·施特劳斯和古斯塔夫·马勒的音乐中警惕男性自慰的主题。
The "gender war" requires a constant flow of horror stories showing women that male perfidy and female humiliation are everywhere. The gender feminists who expose these evils for us often argue that what appears innocent to the untrained perception is in fact degrading to women. They highlight the pain this causes to those feminists who are sufficiently aware of what is really going on. “性别战争”需要不断流传的恐怖故事，向女性展示男性的背叛和女性的羞辱无处不在。为我们揭露这些恶行的性别女权主义者常常辩称，对未经训练的感知者而言看似无辜的事物实际上是对女性的贬低。她们强调这种情况对那些足够意识到真实情况的女权主义者造成的痛苦。
Addressing the Scripps College graduating class of 1992, Naomi Wolf told of an incident from her own commencement exercises when she was graduated from Yale eight years before. Dick Cavett, the speaker, had made the experience a "graduation from hell." Cavett, himself a Yale alumnus, had opened his address with an anecdote about his undergraduate days: "When I was an undergraduate . . . the women went to Vassar. At Vassar they had nude photographs taken of the women in gym class to check their posture. One year the photos were stolen, and turned up for sale in New Haven's red light district. . . . The photos found no buyers." According to Ms. Wolf, the moment was devastating. "There we were, silent in our black gowns, our tassels, our brand-new shoes. We dared not break the silence. . . . That afternoon, several hundred men were confirmed in the power of a powerful institution. But many of the women felt the shame of the powerless: the choking silence, the complicity, the helplessness." Never mind that Ms. Wolf was addressing some of the most privileged young women in the country. The remainder of her speech was devoted to giving them suggestions for the "survival kit" they would need in the hostile male world they were about to enter. 在 1992 年斯 cripps 学院的毕业典礼上，娜奥米·沃尔夫讲述了她自己八年前在耶鲁大学毕业典礼上的一个事件。演讲者迪克·卡维特把这个经历称为“地狱般的毕业”。卡维特本人也是耶鲁校友，他在开场时用一个关于自己本科学习时光的轶事引入：“当我还是本科学习时……女孩们去巴萨学院。在巴萨，女生在健身课上拍摄裸体照片，以检查她们的姿势。有一年，这些照片被盗，并出现在纽黑文的红灯区出售……这些照片并没有找到买家。”沃尔夫女士说，那一刻令人痛心。“我们静默地穿着黑袍，带着流苏，脚踏崭新的鞋子。我们不敢打破沉默……那个下午，几百名男性在一个强大机构的权力下得到确认。但许多女性感受到无力的羞耻：窒息的沉默、默许和无助。”无所谓沃尔夫女士所面对的是全国一些最有特权的年轻女性。 她演讲的剩余部分则专门用来给他们提供建议，帮助他们在即将进入的充满敌意的男性世界中获得“生存工具包”。
Is it possible that the Yale women were so stricken by Cavett's tasteless joke? Did the Scripps women really need a survival kit? If these privileged young women are really so fragile, what could Wolfs survival kit do for them anyway? (It seems that Cavett discombobulated Wolf even more than she realized. In a letter to the Times, Cavett pointed out that though Wolf had called him "the speaker" at her commencement, he spoke not 耶鲁大学的女性真的会对卡维特无品味的笑话感到如此震惊吗？斯克里普斯学院的女性真的需要生存工具包吗？如果这些特权年轻女性真的是如此脆弱，那么沃尔夫的生存工具包对她们有什么用呢？（看来卡维特让沃尔夫更加不知所措，甚至超出了她的认识。在给《泰晤士报》的信中，卡维特指出虽然沃尔夫在她的毕业典礼上称呼他为“演讲者”，但他并没有发言。）
at commencement but on Class Day, "a separate, more lighthearted event." ) 在开学典礼上，而是在班级日，“一个单独的、更轻松的活动。” ）
Wolf herself was showing the Scripps graduating class how she survives, but though her methods were different, her general approach was old-fashioned indeed. Earlier in this century, many households still had smelling salts on hand in the event that "delicate" women reacted to displays of male vulgarity by fainting. Today, women of delicacy have a new way to demonstrate their exquisitely fragile sensibilities: by explaining to anyone who will listen how they have been blighted and violated by some male's offensive coarseness. If nothing of a telling nature has recently happened to us, we can tell about how we felt on hearing what happened to others. We faint, "discursively" and publicly, at our humiliations at the hands of men. 狼自己正在向斯克里普斯毕业班展示她是如何生存的，尽管她的方法不同，但她的总体方法确实是老式的。进入本世纪早期，许多家庭仍然备有香味盐，以防“娇嫩”的女性因男性粗俗的表现而晕倒。如今，娇嫩的女性有了一种新的方式来展示她们脆弱的敏感性：向任何愿意倾听的人解释她们是如何被某些男性的冒犯粗俗所摧残和侵犯的。如果最近没有发生什么具有启发性的事情，我们可以讲述当听到别人所经历的事情时的感受。我们在男人的羞辱面前“离散地”并公开地晕倒。
The Hyatt Regency in Austin, Texas, is a pleasant hotel, but not all of the five hundred participants of the 1992 National Women's Studies Association Conference were happy with it. One woman, a professor of women's studies from a well-known southern college, complained to me about the weddings being held there throughout the weekend. "Why have they put us in a setting where that sort of thing is going on?" 德克萨斯州奥斯汀的凯悦酒店是一家舒适的酒店，但参加 1992 年全国妇女研究协会会议的 500 名参与者中，并非所有人都感到满意。一位来自南方知名学院的妇女研究教授向我抱怨整个周末都在那里举行的婚礼。“为什么把我们放在这种地方？”
The conference participants represented a cross section of the New Feminist leadership in all areas of the women's movement. Some head urban women's centers. Others work in the offices of important politicians. Many of the women who attended the conference are in the academy in one capacity or another, either as teachers or as administrators. 与会者代表了妇女运动各个领域的新女性主义领导层的横截面。一些人领导着城市妇女中心。另一些人在重要政治家的办公室工作。许多参加会议的女性以某种身份在学术界工作，无论是作为教师还是管理人员。
Being aggrieved was a conference motif. The keynote speaker, Annette Kolodny, a feminist literary scholar and former dean of the humanities faculty at the University of Arizona, opened the proceedings with a brief history of the "narratives of pain" within the NWSA. She reported that ten years ago, the organization "almost came apart over outcries by our lesbian sisters that we had failed adequately to listen to their many voices." Five years ago, sisters in the Jewish caucus had wept at their own "sense of invisibility." Three years later the Disability caucus threatened to quit, and the following year the women of color walked out. A pernicious bigotry, Kolodny confessed, persisted in the NWSA. "Our litanies of outrage . . . overcame our fragile consensus of shared commitment and the center would no longer hold." 受委屈是会议的主题。主旨演讲者安妮特·科洛德尼，一位女权主义文学学者和亚利桑那大学人文学科的前院长，开场时简要回顾了 NWSA 内“痛苦叙事”的历史。她提到十年前，该组织“几乎因为我们的女同性恋姐妹们的呼声而解体，她们觉得我们未能充分倾听她们的众多声音。”五年前，犹太小组的姐妹们因“无形感”而痛哭。三年后，残疾小组威胁要退出，随后的那一年，有色人种女性走出了会议。科洛德尼坦白道，NWSA 中存在一种有害的偏见。“我们的愤怒圣歌……战胜了我们脆弱的共同承诺共识，中心再也无法维持。”
At past conferences, oppressed women had accused other women of oppressing them. Participants met in groups defined by their grievances and healing needs: Jewish women, Jewish lesbians, Asian-American 在过去的会议上，被压迫的女性指责其他女性压迫她们。参与者按照她们的委屈和治愈需求分成小组：犹太女性、犹太女同性恋者、亚裔美国人。
women, African-American women, old women, disabled women, fat women, women whose sexuality is in transition. None of the groups proved stable. The fat group polarized into gay and straight factions, and the Jewish women discovered they were deeply divided: some accepted being Jewish; others were seeking to recover from it. This year, concern extended to "marginalized" allergy groups. Participants were sent advance notice not to bring perfumes, dry-cleaned clothing, hairspray, or other irritants to the conference out of concern for allergic sisters. Hyperconcern is now the norm: at the first National Lesbian Convention in Atlanta, flash cameras were outlawed-on grounds that they might bring on epileptic fits. 女性，非裔美国女性，老年女性，残疾女性，肥胖女性，性取向正在转变的女性。没有一个群体被证明是稳定的。肥胖群体分化为同性恋和异性恋派别，犹太女性发现她们内部存在严重分歧：一些人接受了犹太人身份；另一些人则试图从这种身份中恢复过来。 今年，人们开始关注“边缘化”的过敏群体。出于对过敏姐妹的考虑，与会者提前收到通知，不要携带香水、干洗过的衣服、发胶或其他刺激性物品参加会议。过度关注现在已经成为常态：在亚特兰大举行的首届全国女同性恋大会上，闪光灯被禁止使用——理由是它们可能会引发癫痫发作。
Eleanor Smeal, the former president of NOW, was scheduled to be the first speaker on the NWSA "empowerment panel," but her plane had been delayed in Memphis. To pass the time, we were introduced to an array of panelists who were touted as being experienced in conflict resolution. One woman was introduced as a member of the Mohawk nation who "facilitates antibias training." Another, an erstwhile dancer, was described as a black lesbian activist who was "doing an amazing, miraculous job on campuses building coalitions." A third, who had training as a holistic health practitioner, headed workshops that "creatively optimize human capacity." 埃莉诺·斯米尔，前国家组织女性（NOW）主席，原定在国家女性研究协会（NWSA）的“赋权小组”中担任首位发言人，但她的航班在孟菲斯延误。为了打发时间，我们认识了一系列被宣传为在冲突解决方面经验丰富的讨论嘉宾。一位女性被介绍为摩霍克部落的成员，她“进行反偏见培训。”另一位曾是一名舞者的女性被描述为一位黑人女同性恋活动家，她“在校园内建立联盟方面做得非常出色，令人惊奇。”第三位接受过整体健康从业者培训的人，则主持着“创造性地优化人类能力”的工作坊。
The moderator told us that "these women have agreed to come to us as a team and work together to help us figure out how we might begin to deal much more effectively . . . with issues of inclusion, empowerment, diversity." To keep our spirits high, we were taught the words to a round, which we dutifully sang: 主持人告诉我们：“这些女性同意作为一个团队来帮助我们一起找出如何更有效地处理……包容、赋权和多样性的问题。”为了保持我们的士气高涨，我们被教唱了一首轮唱，我们认真地唱了：
We have come this far by strength, 我们走到了这一步，靠的是力量
Leaning on each other. 互相依靠
Trusting in each other's words. 相信彼此的话。
We never failed each other yet. 我们从未让彼此失望过。
Singing, oh, oh, oh. Can't turn around. 唱歌，哦，哦，哦。无法转身。
We have come this far by strength. 我们走到这一步是凭借着力量。
We have come this far by strength, Leaning on each other. 我们靠着力量走到今天，互相依靠。
Trusting in each other's words. 彼此信任
We never failed each other yet. 我们从未互相辜负。
Singing, oh, oh, oh. Can't turn around. 唱歌，哦，哦，哦。无法转身。
We have come this far by strength. 我们已经走到这一步，凭借力量。
After several minutes of singing and still no Smeal, panelist Angela (the former dancer) took the mike to tell about "ouch experiences." An "ouch" is when you experience racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, ableism, ageism, or lookism. One of Angela's biggest ouches came after her lesbian support group splintered into two factions, black and white. Tension then developed in her black group between those whose lovers were black and those whose lovers were white. "Those of us in the group who had white 经过几分钟的唱歌，仍然没有 Smeal，评委安吉拉（前舞蹈演员）拿起麦克风讲述了“哎哟经历”。“哎哟”是指你经历种族歧视、性别歧视、阶级歧视、同性恋恐惧症、残疾人歧视、年龄歧视或外貌歧视。安吉拉最大的“哎哟”之一发生在她所在的同性恋支持小组分裂成两个派别，黑人和白人。然后，在她所在的黑色群体中，那些恋人是黑人和那些恋人是白人之间产生了紧张关系。“我们小组中那些有白人
lovers were immediately targeted. . . It turned into a horrible mess. . . . I ended up leaving that group for self-protection." 恋人们立即成为目标……这变成了一场可怕的混乱……我最终为了自我保护离开了那个团体。
A weary Eleanor Smeal finally arrived and was pressed into immediate service. She confided that she was feeling discouraged about the feminist movement. "We need totally new concepts. . . In many ways it's not working. . . It is so depressing. We are leaving . . . the next generation [in a] mess." Smeal's liveliest moment came when she attacked "liberal males on the campus," saying, "they have kept us apart. They have marginalized our programs. We need fighting madness." 疲惫的埃莱诺·斯米尔终于到达，并被立即投入工作。她坦言自己对妇女运动感到沮丧。“我们需要全新的概念……在很多方面这行不通……这让人感到非常沮丧。我们正在把下一代留在一片混乱中。”斯米尔最生动的时刻是当她攻击“校园里的自由男性”时，她说：“他们让我们分开。他们边缘化了我们的项目。我们需要战斗的疯狂。”
Despite the call to arms, Smeal's talk was a downer, and the moderator acted quickly to raise our spirits: "What we want to do now is to dwell for a minute on success. . . . Think about the fact that we have been so successful in transforming the curriculum." It was soon time for another song. 尽管呼吁战斗，斯米尔的讲话却让人沮丧，主持人迅速采取行动提升我们的士气：“我们现在想做的是花一点时间关注成功……想想我们在转变课程方面取得了如此大的成功。”很快又到了唱歌的时间。
We are sisters in a circle. 我们是圈中的姐妹。
We are sisters in a struggle. 我们是奋斗中的姐妹。
Sisters one and all. 姐妹们，大家好。
We are colors of the rainbow, 我们是彩虹的颜色，
Sisters one and all. 姐妹们
We are sisters in a circle. 我们是圈中的姐妹。
We are sisters in a struggle. 我们是斗争中的姐妹。
Sisters one and all. 姐妹们，所有人。
We are colors of the rainbow, Sisters one and all. 我们是彩虹的颜色，姐妹们，皆是如此。
As it happened, I did have a real sister (in the unexciting biological sense) with me at the conference. Louise and I were frankly relieved to have the singing interrupted by a coffee break. Cream was available, but perhaps not for long. The ecofeminist caucus had been pushing to eliminate all meat, fish, eggs, and dairy products at NWSA events. As the break ended, Phyllis, the panelist from the Mohawk nation, came around with two little puppets, a dog and a teddy bear, to inform us, "Teddy and his friend say it's time to go back inside." Louise, who is a psychologist, was beginning to find the conference professionally intriguing. 正巧，我在会议上确实有一个真正的姐妹（在无趣的生物学意义上）。路易丝和我坦率地说，咖啡休息打断了唱歌让我们感到宽慰。提供了奶油，但或许不会持续太久。生态女权主义小组一直在推动在 NWSA 活动中消除所有肉类、鱼类、蛋类和乳制品。休息结束时，来自莫霍克民族的小组讨论者菲利斯带着两个小木偶，一个狗和一个泰迪熊，告诉我们：“泰迪和他的朋友说是时候回到里面了。”作为心理学家的路易丝开始觉得这次会议在专业上引人入胜。
Phyllis, who told us that in addition to her Mohawk ancestry she is French and Irish with traces of Algonquin, asked us to "take a moment to give ourselves a big hug. Let me remind us that the person we're hugging is the most important person we have in our life." She continued: 菲利斯告诉我们，除了莫霍克族血统，她还有法国和爱尔兰血统，以及一些阿冈昆族血统。她让我们“花点时间给自己一个大大的拥抱。让我提醒大家，我们拥抱的人是我们生命中最重要的人。”她接着说：
Let's do it again! Each and every one of you is my relative . . . we 让我们再来一次！你们每一个人都是我的亲人……我们
are interconnected. We are interdependent. And we have respect. 相互关联。我们是相互依存的。我们彼此尊重。
Those are principles. So, what would I need from you in a loving 那些是原则。那么，我需要你什么呢？
relationship, the reminder that I have gotten away from my princi- 关系，提醒我我已经偏离了我的原则
ples here; and to help me get back to my principles. Even if I have 在这里；并帮助我回到我的原则。即使我有
to say "ouch" and hug my puppets-or whatever I have to do. 说“哎哟”然后抱住我的玩偶——或者我必须做的事情。
Let's do it again! Each and every one of you is my relative . . . we are interconnected. We are interdependent. And we have respect. Those are principles. So, what would I need from you in a loving relationship, the reminder that I have gotten away from my principles here; and to help me get back to my principles. Even if I have to say "ouch" and hug my puppets-or whatever I have to do. 再来一次！你们每一个人都是我的亲人……我们是相互联系的。我们是相互依存的。我们互相尊重。这些都是原则。那么，在一段充满爱的关系中，我需要你们提醒我，我在这里偏离了我的原则；帮助我回到我的原则。即使我需要说“哎呀”，拥抱我的玩偶——或者做任何我需要做的事情。
To conclude the empowerment panel session, a "feminist facilitator" led us in a "participatory experience." She told us to turn to our neighbor and tell her what we liked most about the NWSA. 为了结束赋权小组讨论，一位“女权主义主持人”带领我们进行了一次“参与式体验”。她让我们转向我们的邻居，告诉她我们最喜欢 NWSA 的什么。
After the morning session, Louise and I visited the exhibition hall. There, dozens of booths offered women's studies books and paraphernalia. Witchcraft and goddess worship supplies were in aisle one. Adjoining aisles featured handmade jewelry, leather crafts, ponchos, and other peasant apparel. One booth offered videos on do-it-yourself menstrual extractions and home abortions for those who want to avoid "patriarchal medicine." Though weak on scholarship, the conference was strong on workshops and film screenings. We were idly thinking of looking in on one of two movies: Sex and the Sandinistas and We're Talking Vulva. 晨间会议结束后，我和路易斯参观了展览馆。那里有几十个展位提供女性研究书籍和相关用品。巫术和女神崇拜用品在第一过道。相邻的过道则陈列着手工珠宝、皮革工艺、斗篷和其他农民服装。一个展位提供关于 DIY 月经抽取和家庭流产的视频，供那些想避免“父权医学”的人使用。尽管学术性较弱，但会议在工作坊和电影放映方面表现强劲。我们闲思几想，考虑观看两部电影之一：《性与桑迪尼斯塔》和《我们在谈论阴户》。
A feminist philosopher, Paula Rothenberg, spotted me and approached. She knew I was a skeptic. "I am very uncomfortable having you here. I saw you taking notes. We are in the middle of working through our problems. I feel as if you have come into the middle of my dysfunctional family, and you are seeing us at the worst possible moment." 女权主义哲学家宝拉·罗森伯格发现了我和我走近。她知道我是一个怀疑论者。“我对你在这里感到很不舒服。我看到你在做笔记。我们正在努力解决我们的问题。我觉得你闯入了我的问题家庭，而且你看到了我们最糟糕的一面。”
But Professor Rothenberg's "dysfunctional family" has had many such moments. Ouchings and mass therapy are more the norm than the exception. The year before, at a meeting of women's studies program directors, everyone joined hands to form a "healing circle." They also assumed the posture of trees experiencing rootedness and tranquility. Victim testimonials and healing rituals crowd out the reading of academic papers at NWSA conferences. I told Ms. Rothenberg that this was supposed to be an open conference and that I had every right to attend. But I did feel a bit sorry for her. As a philosopher she was trained to think analytically. Now she finds herself in a "dysfunctional family" whose faddish therapies even she must find fatuous. Still, she has her consolations. She is director of the "New Jersey Project: Integrating the Scholarship on Gender," a state-funded educational reform movement to make the New Jersey curriculum more "women-centered." Later that day, she would be boasting to fellow workshoppers about how sympathetic the New Jersey chancellor of education, Edward Goldberg, was to her goals. 但罗森伯格教授的“功能失调的家庭”已经经历过许多这样的时刻。哎哟声和集体治疗比例外情况更为普遍。前一年，在妇女研究项目主任会议上，每个人都手牵着手组成一个“疗愈圈”。他们还摆出树木体验根深蒂固和宁静的姿势。受害者证词和疗愈仪式挤满了 NWSA 会议上的学术论文阅读。我告诉罗森伯格女士，这应该是一个开放的会议，我有权参加。但我确实有点同情她。作为一名哲学家，她接受过分析性思维的训练。现在，她发现自己身处一个“功能失调的家庭”，这个家庭的时尚疗法即使是她也会觉得愚蠢。不过，她也有自己的安慰。她是“新泽西项目：整合性别研究”的主任，这是一个由州政府资助的教育改革运动，旨在使新泽西州的课程更加“以女性为中心”。那天晚些时候，她会向一起参加研讨会的同事吹嘘，新泽西州教育部长爱德华·戈德堡对她目标的同情。
Ms. Rothenberg and the other Austin conferees run the largest growth area in the academy. Though their conferences may be untidy, they are politically astute on their campuses. They have strong influence in key areas, in English departments (especially freshman writing courses), French and Spanish departments, history departments, law schools, and divinity schools. They are disproportionately represented in dean of students' offices, in dormitory administration, in harassment offices, in of- 罗森伯格女士和其他奥斯丁会议的与会者在学术界运营着最大的增长领域。尽管他们的会议可能有些杂乱，但他们在各自的校园中政治上很精明。他们在关键领域具有很强的影响力，包括英语系（特别是大一写作课程）、法语和西班牙语系、历史系、法学院和神学院。他们在学生事务主任办公室、宿舍管理、骚扰办公室等方面的代表性过于明显。
fices of multicultural affairs, and in various counseling centers. They are quietly engaged in hundreds of well-funded projects to transform a curriculum that they regard as unacceptably "androcentric." These consciousness-raisers are driving out the scholars on many campuses. Their moral authority comes from a widespread belief that they represent "women." In fact, their gynocentric version of feminism falls far short of being representative. 他们活跃在多元文化事务办公室和各种咨询中心。他们默默地参与了数百个资金充足的项目，旨在改变他们认为不可接受的“男性中心”课程。这些意识觉醒者正在将许多校园的学者赶走。他们的道德权威来自一种普遍的信念，即他们代表“女性”。事实上，他们以女性为中心的女性主义版本远未达到代表性的程度。
The conference received a warm letter from Governor Ann Richards welcoming us to the great state of Texas. The governor called the assembled feminists "the vanguard of the latest incarnation of the women's movement" and praised them for their crucial leadership role. The NWSA audience broke into thunderous applause as the letter was read aloud. It is, however, unlikely that Governor Richards was aware of the witchcraft booths, the menstrual extraction videos, the teddy bear puppets, or the paranoid exposés of "phallocentric discourse"-let alone the implacable hostility to all exact thinking as "male." 大会收到德克萨斯州州长安·理查兹的一封热情洋溢的信，欢迎我们来到伟大的德克萨斯州。州长称集会的女权主义者为“妇女运动最新形式的先锋”，并赞扬她们在领导中的关键作用。当信件被大声朗读时，NWSA 的观众爆发了雷鸣般的掌声。然而，州长理查兹不太可能知道巫术摊位、月经提取视频、泰迪熊玩偶，或对“男性中心话语”的偏执揭露——更不用说对所有精确思维的“男性”的坚定敌意了。
Many foundations and government agencies are involved in making it financially possible for a lot of resentful and angry women to spread their divisive philosophy and influence. If I had my way, those who make the decisions to support them with generous grants would be required to view the tapes of the meetings they fund, and then asked to hug themselves until they "ouch." 许多基金会和政府机构参与使许多充满怨恨和愤怒的女性能够在经济上得以传播她们的分裂哲学和影响力。如果让我来决定，那些做出支持她们并给予慷慨拨款的决策者将被要求观看他们资助的会议录像，然后被要求拥抱自己，直到感到“痛”。
To understand how the women's movement has changed, we must look back to its beginnings. On July 14, 1848, the following notice appeared in the Seneca County Courier: "A convention to discuss the social, civil, and religious condition and rights of women will be held in the Wesleyan Chapel, at Seneca Falls, N.Y., on Wednesday and Thursday, the 19th and 20th of July current; commencing at 10 o'clock A.m." The unsigned announcement had been drafted by four women meeting in the home of Richard Hunt, a wealthy reformer who had offered to help them organize the convention. Two of the women, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, were to become famous. The tea table on which they wrote the announcement is now on exhibit at the Smithsonian as a relic of the moment when American women began the political struggle to win such elementary rights as the right to divorce without losing property and children and the right to be educated, culminating in the right to vote and the attainment of full legal equality. 要理解女性运动是如何变化的，我们必须回顾它的起源。1848 年 7 月 14 日，塞内卡县邮报上出现了以下通知：“一个会议将讨论女性的社会、民事和宗教状况及权利，将于本月 7 月 19 日和 20 日的星期三和星期四在纽约塞内卡瀑布的卫理公会教堂举行；会议于上午 10 点开始。” 这则无署名的公告是由四位女性在富裕改革者理查德·亨特的家中起草的，他主动提出帮助她们组织此次会议。其中两位女性，露克丽霞·莫特和伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿，将因此成名。她们写下公告的茶几现在作为美国女性开始争取离婚时不失去财产和孩子、接受教育的基本权利，最终获得投票权和全面法律平等的政治斗争的遗物，展出在史密森学会。
The press immediately called them "sour old maids," "childless women," and "divorced wives" and implied that they would be ineffec- 媒体立即称她们为“酸溜溜的老姑婆”、“无子女的女性”和“离婚妻子”，暗示她们会无效……
tual. These criticisms would always be made of feminists. In fact, the organizers of the Seneca Falls convention were exceptionally well-favored, well-adjusted, morally advanced women-and they were making social and political history. As for being old maids, that too was inaccurate. Stanton, the movement's principal organizer and scribe, would have eight children. Nor was there anything sour about them. Referring to the women who participated in the Seneca Falls convention, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony later wrote that "they had not in their own experience endured the coarser forms of tyranny resulting from unjust laws, or association with immoral and unscrupulous men, but they had souls large enough to feel the wrongs of others without being scarified in their own flesh." 这些批评总是针对女权主义者。事实上，塞内卡瀑布会议的组织者们都是非常受欢迎、心理健康、道德先进的女性——她们正在创造社会和政治历史。至于被称为老处女，这一点也不准确。运动的主要组织者和文书斯坦顿将会有八个孩子。她们也没有任何酸葡萄心理。伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·安东尼后来提到，参加塞内卡瀑布会议的女性“在自己的经历中并没有忍受来自不公正法律的粗暴压迫或与不道德和不择手段的男性的交往，但她们的灵魂足够宽广，能够感受到他人的错误，而不必在自己的肉体上受苦。”
The small notice brought more than three hundred women to Seneca Falls. The organizers were not quite certain how to go about putting together a convention, so they "resigned themselves to a faithful perusal of various masculine productions." They reviewed the procedures of temperance and abolitionist conventions to see how they had been managed, and with the help of several sympathetic and experienced men, they went ahead with their history-making program. 这份小小的通知吸引了三百多名女性来到塞内卡瀑布。组织者并不确定如何举办一个大会，所以他们“认命地仔细阅读了各种男性作品”。 他们回顾了禁酒和废奴主义大会的程序，以了解它们是如何管理的，并在一些富有同情心和经验丰富的男性的帮助下，他们继续进行他们的历史性活动。
The convention voted to adopt a "Declaration of Sentiments" written by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who adapted the words of Jefferson's "Declaration of Independence" but specified that the liberties demanded were for women as well as men. It opened thus: 大会投票通过了伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿起草的《权利宣言》。斯坦顿借鉴了杰斐逊的《独立宣言》的措辞，但明确指出，所要求的自由不仅属于男性，也属于女性。宣言的开头是：
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one portion of the family of man to assume among the people of the earth a position different from that which they have hitherto occupied, but one to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes that impel them to such a course. 当人类历史进程中，人类大家庭的一部分有必要在世界人民中承担一个不同于他们迄今为止所处地位的位置，但这个位置是自然法和自然之神赋予他们的权利，那么，对人类意见的尊重要求他们宣布促使他们采取这种行动的原因。
And she went on to speak of the truth we all hold to be self-evident, that "all men and women are created equal." 她继续谈论我们都认为不言而喻的真理，即“所有男人和女人生来平等”。
The organizers presented a list of grievances, detailing injuries that women suffer at the hands of men. Among them: 组织者列出了一份诉求清单，详细说明了女性在男性手中遭受的伤害。其中包括：
He has never permitted her to exercise her inalienable right to the elective franchise. . . . He has compelled her to submit to laws, in the formation of which she had no voice . . . thereby leaving her without representation in the halls of legislation. . . He has made her, if married, in the eye of the law, civilly dead. . . . In the cove- 他从未允许她行使不可剥夺的选举权……他强迫她服从法律，而她在这法律的制定中没有发言权……因此，她在立法机构中没有代表……他使她，如果结婚了，在法律眼中，在民事上死亡……在海湾-
nant of marriage, she is compelled to promise obedience to her husband, he becoming, to all intents and purposes, her masterthe law giving him power to deprive her of her liberty, and to administer chastisement. 在婚姻关系中，她被迫承诺服从她的丈夫，实际上他成为了她的主人，法律赋予他剥夺她自由和施加惩罚的权力。
Seneca Falls focused on specific injustices of the kind that social policy could repair by making the laws equitable. In thinking about that first women's conference, it is helpful to remember the state of the average American woman in the mid-nineteenth century. Consider the story of Hester Vaughan. In 1869, at the age of twenty, she had been deserted by her husband. She found work in a wealthy Philadelphia home where the man of the house seduced her and, when she became pregnant, fired her. In a state of terrible indigence, she gave birth alone in an unheated rented room, collapsing minutes afterward. By the time she was discovered, the baby had died. She was charged with murder. No lawyer represented her at her trial, and she was not permitted to testify. An all-male jury found her guilty, and the judge sentenced her to death. 塞内卡瀑布会议关注的是社会政策能够通过使法律公平来修复的特定不公正现象。在思考第一次女性会议时，回忆一下十九世纪中叶普通美国女性的境况是很有帮助的。考虑一下海斯特·沃恩的故事。1869 年，20 岁的她被丈夫抛弃。她在一户富裕的费城家庭中找到了一份工作，家庭男主人引诱了她，当她怀孕后被解雇。在极度贫困的状态下，她独自在一个没有暖气的租房中分娩，几分钟后便昏倒了。当她被发现时，孩子已经死去。她被控以谋杀罪。在审判中没有律师为她辩护，她也不被允许作证。一个全男性陪审团判定她有罪，法官判处她死刑。
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony learned of her plight and organized a campaign to help her. One protest meeting drew nearly a thousand women. Here is how the historian Elisabeth Griffith describes it: "They demanded a pardon for Vaughan, an end to the double standard of morality, the right of women to serve as jurors, and the admission of women to law schools. . . . According to Stanton, Vaughan's trial by a jury of men . . . illustrated the indignity and injustice of women's legal status." 伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿和苏珊·B·安东尼得知她的困境，组织了一场运动来帮助她。一场抗议会议吸引了近千名女性。历史学家伊丽莎白·格里菲斯这样描述这件事：“她们要求为沃恩赦免，结束道德的双重标准，妇女作为陪审员的权利，以及妇女进入法学院的资格……根据斯坦顿的说法，沃恩被男性陪审团审判……体现了女性法律地位的侮辱和不公。”
Vaughan was pardoned. More crucially, her champions and their successors went on to win for American women in general full equality before the law, including the right to vote, the right to hold property even in marriage, the right to divorce, and the right to equal education. 沃恩获得了赦免。更为重要的是，她的支持者及其继承者为美国女性赢得了全面的法律平等，包括投票权、即便在婚姻中也拥有财产的权利、离婚权和接受平等教育的权利。
The aims of the Seneca Falls activists were clearly stated, finite, and practicable. They would eventually be realized because they were grounded in principles-recognized constitutional principles-that were squarely in the tradition of equity, fairness, and individual liberty. Stanton's reliance on the Declaration of Independence was not a ploy; it was a direct expression of her own sincere creed, and it was the creed of the assembled men and women. Indeed, it is worth remembering that Seneca Falls was organized by both men and women and that men actively participated in it and were welcomed. Misandrism (hostility to men, the counterpart to misogyny) was not a notable feature of the women's movement until our own times. 塞尼卡福尔斯活动家的目标被清晰地表述出来，明确且可行。它们最终将会实现，因为它们基于被认可的宪法原则，这些原则切实植根于公平、公正和个人自由的传统中。斯坦顿对《独立宣言》的依赖不是一种策略；它是她自己真诚信仰的直接表达，也是汇聚的男女的信仰。确实值得记住的是，塞尼卡福尔斯是由男女共同组织的，男性积极参与其中并受到欢迎。直到我们这个时代，厌男主义（对男性的敌意，与厌女主义相对）并不是女性运动的显著特征。
A 1992 meeting of the American Association of University Women 美国大学妇女协会 1992 年会议
held at Mills College in Oakland, California, shows how far modern feminism has come-or gone. Mills had been much in the news two years before, when its board announced its decision to go the way of colleges like Vassar and Bennington in admitting male students. Televised film footage showed sobbing, hysterical young women protesting. So distraught were they at the prospect of allowing men into Mills that the trustees revoked the decision. When the reversal was announced, the cameras rolled again, this time showing students sobbing with joy and relief. Mills on the West Coast, like Smith on the East Coast, remains exclusively female. 在加利福尼亚州奥克兰的米尔斯学院举行的活动，显示了现代女权主义已经走了多远。 两年前，米尔斯学院曾多次上新闻，当时其董事会宣布决定像瓦萨学院和本宁顿学院那样招收男性学生。电视摄像机拍摄到了哭泣、歇斯底里的年轻女性抗议的画面。她们对允许男性进入米尔斯的前景感到如此沮丧，以至于校董会撤回了这一决定。当逆转决定公布时，摄像机再次启动，这次记录下了学生们哭泣着表达喜悦和松了一口气的场景。米尔斯学院在西海岸，像东海岸的斯密斯学院一样，仍然是完全女性的。
As at most gender feminist gatherings, the Mills College meeting had almost no men. One man, however, did figure prominently in a panel discussion called "The Perils and Pleasures of Feminist Teaching." Raphael Atlas, professor of music at Smith College, had come to talk about what it is like to be a male feminist at a women's college. His fellow panelists were Candice Taylor Hogan, assistant professor of history at Wheaton College in Massachusetts, and Faye Crosby, a psychology professor, also from Smith. Professor Hogan spoke first, reading a paper in which she described her trauma when Wheaton College went coed. "I was aghast, saddened, appalled, and angered. . . . The transition was brutal, painful, and demoralizing." Before it could be made clear what her remarks had to do with the conference's theme, "Balancing the Educational Equation," Raphael Atlas spoke. 在大多数性别女权主义会议上，米尔斯学院的会议几乎没有男性。然而，有一位男士在名为“女权教学的危险与乐趣”的小组讨论中扮演了重要角色。斯密斯学院的音乐教授拉斐尔·阿特拉斯前来谈论在女子学院作为男性女权主义者的感受。他的另一位小组成员是马萨诸塞州惠顿学院的历史助理教授坎迪斯·泰勒·霍根，以及同样来自斯密斯的心理学教授费伊·克劳斯比。霍根教授首先发言，朗读了一篇论文，描述了惠顿学院男女合校时她的创伤。“我感到震惊、伤心、愤怒和不安……这个转变十分残酷、痛苦且令人丧气。”在她的发言与会议主题“平衡教育方程式”之间的联系未能明确之前，拉斐尔·阿特拉斯发言了。
Raphael (as all the participants called him) was earnest and nonthreatening. He, too, read his paper because, he explained, its contents were too emotional for a more informal delivery. He told us that being a male feminist at Smith College filled his life with "great anxiety." The course he gave last spring on women composers made him feel like "an imposter." He asked, "Is it honest to identify my project as feminist? . . . Am I just one of those social and cultural forces trying to police women's voices?" 拉斐尔（所有参与者都这样称呼他）诚恳且没有威胁性。他也读了他的论文，因为他解释说，内容对更随意的表达来说太情绪化。他告诉我们，作为史密斯学院的男性女性主义者，他的生活充满了“巨大焦虑”。他去年春天开设的关于女性作曲家的课程让他感到自己像“一个冒名顶替者”。他问：“把我的项目称为女性主义是否诚实？……我是否只是那些试图监管女性声音的社会和文化力量之一？”
As we pondered these questions, Raphael told us about the many colleagues and students who believe that the few males at Smith "poisoned" the atmosphere. He said in anguished tones, "What do these women's voices say to me? I am alien. I do not belong. I believe them." I felt a bit less sorry for Raphael when he finished his confession by telling us that he finds it all "exciting." 当我们思考这些问题时，拉斐尔告诉我们许多同事和学生认为在史密斯学院的少数男性“毒害”了氛围。他用痛苦的语气说：“这些女性的声音在对我说什么？我很陌生。我不属于这里。我相信她们。”当拉斐尔以“这让我感到兴奋”结束他的忏悔时，我对他的同情稍微减少了一些。
It was Professor Crosby's turn. "In feminist pedagogy," she explained, "you do not just theorize, but take action." For homework, she had instructed her introductory psychology students at Smith to buy three condoms, making eye contact with the vendor. She thought the assign- 轮到克罗斯比教授了。“在女性主义教学法中，”她解释道，“你不仅要理论化，还要采取行动。”作为家庭作业，她指示史密斯学院的初级心理学学生购买三个安全套，并与卖家进行目光交流。她认为这个任务—
ment had been successful until several students pointed out that it was "heterosexist." It marginalized lesbians. They told her about dental dams -condomlike devices useful for safe lesbian oral sex. 该计划一直很成功，直到几名学生指出它是“异性恋中心主义”的。这使女同性恋者边缘化。他们告诉她关于牙膜——用于安全女同性恋口交的类似安全套的设备。
Professor Crosby told us that during Parents' Weekend, she had invited her students and their parents to a small interactive lecture. Condoms were again a theme. The class played a "condom relay race," in which parents and students raced each other to see which group of five could put five condoms on an unpeeled banana without breaking the banana. Said Professor Crosby, referring to the condom, "They had to own it and enjoy it." 克罗斯比教授告诉我们，在家长周末期间，她邀请她的学生和他们的父母参加一个小型互动讲座。安全套再次成为一个主题。课堂上进行了一场“安全套接力赛”，父母和学生比赛，看看哪个五人小组能在不弄坏香蕉的情况下，将五个安全套套在一个未剥皮的香蕉上。克罗斯比教授提到安全套时说：“他们必须拥有它并享受它。”
Once again Ms. Crosby thought all had gone well. She had been careful to make mention of the dental dams. But angry students pointed out to her that though she had shown the parents the dental dams, she hadn't used them in the relay races. They'd complained, she said, that "it was as if you said, oh, well, here are the dental dams-boring, insignificant lesbian sex . . . now let's get to the really great and fun heterosexual sex." Professor Crosby ended by telling us about her guilt over having been "exclusionary." "I felt terrible!" Like Raphael, she was clearly exhilarated by how terrible she felt. 克罗斯比女士再次认为一切都进展顺利。她小心翼翼地提到了牙科阻挡物。但愤怒的学生们指出，尽管她向家长展示了牙科阻挡物，但她在接力赛中并没有使用它们。她说，他们抱怨说，“就好像你在说，哦，好吧，这里是牙科阻挡物——无聊、微不足道的同性性爱……现在让我们来看看真正伟大且有趣的异性性爱。”克罗斯比教授最后告诉我们，她对自己曾经“排斥他人”的内疚。“我感到很糟糕！”像拉斐尔一样，她显然为自己感到糟糕而兴奋不已。
The workshop had been a bit unconventional, but until that point all had been decorous. Decorum was irreparably shattered by "Rita" from the City College of San Francisco, who spoke loudly and angrily from the rear of the room. Addressing Raphael, she said, "First of all, why did you read your paper? As a poet and someone who cares about language, I found it extremely dull to have to sit though all of that." But then Rita went on to say she was so upset that she too preferred to read her statement: "Raphael said he was a male feminist: that is an oxymoron. My deep belief is that men cannot be feminists. They have no place in women-centered spheres. Raphael is a womb envier and a feminist wannabe-a poseur in our midst. Let him take his voice into an all-male forum." 研讨会有些不寻常，但在那之前一切都是得体的。"旧金山城市学院"的"丽塔"从房间后面大声愤怒地说，打破了这种得体。她对拉斐尔说："首先，为什么要念你的论文？作为一名诗人和关心语言的人，我觉得这一切极其乏味。你让我坐在这里听这一切。"然而，丽塔接着说，她感到非常不安，宁愿阅读她的声明："拉斐尔说他是男女性主义者：这简直是个矛盾。我的深刻信念是，男人不能是女性主义者。他们在以女性为中心的领域没有立足之地。拉斐尔是一个对子宫心存羡慕的伪女性主义者——在我们中间的一个伪装者。让他把自己的声音带到一个全男性的论坛中去。"
Terry, a day care provider from Oakland, was very moved by Rita's declaration. "I agree with Rita. I did not come to a workshop to hear that," she said, referring to the male voice. 来自奥克兰的日托服务提供者特里对丽塔的声明深受感动。“我同意丽塔的观点。我来参加研讨会不是为了听这些，”她说，指的是那个男声。
Ms. Crosby, who was also the moderator, looked a bit nervous. It seemed clear that she should come to the defense of her beleaguered Smith colleague. But she was patently intrigued by what she described as an "affectively charged exchange." "Rita, your attack on Raphael was extremely rude," she said. "You are breaking norms by attacking our speaker like that. And that is wrong. But," she continued, "as a feminist, I believe in breaking norms." 克罗斯比女士作为主持人，显得有些紧张。很明显，她应该为处于困境中的史密斯同事辩护。但她显然对她所描述的“情感充沛的交流”感到好奇。“丽塔，你对拉斐尔的攻击非常无礼，”她说道。“你这样攻击我们的发言者是在破坏规范。这是不对的。但是，”她继续说道，“作为一个女权主义者，我相信要打破规范。”
Then Raphael spoke up, although he looked at the floor as he spoke. "It is a dilemma. Little parts of me agree with Rita," he said. "Men do not belong at Smith. So why am I there? In addition to nitty-gritty issues of job market and my modest research projects-I still ask: do I belong there? It saddens me, demoralizes me, and depresses me. Yet I feel anger toward you, Rita. I feel you have typed me. I wonder if it is possible for us to have a dialogue? On the flight home I will be thinking about what I might have said." 然后拉斐尔开口了，尽管他在说话时看着地板。“这是一个两难的境地。我的内心深处有小部分认同丽塔，”他说。“男人不应该在史密斯学院。那我为什么在这里？除了就业市场和我那些微不足道的研究项目的琐事，我还是在问：我适合在这里吗？这让我感到难过，挫败和沮丧。然而，我对你感到愤怒，丽塔。我觉得你给我贴上了标签。我在想，我们是否有可能进行一次对话？在回家的航班上，我会想着我可能说过的话。”
Ms. Crosby was now in her element: "One aspect of the patriarchy is that we have to keep to schedules. But before breaking up, let us go around the room and see if anyone wants to share their feelings." She moved about, Phil Donahue-style, soliciting comments. Her first taker was a woman who said, "My heart is pounding with Rita and Terry. . . I was upset to see a man on the panel. I thought there would be only women; I was not expecting this sort of-difference." 克罗斯比女士现在正处于她的元素中：“父权制的一个方面是我们必须遵守时间表。但在分手之前，让我们环顾四周，看看是否有人想分享他们的感受。”她像菲尔·多纳休那样走动，征求意见。第一个发言的是一位女士，她说：“我的心与丽塔和特里同跳……我看到小组中有男士时感到不安。我以为只有女性；我没想到会有这种差异。”
My sister Louise spoke up. "I like differences between people. I try to heighten differences between people. I like individuals." Ms. Crosby moved along hastily to another speaker. "My name is Anthea; I am the daughter of Beatrice, who is the daughter of her mother, who was a vegan and a suffragette. Let's clap for everybody." Most people did clap. Then Raphael called out, "Rita and I inhabit different spheres. I am a white male, age 30-34. That is difficult for me." 我姐姐路易丝说：“我喜欢人与人之间的差异。我努力增强人与人之间的差异。我喜欢个体。”克罗斯比女士匆匆走到另一个发言者那儿。“我的名字是安西娅；我是比阿特丽斯的女儿，而比阿特丽斯是她母亲的女儿，她是个素食主义者和妇女选举权运动的支持者。让我们为每个人鼓掌。”大多数人确实鼓掌了。然后拉斐尔喊道：“里塔和我生活在不同的领域。我是一个白人男性，年龄在 30 到 34 岁之间。这对我来说很困难。”
A gray-haired woman in the back, an AAUW member and an oldschool feminist, ventured meekly: "I am in favor of educating our young people, girls and boys, to accept one another as equals." But before anyone could pounce on that particular heresy, it was time to go. 一个灰发的女性坐在后面，她是一位 AAUW 成员，也是一个老派女权主义者，怯生生地说道：“我支持教育我们的年轻人，无论是女孩还是男孩，接受彼此作为平等的个体。”但在任何人能够抓住这个特别的异端之前，时间已经到了。
The workshoppers filed out to attend the next event. Raphael disappeared completely. At the next workshop all the panelists were women, which Rita's faction would undoubtedly find more comfortable. As my sister and I were leaving the seminar room, we passed a jubilant Professor Crosby speaking to a Smith College student and her visiting parents. The parents had attended the workshop and were looking a little bemused. "I consider that session a great success," said Crosby, "because it was the most like a Smith College class than any of the other events so far!" 研讨会参与者陆续离开，准备参加下一个活动。拉斐尔完全消失了。在下一个研讨会上，所有小组成员都是女性，这无疑会让丽塔的派系感觉更舒服。我和姐姐离开研讨室时，路过一位兴高采烈的克罗斯比教授，他正在和一位史密斯学院的学生及其来访的父母交谈。这对父母参加了研讨会，看起来有点茫然。“我认为这次会议非常成功，”克罗斯比说，“因为它比迄今为止的任何其他活动都更像史密斯学院的课堂！”
Gender feminists do not relish criticism, and there are no forums where old and new feminists meet for a free exchange of competing ideas. I did learn of one such encounter that occurred spontaneously in the spring of 1991 at a conference called "Glasnost in Two Cultures: Soviet Russian/ North American Women's Writing," sponsored by feminist scholars at the New York Institute for the Humanities at New York University. The 性别主义者并不喜欢批评，也没有任何论坛供老一辈和新一辈女权主义者自由交流竞争思想。我确实了解过这样一次邂逅，它发生在 1991 年春季，在一个名为“两个文化中的公开性：苏联俄罗斯/北美女性写作”的会议上，该会议由纽约大学人文学科研究所的女权学者赞助。
episode was recounted by the Russian-American writer David Gurevich, who attended the conference as a translator. 这个事件是由俄裔美籍作家大卫·古列维奇讲述的，他作为翻译参加了会议。
A small group of talented and outspoken Russian women poets and novelists had been invited to attend the conference, which began, inauspiciously, with the American author Grace Paley taking the visitors on a tour of the Lower East Side for a close-up look at America's slums, complete with panhandlers and junkies. The visitors, who had since childhood seen Soviet propaganda films highlighting American misery, were not duly appreciative. 一小组才华横溢且直言不讳的俄罗斯女诗人和小说家被邀请参加会议，会议的开始并不顺利，美国作家格蕾丝·佩利带着这些来访者参观了下东区，近距离观察美国的贫民区，那里满是乞讨者和吸毒者。这些来访者从小就看过苏联的宣传片，强调美国的苦难，因此并未对此表示充分的欣赏。
At the meeting itself, the ideological gulf between the Russian and American feminists became more obvious. The literary critic Natalya Adzhikhina championed the idea of throwing out the canon, an idea that was well received all around until it slowly dawned on the gender feminists that Ms. Adzhikhina was referring to the official Communist Party canon. She and most of the other Russian writers wanted to return to the canon of masterworks that American feminists consider "masculinist." 在会议上，俄罗斯和美国女权主义者之间的意识形态差异变得更加明显。文学评论家纳塔莉亚·阿季赫金娜（Natalya Adzhikhina）提倡抛弃经典的理念，这一观点受到广泛欢迎，直到性别女权主义者们慢慢意识到阿季赫金娜女士所指的正是共产党的官方经典。她和大多数其他俄罗斯作家希望回归美国女权主义者认为是“男性主义”的经典杰作。
When the other Russian writers spoke, they too uttered blasphemies, such as "There is only good and bad literature-not male and female." It became shockingly clear that the Russians were seeking to liberate art from politics, including sexual politics. Professor Linda Kauffman of the University of Maryland was alarmed and offended: "I don't want to sound like I am from California—which actually I am—but this is, like, heavyduty denial." Ms. Kauffman went on to deliver an impromptu sermon on the evils of the FBI, Jesse Helms, and censorship at the NEA. She pointed out that the "MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour" was funded by AT&T and spoke of a women's gulag. As she continued in this familiar vein, several of the Russian women slowly made their way to the ladies' room, the only place where they were free to smoke. 当其他俄罗斯作家发言时，他们也发出了亵渎之言，例如“只有好和坏的文学——没有男性和女性之分。” 俄罗斯人显然在寻求将艺术从政治中解放出来，包括性别政治。马里兰大学的琳达·考夫曼教授感到震惊和冒犯：“我不想显得像是来自加利福尼亚——实际上我就是——但这就像是严重的否认。” 考夫曼女士接着即兴发表了一场关于联邦调查局、杰西·赫尔姆斯和国家艺术基金会审查制度的讲道。她指出，“麦克尼尔/莱赫新闻时段”是由 AT&T 资助的，并谈到了女性古拉格。 当她继续谈论这些熟悉的话题时，几位俄罗斯女性慢慢走向女厕，那是她们唯一可以自由吸烟的地方。
When it was again the Russian women's turn to speak, the blasphemies poured forth once more. Olesya Nikolayeva, the Moscow poet, told the American feminists how socialism had denied women their femininity, how it broke the tradition of moral and spiritual women in Russian literature, and how it broke the Christian tradition without which Russian literature after Pushkin was unthinkable. She insisted that the attack on religion had been fatal to literature, since religion had always been such a sustaining force for writers. She concluded by citing disturbing statistics about juvenile crime in Moscow and encouraging all the women in the audience to pay more attention to their traditional role as "keepers of the hearth." 当轮到俄罗斯女性再次发言时，亵渎之词再次倾泻而出。莫斯科诗人奥列斯佳·尼古拉耶娃告诉美国女权主义者，社会主义如何剥夺了女性的女性气质，如何打破了俄罗斯文学中道德和精神女性的传统，以及如何破坏了没有基督教传统的俄罗斯文学，推理文学是不可想象的。她坚决认为，对宗教的攻击对文学是致命的，因为宗教一直是作家的重要支撑力量。她最后引用了关于莫斯科青少年犯罪的令人不安的统计数据，并鼓励在场的所有女性更加关注她们作为“家庭守护者”的传统角色。
Catharine Stimpson, a director at the MacArthur Foundation and 凯瑟琳·斯廷普森，麦克阿瑟基金会的主任
one of the founding mothers of the New Feminism, could no longer contain herself. She warned of a "new totalitarianism" and said that working mothers could not be blamed for runaways and delinquency: the state should find a solution. Domna Stanton, a Michigan women's studies professor who had organized the conference, warned of the perils of "white male morality." 新女权主义的创始母亲之一，无法再忍受。她警告说存在“新极权主义”，并表示不能将离家出走和犯罪归咎于职场母亲：国家应找到解决方案。组织了此次会议的密歇根州女性研究教授多姆娜·斯坦顿警告“白人男性道德”的危险。
A young novelist, Valerya Narbikova, took the microphone and spoke about her writers' group, the New Amazons. The American feminists were beginning to hope they could finally make contact when Ms. Narbikova announced, "It is just a name. We have nothing to do with feminism." 一位年轻的小说家瓦莱里娅·纳尔比科娃拿起麦克风，谈到了她的作家小组——新亚马逊。美国女权主义者们开始希望她们终于能够取得联系时，纳尔比科娃女士宣布：“这只是一个名字。我们与女权主义无关。”
"Nothing at all?" the disbelieving critic Hortense Spiller asked. Gurevich describes the scene: "Wine glass in hand, Valerya was pure artiste. 'Nope.' . . Ladylike pretenses were dropped. The women were tearing the mike from each other's hand. . . . Stanton was soon left alone-her faction, including Stimpson, had fled quietly-and she was actually wringing her hands." Tatyana Tolstaya, a writer whose short stories had been recently acclaimed by American critics, thundered: "You . . . keep coming to Russia and we keep telling you these things! Why do you never listen to us? Why do you think you know more about our life than we do?" “根本没有？”不相信的评论家霍腾斯·斯皮勒问道。古列维奇描述了这一场景：“手里拿着酒杯，瓦莱里亚完全是个艺术家。‘不，没有。’… 女性的优雅伪装被抛弃了。女人们正在互相抢夺麦克风……斯坦顿很快就被独自留下——她的派系，包括斯廷普森，都悄悄离开了——她实际上在扭着自己的双手。”塔季扬娜·托尔斯泰，最近被美国评论家赞誉的短篇小说作家，怒吼道：“你们……不停地来俄罗斯，而我们一次又一次地告诉你这些事情！你们为什么从来不听我们说？为什么你们觉得自己比我们更了解我们的生活？”
Undoubtedly, the gender feminists left the conference pitying the benighted Russian writers for being so retrograde in their attitudes to gender. To me, those Russian women are the hope of feminism-a new avant-garde. I wish they would all emigrate to the United States. They know firsthand about the terrible consequences of group loyalty based on groupthink; they are utterly immune to ideological blandishments. 毫无疑问，性别女权主义者在会议结束后对那些落后于时代的俄罗斯作家感到遗憾。对我而言，那些俄罗斯女性是女权主义的希望——一种新的先锋。希望她们都能移民到美国。她们亲身经历了基于集体思维的群体忠诚所带来的可怕后果；她们对意识形态的诱惑完全免疫。
Since reading Gurevich's account of the New York University encounter, I have been attending feminist meetings in a more hopeful frame of mind. When some gender feminist is in the middle of yet another mindnumbing exposé of the evils of male culture, I find myself looking about for some innocent or intrepid soul who looks as if she might speak up and say what , as an observer, must often refrain from saying. It hasn't happened yet, but now I know it is not out of the question. 自从阅读了古列维奇关于纽约大学会面的描述后，我对女性主义会议的参与变得更加充满希望。当某个性别女权主义者正沉浸在又一次令人乏味的揭露男性文化恶行的演讲中时，我会四处张望，寻找一些无辜或无畏的灵魂，她看起来可能会站出来说出作为观察者的我经常不得不克制而不说的话。目前还没有发生这样的情况，但我现在知道这并不是不可能的。
Chapter 2 第二章
Indignation, Resentment, and Collective Guilt 愤慨、怨恨与集体罪恶感
eq. 等式
Every day the public is witness to feminist outrage at how badly women are treated: in the workplace, in the courts, on dates, in marriages, in the schools-by men mostly, but sometimes by other women. Much of what is reported is true, and some of it is very disturbing. 每天，公众都目睹着女性对女性待遇不公的愤怒：在职场、法庭、约会、婚姻、学校——主要来自男性，但有时也来自其他女性。许多报道都是真实的，其中一些非常令人不安。
Of course, the abuse or slighting of women must be made known and should arouse indignation. Plato himself recognized the role of righteous indignation as a mainspring of moral action. In his metaphor, indignation is the good steed helping the charioteer to stay on the path of virtue by controlling the vicious, wayward steed straining to go its own brutish way. It is the "spirited element" in the soul that supplies the wise person with the emotional energy, the horsepower, to curb the appetites so that he or she may act virtuously. 当然，对妇女的虐待或轻视必须让人知道，并应该引起义愤。柏拉图本人认识到义愤在道德行动中的作用。在他的比喻中，义愤是良驹，帮助车夫控制住想要任性妄为的劣马，从而保持在美德的道路上。它是灵魂中的“精神元素”，为智者提供情绪能量，即马力，以抑制欲望，使他们能够有德行地行动。
But most of those who publicly bemoan the plight of women in America are moved by more dubious passions and interests. Theirs is a feminism of resentment that rationalizes and fosters a wholesale rancor in women that has little to do with moral indignation. Resentment may 但那些公开哀叹美国女性困境的人，大多数是出于更可疑的激情和利益。他们所倡导的是一种怨恨的女权主义，合理化并助长了女性之间大规模的怨恨，这与道德愤慨几乎没有关系。怨恨可能
begin in and include indignation, but it is by far the more abiding passion. Resentment is "harbored" or "nurtured"; it "takes root" in a subject (the victim) and remains directed at another (the culprit). It can be vicarious-you need not have harmed me personally, but if I identify with someone you have harmed, I may resent you. Such resentment is very common and may easily be as strong and intense as resentment occasioned by direct injury. In a way it is stronger, for by enlarging the class of victims to include others, it magnifies the villainy as well. 在愤怒中开始并包含愤慨，但这无疑是更持久的激情。怨恨是“积攒”或“滋养”的；它在一个主体（受害者）中“扎根”，并始终指向另一个（罪犯）。它可能是替代性的——你不需要对我个人造成伤害，但如果我认同你伤害的某个人，我可能会怨恨你。这种怨恨非常普遍，可能与因直接伤害而产生的怨恨一样强烈和激烈。在某种意义上，它更强烈，因为通过将受害者的范围扩大到其他人，它也放大了恶棍的罪行。
Having demarcated a victimized "us" with whom I now feel solidarity, I can point to one victim and say, "In wronging her, he has betrayed his contempt for us all," or "Anyone who harms a woman harms us all," or simply "What he did to her, he did to all of us." The next step is to regard the individual who wronged "us" as himself representative of a group, giving our animus a larger target. This I may do quite "reasonably" by adopting a position from which people like the perpetrator (male, rich, etc.) are regarded as "the kind of people" who exploit people like "us." My social reality has now been dichotomized into two groups politically at odds, one of whom dominates and exploits the other. 在标定出一个受害的“我们”后，我现在感到与之团结，我可以指出一个受害者并说：“在伤害她的过程中，他背叛了对我们所有人的蔑视，”或者“任何伤害女性的人都伤害了我们所有人，”或者简单地说“他对她所做的，就是对我们所有人所做的。”下一步是将伤害“我们”的个体视为代表一个群体，从而使我们的敌意有了更大的目标。这可以通过采取一个立场来实现，从这个立场看，像施害者（男性、富有等）这样的人被视为“那些利用像‘我们’这样的人”的“那种人”。我的社会现实现在被划分为两个在政治上对立的群体，其中一个群体主导并剥削另一个群体。
Susan Faludi, author of Backlash and one of the more popular resenters of our time, reminds us of the feminist truism that feminist anger comes when women construe their individual experiences in a political framework: "When you're not able to see your experience as political, you're not able to be angry about it." Sandra Bartky, who is an expert on something she calls the "phenomenology of feminist consciousness," puts it succinctly: "Feminist consciousness is consciousness of victimization . . . to come to see oneself as a victim" (her emphasis). 苏珊·法鲁迪，《反击》的作者，是我们这个时代更受欢迎的怨恨者之一，她提醒我们，一个女性主义真理是：女性主义愤怒来自于女性将自己的个人经历置于政治框架中：“当你无法将自己的经历视为政治问题时，你就无法对此感到愤怒。” 桑德拉·巴特基，她是一个关于她称之为“女性主义意识现象学”的专家，简明扼要地说：“女性主义意识就是受害意识……将自己视为受害者”（她强调）。
Once I get into the habit of regarding women as a subjugated gender, I'm primed to be alarmed, angry, and resentful of men as oppressors of women. I am also prepared to believe the worst about them and the harm they cause to women. I may even be ready to fabricate atrocities. Eleanor Smeal spoke in Austin of the need to get women fighting mad. Neither she nor any of the other feminist leaders and thinkers who promote the sexual politics of resentment and anger seem to be aware of how injuriously divisive their version of feminism is-or if they are, they seem not to care. 一旦我习惯于将女性视为被压迫的性别，我就准备对男性作为女性的压迫者感到惊慌、愤怒和怨恨。我也准备相信他们的坏的一面和他们对女性造成的伤害。我甚至可能准备编造暴行。埃莉诺·斯米尔在奥斯丁谈到了让女性愤怒斗争的必要性。她和其他提倡怨恨与愤怒的性别政治的女权主义领袖和思想家似乎都没有意识到她们版本的女权主义是多么伤害性分裂——或者即使意识到了，她们似乎也不在乎。
Consider how Patricia Ireland, the president of NOW, speaks of her seven years as a flight attendant for Pan Am: "I thought of myself as a professional. But what I really did was go down the aisle and take people's garbage and thank them for it. That's what women have been doing. We've been taking their garbage and thanking them for it. We've got to stop." Ms. Ireland is telling us how easy it is (in a society that routinely 考虑一下 NOW 的主席帕特里夏·爱尔兰如何谈论她作为泛美航空空乘人员的七年经历：“我把自己视为专业人士。但我真正做的就是走过过道，收集人们的垃圾，并为此感谢他们。这就是女性所做的。我们一直在收集他们的垃圾，并为此感谢他们。我们必须停止。”
humiliates women) for women to deceive themselves into thinking they are doing something dignified when they are "really" doing something demeaning. She speaks of "their garbage," meaning "men's," though probably half the passengers were women. She asks us to note the shame of taking their garbage and having to thank "them" for it. Would she be in favor of having the airlines phase out women flight attendants, replacing them with men? But Ireland knows what she is doing. By so construing male/female relations, she is doing what any political leader does in time of war: get potential allies angry and unified behind the effort to defeat the enemy. 贬低女性）让女性自我欺骗，以为自己在做一些有尊严的事情，而实际上却是在做一些羞辱人的事情。她提到“他们的垃圾”，指的是“男性”，尽管可能有一半的乘客是女性。她要求我们注意拿着他们的垃圾并必须感谢“他们”的羞耻。她是否支持航空公司逐步淘汰女性空乘人员，替换为男性？但爱尔兰知道她在做什么。通过如此解释男女关系，她正在做任何政治领袖在战争时期所做的事情：激怒潜在的盟友，让他们团结一致，共同努力击败敌人。
Resentment is not a wholesome passion. Unlike indignation, it is not an ethical passion. But because it often originates in moral outrage at real injustice (from wife battering to job discrimination), resentment can be made to sound like a commendable passion for social justice. The idea that men are generally culpable has the status of a first principle among some establishment feminists. 怨恨不是一种健康的激情。与义愤不同，它不是一种道德激情。但由于它经常源于对真实不公正行为的道德愤怒（从家庭暴力到工作歧视），怨恨可以被伪装成一种值得称赞的社会正义激情。男人普遍有罪的想法在一些主流女权主义者中具有第一原则的地位。
According to Marilyn French, "The entire system of female oppression rests on ordinary men, who maintain it with a fervor and dedication to duty that any secret police force might envy. What other system can depend on almost half the population to enforce a policy daily, publicly and privately, with utter reliability?" It is a system that uses threat as well as force to exploit and humiliate women. 根据玛丽琳·弗伦奇的说法：“整个女性压迫系统依赖于普通男性，他们以任何秘密警察部队都可能羡慕的热情和责任感来维持这一制度。还有什么其他系统可以依赖近一半的人口在日常生活中，以绝对的可靠性公开和私下执行政策呢？”这是一个利用威胁以及暴力来剥削和羞辱女性的系统。
As long as some men use physical force to subjugate females, all men need not. The knowledge that some men do suffices to threaten all women. Beyond that, it is not necessary to beat up a woman to beat her down. A man can simply refuse to hire women in well-paid jobs, extract as much or more work from women than men but pay them less, or treat women disrespectfully at work or at home. He can fail to support a child he has engendered, demand the woman he lives with wait on him like a servant. He can beat or kill the woman he claims to love; he can rape women, whether mate, acquaintance, or stranger; he can rape or sexually molest his daughters, nieces, stepchildren, or the children of a woman he claims to love. The vast majority of men in the world do one or more of the above [her emphasis]. 只要有一些男人使用暴力来征服女性，所有男人就不需要这样做。知道有些男人这样做就足以威胁所有女性。除此之外，不必真的打女人也可以让她屈服。一个男人可以简单地拒绝雇佣女性来做高薪工作，从女性身上榨取与男性相同或更多的工作却给予她们更少的薪酬，或者在工作或家庭中对女性不尊重。他可以不抚养自己生的孩子，要求与他同居的女性像仆人一样侍候他。他可以殴打或杀死他声称爱着的女性；他可以强奸女性，无论是伴侣、熟人还是陌生人；他可以强奸或性侵犯自己的女儿、侄女、继子女或他声称关心的女性的孩子。世界上绝大多数男性都做过以上一种或多种行为【她强调】。
In French's view, male atrocity and criminal abuse are pandemic. We must, however, insist that the burden of proof for so broad a claim be on her. Even if we accept the premise that men and women are at odds, the factual question of guilt cannot be begged - at least not in this country. 在弗朗西斯的观点中，男性的暴行和犯罪虐待是普遍存在的。然而，我们必须坚持，这种广泛主张的举证责任在于她。即使我们接受男人和女人相互对立的前提，关于罪责的事实问题也不能被回避——至少在这个国家是这样。
Moreover, we cannot help noticing that French's contempt for men is accompanied by a strong bias in favor of women: "While men strut and fret their hour upon the stage, shout in bars and sports arenas, thump their chests or show their profiles in the legislatures, and explode incredible weapons in an endless contest for status, an obsessive quest for symbolic 'proof' of their superiority, women quietly keep the world going." 此外，我们不禁注意到，弗朗西斯对男性的蔑视伴随着对女性的强烈偏见：“当男性在舞台上张扬和焦虑，酒吧和体育场高声喧哗，捶打自己的胸膛或在立法机构展示自己的形象，并在无尽的地位争夺中爆炸出不可思议的武器，执着追求象征性‘证据’以证明他们的优越性时，女性则默默地维持着世界的运转。”
Resenter feminists are convinced that men generally take every opportunity to exploit women and that they often delight in humiliating them physically and mentally. "Given the prevalence of rape and given the socio-cultural supports for sexual aggression and violence against women in this society, perhaps we should be asking men who don't rape, why not! In other words, we should be asking what factors prevent men from abusing women in rape-supportive societies." That is the view of Diana Scully, author of Understanding Sexual Violence. 反女性主义者相信，男性总是利用每一个机会来剥削女性，并且他们常常以身体和精神上羞辱女性为乐。 "考虑到强奸的普遍性以及这种社会对性侵和对女性暴力的社会文化支持，也许我们应该问那些不强奸的男性，为什么不呢！换句话说，我们应该询问在支持强奸的社会中，是什么因素阻止男性虐待女性。" 这是戴安娜·斯库利（Diana Scully），《理解性暴力》一书的作者的观点。
Recently several male students at Vassar were falsely accused of date rape. After their innocence was established, the assistant dean of students, Catherine Comins, said of their ordeal: "They have a lot of pain, but it is not a pain that I would necessarily have spared them. I think it ideally initiates a process of self-exploration. 'How do I see women?' 'If I did not violate her, could I have?' 'Do I have the potential to do to her what they say I did?' These are good questions." 8 Dean Comins clearly feels justified in trumping the common law principle "presumed innocent until proven guilty" by a new feminist principle, "guilty even if proven innocent." Indeed, she believes that the students are not really innocent after all. How so? Because, being male and being brought up in the patriarchal culture, they could easily have done what they were falsely accused of having done, even though they didn't actually do it. Where men are concerned, Comins quite sincerely believes in collective guilt. Moreover, she feels she can rely on her audience to be in general agreement with her on this. 最近，瓦萨学院的几名男学生被错误地指控强奸。在他们的清白被证实后，学生助理院长凯瑟琳·科明斯谈到他们的遭遇说：“他们承受了很多痛苦，但我不会说我一定会让他们免受这种痛苦。我认为，理想情况下，这会开启一个自我探索的过程。‘我如何看待女性？’‘如果我没有侵犯她，我可能会吗？’‘我有可能对她做他们说我做的事情吗？’这些都是很好的问题。”科明斯院长显然认为，用新的女权主义原则“即使被证明无罪也应被认定有罪”来取代普通法原则“在被证明有罪之前应被认定为无罪”是合理的。事实上，她认为这些学生并非真的无辜。为什么呢？因为，作为男性，并且在父权制文化中长大，他们很容易做出被错误指控的那些事，即使他们并没有真正去做。在涉及男性时，科明斯真诚地相信集体有罪。此外，她认为她可以依靠她的听众普遍同意她的观点。
The idea of collective guilt may sound like the theological doctrine of original sin, but in Christianity, at least, it applies equally to all human beings. Racists and gender feminists are more "discriminating." 集体罪恶的概念听起来可能像原罪的神学教义，但至少在基督教中，它对所有人类都是适用的。种族主义者和性别女权主义者更具“区分性”。
In the spring of 1993, nine women students, who were taking a course called "Contemporary Issues in Feminist Art" at the University of Maryland, distributed posters and fliers all over the campus with the names of dozens of male students under the heading "Notice: These Men Are Potential Rapists." The women knew nothing whatever about the bearers of the names; they had simply chosen them at random from the university 在 1993 年春季，九名在马里兰大学修读“女性主义艺术的当代问题”课程的女学生在校园内分发了海报和传单，上面列出了几十名男学生的名字，标题为“通知：这些男人是潜在的强奸犯。”这些女性对名字的持有者一无所知；她们只是随意从大学中选择了这些名字。
directory to use in their class project. The instructor, Josephine Withers, would not comment to the press. 用于他们课堂项目的目录。讲师约瑟芬·威瑟斯（Josephine Withers）拒绝向媒体发表评论。
The New Feminists are a powerful source of mischief because their leaders are not good at seeing things as they are. Resenter feminists like Faludi, French, Heilbrun and MacKinnon speak of backlash, siege, and an undeclared war against women. But the condition they describe is mythic-with no foundation in the facts of contemporary American life. Real-life men have no war offices, no situation rooms, no battle plans against women. There is no radical militant wing of a masculinist movement. To the extent one can speak at all of a gender war, it is the New Feminists themselves who are waging it. 新的女性主义者是一个强大的麻烦源，因为他们的领导者并不善于看待事物的本质。像法鲁迪、弗 rench、海尔布伦和麦金农这样的愤怒女性主义者谈到反击、围攻以及对女性的未宣而战。然而，他们所描述的状态是神话般的——与当代美国生活的事实没有基础。现实生活中的男性没有战争办公室，没有情况室，也没有反对女性的战斗计划。没有一种激进的男性主义运动的武装派别。在某种程度上，如果可以谈论性别战争，那么发起战争的正是新的女性主义者自己。
Gender feminists are fond of telling men who don't realize the depth of women's anger and resentment that "they just don't get it." Feminist leaders immediately rallied to the side of Lorena Bobbitt, the Virginia woman accused of having severed her sleeping husband's penis but who in turn accused him of having raped her. The Virginia chapter of NOW set up a support line for Ms. Bobbitt headed by Virginia's NOW coordinator, Denise Lee. In Vanity Fair, Kim Masters reported on "Lorena supporters who have transformed the V-for-Victory sign into a symbol of solidarity by making scissorlike motions with their fingers." Kim Gandy, executive vice president of NOW, talked of the many women "who have gone through this and probably wish they had a chance to get their own revenge." 12 性别主义者喜欢告诉那些没有意识到女性愤怒和怨恨深度的男性：“他们只是不明白。”女权主义领导人迅速支持洛雷娜·博比特，这位被指控割掉酣睡丈夫阴茎的弗吉尼亚女性，她反过来指控丈夫对她实施强奸。弗吉尼亚的全国妇女组织(NOW)设立了一个支持热线，负责人是弗吉尼亚 NOW 协调员丹尼斯·李。在《名利场》上，金·马斯特斯报道了“洛雷娜的支持者们通过动作手指做出剪刀状来将胜利的 V 标志转变为团结的象征。”NOW 的执行副总裁金·甘迪谈到了许多“经历过这一切的女性，可能希望自己有机会复仇。”
The journalist Daniel Wattenberg rightly saw in all this the presumption of John Wayne Bobbitt's guilt long before the case had gone to trial. "It is assumed that he routinely beat his wife over a period of years. It is assumed that he raped her the night she castrated him." It hardly matters that Mr. Bobbitt has since been found not guilty by the courts. Commenting on the castration on "20/20," Patricia Ireland said, "The depth of anger that was plumbed by this and the response of support that comes for Lorena Bobbitt comes from the depth of anger, of feeling there has not been adequate resources and recourse and redress of the terrible violence that women face." But, sticking to what facts we have, all we can say is that Lorena was enraged to the point of violence. The personal tragedy of this unhappy couple has been appropriated as a symbol of righteous feminist revenge. The in-joke among Lorena's feminist admirers is that Lorena has since been greeting John by saying, "Now do you get it?" 记者丹尼尔·瓦滕伯格在这一切中正确地看到了约翰·韦恩·博比特的罪责预设，这在案件审理之前就已显现。“人们假设他在多年时间里定期殴打他的妻子。人们假设他在被阉割的那晚强奸了她。”博比特先生自此被法院裁定无罪，这几乎无关紧要。在“20/20”节目中，帕特里夏·爱尔兰评论了这一阉割事件，“这所揭示的愤怒深度，以及对洛雷娜·博比特的支持反应，源于对女性所面临的可怕暴力没有足够的资源、救济和补偿的愤怒。”但根据我们所掌握的事实，我们只能说洛雷娜愤怒到暴力的地步。这个不幸夫妇的个人悲剧被作为正义女权主义复仇的象征而被挪用。洛雷娜的女权主义崇拜者之间的玩笑是，洛雷娜此后见到约翰时会说：“现在你明白了吗？”
When collective guilt is assigned (to males, to Germans, to Moslems, 当集体罪责被归于（男性、德国人、穆斯林，
etc.), children are usually included. Explaining why Minnesota has adopted strict sexual harassment policies for children as young as five, Sue Sattel, the "sex equity specialist" for the Minnesota Department of Education, points out that "serial killers tell interviewers they started sexually harassing at age 10 , and got away with it." 等），通常会包括儿童。明尼苏达州教育部的“性别平等专家”苏·萨特尔解释了为什么明尼苏达州为年仅五岁的孩子制定严格的性骚扰政策，她指出：“连环杀手在采访中表示，他们从 10 岁开始就进行性骚扰，并逃脱了惩罚。”
Nan Stein, a project director at the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women who specializes in sexual harassment by juveniles, is angry with Montana school officials and teachers for ignoring the "gendered terrorism" in their schoolyards. 南·斯坦，威尔斯利学院女性研究中心的项目主任，专门研究青少年的性骚扰，她对蒙大拿州的学校官员和教师漠视校园内的“性别恐怖主义”感到愤怒。
Friday "Flip-Up Day" is a weekly occurrence at many elementary 星期五的“翻转日”是许多小学每周的活动
schools in Montana. Every Friday, boys chase girls around the 蒙大拿州的学校。每个星期五，男孩们追逐女孩。
school playgrounds; those girls who have worn skirts are fair game 学校操场；那些穿着裙子的女孩是公正的猎物
-their skirts will be flipped up, not once, but as many times as -她们的裙子会被掀起，不止一次，而是多次
possible by as many boys as can get them. School administrators 尽可能多的男孩都可以得到它们。学校管理人员
. . have seen no reason to intervene or to punish the perpetrators. ...没有理由干预或惩罚肇事者。
Their silence has allowed this gendered terrorism on the playground 他们的沉默让这种校园的性别恐怖主义得以存在
to continue. 继续。
Friday "Flip-Up Day" is a weekly occurrence at many elementary schools in Montana. Every Friday, boys chase girls around the school playgrounds; those girls who have worn skirts are fair game -their skirts will be flipped up, not once, but as many times as possible by as many boys as can get them. School administrators . . . have seen no reason to intervene or to punish the perpetrators. Their silence has allowed this gendered terrorism on the playground to continue. 周五的“翻裙日”在蒙大拿州的许多小学是每周的常规活动。每个星期五，男孩们在学校操场上追逐女孩；那些穿着裙子的女孩是公平的猎物——她们的裙子会被尽可能多的男孩多次翻起来。学校管理人员……没有看到干预或惩罚肇事者的理由。他们的沉默使这种性别恐怖主义在操场上继续存在。
Boys who tease girls by flipping up their skirts should be dealt with decisively and perhaps severely. But only women who view the world through "sex/gender" lenses would see in children's schoolyard rudeness the making of serial killers and gender terrorists. 戏弄女孩、掀起裙子的男孩应该被果断且严厉地处理。但只有那些通过“性别/性别角色”视角看待世界的女性，才会在孩子们的学校操场上的无礼行为中看到连环杀手和性别恐怖分子的苗头。
Should the rudeness even be regarded in sexual terms? The gender monitors believe it should be and that girls should be made aware of its true nature. One of the goals of the sex equity experts is to teach little girls to be resentful of boys' pranks by pointing out that what they are doing is sexual harassment and against the law. Bernice Sandler, a gender relations specialist at Washington's Center for Women Policy Studies, offers harassment workshops to elementary school children. At one workshop, a little girl told about a classmate who had pushed her down and tickled her. Ms. Sandler made sure to put the boy's act in perspective: "Now, you have to ask, what is this boy doing, throwing girls to the ground? This happens to be a sexual offense in New York, and in most states." 粗鲁行为是否应从性别角度来看待？性别监控者认为应该如此，并且女孩们应该意识到其真实本质。性别平等专家的目标之一是让小女孩对男孩的恶作剧心怀 resentment，指出他们的行为是性骚扰，并且是违法的。华盛顿妇女政策研究中心的性别关系专家伯尼斯·桑德勒为小学儿童提供骚扰研讨会。在一次研讨会上，一个小女孩讲述了一名同学把她推倒并抓住她的故事。桑德勒女士确保把男孩的行为放在一个合适的背景中：“现在，你要问，这个男孩在做什么，把女孩扔到地上？在纽约以及大多数州，这是性犯罪。”
The presumption of sexual guilt continues as children grow up. In more and more public schools and colleges, we find a dynamic group of feminist reformers-harassment officers, women's studies professors, resident hall staff, assorted deans and assistant deans, and sex equity experts -who regard male sexuality with alarm and seek ways to control it. The Rutgers University anthropologist Lionel Tiger has described the contem- 性罪恶的假设随着孩子的成长而持续存在。在越来越多的公立学校和大学，我们发现了一群充满活力的女权主义改革者——骚扰专员、妇女研究教授、宿舍工作人员、各种院长和助理院长，以及性别平等专家——他们对男性性行为感到担忧，并寻求控制它的方法。罗格斯大学人类学家莱昂内尔·泰格描述了当代
porary sexual environment with its hysteria over harassment and date rape as a reversal of the one described in The Scarlet Letter: "It's the male who now bears the stigma of alleged sexual violation." 当代的性环境对骚扰和约会强奸的歇斯底里是一种逆转，正如《红字》中所描述的那样：“现在承受所谓性侵犯污名的是男性。”
If they do, not many notice it. The gender feminist ideology affects women far more deeply. Many are "converted" to a view of the society they inhabit as a patriarchal system of oppression. For most, this happens in college. Laurie Martinka, a women's studies graduate from Vassar, talked to me about her personal transformation. "You're never the same again. Sometimes I even bemoan the fact that so much has changed. I am tired of always ripping things apart because they exclude the perspective of women. . . . You become so aware of things. And it is hard. My mother cannot accept it. It is hard for her because I have changed so completely." Anne Package, a student at the University of Pennsylvania, told me that students talk among themselves about this keen new awareness: "We call it 'being on the verge' or 'bottoming out.' You are down on everything. Nothing is funny anymore. It hits you like a ton of bricks. You hit rock bottom and ask: how can I live my life?" When I suggested to her that many would count her and her classmates among the world's more fortunate young women, she bristled. "We still suffer psychological oppression. If you feel like the whole world is on top of you, then it is." 如果他们这样做，没多少人会注意到。性别女性主义意识形态对女性的影响更加深远。许多人被“转化”为对他们所生活的社会的看法，即一个父权压迫系统。对大多数人来说，这在大学时发生。劳里·马丁卡，韦萨大学的女性研究毕业生，和我谈到了她的个人转变。“你再也不会一样了。有时我甚至感叹发生了这么多变化。我厌倦了总是拆解事情，因为它们排除了女性的视角……你会变得如此敏感。而且这很困难。我的母亲无法接受。这对她来说很难，因为我已经完全改变了。”宾夕法尼亚大学的学生安妮·帕克告诉我，学生们在彼此之间谈论这种敏锐的新意识：“我们称之为‘濒临边缘’或‘到底了’。你对一切都感到倦怠。没有什么再有趣了。这对你打击很大。你感到跌入谷底，问自己：我该如何生活？”当我向她提出，许多人会认为她和她的同学是世界上比较幸运的年轻女性时，她变得有些不悦。“我们仍然遭受心理上的压迫。” 如果你感觉整个世界都压在你身上，那确实是这样。"
I was intrigued, though, by her expression "being on the verge." On the verge of what? Though the expression suggests a transitory experience, being on the verge is construed as the permanent condition of women who feel they have achieved a realistic awareness of their plight in male-dominated society. Such women sometimes organize into small but powerful groups within institutions they regard as masculinist bastions and where they make their presence felt in no uncertain terms. 不过，她的“处于边缘”这个说法引起了我的兴趣。处于什么边缘？虽然这个说法暗示了一种过渡性的体验，但“处于边缘”被理解为女性的一种永久状态，她们认为自己已经对自己在男性主导的社会中的困境有了现实的认识。这些女性有时会组织成规模虽小但势力强大的团体，加入到她们认为是男性主导的堡垒的机构中，并在那里毫不含糊地表明自己的存在。
The Boston Globe is New England's largest and most prestigious newspaper. In 1991, some two dozen women editors, managers, and columnists (including Ellen Goodman) formed a group called "Women on the Verge" to counter what senior education editor Muriel Cohen called the "macho newsroom." The "vergies," as they have come to be known, have some traditional equity feminist concerns about salaries and promotions; but they have also taken up arms against such things as the use of sports metaphors in news stories and the traditional lunchtime basketball game, which symbolizes to them the once-powerful and exclusionary old-boy network (though that complaint is unfounded because women are welcome to play, and some do). Defending the basketball games, editor Ben Bradlee, Jr., says: "All it is really is a bunch of people who want to get exercise and play a game. In the current conspiracy that's abroad, it's me and the other editors perhaps cutting secret deals and 《波士顿环球报》是新英格兰地区规模最大、最负盛名的报纸。1991 年，大约二十多位女编辑、经理和专栏作家（包括艾伦·古德曼）组成了一个名为“边缘女性”的团体，以对抗资深教育编辑穆里尔·科恩所说的“男性新闻编辑室”。 这些“边缘女性”，正如她们后来所知，在薪酬和晋升方面有一些传统的平等主义女权主义关切；但她们也对诸如在新闻报道中使用体育隐喻以及传统的午餐时间篮球比赛等问题表示抗议，这些问题在她们看来象征着曾经强大的排他性老男孩网络（尽管这种抱怨毫无根据，因为女性可以参加比赛，而且有些人确实参加了）。编辑本·布拉德利·小儿子在为篮球比赛辩护时说：“这实际上只是一群想要锻炼身体和玩游戏的人。在目前流行的阴谋论中，也许是我和其他编辑在秘密达成协议，
giving the boys the best stories." . Cohen expressed concern to editor Jack Driscoll over the "hormones that are running around here." Vergies are also irritated by "the strutting zone"-a corridor where some of the managerial males like to pace before deciding on the day's lead stories. The Women on the Verge at the Globe are feared but not loved. Since their advent, the newspaper has known no internal peace. 给男孩们讲最好的故事。” 科恩向编辑杰克·德里斯科尔表示担忧，提到“这里流动的荷尔蒙。” “炫耀区”也让女性们感到恼火——这是一个一些管理男性在决定当天头条新闻之前喜欢徘徊的走廊。《环球报》的临界女性让人畏惧却不被爱。从她们出现以来，报纸就没有过内部的平静。
David Nyhan, a senior editor and syndicated columnist, has been on the paper for more than twenty years and is part of what is known as its liberal "Irish mafia." He is an old-style newspaperman who wears his sleeves rolled up and has a booming voice and a penchant for bawdy humor. It was just a matter of time before he got into trouble with the Women on the Verge. On April 20, 1993, he was on his way to play in the infamous noontime basketball match when he spotted a fellow reporter, Brian McGrory, and invited him to join the game. Brian was on assignment and had a bad knee that day, so he declined. Nyhan persisted, but when it was clear that McGrory was not going to play, Nyhan jeered him as "pussy-whipped." 大卫·奈汉是一位资深编辑和联合专栏作家，在报社工作超过二十年，是所谓的自由派“爱尔兰黑手党”的一员。他是一个传统的报纸人，袖子卷起，声音洪亮，喜欢粗俗的幽默。与《女人边缘》中的女性发生冲突只是时间问题。1993 年 4 月 20 日，他正准备去参加臭名昭著的午间篮球赛时，看到同事记者布莱恩·麦克格里，他邀请布莱恩加入比赛。那天布莱恩在外派任务，膝盖也受了伤，所以他拒绝了。奈汉执意不懈，但当显然麦克格里不会参加时，奈汉嘲笑他是“受制于女性的男人”。
Betsy Lehman, a vergie, overheard the remark in passing and made it clear that she was very offended. Nyhan, who hadn't realized anyone was listening, immediately apologized. Sensing he was in trouble, he placed a memo on his door restating his remorse. He went around the newsroom and again apologized to any woman he could find. But he was about to be made an example of, and nothing could stop it. Already several Women on the Verge had interpreted his statement as an insult to a woman editor who, they assumed, had given Brian McGrory his assignment. McGrory denies it was a woman. 贝齐·莱曼，一位女编辑，无意中听到了这句话，并明确表示她非常生气。尼汉没有意识到有人在听，立即道歉。意识到自己有麻烦，他在门上贴了一张备忘录，再次表达了他的悔恨。他走遍了新闻编辑室，再次向他能找到的任何女性道歉。但他即将成为一个反面教材，什么也阻止不了。已经有几位“边缘女性”将他的言论解读为对一位女编辑的侮辱，她们认为，这位女编辑给了布莱恩·麦克格罗里他的任务。麦克格罗里否认那是一位女性。
The Globe management had just spent thousands of dollars on sensitivity workshops. Senior editor Matt Storin drew the moral: "Coming off of that experience [the workshops], I for one am all the more saddened by today's experience." Storin warned the staff that "remarks that are racially and sexually offensive to co-workers will not be tolerated here. Those who utter such remarks will be subject to disciplinary procedures." The publisher fined Nyhan and suggested he donate that sum to a charity of Ms. Lehman's choice. 《环球报》管理层刚刚在敏感性研讨会上花费了数千美元。资深编辑马特·斯托林得出了这样的结论：“从那次经历（研讨会）中，我个人对今天的经历更加难过。” 斯托林警告员工，“对同事有种族和性歧视的言论将不会被容忍。发表此类言论的人将受到纪律处分。”出版商对尼汉处以罚款 ，并建议他将这笔钱捐赠给莱曼女士选择的慈善机构。
The vergies had made their point, but the men of the Globe (and some women reporters who sympathized with them) had been alerted to the climate of resentment they lived in. They began to react. A price list was circulated: "babe" cost , "bitch" went for , "pussy-whipped," . Someone started a David Nyhan relief fund. (The fine was eventually rescinded.) Even some of the vergies were uncomfortable. Ellen Goodman said that she disapproved of the fine: "You do not want to get 维吉斯们提出了他们的观点，但环球报的男士们（以及一些同情他们的女性记者）对他们所处的愤懑氛围有所察觉。他们开始反应。一份价目表被分发：“宝贝”值 ，“婊子”值 ，“被女性控制”值 。有人发起了大卫·尼汉救助基金。(罚款最终被取消。) 甚至一些维吉斯也感到不安。埃伦·古德曼表示，她不赞成罚款：“你不想让……
to the point where everybody feels every sentence is being monitored." But that is just the point the Globe had gotten to. “到了每个人都觉得每一句话都被监控的地步。”但这正是《环球时报》所达到的地步。
The Globe incident is emblematic of the "achievements" of the New Feminists elsewhere. They have achieved visibility and influence, but they have not succeeded in winning the hearts of American women. Most American feminists, unwilling to be identified as part of a cause they find alien, have renounced the label and have left the field to the resenters. The harmful consequences of giving unchallenged rein to the ideologues are nowhere more evident than in the universities. “全球事件”是新女权主义者在其他地方“成就”的象征。她们获得了知名度和影响力，但没有赢得美国女性的芳心。大多数美国女权主义者不愿被认为是她们认为陌生的事业的一部分，因此放弃了这个标签，将这个领域留给了那些怀恨在心的人。在大学里，给意识形态不受约束地放纵带来的有害后果比任何地方都更加明显。
Chapter 3 第三章
Transforming the Academy 转变学术界
sa.
I am grateful . . . to the students of my women's studies ovular at Washington University in the spring semester of 1982. 我很感激……1982 年春季学期华盛顿大学我女性研究课程的学生们。
This little acknowledgment, in the preface of a book by the feminist philosopher Joyce Trebilcot, is one of the more amusing examples of the feminist effort to purge language of sexist bias. Trebilcot considers "seminar" offensively "masculinist," so she has replaced it by "ovular," which she regards as its feminist equivalent. Linguistic reform is one characteristic activity of feminist academics, and biological coinages are very much in favor. Feminist literary critics and feminist theologians (who call themselves thealogians) may refer to their style of interpreting texts as "gynocriticism" or "clitoral hermeneutics," rejecting more traditional approaches as inadmissibly "phallocentric." 在女权主义哲学家乔伊斯·特雷比尔科特的书前言中，这个小小的致谢是女权运动努力清除语言性别偏见的更有趣的例子之一。特雷比尔科特认为“研讨会”有冒犯性地“男性主义”，因此她用“卵型”取代它，认为这是其女性主义对应物。语言改革是女权学者的一项典型活动，而生物学的词汇非常受欢迎。女权文学批评家和自称为女神论者的女权神学家可能会将他们的文本解读风格称为“女性批评”或“阴蒂释义”，拒绝更传统的方法，认为这些方法不可接受地“阳物中心”。
Does it matter that academic feminists speak of replacing seminars with "ovulars," history with "herstory," and theology with "thealogy"? Should it concern us that most teachers of women's studies think of knowledge as a "patriarchal construction"? It should, because twenty years ago the nation's academies offered fewer than twenty courses in women's studies; today such courses number in the tens of thousands. Such rapid growth, which even now shows little signs of abating, is unprecedented in the annals of higher education. The feminist coloniza- 学术界的女权主义者是否用“卵子”代替研讨会，用“她史”代替历史，用“神学”代替神学，这重要吗？大多数妇女研究教师认为知识是“父权制建构”，这应该让我们担忧吗？应该，因为二十年前，全国高校开设的妇女研究课程不到二十门；如今，这类课程已达数万门。这种快速增长，即使现在也几乎没有减弱的迹象，在高等教育史上是前所未有的。女权主义的殖民化
tion of the American academy warrants study. What is driving it? Is it a good thing? 美国学院的转变值得研究。这背后是什么驱动力？这是一件好事吗？
Women's studies, though officially an academic discipline, is consciously an arm of the women's movement, dedicated to a utopian ideal of social transformation. In the words of the preamble to the National Women's Studies Association constitution, "Women's Studies owes its existence to the movement for the liberation of women; the feminist movement exists because women are oppressed. . . Women's Studies, then, is equipping women . . . to transform the world to one that will be free of all oppression." 妇女研究，尽管在官方上是一个学术学科，但有意识地作为女性运动的一个分支，致力于社会变革的乌托邦理想。正如国家妇女研究协会章程的前言所述：“妇女研究的存在归功于女性解放运动；女性主义运动存在的原因是女性受到压迫……因此，妇女研究是在为女性装备……以改变世界，使其摆脱一切压迫。”
The goal may be salutary, but equipping students to "transform the world" is not quite the same as equipping them with the knowledge they need for getting on in the world. Much of what students learn in women's studies classes is not disciplined scholarship but feminist ideology. They learn that the traditional curriculum is largely a male construction and not to be trusted. They learn that in order to rid society of sexism and racism one must first realign the goals of education, purging the curriculum of its white male bias and "reconceptualizing" its subject matter. 目标可能是有益的，但让学生“改变世界”并不完全等同于让他们掌握在世界上立足所需的知识。学生在女性研究课程中学到的很多内容并不是有纪律的学术研究，而是女性主义意识形态。他们了解到传统课程在很大程度上是男性的构建，不能被信任。他们明白，要想消除社会中的性别歧视和种族主义，首先必须重新调整教育的目标，清除课程中的白人男性偏见并“重新概念化”其学科内容。
The majority of women in the academy are not feminist activists. They are mainstream equity feminists: they embrace no special feminist doctrines; they merely want for women what they want for everyone-a "fair field and no favors." Equity feminists, regarding themselves as engaged on equal terms in contributing to a universal culture of humanity, do not represent themselves as speaking for Women. They make no dubious claims to unmask a social reality that most women fail to perceive. Their moderate, unpretentious posture has put them in the shadow of the less humble and more vocal gender feminists. 大多数学术界的女性并不是女权主义活动家。她们是主流的平权女权主义者：她们不支持特别的女权主义教义；她们只是希望女性能获得她们希望所有人都能获得的——一个“公平的竞争环境，没有偏袒”。平权女权主义者认为自己是在平等的条件下为人类普遍文化作贡献，并不声称自己是在代表女性。她们没有做出可疑的主张来揭示大多数女性未能察觉的社会现实。她们温和、毫不做作的姿态使她们处于那些不那么谦虚和更加 outspoken 的性别女权主义者的阴影之中。
The gender feminists are convinced they are in the vanguard of a conceptual revolution of historic proportions, and their perspective, predicated on the "discovery" of the sex/gender system, is a beguiling one. Carolyn Heilbrun exults in the conviction that the New Feminist thought is comparable to the intellectual revolutions produced by Copernicus, Darwin, and Freud. Gerda Lerner, professor of history at the University of Wisconsin and author of the influential book The Creation of Patriarchy, warns that attempts to describe what is now going on in women's scholarship "would be like trying to describe the Renaissance-ten years after it began." Sociologist Jessie Bernard compares the feminist scholars to the philosophes of the French Enlightenment, characterizing the explosion of research in women's scholarship as "the storming of the Bastille" or "the shot heard round the world." "Academia will never be the same again," she claims. Alison Jaggar, director of women's studies at the 性别女权主义者确信她们处于一场具有历史意义的概念革命的前沿，她们的观点建立在对“性别/性”体系的“发现”之上，这是一种迷人的观点。卡罗琳·海尔布伦欣喜于这种信念，即新女权主义思想可与哥白尼、达尔文和弗洛伊德产生的智力革命相媲美。 威斯康星大学历史学教授，有影响力的著作《父权制的创造》的作者格尔达·勒纳警告说，试图描述现在女性学术领域正在发生的事情“就像试图描述文艺复兴一样——它开始十年后”。 社会学家杰西·伯纳德将女权主义学者比作法国启蒙运动的哲学家，将女性学术研究的爆炸式增长描述为“攻占巴士底狱”或“震动世界的枪声”。“学术界将永远不会再一样，”她声称。 艾莉森·贾格尔，位于
University of Colorado, says, "We're developing a whole reconstruction of the world from the perspective of women, with the keyword being 'womencenteredness.'"6 科罗拉多大学表示：“我们正在从女性的视角开发整个世界的重建，关键词是‘以女性为中心’。”
The gender feminists are exuberantly confident that they are qualified to overhaul the American educational system. Unlike other, more modest reformers, these women are convinced that their insights into social reality uniquely equip them to understand the educational needs of American women. Their revolution is thus not confined to "feminist theory." On the contrary, it is essentially practical, pedagogical, and bureaucratic. 性别女权主义者们对她们有资格彻底改革美国教育体系充满自信。与其他更谦虚的改革者不同，这些女性确信她们对社会现实的洞察力使她们能够独特地理解美国女性的教育需求。因此，她们的革命并不局限于“女权主义理论”。相反，它本质上是实用的、教学的和官僚的。
Not all gender feminist academics teach women's studies. Many are in administration. Some direct harassment centers. Others have controlling positions in such para-academic organizations as the Association of American Colleges (AAC) or the American Association of University Women (AAUW). Some head women's centers that do research on women. Still others head "curriculum transformation projects." 并非所有性别女性主义学者都教授女性研究。许多人从事行政工作。有些人负责骚扰中心。还有一些人在美国大学协会(AAC)或美国大学女性协会(AAUW)等准学术组织中担任控制性职位。一些人负责对女性进行研究的女性中心。还有一些人负责“课程转型项目”。
"The goal of feminist teaching," says University of Massachusetts feminist philosopher Ann Ferguson, "is not only to raise consciousness about “女权主义教学的目标，”马萨诸塞大学女权主义哲学家安·弗格森说，“不仅仅是提高对
male domination system but also to create women and men who are agents of social change." That motivation, powerfully enhanced by the gender feminists' faith that they are privy to revolutionary insights into the nature of knowledge and society, inspires them with a missionary fervor unmatched by any other group in the contemporary academy. Not only do they pursue their mission in their classrooms, they are also involved in "transforming the academy" to render it more women-centered. Gender feminists are at work in hundreds of transformation projects for changing university curricula that they regard as inadmissibly "masculinist." The bias of the traditional "white male curriculum" must be eliminated, and new programs that include women must replace those in which women are "absent," "silent," "invisible." The whole "knowledge base" must be transformed. 男性统治体系，但也创造女性和男性，使之成为社会变革的推动者。 这种动机，在性别女性主义者坚信他们对知识和社会本质有革命性洞察的基础上得到了极大的增强，激励着他们以无与伦比的传教热情投身于当代学术界的使命。他们不仅在课堂上追求这个使命，还参与“变革学院”，使其更加以女性为中心。性别女性主义者在数百个转型项目中努力改变他们视为不可接受的“男性化”大学课程。传统“白人男性课程”的偏见必须消除，新的包括女性的项目必须取代那些女性“缺席”、“沉默”、“无形”的课程。整个“知识基础”必须被转变。
Gender feminists have been influential in the academy far beyond their numbers partly because their high zeal and single-mindedness brook no opposition; or rather, because they treat opposition to their exotic standpoint as opposition to the cause of women. University trustees, administrators, foundation officers, and government officials tend generally to be sympathetic to women's causes. Apart from an unwillingness to be considered insensitive and retrograde, they are aware that women have been discriminated against and may still need special protections. So they want to do what is right. But when future historians go back to find out what happened to American universities at the end of the twentieth century that so weakened them, politicized them, and rendered them illiberal, 性别女性主义者在学术界的影响力远超其人数，部分原因在于她们的高度热情和专注性不容反对；或者说，她们将对其异端立场的反对视为对女性事业的反对。大学的受托人、行政人员、基金会官员和政府官员通常对女性事业持同情态度。除了不愿被视为无情和过时外，他们也意识到女性曾遭受歧视，可能仍需要特殊保护。因此，他们想要做正确的事情。但当未来的历史学家回顾二十世纪末美国大学发生了什么，使它们如此疲弱、政治化并变得非自由时，
anti-intellectual, and humorless places, they will find that among the principal causes of the decline was the failure of intelligent, powerful, and well-intentioned officials to distinguish between the reasonable and just cause of equity feminism and its unreasonable, unjust, ideological sister -gender feminism. 反智和缺乏幽默感的地方，他们会发现，导致衰退的主要原因之一是聪明、有权势且出于好意的官员未能区分公平女性主义的合理和正当理由与其不合理、不公正的意识形态姐妹——性别女性主义。
At the 1992 National Women's Studies Conference in Austin, Texas, that I described in chapter l, the moderator urged us to "dwell for a moment on success. . . . Think about the fact that we have been so successful in transforming the curriculum." My sister Louise, who attended the conference with me, has two sons in college and a daughter starting junior high, and this remark alarmed her. Having spent several hours with the Austin conferees, she had doubts about their competence and reasonableness. "What exactly did she mean?" she asked me. She did well to ask; for she had stumbled on an area of feminist activism that has gone virtually unnoticed by the public. What began as a reasonable attempt to redress the neglect of women in the curriculum has quietly become a potent force affecting the American classroom at every level, from the primary grades to graduate school. 在我在德克萨斯州奥斯汀描述的 1992 年全国女性研究会议上，主持人催促我们“稍微停留一下，关注成功……想想我们在转变课程方面取得了多么大的成就。”与我一起参加会议的妹妹路易丝有两个上大学的儿子和一个即将上初中的女儿，这句话让她感到不安。在与奥斯汀的与会者共度了几个小时之后，她对他们的能力和理智产生了怀疑。“她到底是什么意思？”她问我。她问得非常好；因为她偶然发现了一个几乎未被公众注意的女性主义行动领域。最初是一次合理的尝试，旨在纠正课程中对女性的忽视，这一行动已经悄然成为一种强大的力量，影响着美国各级课堂，从小学到研究生院。
A nationwide feminist campaign to change the curriculum of the American academy is receiving support from the highest strata of education and government. The Ford Foundation recently helped launch a National Clearinghouse for Curriculum Transformation Resources at Towson State University in Maryland, to give the growing number of transformation consultants in our nation's schools quick access to resources. The Towson center provides consultants and project directors with readings on feminist pedagogy, samples of women-centered syllabi, lists of womencentered textbooks, and suggestions for women-centered audiovisual materials. It provides aspiring transformationists with manuals on how to start their own projects, as well as a list of resources to help them to "counter resistance." The transformation projects receive generous funding from major foundations and from federal agencies such as the Women's Education Equity Act Program and the Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education (FIPSE), as well as from the state governments of New Jersey, Tennessee, Montana, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and California. 一项旨在改变美国学院课程的全国范围内的女权主义运动正在获得教育和政府最高层的支持。福特基金会最近帮助在马里兰州陶森州立大学启动了一个国家课程转型资源中心，为全国不断增长的转型顾问提供快速获取资源的机会。陶森中心为顾问和项目主管提供有关女权主义教学法的读物、以女性为中心的教学大纲样本、以女性为中心的教科书清单以及以女性为中心的视听材料建议。它为有抱负的转型者提供有关如何启动他们自己项目的指南，以及帮助他们“应对阻力”的资源清单。 转型项目从主要基金会和联邦机构（如妇女教育平等法案项目和高等教育改进基金（FIPSE））以及新泽西州、田纳西州、蒙大拿州、宾夕法尼亚州、马里兰州和加利福尼亚州的州政府获得了大量资金。
In a recent book chronicling the triumphs of "the transformation movement," Caryn McTighe Musil reports on the success of the "hundreds of curriculum transformation projects around the country since 1980." In fact, the transformationists have been at it for longer than that, but they 在最近一本记录“转型运动”胜利的书中，凯伦·麦克蒂格·穆西尔报道了“自 1980 年以来全国数百个课程转型项目”的成功。 事实上，转型主义者已经做了更长时间，但他们
are only now coming into their own. On April 16, 1993, more than eight hundred teachers, college professors, school administrators, and state officials gathered at the Hilton Hotel in Parsippany, New Jersey, for a three-day "national" conference on curriculum transformation. The official program gives the overview: "A celebration of twenty years of curriculum transformation, this conference will bring together teachers, scholars, activists, and cultural leaders to share insights, knowledge, and strategies to assess our accomplishments and to imagine together a curriculum for the 2lst century." 现在才真正开始发挥作用。1993 年 4 月 16 日，800 多名教师、大学教授、学校管理人员和州政府官员齐聚新泽西州帕西帕尼的希尔顿酒店，参加为期三天的“全国”课程改革会议。官方日程概述如下：“庆祝课程改革 20 周年，本次会议将汇集教师、学者、活动家和文化领袖，共同分享见解、知识和策略，评估我们的成就，并共同展望 21 世纪的课程。”
The conference was sponsored by a variety of state and federal agencies such as the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Pennsylvania Humanities Council, and the New Jersey Committee for the Humanities. The keynoter, New Jersey chancellor of education Edward Goldberg, pointed out with great pride that New Jersey had invested "millions" in the curriculum transformation project. "The rest of America cannot be far behind." 这次会议得到了国家人文基金会、宾夕法尼亚人文学会和新泽西人文委员会等多种州和联邦机构的赞助。主题演讲者、新泽西教育副校长爱德华·戈德堡非常自豪地指出，新泽西在课程转型项目中投入了“数百万”资金。“美国其他地方应该也不会太远。”
Most of the eight hundred transformationists at the Parsippany Hilton had their expenses paid by their employers-mainly state governments, public schools, and public colleges and universities. Yet very few people know what transformationists do, why they do it, or why it might matter. 参加帕西帕尼希尔顿酒店的八百名转型者中，大多数的费用都由他们的雇主支付，主要是州政府、公立学校以及公立学院和大学。然而，很少有人知道转型者做什么，为什么这样做，以及为什么它可能很重要。
Ms. magazine used to run a feature called "The Click Experience," in which a woman would write in to tell about the moment when a light went on in her head and she had her first blazing realization of how women had been cheated and silenced. The "click" is a quantum leap in feminist awareness-"the sudden coming to critical consciousness about one's oppression." Gender feminist academics have their own particular version of the click experience: it happens at the moment one "sees" that the entire college curriculum has, with very few exceptions, been wrought and written by men, about men, and for men. History is "his story," men telling about men. Social science research, usually conducted by men and about men, holds up men as the norm; women are the Other. The great thoughts we study, the great art we revere, the literature we learn to love are largely male achievements. Men wrote the books, and they concocted the theories: knowledge is a male creation. In a single "click," a woman realizes that the culture and science men have created are not only wrong but self-serving and dangerous for women. The experience often has a depressing and alienating effect on a woman; the culture she had revered is suddenly not hers, and she may feel like a child of indifferent parents who discovers at a late age that she has been adopted. 《Ms.》杂志曾经有一个名为“点击体验”的栏目，女性可以写信讲述她们突然意识到女性被欺骗和沉默的那一刻。这个“点击”是女性意识的飞跃——“突然意识到自己被压迫的批判意识”。性别女权主义学者对点击体验有自己的理解：当她们“看到”整个大学课程，除了极少数例外，都是由男性撰写、关于男性、为男性而写的时候，这种体验就发生了。历史是“他的故事”，男性讲述男性。社会科学研究，通常由男性进行，关于男性，将男性视为规范；女性是异类。我们学习的伟大思想、我们尊重的伟大艺术、我们学习热爱 的文学，在很大程度上都是男性的成就。男性写书，男性构建理论：知识是男性创造的。在一个“点击”中，女性意识到男性创造的文化和科学不仅是错误的，而且是自私的，对女性来说是危险的。 这种经历常常对一个女人产生压抑和疏离的效果；她曾经崇敬的文化突然不再属于她，她可能会感到像一个被冷漠父母抚养的孩子，在晚年才发现自己被领养了。
Sooner or later, most women, gender feminist or not, have something 迟早，大多数女性，无论是否性别女权主义者，都会有某些东西
like a click experience. Men, except for the more myopic and hidebound among them, have it too. Just about everything bears the impress of patriarchy: high culture is largely a male achievement. As women have attained parity in economic status and access to higher learning and culture, the disparities, injustices, and exclusions of the past have been brought home to them as never before. 像是一种点击体验。男性，除了那些更加近视和守旧的人，也有这种体验。几乎一切都带有父权制的印记：高文化在很大程度上是男性的成就。随着女性在经济地位和高等教育及文化的获取上达到了平等，过去的不平等、不公正和排斥对她们的影响前所未有。
The evidence that women have been excluded, and their abilities as thinkers and writers demeaned, is everywhere. But once a woman appreciates the extent to which culture and civilization have been male-dominated, two roads lie before her. She can learn what can be learned about women's past achievements, and learn as well the reasons that their contributions to the larger enterprise were not greater; and she can then avail herself of the freedom she now has to accept the challenge to join with men on equal terms in the making of a new and richer culture. Or she can react to the cultural and scientific heritage as "androcentric" and move consciously to reconstruct the "knowledge base." It is at this juncture that equity and gender feminist academics begin to go their separate ways. The former stay within the bounds of traditional scholarship and join in its enterprise. The latter seek to transform scholarship to make it "womencentered." 女性被排斥，其作为思想家和作家的能力被贬低的证据随处可见。但一旦女性意识到文化和文明在多大程度上受男性主导，她们面前就会出现两条路。她可以学习有关女性过去成就的知识，并了解她们对更大事业的贡献为何不更大的原因；然后，她可以利用现在拥有的自由，接受挑战，与男性平等地参与创造一种新的、更丰富的文化。或者，她可以将文化和科学遗产视为“男性中心主义”，并有意识地重建“知识基础”。正是在这个关头，平等主义和性别女权主义学者开始分道扬镳。前者留在传统学术的范围内，并参与其中。后者寻求改变学术，使其成为“女性中心”。
Geraldine Ruthchild, a professor of English at Albion College, typifies the gender feminist reaction to the keen awareness that so much of culture has been made by men. Her click sounded when she came across these remarks by Louise Bernikow: "Which writers have survived their time and which have not depends upon who noticed them and chose to record the notice. . . . Such power, in England and America, has always belonged to white men." Professor Ruthchild writes, "After reading Louise Bernikow . . I was never again the same person, for her words abruptly crystallized random ideas I had had into a gem of revelation." 杰拉尔丁·鲁思柴尔德，阿尔比翁学院的英语教授，体现了对男性主导文化意识的性别女权主义反应。当她看到路易丝·伯尼科夫的这些话时，她的灵感被激发了：“哪些作家在他们的时代生存下来，哪些未能生存下去，取决于谁注意到他们并选择记录这些注意……在英格兰和美国，这种权力始终掌握在白人男性手中。”鲁思柴尔德教授写道：“阅读路易丝·伯尼科夫之后……我再也不是那个曾经的自己，因为她的话突然将我偶然的想法凝结成了一颗启示的宝石。”
The historian Gerda Lerner's revelation illuminates what for her is an ongoing atrocity. She asserts that men have been teaching women that sound thinking must exclude feeling. "Thus they [women] have learned to mistrust their own experience and devalue it. What wisdom can there be in menses? What source of knowledge in the milk-filled breast?" The cognitive abuse of women fills Lerner with anger: "We have long known that rape has been a way of terrorizing us and keeping us in subjection. Now we also know that we have participated, although unwittingly, in the rape of our minds." 历史学家格尔达·勒纳的启示照亮了她认为正在进行的暴行。她声称，男性一直在教导女性，理智的思考必须排除情感。“因此，她们（女性）学会了不信任自己的经历并贬低它。月经中有什么智慧？充满乳汁的乳房中有什么知识来源？”对女性的认知虐待让勒纳充满愤怒：“我们早就知道，强奸一直是恐吓我们并让我们屈服的一种方式。现在我们也知道，尽管是无意的，我们在精神上也参与了对自己的强奸。”
The gender feminist "re-vision" has been described in more sober terms in a brochure distributed by the prestigious American Association of Colleges: 美国大学协会（AAC）在宣传册中以更加冷静的措辞描述了性别女权主义的“重新审视”
In the last two decades, educators have begun to recognize that the experiences and perspectives of women are almost totally absent from the traditional curriculum. Surveys in the 1970s revealed, for example, that history textbooks devoted less than 1 percent of their coverage to women; that the most widely used textbook in art history did not include a single woman artist; and that literature courses contained, on average, only 8 percent women authors. Such discoveries have led many people to question the validity of the version of human experience offered by the liberal arts. 在过去的二十年里，教育工作者开始意识到，女性的经历和观点在传统课程中几乎完全缺失。例如，20 世纪 70 年代的调查显示，历史教科书对女性的报道不到 1%；最广泛使用的艺术史教科书中没有一个女性艺术家；文学课程平均只有 8%的女性作者。这些发现导致许多人质疑人文科学提供的关于人类经验版本的有效性。
It is possible to come to such an awareness without deciding that the rational response is to overhaul the entire canon of Western experience. Many scholars have begun to take pains to give women the recognition that was often denied them in past accounts. Women scholars of anthropology, psychology, and sociology have discovered that much previous research, which tended to concentrate on men, generalized to conclusions that did not necessarily apply to women. For the past ten or fifteen years social scientists have been working to correct this neglect. Feminist literary scholars have discovered and rescued many gifted women writers from undeserved oblivion. Textbook publishers now take pains to see that women are duly represented and that they are not demeaningly stereotyped. Such achievements stay well within the bounds of the kind of equitable adjustment that a mainstream feminism has rightly demanded. But the gender feminists are not content with them. They want transformation; a mere correction of the record won't do. 有可能在没有决定理性反应是彻底改革整个西方经验经典的情况下，达到这样的意识。许多学者已经开始努力给予女性在以往的叙述中常常被剥夺的认可。人类学、心理学和社会学的女学者们发现，许多以前的研究往往集中在男性身上，并得出不一定适用于女性的结论。在过去的十或十五年里，社会科学家一直在努力纠正这种忽视。女性主义文学学者们发现并拯救了许多才华横溢的女性作家，免于不应得的遗忘。教科书出版社现在努力确保女性得到适当代表，并且不被贬低为刻板印象。这些成就完全符合主流女性主义合理要求的公平调整的范围。但性别女性主义者对此并不满足。他们想要的是变革；单纯的记录修正是不够的。
There are, most people are aware, two meanings to the word history. On the one hand, history refers to a series of events that actually happened. On the other hand, there is History, an account of what happened. The gender feminists claim that History (written by men and focusing almost exclusively on men) has systematically distorted history. 大多数人知道，历史一词有两个含义。一方面，历史指的是一系列实际发生的事件。另一方面，还有历史（以男性为主并几乎完全聚焦于男性的记录），性别女权主义者声称，历史系统性地扭曲了历史。
It is undeniable that scholars often failed to recognize the role and importance of many gifted and historically important women. These neglected women deserve their place in History, and historians have a professional obligation to give it to them. Nevertheless, the paucity of women in History is, in the main, due not to the bias of male historians but rather to their concentration on politics, war, and conceptual change. Such History inevitably reflects the fact that women have not been allowed to make history in the way that men-and relatively few men at that-have been allowed to make it. It is a pervasive fact of history that men have rarely permitted women to participate in military and political affairs and that they have kept them away from learning and the high 不能否认，学者们常常未能认识到许多才华横溢且历史重要的女性的角色和重要性。这些被忽视的女性当之无愧地应该在历史中占有一席之地，历史学家有专业的责任将其展现出来。然而，历史中女性的稀缺主要并非由于男性历史学家的偏见，而是因为他们专注于政治、战争和观念变革。这种历史不可避免地反映了一个事实，即女性没有像男性那样，甚至相对较少的男性那样，被允许创造历史。历史的一个普遍事实是，男性很少允许女性参与军事和政治事务，并且将她们排除在学习和高层次知识之外。
arts. Any History that is faithful to the facts must acknowledge that in the past women were simply not permitted the degree of freedom commensurate with their talents. As Virginia Woolf pointed out, even the most gifted sister of Shakespeare would, tragically, never have been given the opportunities to make use of her genius. Lamentable as this may be, there is simply no honest way of writing women back into the historical narrative in a way that depicts them as movers and shakers of equal importance to men. 任何忠于事实的历史都必须承认，过去女性根本没有享有与其才能相称的自由度。正如弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫所指出的，即使是莎士比亚最有才华的姐妹，也悲惨地没有机会发挥她的天才。尽管这令人遗憾，但没有诚实的方式将女性写回历史叙事中，并将她们描绘为与男性同等重要的推动者和影响者。
To be sure, giving women only 1 percent of the narrative is too little, but 30 percent would be too much, and giving women half the space in a conventional History would blatantly falsify the narrative. Nor can historians do much about the "common people" whom God made so numerous. The vast majority of people, including most men and almost all women, have had a disproportionately small share in the history-making decisions about war, politics, and culture that historians count as momentous. But what is any historian of integrity supposed to do about that? 诚然，给女性仅占叙述的 1%太少，但 30%又太多，而在传统历史中给女性一半的篇幅将明显歪曲叙述。历史学家对上天创造的众多“普通人”也无能为力。绝大多数人，包括大多数男性和几乎所有女性，在历史学家认为重要的关于战争、政治和文化的决策中所占的份额不成比例地小。但是，任何有 integrity 的历史学家对此应当怎么做呢？
It is a standard feminist objection to traditional History that it focuses too much on male-dominated activities such as politics, war, and, more recently, science. A more balanced History would focus on areas of life that would give women greater visibility and importance. In effect, the complaint is that women figure importantly in social history but that political history has been given pride of place. This was a reasonable grievance twenty years ago, and the trend in high school and college history books since then has been toward social history. Even a strongly feminist report on the curriculum by the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women points this out: "An informal survey of twenty U.S. history textbooks compiled each year from 1984 to 1989 found a gradual but steady shift away from an overwhelming emphasis on law, wars, and control over territory and public policy, toward an emphasis on people's daily lives in many kinds of circumstances." 传统历史学遭到标准的女性主义反对，原因在于其过于关注男性主导的活动，如政治、战争以及最近的科学。更为平衡的历史将关注于那些能让女性获得更大可见性和重要性的生活领域。实际上，这个抱怨是说女性在社会历史中占有重要地位，但政治历史却被视为最重要。这在二十年前是一个合理的怨言，而自那时以来，高中和大学的历史书籍趋势已转向社会历史。甚至韦尔斯利学院女性研究中心对课程的强烈女性主义报告也指出：“1984 年至 1989 年间每年编纂的二十本美国历史教科书的非正式调查发现，强调法治、战争和对领土及公共政策的控制的倾向逐渐但稳步向强调人们在多种环境下的日常生活转变。”
In fact, both political and social history are important. By itself, social history, too, is insufficient. Even an exhaustive survey of daily life cannot substitute for the traditional kind of political history. Students need a reliable account of the events, philosophies, and cultural developments that have made a difference in the fates of nations and peoples, rendering some more successful and prosperous than others. Sooner or later the responsible teacher of history must get down to the history of politics, war, and social change. 事实上，政治史和社会史都很重要。社会史本身也不够。即使是对日常生活进行全面调查也无法替代传统的政治史。学生需要一个可靠的记录，记录那些改变了国家和人民命运的事件、哲学和文化发展，使一些国家比其他国家更成功、更繁荣。迟早，负责任的历史老师必须研究政治、战争和社会变革的历史。
But the gender feminists have far more ambitious goals than the redressing of historical neglect and bias. If history cannot be changed, History can be. Better yet, why not insist that all we ever have of history 但性别女权主义者的目标远不止纠正历史上的忽视和偏见。如果历史无法改变，那么历史就可以被改变。更妙的是，为什么不坚持我们拥有的所有历史
is the History we write, and that depends on who writes it? Heretofore, men have written History, giving us a masculinist account of the past; now women are free to change that version of History to make it more women-centered. 我们书写的历史，这取决于谁来书写？迄今为止，历史是由男性书写的，给我们提供了一个男性中心的过去；现在女性可以自由地改变这种历史版本，使其更加女性中心。
It is now common practice in high school textbooks to revise History in ways that attribute to women a political and cultural importance they simply did not have. Overt revisionism is rare. More often, history is distorted and the importance of women is falsely inflated without directly tampering with the facts. High school history texts now lavish attention on minor female figures. Sixteen-year-old Sybil Ludington, who alerted colonial soldiers in a failed attempt to cut off the escape of a British raiding party, gets more space in America: Its People and Its Values than Paul Revere. In the same textbook, Maria Mitchell, a nineteenth-century astronomer who discovered a comet, gets far more attention than Albert Einstein. In another popular high school text, there are three pictures of Civil War nurses but none of General Sherman or General Grant. 现在，高中教科书中普遍存在对历史的修正，将女性赋予了她们实际上并不具备的政治和文化重要性。公开的修正主义很少见。更常见的是，历史被扭曲，女性的重要性被虚假地夸大，而没有直接篡改事实。高中历史教科书现在对一些不重要的女性人物给予了过多的关注。16 岁的西比尔·卢丁顿，她在一次失败的阻止英国突袭部队逃跑的行动中向殖民地士兵发出警报，在美国：它的公民和价值观中获得了比保罗·里维尔更多的篇幅。在同一本教科书中，19 世纪的天文学家玛丽亚·米切尔，她发现了一颗彗星，获得了比阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦更多的关注。在另一本流行的高中教科书中，有三个内战护士的照片，但没有谢尔曼将军或格兰特将军的照片。
One of the ways human agents transform the course of history is by making war. The preeminence of men in war seems inescapable. But the feminist philosopher and transformationist Elizabeth Minnich maintains that women have played important roles in decisions about war and in war itself. 人类代理改变历史进程的一种方式是通过战争。男性在战争中的主导地位似乎不可避免。但女权主义哲学家和变革主义者伊丽莎白·米尼希认为，女性在战争决策和战争本身中发挥了重要作用。
Women have been part of and actively opposed to war throughout 女性一直是战争的一部分，并积极反对战争
the ages and across cultures. Women have fought; women have tried 在各个时代和文化中，女性一直在奋斗；女性一直在努力。
to stop the fighting; women have been on the front lines as sup- 停止战斗；女性一直在前线支持
pliers, as nurses, as spies; and have worked behind the lines as 钳子，作为护士，作为间谍；并在后方工作
cooks, secretaries, seamstresses, drivers, experts in language; to keep 厨师、秘书、女裁缝、司机、语言专家；保持
the country going. . . . Without women . . . no war could ever have 这个国家在继续……没有女人……就不会有战争。
been fought. 已经打过。
Women have been part of and actively opposed to war throughout the ages and across cultures. Women have fought; women have tried to stop the fighting; women have been on the front lines as suppliers, as nurses, as spies; and have worked behind the lines as cooks, secretaries, seamstresses, drivers, experts in language; to keep the country going. . . . Without women . . . no war could ever have been fought. 纵观历史和文化，女性一直是战争的一部分，也积极反对战争。女性参战；女性试图阻止战争；女性作为供应商、护士、间谍出现在前线；并在后方担任厨师、秘书、裁缝、司机、语言专家，以维持国家运转……没有女性……任何战争都无法进行。
Minnich does not give examples, but where historians have overlooked or airbrushed women out of significant roles they played in war, she is right to demand a truer and more complete picture. However, she also implies that a fuller picture would reveal that women's role in warfare has been pivotal. In fact it would not; no amount of supplementation can change the fact that women's roles in war have been relatively minor and their occasional protests against war have generally been unavailing. Nor would it be right to deprecate the importance of war as a factor in historical change; it remains true that war-conducted almost exclusively by 米尼希没有举例，但当历史学家忽视或抹去女性在战争中所扮演的重要角色时，她要求提供一个更真实、更完整的图景是正确的。然而，她也暗示更全面的图景会揭示女性在战争中的角色是至关重要的。事实上，并非如此；再多的补充也无法改变女性在战争中角色相对较小的事实，她们偶尔对战争的抗议通常也无济于事。贬低战争作为历史变革因素的重要性也是不对的；战争几乎是由……进行的事实依然成立。
men-has been the agent of cataclysmic historical upheavals, and any adequate History must reflect that fact, even if it means "leaving women out." 男人一直是历史巨变的推动者，任何充分的历史都必须反映这一事实，即使这意味着“不考虑女性”。
The idea that men have awarded themselves a dominance in history that they did not actually possess is becoming increasingly popular. I recently gave a public lecture on feminism and education before an audience that included several transformationists. In the lecture I defended traditional ideals of striving for objectivity and historical veracity. An annoyed man in the audience asked, "But how do we know that Mrs. Washington did not give her husband all his ideas?" I replied that we had no evidence for that. "Yes," said my interlocutor, now very excited, "that is just the point. There is no evidence! There cannot be evidence. Because those writing history would have suppressed it: the fact that there is no history proves nothing. It's lost to us forever." 越来越多人认同一种观点，即男性在历史上赋予自己了一种实际上并不存在的统治地位。我最近在一个包括几位转型主义者的听众面前发表了关于女权主义和教育的公开演讲。在演讲中，我为追求客观性和历史真实性的传统理念进行了辩护。一位恼怒的男性听众问道：“但我们怎么知道华盛顿夫人没有给她丈夫提供所有想法呢？”我回答说我们对此没有证据。“是的，”我的对话者现在很兴奋地说，“这就是重点。没有证据！不可能有证据。因为那些写历史的人会压制它：没有历史的事实证明不了任何东西。它永远地失去了。”
I answered that we have got to rely on the evidence we have until we have good reason to change our minds. I pointed out that it is most implausible that Martha Washington knew much about military campaigns or statecraft. It's also possible (and just as unlikely) that one of Washington's great-aunts was the brains behind his military prowess. We just can't do history that way. 我回答说，我们必须依赖现有的证据，直到我们有充分的理由改变主意。我指出，玛莎·华盛顿对军事行动或国政懂得并不多是极不可信的。也有可能（同样不太可能）华盛顿的一个姑姑是他军事才能的幕后智囊。我们不能以这种方式看待历史。
I could see that some members of the audience were altogether unimpressed with my rejoinder and my "obtuse" insistence on a conventional historical reasonableness, and I knew why: transformationists want "Herstory." They are impatient with an approach to History that impedes the kind of revisionism so many gender feminists are demanding as part of a "transformed knowledge base." 我可以看出，观众中有一些成员对我的反驳和我对传统历史合理性的“迟钝”坚持显得完全不感兴趣，我知道原因：变革主义者想要“她的故事”。他们对阻碍许多性别女性主义者所要求的“转变知识基础”的历史的方法感到不耐烦。
The gender feminist "reconceptualization" of History is moving right along at the university level. But the curricular changes are even more dramatic in the secondary and elementary schools. Because local and state governments are closely involved in public school curricula, and because they are very sensitive and responsive to gender feminist pressures, these changes are being imposed by fiat on thousands of public schools. 性别主义的“重新概念化”历史在大学层面正在顺利推进。但在中学和小学的课程变化则更为剧烈。由于地方和州政府与公立学校课程紧密相关，并且对性别主义的压力非常敏感和响应，这些变化正在被强制施加在数千所公立学校上。
Writers of contemporary history and social science texts, especially for the primary and secondary grades, make special efforts to provide "role models" for girls. Precollege texts usually have an abundance of pictures; these now typically show women working in factories or looking through microscopes. A "stereotypical" picture of a woman with a baby is a frowned-upon rarity. Instead, a kind of reverse stereotyping has become an informal requisite. Once Charles Lindbergh was a great role model for American boys; today, a textbook will make a point of informing students about Lindberg's World War II isolationism. In the same text, Anne 当代历史和社会科学教材的作者，尤其是针对小学和初中阶段的教材，特别努力为女孩提供“榜样”。大学前的教材通常图片丰富；这些图片通常展示女性在工厂工作或使用显微镜。女性抱着婴儿的“刻板印象”图像已被视为一种不受欢迎的稀有现象。相反，一种反向刻板印象已成为一种非正式的必需品。查尔斯·林德伯格曾是美国男孩的伟大榜样；而今天，教材则会特别提醒学生注意林德伯格在第二次世界大战期间的孤立主义。在同一本教材中，安妮
Morrow Lindbergh's very considerable achievements will be praised, but there will be no mention of her dalliance with fascism. 莫罗·林德伯格的显著成就将受到赞扬，但不会提及她与法西主义的暧昧关系。
The misplaced efforts to avoid slighting women lead quickly to extensive "re-visionings" of history, art, and the sciences. The Center for the Study of Social and Political Change at Smith College did a critical study of three of the most widely used new high school American history textbooks. Because of state mandates for gender equality, the authors of the new textbooks had to go out of their way to give women prominence. The Smith researchers were not happy with the results: 为了避免对女性的轻视而做出的错误努力，很快导致了对历史、艺术和科学的大量“重新解读”。史密斯学院社会与政治变革研究中心对三种最广泛使用的新的高中美国历史教科书进行了批判性研究。由于州政府对性别平等的强制要求，新教科书的作者不得不竭尽全力让女性占据显着地位。史密斯的研究人员对结果并不满意：
There is one major problem . . . in writing nonsexist history text- 有一个主要问题……在撰写非性别歧视的历史文本时 -
books. Most of America's history is male-dominated, in part because 书籍。美国历史大部分是男性主导的，部分原因是因为
in most states women were not allowed to vote in federal elections 在大多数州，女性不被允许参加联邦选举投票
or hold office until the twentieth century. This may be regrettable, 或者在二十世纪之前担任职务。这可能令人遗憾，
but it is still a fact. What, then, is a nonsexist writer of the American 但这仍然是一个事实。那么，什么是美国的非性别作家呢？
history textbook to do? The answer is filler feminism. 历史教科书该做什么？答案是填充女性主义。
There is one major problem . . . in writing nonsexist history textbooks. Most of America's history is male-dominated, in part because in most states women were not allowed to vote in federal elections or hold office until the twentieth century. This may be regrettable, but it is still a fact. What, then, is a nonsexist writer of the American history textbook to do? The answer is filler feminism. 有一个主要问题……在编写无性别歧视的历史教科书时。美国历史大部分是男性主导的，部分原因是大多数州直到二十世纪女性才被允许在联邦选举中投票或担任公职。这可能令人遗憾，但这仍然是事实。那么，作为美国历史教科书的无性别歧视作者该怎么办呢？答案是填充女性主义。
Filler feminism pads history with its own "facts" designed to drive home the lessons feminists wish to impart. The following passage from one of the most widely used high school American history texts, American Voices, is a good example of the sort of "feel good" feminist spin that has become the norm in our nation's textbooks. 填充女权主义用其自己设计的“事实”填补历史，以强调女权主义者希望传达的教训。以下摘自最广泛使用的高中美国历史教材之一《美国声音》的段落，展示了在我们国家的教科书中已成为常态的“让人感觉良好”的女权主义解读。
A typical [Indian] family thus consisted of an old woman, her daughters with their husbands and children, and her unmarried granddaughters and grandsons. . . . Politically, women's roles and status varied from culture to culture. Women were more likely to assume leadership roles among the agricultural peoples than among nomadic hunters. In addition, in many cases in which women did not become village chiefs, they still exercised substantial political power. For example, in Iroquois villages, when selected men sat in a circle to discuss and make decisions, the senior women of the village stood behind them, lobbying and instructing the men. In addition, the elder women named the male village chiefs to their positions. 一个典型的[印度]家庭通常由一位老妇人、她的女儿及其丈夫和孩子，以及她未婚的孙女和孙子组成。……在政治上，妇女的角色和地位因文化而异。与游牧狩猎者相比，妇女更有可能在农业民族中担任领导角色。此外，在许多妇女没有成为村长的情况下，她们仍然拥有相当大的政治权力。例如，在易洛魁人村庄，当选出的男人们围坐在一起讨论和决策时，村庄里的老妇人站在他们身后，游说和指导男人。此外，老妇人还任命男性村长担任他们的职位。
Though some of the information about the Iroquois is vaguely correct, the paragraph is blatantly designed to give high school students the impression that most Native American societies tended to be politically matriarchal. Since that is not true, the textbook "covers" itself by the 虽然关于易洛魁人的一些信息大体正确，但这段文字明显是为了让高中生认为大多数美洲原住民社会倾向于政治上的母系社会。由于这不是真的，教科书通过以下方式“掩盖”了这一点
formal disclaimer that "in many cases . . . the women did not become village chiefs." (In how many cases? A small minority? A large majority?) This is patronizing to both Indians and women, and there is no basis for it. There are more than 350 recognized Indian tribes-one can no more generalize about them than one can about "humanity." Here is what Gilbert Sewall of the American Textbook Council says about this passage: "Female-headed households? Bad old history may cede to bad new history. The presentist spin on Indian society found in the American Voices passage is less versed in evidence than aligned to contemporary feminist politics and perspectives." 正式声明“在许多情况下……女性并没有成为村长。”（在多少情况下？少数吗？大多数吗？）这对印度人和女性都是一种居高临下的态度，毫无依据。美国承认的印第安部落超过 350 个——人们不能对他们进行概括，就像无法对“人性”进行概括一样。以下是美国教科书委员会的吉尔伯特·西沃尔对此段落的看法：“女性主导的家庭？糟糕的旧历史可能会让位于糟糕的新历史。在美国声音段落中发现的对印第安社会的现代表述与其说是基于证据，不如说是与当代女性主义政治和观点相一致。”
Social studies texts are full of such "filler feminism"; indeed, in some cases, feminist pressures determine what is excluded even more than they determine what is to be included. In an extensive survey of the new textbooks written under feminist guidelines, New York University psychologist Paul Vitz could find no positive portrayal of romance, marriage, or motherhood. 社会研究文本充满了这样的“填充女权主义”；实际上，在某些情况下，女权主义的压力决定了哪些内容被排除，甚至比它们决定哪些内容被包括还要更多。在对在女权指导下编写的新教科书进行的大规模调查中，纽约大学心理学家保罗·维茨发现没有积极描绘浪漫、婚姻或母爱的内容。
By far the most noticeable ideological position in the readers is a feminist one. . . . To begin with, certain themes just do not occur in these stories and articles. Hardly a story celebrates motherhood or marriage as a positive goal or as a rich and meaningful way of living. 到目前为止，读者中最明显的意识形态立场是女权主义。……首先，某些主题在这些故事和文章中根本没有出现。几乎没有一个故事将母职或婚姻作为积极的目标或丰富而有意义的生活方式来庆祝。
Though great literature, from Tristan and Isolde to Shakespeare to Jane Austen to Louisa May Alcott, is filled with romance and the desire to marry, one finds very little of that in these texts. 尽管伟大的文学作品，从《特里斯坦与伊索尔德》到莎士比亚，再到简·奥斯汀和路易莎·梅·阿尔科特，充满了浪漫和结婚的愿望，但在这些文本中几乎找不到这些内容。
That American students are short on cultural literacy is well known. What is not known is that the transformationists are exacerbating the situation. A 1989 study entitled "What Do Our 17 Year Olds Know?" by Diane Ravitch and Chester Finn determined that more high school students recognized the name of Harriet Tubman ( 83 percent) than Winston Churchill ( 78 percent) or Joseph Stalin ( 53 percent); in fact, more knew about Ms. Tubman than knew that Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation ( 68 percent) or that the Constitution divides powers between the states and the federal government ( 43 percent). Seventyseven percent recognized that women worked in factories during World War II, but fewer could identify the Great Depression ( 75 percent) or find France on a map ( 65 percent) or knew that the Renaissance was characterized by cultural and technological advances ( 39 percent). In the fall of 1992, Dr. Frank Lutz, a fellow at the Harvard University Institute of Politics, surveyed Ivy League students to find out how much history and civics they knew. His survey of 3,119 of our nation's brightest and best- 众所周知，美国学生缺乏文化素养。鲜为人知的是，转型主义者正在加剧这种状况。黛安·拉维奇和切斯特·芬恩在 1989 年进行的一项名为“我们的 17 岁孩子知道什么？”的研究表明，更多的高中生认识哈丽特·塔布曼（83%）的名字，而不是温斯顿·丘吉尔（78%）或约瑟夫·斯大林（53%）；事实上，比知道亚伯拉罕·林肯发布解放宣言（68%）或知道宪法将权力分配给各州和联邦政府（43%）的人更多。77% 的人认识到女性在二战期间在工厂工作，但更少的人能识别出大萧条（75%）或在地图上找到法国（65%），或者知道文艺复兴以文化和技术进步为特征（39%）。 1992 年秋季，哈佛大学政治研究所研究员弗兰克·卢茨博士对常春藤盟校学生进行了调查，以了解他们对历史和公民知识的了解程度。 他对我们国家最聪明、最优秀的学生进行了调查，共计 3119 人——
educated students revealed that three out of four did not know that Thomas Jefferson had authored the opening words of the Declaration of Independence. Most (three out of four) were unable to name four Supreme Court justices, nor could they name the U.S. senators from their home states. More than a third could not name the prime minister of Great Britain. Such consequences are typical and predictable when teachers are distracted from the material they should be teaching by the effort to be ideologically correct. 受过教育的学生表明，四分之三的人不知道托马斯·杰斐逊是《独立宣言》开篇词的作者。大多数人（四分之三）无法说出四位最高法院大法官的名字，也无法说出他们家乡州的美国参议员的名字。超过三分之一的人无法说出英国首相的名字。当老师被努力追求意识形态正确性所分散注意力，而无法教授他们应该教授的材料时，这些后果是典型且可预见的。
The problem of "filler feminism" will get worse. Transformationists are well organized, and their influence is growing apace. Because of transformationist pressures, the law in some states now actually mandates "gender-fair" history. The California State Department of Education has issued guidelines called "Standards for Evaluation of Instructional Materials with Respect to Social Content." According to Education Code section 60040(a) and 60044(a), "Whenever an instructional material presents developments in history or current events, or achievements in art, science, or any other field, the contributions of women and men should be represented in approximately equal number." In effect, this law demands that the historian be more attentive to the demands of "equal representation" than to the historical facts. Needless to say, histories and social studies presented in this "fair" but factually skewed manner constitute an unworthy and dishonest approach to learning. “填充女权主义”的问题将会加剧。变革主义者组织良好，他们的影响力正在迅速增长。由于变革主义者的压力，某些州的法律现在实际上要求“性别公平”的历史。加利福尼亚州教育部发布了名为“关于社会内容的教学材料评估标准”的指导方针。根据教育法第 60040(a)和 60044(a)条款，“每当教学材料呈现历史或时事发展，或艺术、科学或其他任何领域的成就时，男女的贡献应大致均等。” 实际上，这项法律要求历史学者更加关注“平等代表”的要求，而非历史事实。不用说，以这种“公平”但事实扭曲的方式呈现的历史和社会研究，构成了一种不值得和不诚实的学习方式。
In the history of the high arts the absence of women is deplorable but largely irreparable. Few women in the past were allowed to train and work in the major arts. Because of this, men have wrought most of the works that are commonly recognized as masterpieces. But here, especially, the temptation to redress past wrongs through "reconceptualization" has proved irresistible. 在高雅艺术的历史上，女性的缺席令人惋惜，但基本上无法弥补。过去很少有女性被允许接受主要的艺术训练和工作。正因为如此，男性创作了大多数被公认为杰作的作品。但在这里，尤其是在这里，通过“重新概念化”来纠正过去错误的诱惑证明是不可抗拒的。
The transformationists claim that works of art made by women have been passed over because the standards have always been tilted to favor men. Peggy McIntosh, a director at the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women and a leader in the movement to transform the curriculum, calls for measures to redress the historical wrong that women's art has suffered at the hands of male critics: 变革主义者声称，由女性创作的艺术作品被忽视，因为评判标准始终倾向于男性。佩吉·麦金托什，韦尔斯利学院女性研究中心的主任，以及变革课程运动的领军人物，呼吁采取措施来纠正女性艺术在男性评论家手中遭受的历史不公。
The study of music, art and architecture is transformed if one goes beyond those works that were made for public use, display, or performance and were supported by the aristocratic or institutional patrons. One begins to study quilts, breadloaf shapes, clothing, pots, or songs and dances that people who had no musical literacy or training took for granted. 如果超越那些为公共使用、展示或表演而制作，并得到贵族或机构赞助的作品，对音乐、艺术和建筑的研究就会发生改变。人们开始研究被那些没有音乐素养或训练的人视为理所当然的被子、面包形状、衣服、锅，或歌曲和舞蹈。
Janis Bell, an art historian at Kenyon College, asks the question repeated in thousands of women's studies courses: "But is the traditional rectangle of a canvas any less limiting to the design than the rectangle of the quilt?" Professor Bell calls for reconceptualizing "our courses to create a place for women that is no longer peripheral-but rather the center of our inquiry into the history of the visual arts." 29 贾尼斯·贝尔（Janis Bell），肯扬学院（Kenyon College）的艺术历史学家，提出了在数千门女性研究课程中反复出现的问题：“但是，传统画布的矩形是否比被子的矩形对设计的限制更少？”贝尔教授呼吁重新构思“我们的课程，以为女性创造一个不再边缘化，而是成为我们对视觉艺术历史探讨中心的地方。”
Professor Bell and Dr. McIntosh ask us to "go beyond" the great public works of art, such as cathedrals, to look at what women have done. And a quilt can have great aesthetic value. But the loveliest quilt is plainly inferior to the canvases of Titian and Rembrandt in subtlety, complexity, and power, and we should be able to acknowledge the neglect of women's art without claiming otherwise. It is in fact true that the study of women's contributions to art has been neglected and that this neglect must beand is being-addressed and repaired. On the other hand, revisionist proposals to rewrite the historical record or to change the standards of artistic excellence to put women's art on a par with the highest classic achievements must be rejected as unworthy of a feminism that reveres great art and respects truth. 贝尔教授和麦金托什博士要求我们“超越”像大教堂这样的伟大公共艺术作品，去看看女性做了什么。一件被子可以具有很高的审美价值。但最美丽的被子在微妙性、复杂性和力量上明显不如提香和伦勃朗的画布，我们应该能够承认对女性艺术的忽视，而不必声称其他。事实上，对女性对艺术的贡献的研究一直被忽视，这种忽视必须并且正在得到解决和弥补。另一方面，那些试图改写历史记录或改变艺术卓越标准以将女性艺术与最高经典成就相提并论的修正主义提议必须被拒绝，因为它们不配一个敬畏伟大艺术并尊重真理的女权主义。
Feminists who resent the "male culture" tend to load their courses with remedial materials emphasizing women. There is, to be sure, much interesting new scholarship on women, and it may be tempting for feminists to devote a disproportionate amount of class time to it. But teachers have an obligation to ensure that their students acquire some basic "cultural literacy." Those who deploy the new scholarship in an attempt to make up for the shortcomings of the "male-centered curriculum" almost inevitably shortchange their students. 愤恨“男性文化”的女性主义者往往会在课程中加入大量强调女性的补救材料。当然，有很多关于女性的有趣新学术研究，女性主义者可能会倾向于在课堂上花费过多时间来讨论这些内容。但教师有责任确保学生获得一些基本的“文化素养”。那些试图用新学术研究来弥补“以男性为中心的课程”缺陷的教师，几乎不可避免地会让他们的学生受益匮乏。
In the summer of 1992, I attended a workshop given by Elizabeth Minnich when she and I were both speakers at the annual meetings of the Phi Kappa Phi Society in Charlotte, North Carolina. She outlined most of the arguments above-including the critiques of the notion of masterpiece in art and the "hegemony" of Greco-Euro-American standards. During the discussion I asked Dr. Minnich if she really believed there were quilts that rivaled or surpassed the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. She admitted that such a judgment did indeed shock our sensibilities but pointedly asked me in turn, "Isn't that what the history of art is all about—shocked sensibilities?" Standards and tastes are always in flux, she said. What one society or group judges to be great another finds banal or offensive. 1992 年夏天，我参加了由伊丽莎白·米尼奇主持的一个研讨会，当时她和我都是北卡罗来纳州夏洛特的 Phi Kappa Phi 协会年度会议的发言人。她概述了上述大部分论点——包括对艺术作品杰作概念的批评以及希腊-欧洲-美洲标准的“霸权”。在讨论中，我问米尼奇博士是否真的相信有些被褥可以与西斯廷礼拜堂的天花板相媲美或超过她。她承认这样的判断确实令我们的感官震惊，但又迅速反问我：“这不是艺术史的全部吗——震惊的感官？”她说，标准和品味总是在变化中。一个社会或群体认为伟大的东西，另一个则可能觉得平庸或冒犯。
The audience appeared startled by my open disagreement with Dr. 观众似乎对我与医生的公开分歧感到吃惊。
Minnich. Their reaction, I am ashamed to say, made me restrain myself from asking her the questions I badly wanted to ask: Why should we women be playing an undignified game of one-upmanship that we are bound to lose? What motivates the revisionist efforts to rewrite History or to revise the standards of "greatness" in a manner calculated to give to women victories and triumphs they never had the opportunities to win? We now have those opportunities. Why can't we move on to the future and stop wasting energy on resenting (and "rewriting") the past? 米尼奇。我很羞愧地说，他们的反应让我抑制住了自己，没能问她我非常想问的问题：为什么我们女性要参与一场注定要失败的没有尊严的争强游戏？什么驱动着对历史的修正努力，以及以一种旨在给予女性从未有机会赢得的胜利和辉煌的方式来修订“伟大”的标准？我们现在有了这些机会。我们为什么不能向前看，停止在愤恨（和“改写”）过去上浪费精力？
Many of us who call ourselves feminists are very much aware of the past indignities and deprivations that have limited women in the arts. Although we deplore the past, we appreciate that the situation has changed: today, artistically gifted women do have their level playing field. So we reject the call to change the standards of greatness, and we are exploring the more constructive alternatives now open to us, where we judge our best prospects to lie. 我们许多自称女权主义者的人，都非常清楚过去那些限制女性在艺术领域发展的侮辱和剥夺。虽然我们谴责过去，但我们也认识到情况已经改变：今天，有艺术天分的女性确实拥有了平等的竞争环境。因此，我们拒绝改变伟大标准的要求，并正在探索现在对我们开放的更具建设性的选择，在那里我们认为我们最好的前景所在。
Unfortunately, no one is consulting mainstream feminists about the value or wisdom of proposals to change standards in order to "valorize" women in the History of art or any other branch of History. If the transformationists continue to have their unchecked way in the academy, large numbers of American students will learn to view the great masterpieces in a doctrinally correct way-to their profound loss. Moreover, the women's movement loses by being associated with the partisan and resentful antiintellectualism that is inspiring a gynocentric revisionism in art criticism. 不幸的是，没有人咨询主流女性主义者关于改变标准以“重视”女性在艺术史或其他历史分支中的价值或智慧。如果变革派在学术界继续肆意妄为，许多美国学生将学会以一种教条式正确的方式看待伟大的艺术杰作——这对他们来说是巨大的损失。此外，女性运动也因与激进而抱怨的反智主义相联系而受损，这种反智主义正在激励艺术批评中的女性中心修正主义。
In literature, as in the arts, gender feminists have made a sweeping attack on allegedly male conceptions of excellence. As Elaine Marks of the University of Wisconsin French department puts it, "We are contesting the canon and the very concept of canons and masterpieces." Professor Marks reminds us once again that many gifted women in the past have not received due recognition. Good feminist scholarship addresses this problem and in many cases resurrects reputations that would otherwise remain overlooked. But gender feminists are not content to stop there. As transformationist activist Charlotte Bunch declares, "You can't just add women and stir." According to Bunch, we must attack the problem at the roots "by transforming a male culture" and by "reconstructing the world from the standpoint of women." We must, in other words, reject the masculinist standards that have placed European males like Michelangelo and Shakespeare in the highest ranks and relegated their sisters to oblivion. 在文学和艺术领域，性别女权主义者对被认为是男性对卓越的理解发起了全面攻击。正如威斯康星大学法语系教授伊莱恩·马克斯所说，“我们正在挑战经典作品和经典作品的概念本身。” 马克斯教授再次提醒我们，过去许多有天赋的女性没有得到应有的认可。优秀的女性主义学术研究解决了这个问题，并在许多情况下恢复了原本会被忽视的名声。但性别女权主义者并不满足于此。正如转型主义活动家夏洛特·班奇宣称的那样，“你不能只是加进女人然后搅拌。” 据班奇说，我们必须从根源上解决问题，“通过改变男性文化”和“从女性的角度重建世界”。换句话说，我们必须摒弃将欧洲男性如米开朗基罗和莎士比亚置于最高地位而将他们的姐妹遗忘的男性标准。
The gender feminists challenge the very idea of "great art," "great literature," and (as we shall presently see) "great science." Talk of "greatness" and "masterpieces" implies a ranking of artists and works, a "hier- 性别主义者质疑“伟大艺术”、“伟大文学”以及（如我们接下来将看到的）“伟大科学”的观念。谈论“伟大”和“杰作”暗示着对艺术家和作品的排名，这是一种“等级-
archial" approach considered to be unacceptable because it implicitly denigrates those who are given lesser status. The very idea of "genius" is regarded with suspicion as elitist and "masculinist." Peggy McIntosh is among the proponents of this belief: "The study of literature usually involves a very few geniuses. . . . To be ordinary is a sin, in the world of most literature teachers. . . . Only those works which distance themselves from an audience, by setting themselves up in a genre separate from the reader and requiring no answer from the reader, are considered to be 'literary.' " McIntosh does not explain why a work by a genius like Leo Tolstoy should be more "distancing" than a work by a twentieth-century feminist novelist like Margaret Atwood or Alice Walker. “天才”的“典范”方法被认为是不可接受的，因为它暗含贬低那些地位较低的人。 “天才”本身的概念被认为是精英主义和“男性主义”。佩吉·麦金托什是这种观点的支持者之一：“文学研究通常只涉及少数天才……在大多数文学教师的世界里，平凡是一种罪过……只有那些与读者保持距离的作品，通过把自己置于一个与读者不同的类型中，并且不需要读者做出任何回应，才被认为是‘文学作品’。” 麦金托什没有解释为什么像列夫·托尔斯泰这样的天才的作品比像玛格丽特·阿特伍德或爱丽丝·沃克这样的 20 世纪女权主义小说家的作品更“疏远”。
The transformationist project has already strongly influenced American universities, and the scornful attitude it fosters toward traditional literary classics is becoming increasingly fashionable. The organizers of a literary conference on diversity and multiculturalism in Boston in June 1991 asked the two hundred-plus participating professors to list the five American authors they believed most necessary to a quality education. Mark Twain got thirty-six votes; Toni Morrison, thirty-four; Maya Angelou, twenty-six; Alice Walker, twenty-four; John Steinbeck, twenty-one; Malcolm X, eighteen; Richard Wright, thirteen; James Baldwin, thirteen; Langston Hughes, thirteen; William Faulkner, eleven; Nathaniel Hawthorne, ten; Ernest Hemingway, ten; Henry David Thoreau, nine; Willa Cather, eight; F. Scott Fitzgerald, seven; Dee Brown, seven; W.E.B. DuBois, seven; Emily Dickinson, six; Amy Tan, six; Harper Lee, five; and Walt Whitman, five. Thomas Palmer, the Boston Globe reporter who covered the conference, stopped counting after Whitman. In any case, Herman Melville, whom most literary critics used to regard as the greatest American writer, did not make the list. Nor did Henry James. The conferees cheered the results of the poll. "This list makes me feel so much more connected," one participant told the Globe. I, on the other hand, was depressed by the results. 变革主义者的项目已经强烈影响了美国大学，而它对传统文学经典所持的轻蔑态度正变得越来越时髦。1991 年 6 月在波士顿举行的关于多样性和多元文化的文学会议的组织者要求 200 多位参会教授列出他们认为对优质教育最必要的五位美国作家。马克·吐温得到了 36 票；托妮·莫里森 34 票；玛雅·安吉罗 26 票；爱丽丝·沃克 24 票；约翰·斯坦贝克 21 票；马尔科姆·X18 票；理查德·赖特 13 票；詹姆斯·鲍德温 13 票；兰斯顿·休斯 13 票；威廉·福克纳 11 票；纳撒尼尔·霍桑 10 票；欧内斯特·海明威 10 票；亨利·大卫·梭罗 9 票；威拉·凯瑟 8 票；F·斯科特·菲茨杰拉德 7 票；迪·布朗 7 票；W·E·B·杜波依斯 7 票；艾米·谭 6 票；埃米莉·狄金森 6 票；哈珀·李 5 票；瓦尔特·惠特曼 5 票。波士顿环球报记者托马斯·帕尔默在惠特曼之后停止了计票。无论如何，大多数文学评论家曾视赫尔曼·梅尔维尔为美国最伟大的作家，但他并未上榜。亨利·詹姆斯也没有。 与会者为投票结果欢呼。“这个名单让我感觉更加贴近，”一位参与者对《环球报》说。另一方面，我则对结果感到沮丧。
In their critique of the imperial male culture, the transformationist feminists do not confine themselves to impugning the history, art, and literature of the past. They also regard logic and rationality as "phallocentric." Elizabeth Minnich traces the cultural tradition to a "few privileged males . . . who are usually called 'The Greeks.' "34 In common with many other transformationists, Minnich believes that the conceptions of rationality and intelligence are white, male creations: "At present . . . not only are students taught 'phallocentric' and 'colonial' notions of reason as the forms of rational expression, but the full possible range of expression of human intelligence also tends to be forced into a severely shrunken no- 在对帝国男性文化的批判中，转型主义女权主义者并不仅仅局限于抨击过去的历史、艺术和文学。她们还将逻辑和理性视为“阳物中心主义”。伊丽莎白·米尼奇追溯这一文化传统，指出它源于“一些特权男性……通常被称为‘希腊人’。”与许多其他转型主义者一样，米尼奇认为理性和智力的观念是白人男性的创造：“目前……学生们不仅被教导‘阳物中心’和‘殖民’的理性观念作为理性表达的形式，而且人类智力的全部可能表达范围也往往被迫缩减到一个极其狭窄的范围。”
tion of intelligence." Note the reference to a "colonial" rationality with its implication of deliberate subjugation. It is now common practice to use scare quotes to indicate the feminist suspicion of a "reality" peculiar to male ways of knowing. For example, the feminist philosopher Joyce Trebilcot speaks of "the apparatuses of 'truth,' 'knowledge,' 'science,' " that men use to "project their personalities as reality."36 智能的形成。” 注意到对“殖民”理性的提及，暗示着故意的压迫。现在普遍使用引号来表示女性主义对男性知识方式所特有的“现实”的怀疑。例如，女性主义哲学家乔伊斯·特雷比尔科特谈到男性用来“将他们的个性投射为现实”的“‘真理’、‘知识’、‘科学’的装置。”36
The attack on traditional culture has thus escalated to an attack on the rational standards and methods that have been the hallmark of scientific progress. The New Jersey Project for reforming the public schools circulates a document entitled "Feminist Scholarship Guidelines." The first guideline is unexceptionable: "Feminist scholars seek to recover the lost work and thought of women in all areas of human endeavor." But after that, the guidelines unravel: "Feminist scholarship begins with an awareness that much previous scholarship has offered a white, male, Eurocentric, heterosexist, and elite view of 'reality.' " 对传统文化的攻击因此升级为对科学进步标志性的理性标准和方法的攻击。新泽西公共学校改革项目流传着一份名为“女性主义学术指导原则”的文件。第一条指导原则毫无异议：“女性主义学者寻求恢复女性在所有人类努力领域中失落的工作和思想。” 但在此之后，指导原则就开始解构：“女性主义学术从意识到许多以前的学术提供了一个白人男性、欧洲中心、异性恋和精英视角的‘现实’开始。”
The guidelines elaborate on the attitude toward masculinist scholarship and methods by quoting the feminist theorist Elizabeth Fee: "Knowledge was created as an act of aggression-a passive nature had to be interrogated, unclothed, penetrated, and compelled by man to reveal her secrets." Fee's resentment and suspicion of male "ways of knowing" follows a path well trodden by such feminist thinkers as Mary Ellman, Catharine MacKinnon, and Sandra Harding, whose views of patriarchal knowledge and science have quickly become central gender feminist doctrine. Playing on the biblical double meaning of knowing to refer both to intercourse and to cognition, Ellman and MacKinnon claim that men approach nature as rapists approach a woman, taking joy in violating "her," in "penetrating" her secrets. Feminists, says MacKinnon, have finally realized that for men, "to know has meant to fuck." In a similar mood, Sandra Harding suggests that Newton's Principles of Mechanics could just as aptly be called "Newton's Rape Manual." 这些指导方针通过引用女权主义理论家伊丽莎白·菲的观点，详细阐述了对男子主义学术和方法的态度：“知识的创造是一种攻击行为——被动的本性必须被审问、剥去衣物、渗透，并被男性迫使揭示她的秘密。”菲对男性“认知方式”的愤恨和怀疑，遵循了玛丽·埃尔曼、凯瑟琳·麦金农和桑德拉·哈丁等女权主义思想家的足迹，她们对父权知识和科学的看法迅速成为核心性别女权主义教义。埃尔曼和麦金农打着“知道”在圣经中的双重意义，指的是性交和认知，声称男性对待自然的方式就像强奸犯对待女性，享受侵犯“她”的乐趣，渗透“她”的秘密。麦金农表示，女权主义者终于意识到，对于男性来说，“知道就意味着性交。”桑德拉·哈丁以类似的情绪暗示，牛顿的《力学原理》同样可以称为“牛顿的强奸手册”。
The New Jersey Project is inspired by such insights. As a teacher of philosophy, I suppose I should be happy to see profound issues in metaphysics and the theory of knowledge being discussed in government pamphlets on educational reform. But it is quite clear that this discussion is more political than philosophical. New Jersey gets its theory of knowledge from feminist activists like Paula Rothenberg and Catharine Stimpson. That the state should underwrite a condemnation of "phallocentric" conceptions of reality and scientific knowledge is far more a tribute to the energy and political influence of the feminist transformationists than to New Jersey's profound appreciation of contemporary epistemology. 新泽西项目正是从这些见解中获得灵感的。作为一名哲学教师，我理应高兴地看到形而上学和知识论的深刻问题在教育改革的政府手册中被讨论。但很明显，这场讨论更多的是政治性的，而不是哲学性的。新泽西州的知识论来自像宝拉·罗森伯格和凯瑟琳·斯蒂姆普森这样的女权主义活动家。国家应该为谴责“男性中心主义”的现实和科学知识观提供资金，这与其说是新泽西州对当代认识论的深刻理解，不如说是对女权主义转型者能量和政治影响力的赞扬。
Male scholars specializing in their masculinist academic disciplines (from chemistry to philosophy) are known to transformationists as "separate knowers." The authors of Women's Ways of Knowing, a text much cited by transformationists, define "separate knowing" as "the game of impersonal reason," a game that has "belonged traditionally to boys." 40 "Separate knowers are tough-minded. They are like doormen at exclusive clubs. They do not want to let anything in unless they are pretty sure it is good. . . . Presented with a proposition, separate knowers immediately look for something wrong-a loophole, a factual error, a logical contradiction, the omission of contrary evidence." 男性学者专注于其男性主义学科（从化学到哲学）被转型主义者称为“独立认识者”。《女性的认识方式》一书的作者，转型主义者常常引用这本书，定义“独立认识”为“非个人理性的游戏”，这场游戏“传统上属于男孩”。“独立认识者思维敏锐。他们就像排外俱乐部的门卫。他们不想让任何东西进入，除非他们相当确定这是好的……当面对一个命题时，独立认识者立即寻找问题——漏洞、事实错误、逻辑矛盾、对立证据的遗漏。”
Separate knowers-mainly men-play the "doubting game." The authors of Women's Ways of Knowing contrast separate knowing with a higher state of "connected knowing" that they view as the more feminine. In place of the "doubting game," connected knowers play the "believing game." This is more congenial for women because "many women find it easier to believe than to doubt." 独立的认识者——主要是男性——玩“怀疑游戏”。《女性的认知方式》的作者将独立的认识与他们认为更女性化的更高状态“连接的认识”进行对比。在“怀疑游戏”中，连接的认识者玩“相信游戏”。这对女性更为友好，因为“许多女性发现相信比怀疑更容易。”
Peggy McIntosh has developed her own special variant of the connected-knower/separate-knower distinction. Why, she asks, should schools focus so much on the people at the top-on the "mountain strongholds of white men"-when what we need to study are the "valley values" of women and minorities? McIntosh shifts between the mountain-valley metaphor and a distinction that sounds more technical (though it is in fact equally metaphorical) between the two ways of knowing: a narrow, patriarchal, male, "vertical" way and a richer, female, "lateral" way. 佩吉·麦金托什发展了她自己独特的连接者/分离者区别的变体。她问道，为什么学校要如此关注顶尖的人——“白人男性山区堡垒”——而我们应该研究的是女性和少数民族的“山谷价值观”？ 麦金托什在山谷隐喻和一个听起来更专业的区别之间切换（尽管实际上它同样是隐喻的），这两种认识方式：一种狭隘的、父权制的、男性的、“垂直”方式，以及一种更丰富的、女性的、“横向”方式。
The male dominant elite-the "vertical thinkers," as Dr. McIntosh calls them-aim at "exact thinking, or decisiveness or mastery of something, or being able to make an argument and take on all comers, or turning in the perfect paper." Vertical thinking is "triggered by words like excellence, accomplishment, success, and achievement." Lateral thinking is more spiritual, "relational, inclusive." Women and people of color tend to be lateral thinkers. For "laterals," the "aim is not to win, but to be in a decent relationship with the invisible elements of the universe." 男性主导的精英——正如麦金托什博士所称的“垂直思维者”——旨在“准确思考、果断、掌握某种技能，能够进行辩论并迎接各种挑战，或者提交完美的论文。”垂直思维“由像卓越、成就、成功和成果这样的词语触发。”横向思维更具精神性，“关系性和包容性。”女性和有色人种往往是横向思维者。对于“横向思维者”来说，“目标不是赢，而是与宇宙中看不见的元素建立良好的关系。”
McIntosh elaborates the vertical-lateral metaphor in proposing five stages in the development of an acceptable curriculum. Her "phase theory" is one of several popular typologies influencing the gender feminist mission to transform American schools. Stage theories lend themselves well to the workshop mode and provide administrators a useful means 麦克林托什在提出可接受课程发展的五个阶段时，详细阐述了纵向-横向隐喻。她的“阶段理论”是影响性别女权主义者改造美国学校使命的几种流行类型学之一。阶段理论非常适合研讨会模式，并为管理人员提供了一种有用的手段
for evaluating faculty. McIntosh grades instructors by the level of the phases their courses exemplify. 用于评估教职工。麦金托什根据课程所体现的阶段水平对教师进行评分。
In phase one, the instructor focuses on the mountain people, or "pinnacle people." A phase one history course "tends to emphasize laws, wars and to tell the stories of winners, at the tops of the ladders of socalled success, accomplishment, achievement, and excellence." 45 Phase one thinkers take for granted such dogmas as "the quest for knowledge is a universal human undertaking." Dr. McIntosh speaks of the "hidden ethos" hanging over the "phase one" curriculum, with its logic of "either or, right or wrong. . . . You win lest you lose: kill or be killed." At a 1990 workshop for public school teachers and staff in Brookline, Massachusetts, she reminded the audience of all the "young white males dangerous to themselves and the rest of us, especially in a nuclear age." Their orientation toward logic and achievement is what makes them so threatening. 在第一阶段，讲师关注的是山区人民，即“巅峰人民”。第一阶段的历史课程“往往强调法律、战争，并讲述成功者的故事，这些成功者位于所谓成功、成就、卓越的阶梯顶端。”第一阶段的思想家认为诸如“追求知识是人类普遍的使命”这样的教条是不言而喻的。麦金托什博士谈到悬挂在“第一阶段”课程上的“隐藏伦理”，其逻辑为“或者……或者，对的……错的……你要赢，否则就会输：要么杀死别人，要么被杀。”在 1990 年马萨诸塞州布鲁克莱恩为公立学校教师和职员举办的研讨会上，她提醒观众所有“对自己和其他人都构成危险的年轻白人男性，尤其是在核时代。”他们对逻辑和成就的导向使他们变得如此具威胁性。
By phase two, instructors have noticed the absence of women and minorities, so they find a few exceptional cases to include. McIntosh calls this the "exceptional minority" phase. She considers this "worse" than phase one in that "it pretends to show us 'women,' but really shows us only a famous few." 49 到第二阶段，讲师们注意到女性和少数群体的缺席，因此他们找到了一些特殊的案例来包括在内。麦金托什称这一阶段为“特殊少数群体”阶段。她认为这一阶段“比第一阶段更糟”，因为“它假装展示给我们‘女性’，但实际上只展示了少数几个著名的人。”
In phase three, the instructor begins to get interested in the valley people and why so few have made it up the mountain. "Phase three curriculum work involves getting angry." The emphasis now is on women as a victimized group. "Most teachers in the United States . . . were taught that the individual is the main unit of society and that the U.S. system is a meritocracy." But at phase three, these naive beliefs get dropped. Phase three instructors become radical critics of the United States: they begin to see "how patterns of colonialism, imperialism and genocide outside the U.S. match patterns of domination, militarism and genocide at home." 52 在第三阶段，教师开始对谷地人民产生兴趣，并探讨为什么这么少人能够登上山顶。“第三阶段的课程工作涉及愤怒。” 现在的重点是女性作为一个受害群体。“美国的大多数教师……被教导个体是社会的主要单位，美国的制度是精英主义。” 但在第三阶段，这些天真的信念被抛弃。第三阶段的教师成为美国的激进批评者：他们开始看到“殖民主义、帝国主义和种族灭绝的模式在美国以外和在国内的统治、军事主义和种族灭绝模式是如何吻合的。”52
Phase four takes us beyond winning and losing. "It produces courses in which we are all seen to be in it together, all having ethnic and racial identity, all having culture . . . all with some power to say no, and yes, and 'This I create.' . . . Phase four classes can be wondrous in their healing power." 第四阶段超越了胜负。“它产生的课程使我们都被视为一个整体，拥有种族和民族身份，拥有文化……都拥有一些说不、说是和‘这是我创造的’的权力……第四阶段的课程在其治愈力量上可以是奇妙的。”
McIntosh's description of phase four is allusive and poetic, but to hidebound "vertical" thinkers not very illuminating. She says even less about the fifth and highest phase in her ideal of knowledge. She admits that it is "as yet unthinkable" and writes of it in sentences with an abundance of capital letters that signify its apocalyptic character: "Phase five will give us Reconstructed Global and Biological History to Survive By." 54 麦克林托什对第四阶段的描述是含蓄而诗意的，但对于墨守成规的“垂直”思想家来说，它并不是很有启发性。她对第五阶段，也就是她理想中的知识的最高阶段，说得更少。她承认，它“目前还不可想象”，并用大量大写字母的句子来描述它的末日特征：“第五阶段将为我们提供重建的全球和生物历史，以供生存。” 54
Discussing the fifth phase reminds McIntosh of a remark made by the feminist historian Gerda Lerner: "Don't worry . . . we were 6000 years carefully building a patriarchal structure of knowledge, and we've had only 12 years to try to correct it, and 12 years is nothing." 55 讨论第五阶段让麦金托什想起女权历史学家格尔达·勒纳的一句评论：“别担心……我们花了 6000 年小心翼翼地建立起一个父权制的知识结构，而我们只有 12 年去尝试纠正它，12 年根本不算什么。” 55
Marilyn R. Schuster and Susan R. Van Dyne of Smith College "consult nationally" on feminist curriculum transformation. They have developed a six-stage theory of pedagogical levels that looks very much like McIntosh's five-phase theory. Theirs describes a feminist alternative to the masculinist curriculum that is to be pluralistic instead of hierarchical, attentive to difference rather than elitist, concrete rather than abstract. But they, too, are not keen to tell us where the transformations will lead: 史密斯学院的玛丽琳·R·舒斯特和苏珊·R·范·戴恩在全国范围内“咨询”关于女权主义课程转型。她们已经发展出六阶段的教学水平理论，这与麦金托什的五阶段理论非常相似。她们的理论描述了一种女权主义的替代男性主义课程，这种课程应该是多元化的而不是等级制的，关注差异而不是精英主义，具体而不是抽象。但她们也并不热衷于告诉我们这些转型将导致什么。
What would a curriculum that offers an inclusive vision of human 提供一种包容性人类愿景的课程会是什么样的？
experience and that attends as carefully to difference and genuine 体验，并且同样认真地关注差异和真实
pluralism as to sameness and generalization actually look like? Al- 多元主义在相同性和概括方面实际上是什么样的？阿-
though we possess the tools of analysis that allow us to conceive of 尽管我们拥有使我们能够构思的分析工具
such an education, we can't, as yet, point to any institution that has 这样的教育，我们还无法指出任何具有此类教育的机构
entered the millennium and adopted such a curriculum. 进入千年并采纳了这样的课程。
What would a curriculum that offers an inclusive vision of human experience and that attends as carefully to difference and genuine pluralism as to sameness and generalization actually look like? Although we possess the tools of analysis that allow us to conceive of such an education, we can't, as yet, point to any institution that has entered the millennium and adopted such a curriculum. 一个真正体现包容性的人类经验视野，并像对待相同和概括一样认真对待差异和真正多元化的课程会是什么样子？尽管我们拥有分析工具来构想这样的教育，但我们目前还无法指出任何进入新世纪并采用这种课程的机构。
But the problem is not that the "millennium" of a transformed academy has not yet arrived. Schuster and Van Dyne do not realize that they have no idea of the curriculum that is to replace the "androcentric" one now in place. Instead of submitting a comprehensive feminist curriculum for serious consideration and scrutiny, we are given a lot of loose and metaphorical talk about female epistemologies characterizing how women view the world from a female perspective. 但问题不在于变革后的学院的“千年”尚未到来。舒斯特和范·戴恩没有意识到，他们根本不知道要取代现行“男性中心”课程的课程是什么。他们没有提交一份完整的女性主义课程供认真考虑和审查，而是给我们提供了一些关于女性认识论的松散和比喻性的说法，这些说法描述了女性如何从女性的角度看待世界。
Catharine Stimpson, one of the matron saints of transformationism, is a former president of the Modern Language Association and, until recently, was dean of the Graduate School and vice-provost at Rutgers University. We do get a fairly detailed description from her of a late-stage curriculum that she outlined in Change magazine in 1988. Stimpson begins in conventional transformationist fashion by denouncing the traditional phase one curriculum for teaching students to recognize big (male) names from "Abraham and Isaac to Zola" as little more than a game that, "at its most innocent," appeals only to crossword puzzle or "Jeopardy" fans. Dean Stimpson has a more "coherent curriculum" in mind, and because she has been unusually specific, I shall quote her at some length: 凯瑟琳·斯蒂姆普森，转型主义的守护神之一，曾任现代语言协会主席，直到最近，她还是罗格斯大学研究生院院长兼副教务长。我们从她那里得到了一个相当详细的关于她在 1988 年《变革》杂志上概述的后期课程的描述。 斯蒂姆普森以传统的转型主义方式开始，谴责传统的第一阶段课程，因为该课程教学生识别从“亚伯拉罕和以撒到左拉”的大人物（男性），这不过是一个游戏， “在最无辜的情况下”，只吸引填字游戏或“危险边缘”的粉丝。斯蒂姆普森院长有一个更“连贯的课程”计划，而且因为她异常具体，我将引用她的长篇大论：
What might a coherent curriculum be like? Let me pass out some 一个连贯的课程可能是什么样的？让我分发一些
whiffs of a syllabus, which focuses on the humanities. . . "My syl- 人文课程大纲的淡淡气息……“我的课程大纲——
What might a coherent curriculum be like? Let me pass out some whiffs of a syllabus, which focuses on the humanities. . . "My syl- 一个连贯的课程可能是什么样的？让我散发一些教学大纲的片段，重点关注人文科学……“我的教学大纲-
labus" desires to show . . . culture, not as a static and immobile structure, but as a kinetic series of processes, in which various forces often compete and clash. However, a student must have a certain security in order to appreciate diversity. . . To help create that sense of stability and security for U.S. students . . . my . . . college curriculum starts with a linear narrative about America's own weird, complex history. . . . For example, when the narrative shuttles towards the seventeenth century, it could stop at four texts: Native American myths, legends and rituals; the 1637-38 trials of Anne Hutchinson; the poems of Anne Bradstreet . . . and finally, the narrative of Mary Rowlandson, issued in 1682, about her capture by Native Americans during the liberation struggle of “labus” 想要展现……文化，不是作为一个静态的、不动的结构，而是一系列动态的过程，其中各种力量经常竞争和冲突。然而，学生必须具有一定的安全感才能欣赏多样性……为了帮助美国学生建立这种稳定感和安全感……我的……大学课程从一个关于美国自身怪异、复杂历史的线性叙述开始……例如，当叙述转向十七世纪时，它可以停留在四篇文本上：美洲原住民的神话、传说和仪式；1637-38 年的安妮·哈钦森审判；安妮·布拉德斯特里特的诗歌……最后，玛丽·罗兰森的叙述，出版于 1682 年，讲述她在 解放斗争期间被美洲原住民俘虏的故事。
Stimpson gives us an idea of how one could correct the standard masculinist narratives with their endless discussion of "explorers," "founding fathers," and the Constitution-none of which figure in Stimpson's version of American studies. Stimpson 给我们提供了一个想法，说明如何纠正那些关于“探索者”、“开国元勋”和宪法的标准男性主义叙述——这些在 Stimpson 的美国研究版本中都没有提到。
Among my novels would be Stars in My Pocket like Grains of Sand. 我的小说中会有《星星在我的口袋里像沙粒一样》。
.. Like many contemporary speculative fictions, Stars in My Pocket ..像许多当代科幻小说一样，《我口袋里的星星》
finds conventional heterosexuality absurd. The central figures are 认为传统异性恋是荒谬的。中心人物是
two men, Rat Korga and Marq Dyeth, who have a complex, but 两个人，拉特·科加和马克·戴斯，他们之间有着复杂但
ecstatic, affair. Marq is also the proud product of a rich "nurture 狂喜，事务。Marq 也是富有的“培养”的骄傲产物。
stream." His ancestry includes both humans and aliens. His genetic “流”。他的血统包括人类和外星人。他的基因
heritage blends differences. In a sweet scene, he sees three of his 遗产融合差异。在一个甜美的场景中，他看到了他的三个
mothers. 母亲们。
Among my novels would be Stars in My Pocket like Grains of Sand. Like many contemporary speculative fictions, Stars in My Pocket finds conventional heterosexuality absurd. The central figures are two men, Rat Korga and Marq Dyeth, who have a complex, but ecstatic, affair. Marq is also the proud product of a rich "nurture stream." His ancestry includes both humans and aliens. His genetic heritage blends differences. In a sweet scene, he sees three of his mothers. 在我的小说中有《星星在我口袋里如沙粒般》。像许多当代的科幻小说一样，《星星在我口袋里如沙粒般》认为传统的异性恋是荒谬的。中心人物是两个男人，拉特·科尔加和马尔克·迪耶斯，他们之间有着复杂而又欣喜若狂的情感关系。马尔克也是一个富裕的“培养流”的自豪产物。他的祖先包括人类和外星人。他的基因遗传融合了不同的特征。在一个甜美的场景中，他看到了他的三位母亲。
Stimpson knows her curriculum will be criticized. But she is lightheartedly defiant: "If my curriculum seems to yowl like a beast of relativism, I find this cause for cheer. . . . My reconstructive project affirms that relativism is no beast but a goon that will nurture a more democratic, a more culturally literate, and yes, a brainier university." 斯蒂姆森知道她的课程会受到批评。但她轻松地表示反对：“如果我的课程听起来像相对主义的野兽，我对此感到高兴……我的重建项目确认，相对主义不是野兽，而是一个傻瓜，它会培养一个更民主、更具文化素养、是的，更聪明的大学。”
We can let Stimpson's talk of a "coherent curriculum" and "brainier university" fall of its own weight. Other transformationists have not been so forthcoming about where they are taking the academy-and we can see why. As it happens, I have met Ms. Stimpson at several recent conferences and found her to be more moderate and sensible than she appears to have been in 1988. Nevertheless, her views of the eighties cast light on the predicament of universities in the nineties. Many courses of the kind Stimpson dreamed of are now in place, and the campaign against "patriarchal" culture and scholarship is unabated. 我们可以让斯蒂姆普森关于“连贯课程”和“更聪明的大学”的谈话自行消失。其他转型者并没有如此坦率地谈论他们将学院带到哪里——我们也明白为什么。碰巧的是，我在最近的几次会议上都遇到了斯蒂姆普森女士，发现她比她在 1988 年时表现得更加温和和明智。尽管如此，她对 80 年代的看法揭示了 90 年代大学的困境。斯蒂姆普森梦寐以求的许多课程现在已经到位，反对“父权制”文化和学术的运动也毫不减弱。
It is understandable that the transformationists are more lyrical than informative about what the transformed academy will actually look like and what its curriculum will be. There is no lack of programmatic discussion about "subjectivity," "lateral thinking," "concreteness," "inclusiveness," "relatedness," and the importance of interdisciplinary studies as features of a feminist reconceptualization of higher learning. There is also lots of metaphorical talk about windows and mirrors and voices. But the description of the new curriculum is silent on crucial matters. What, for example, is supposed to be the fate of such suspect "first phase, vertical, male" subjects as math, logic, or analytical philosophy? 可以理解的是，变革主义者在描述转变后的学术界及其课程时，更倾向于抒情而非提供信息。关于“主体性”、“横向思维”、“具体性”、“包容性”、“相关性”以及跨学科研究作为女性主义重新概念化高等教育特征的程序性讨论并不缺乏。关于窗户、镜子和声音的隐喻性讨论也相当丰富。但对新课程的描述在关键问题上却沉默不语。例如，这些可疑的“第一阶段、垂直、男性”学科，如数学、逻辑或分析哲学，究竟命运如何？
Linda Gardiner, editor of the Women's Review of Books, which is housed in the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, wonders whether Western philosophy speaks for women at all. "We might begin to question the import of Descartes' stress on logic and mathematics as the ideal types of rationality, in a society in which only a tiny percentage of people could realistically spend time developing skills in those fields," she writes. Noting that the philosophical elite is biased in favor of the abstract, methodical, and universal, Gardiner suggests that a feminist philosophy would be more concrete and more suspicious of logic and method. "What would a female logic be like?" she asks, and answers that this would be like asking what female astronomy or particle physics would be like. "We cannot imagine what it would mean to have a 'female version' of them." For that, says Ms. Gardiner, we should first need to develop different epistemologies. Reading Gardiner's spirited arguments for the thesis that classical philosophy is essentially and inveterately male biased, one cannot avoid the impression that the feminist critic is more ingenious at finding male bias in a field than in proposing an intelligible alternative way to deal with its subject matter. 琳达·加德纳，女性书评的编辑，该书评设在韦尔斯利学院女性研究中心，怀疑西方哲学是否真的代表女性。“在一个只有极少数人能够现实地花时间发展逻辑和数学技能的社会中，我们或许应该开始质疑笛卡尔强调逻辑和数学作为理性理想类型的意义，”她写道。 加德纳注意到，哲学精英偏向于抽象、系统和普遍，她建议女性主义哲学会更加具体，并对逻辑和方法持更怀疑的态度。“女性的逻辑会是什么样的？”她问，并回答说，这就像在问女性天文学或粒子物理学会是什么样的。“我们无法想象拥有它们的‘女性版本’会意味着什么。” 加德纳女士表示，为此，我们首先需要发展不同的认识论。 阅读加德纳充满活力的论据，他认为古典哲学本质上并且根深蒂固地存在着男性偏见，人们不禁会产生这样的印象：女权主义批评家在发现该领域中的男性偏见方面比提出一种可理解的替代方法来处理其主题内容更具独创性。
The gender feminist "critique" of the physical sciences, one of the busiest areas of feminist transformationist theory, is also rich in metaphor and poor in literal content. To be sure, science does present some genuine issues of concern to any feminist. Laboratories can be as unwelcoming to women as male locker rooms; a lot still needs to be done to make the life of science more hospitable to women. But equity feminists part company with those who hold that science itself-its methodology, its rules of evidence, its concern for empirical grounding, its ideal of objectivity-is an expression of a "masculinist" approach to knowledge. Indeed, the gender feminist doctrines are a distinct embarrassment and a threat to any woman with aspirations to do real science. 性别女权主义者对自然科学的“批判”，这是女权转型理论中最活跃的领域之一，充满了隐喻但在字面内容上却很贫乏。诚然，科学确实存在一些任何女权主义者都应关心的真正问题。实验室对女性的欢迎程度可以与男性更衣室一样低；在让科学生活对女性更具吸引力方面还有很多工作需要做。但是，公平女权主义者与那些认为科学本身——它的方法论、证据规则、对经验基础的关注、对客观性的理想——是“男性主义”知识观的表达的人产生了分歧。实际上，性别女权主义的教义对任何渴望从事真实科学的女性来说，都是一种显著的尴尬和威胁。
Inevitably, gender feminist philosophers seek to find their ideas confirmed by eminent women scientists. Evelyn Fox Keller argues that Nobel 不可避免地，性别女权主义哲学家试图从杰出的女科学家那里找到她们思想的证实。伊夫林·福克斯·凯勒认为诺贝尔
laureate Barbara McClintock's achievements in cell biology were made possible because of her outsider status, which gave scope to her uniquely feminine approach. As a woman of integrity, says Fox Keller, McClintock could not accept the "image of the scientist modeled on the patriarchal husband." This, according to Fox Keller, led McClintock to creative and radical redefinitions: "Nature must be renamed as not female, or, at least, as not an alienated object. By the same token, the mind, if the female scientist is to have one, must be renamed as not necessarily male, and accordingly recast with a more inclusive subjectivity." But Professor McClintock herself does not accept Fox Keller's interpretation of her work. As Fox Keller candidly acknowledges, "She [McClintock] would disclaim any analysis of her work as a woman's work, as well as any suggestion that her views represent a woman's perspective. To her, science is not a matter of gender, either male or female; it is, on the contrary, a place where (ideally at least) 'the matter of gender drops away.' " 63 诺贝尔奖获得者芭芭拉·麦克林托克在细胞生物学方面的成就得益于她局外人的身份，这为她独特的女性化方法提供了空间。福克斯·凯勒说，作为一位正直的女性，麦克林托克无法接受“以父权制丈夫为模特的科学家形象”。 福克斯·凯勒认为，这导致麦克林托克对事物进行了创造性和激进的重新定义：“自然不能被重新定义为女性，或者至少不能被定义为异化的客体。同样地，如果女性科学家拥有思维，那么思维也不能被重新定义为男性，因此必须以更具包容性的主观性进行重新塑造。” 但麦克林托克教授本人并不接受福克斯·凯勒对她作品的解读。正如福克斯·凯勒坦率承认的那样，“她（麦克林托克）会否认任何将她的作品分析为女性作品的分析，以及任何认为她的观点代表女性视角的暗示。对她来说，科学不是性别问题，无论是男性还是女性；相反，科学是一个（至少在理想情况下）‘性别问题消失’的地方。” 63
Feminist critics have looked at the metaphors of "male science" and found them sexist. I recently heard a feminist astronomer interviewed on CNN say in all seriousness that sexist terminology like "the Big Bang Theory" is "off-putting to young women" who might otherwise be interested in pursuing careers in her field. It is hard to believe that anyone with an intelligent interest in astronomy would be put off by a graphic description of a cosmic event. Other critiques of science as masculinist are equally fatuous and scientifically fruitless. After asserting that "the warlike terminology of immunology which focuses on 'competition,' 'inhibition,' and 'invasion' as major theories of how cells interact reflects a militaristic view of the world," Sue Rosser, who offers workshops on how to transform the biology curriculum, concedes that "a feminist critique has not yet produced theoretical changes in the area of cell biology." 65 She does not tell us how the "feminist critique" could lead to advances in biology, but she considers it obvious that it must: "It becomes evident that the inclusion of a feminist perspective leads to changes in models, experimental subjects, and interpretations of the data. These changes entail more inclusive, enriched theories compared to the traditional, restrictive, unicausal theories." 女权主义批评者审视了“男性科学”的隐喻，并发现它们存在性别歧视。最近我在 CNN 上听到一位女权主义天文学家接受采访时严肃地表示，像“大爆炸理论”这样的性别歧视术语“令人对年轻女性感到反感”，而这些年轻女性本可能对从事她的领域的职业感兴趣。 很难相信任何对天文学有智能兴趣的人会因为对宇宙事件的生动描述而感到不快。对科学作为男性主义的其他批评同样幼稚且科学上无益。在断言“免疫学的战争术语专注于‘竞争’、‘抑制’和‘入侵’作为细胞相互作用的主要理论，反映了世界的军事化视角”后，提供生物课程转型工作坊的苏·罗斯承认“女权主义批评尚未在细胞生物学领域产生理论性的变化。”她并没有告诉我们“女性主义批评”如何能够促进生物学的发展，但她认为这是显而易见的：“显而易见，纳入女性主义视角会导致模型、实验对象和数据解释的变化。这些变化带来了比传统的、限制性的、单因果理论更具包容性和丰富性的理论。”
To some, just the promise of a female perspective in the sciences seems enough. To demand more seems churlish to them. Sandra Harding has made feminist philosophy of science her specialty. Harding makes it sound as if merely articulating a feminist critique of male science is equivalent to having broken through to a feminist alternative: "When we began theorizing our experiences . . . we knew our task would be a difficult though exciting one. But I doubt that in our wildest dreams we ever 对某些人来说，仅仅是科学领域中女性视角的承诺似乎就足够了。要求更多对他们来说似乎显得无礼。桑德拉·哈丁将女性主义科学哲学作为她的专长。哈丁让人觉得，仅仅阐明对男性科学的女性主义批判就等同于突破到了女性主义的替代方案：“当我们开始理论化我们的经历时……我们知道我们的任务将是一个既困难又令人兴奋的任务。但我怀疑在我们最疯狂的梦想中，我们曾经……”
imagined we would have to reinvent both science and theorizing itself in order to make sense of women's social experience." Unfortunately, we are not given even a vague idea of how her alleged breakthrough must now affect the study of the natural sciences; in particular, we remain in the dark on the question of what a feminist scientific curriculum would look like and how it would lead to "reinventing science." As philosopher of mathematics Margarita Levin dryly remarks, "One still wants to know whether feminists' airplanes would stay airborne for feminist engineers." 68 “我们想象着，为了理解女性的社会经验，我们必须重新发明科学和理论本身。” 不幸的是，我们甚至没有得到一个模糊的概念，关于她声称的突破现在必须如何影响自然科学的研究；特别是，我们仍然对女性主义科学课程会是什么样子，以及它将如何导致“重新发明科学”这个问题一无所知。正如数学哲学家玛格丽塔·列文（Margarita Levin）冷冰冰地评论的那样，“人们仍然想知道，女性主义者的飞机是否会为女性主义工程师保持空中飞行。”68
Chapter 4 第四章
New Epistemologies 新认识论
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Some gender feminists claim that because women have been oppressed they are better "knowers." Feeling more deeply, they see more clearly and understand reality better. They have an "epistemic" advantage over men. Does being oppressed really make one more knowledgeable or perceptive? The idea that adversity confers special insight is familiar enough. Literary critics often ascribe creativity to suffering, including suffering of racial discrimination or homophobia. But feminist philosophers have carried this idea much further. They claim that oppressed groups enjoy privileged "epistemologies" or "different ways of knowing" that better enable them to understand the world, not only socially but scientifically. 一些性别主义者声称，由于女性受到压迫，她们是更好的“认识者”。她们感受得更深，看到得更清晰，理解现实的能力更强。她们在知识上比男性具有“认知”优势。 被压迫是否真的让人更有知识或更具洞察力？逆境赋予特殊见解的想法并不陌生。文学评论家常常将创造力归因于痛苦，包括种族歧视或恐同的痛苦。但女性主义哲学家将这一观点推向了更远的方向。她们声称，被压迫的群体享有特权的“知识体系”或“不同的认识方式”，让他们不仅在社会上而且在科学上更好地理解世界。
According to "standpoint theory," as the theory of epistemic advantage is called, the oppressed may make better biologists, physicists, and philosophers than their oppressors. Thus we find the feminist theorist Hilary Rose saying that male scientists have been handicapped by being men. A better science would be based on women's domestic experience and prac- 根据“立场理论”，即所谓的认识优势理论，被压迫者可能比他们的压迫者更能成为优秀的生物学家、物理学家和哲学家。因此，我们发现女权主义理论家希拉里·罗斯认为，男性科学家被男性身份所束缚。更好的科学应基于女性的家庭经验和实践。
tice. Professor Virginia Held offers hope that "a feminist standpoint would give us a quite different understanding of even physical reality." Conversely, those who are most socially favored, the proverbial white, middle-class males, are in the worst epistemic position. 建议。 弗吉尼亚·赫尔德教授提供了希望，认为“女性主义的立场将使我们对甚至物理现实有一个完全不同的理解。” 相反，那些社会中最受偏爱的人，典型的白人中产阶级男性，处于最糟糕的认知位置。
What do mainstream philosophers make of the idea of "standpoint theories"? Professor Susan Haack of the University of Miami is one of the most respected epistemologists in the country. She is also an equity feminist. In December 1992 she participated in a symposium on feminist philosophy at meetings of the American Philosophical Association. It was a unique event. For once, someone outside the insular little world of gender feminism was asked to comment on gender feminist theories of knowledge. Watching Professor Haack critique the "standpoint theorists" was a little like watching a chess grandmaster defeat all opponents in a simultaneous exhibition, blindfolded. 主流哲学家对“立场理论”有何看法？迈阿密大学的苏珊·哈克教授是美国最受尊敬的认识论学者之一。她也是一位平等主义女权主义者。1992 年 12 月，她参加了美国哲学协会会议上的一个女权主义哲学研讨会。这是一个独特的事件。有一次，一位来自性别女权主义封闭小圈子之外的人被要求评论性别女权主义的知识理论。看着哈克教授批评“立场理论家”，就像看着一位国际象棋大师蒙着眼睛同时战胜所有对手一样。
Haack told the audience that she finds the idea of "female ways of knowing" as puzzling as the idea of a Republican epistemology or a senior citizens' epistemology. Some of her arguments are too technical to review here. I cite only a few of her criticisms: Haack 告诉听众，她发现“女性认知方式”的想法和共和党认识论或老年人认识论的想法一样令人费解。 她的一些论点过于技术性，无法在此回顾。我只引用了她的一些批评：
I am not convinced that there are any distinctively female "ways of knowing." All any human being has to go on, in figuring out how things are, is his or her sensory and introspective experience, and the explanatory theorizing he or she devises to accommodate it; and differences in cognitive style, like differences in handwriting, seem more individual than gender-determined. 我并不相信存在任何独特的女性“认识方式”。任何人要了解事物的本质，所依赖的只是其感官和内省经验，以及他们为适应这些经验所构建的解释理论；认知风格的差异，像书写风格的差异，似乎更具个体性，而非由性别决定。
She pointed out that theories based on the idea that oppression or deprivation results in a privileged standpoint are especially implausible; if they were right, the most disadvantaged groups would produce the best scientists. In fact, the oppressed and socially marginalized often have little access to the information and education needed to excel in science, which on the whole puts them at a serious "epistemic disadvantage." Professor Haack also observed that the female theorists who argue that oppression confers an advantage are not themselves oppressed. She asks: if oppression and poverty are indeed so advantageous, why do so many highly advantaged, middle-class women consider themselves so well situated "epistemically"? 她指出，基于压迫或剥夺导致特权视角的理论尤其不可信；如果这些理论是正确的，最贫困群体就会产生最优秀的科学家。事实上，被压迫和社会边缘化的人通常很难获得在科学领域中脱颖而所需的信息和教育，这总体上使他们处于严重的“认识劣势”中。哈克教授还观察到，那些认为压迫赋予优势的女性理论家本身并没有受到压迫。她质问：如果压迫和贫困真的如此有利，为什么那么多处于高度优势的中产阶级女性会认为自己在“认识上”如此处于良好的位置？
Ms. Haack identifies herself as an "Old Feminist" who opposes the attempt "of the New Feminists to colonize philosophy." Her reasons for rejecting feminist epistemologies were cogent and, to most of the profes- Haack 女士自称为“老女权主义者”，反对“新女权主义者试图殖民哲学”。她拒绝女权主义认识论的理由是合理的，而且对大多数教授来说，
sional audience, clearly convincing. Unfortunately, her cool, sensible admonitions are not likely to slow down the campaign to promote "women's ways of knowing." 专业观众，显然令人信服。不幸的是，她冷静、理智的劝告不太可能减缓推广“女性认知方式”的运动。
The gender feminists' conviction, more ideological than scientific, that they belong to a radically insightful vanguard that compares favorably with the Copernicuses and Darwins of the past animates their revisionist theories of intellectual and artistic excellence and inspires their program to transform the knowledge base. Their exultation contrasts with the deep reluctance of most other academics to challenge the basic assumptions underlying feminist theories of knowledge and education. The confidence of the one and the trepidation of the other combine to make transformationism a powerfully effective movement that has so far proceeded unchecked in the academy. 女权主义者们坚信，他们属于一个具有革命性洞察力的先锋队伍，可以与过去的哥白尼和达尔文相媲美，这种信念更多地是意识形态的，而不是科学的。这种信念推动了他们对知识和艺术卓越的修正主义理论，并激发了他们改造知识基础的计划。他们的狂喜与大多数其他学者对挑战女权主义知识和教育理论基本假设的深切不愿形成对比。一方的自信和另一方的恐惧相结合，使转型主义成为一个强大的有效运动，迄今为止在学术界未受到阻碍。
Yolanda Moses is the newly appointed president of City University of New York. She was formerly the chair of women's studies and provost at California State University at Dominguez Hills. Her anti-intellectual ideas might seem surprising to anyone unfamiliar with the fashionable doctrine that extols the new "ways of knowing" while devaluing the traditional male European approach to "knowing": "Institutions of higher education in the United States are products of Western society in which masculine values like an orientation toward achievement and objectivity are valued over cooperation, connectedness, and subjectivity." In President Moses' view, the masculine emphasis on achievement and objectivity is an obstacle to progress! She also finds it deplorable that faculty members' research has been valued above their community service. "That will have to change if cultural pluralism is to flourish." 尤兰达·摩西是纽约市立大学的新任校长。她曾担任加州州立大学多明戈斯山分校妇女研究系的主任及教务长。对于任何不熟悉这种时尚理念的人来说，她的反智思想可能会显得令人惊讶，这种理念推崇新的“知识方式”，同时贬低传统的男性欧洲“知识”方法：“美国的高等教育机构是西方社会的产物，其中男性价值观如追求成就和客观性被看得比合作、关联性和主观性更重要。”在摩西校长看来，男性对成就和客观性的强调构成了进步的一大障碍！她还发现，教员的研究受到的重视超过了他们的社区服务，这种情况令人遗憾。“如果文化多元主义要蓬勃发展，这种情况必须改变。”
Despite its influence, the gender feminist project of "transforming the knowledge base" must in the end prove to be a deep embarrassment to the feminist movement. As Susan Haack has pointed out, the belief in female "ways of knowing" is reminiscent of male chauvinist denigrations of women. Those who promote it and cheer it on find themselves cheering alongside those who have always held that women think differently from men. 尽管有影响，性别女性主义项目“转变知识基础”最终必须证明对女性主义运动是一个深刻的尴尬。正如苏珊·哈克指出的那样，对女性“认知方式”的信仰让人想起男性沙文主义对女性的贬低。那些推广并为其欢呼的人发现自己与那些始终认为女性与男性思维不同的人站在一起欢呼。
The transformationists are out to reconstruct our cultural and scientific heritage. Even if one believes that this badly needs doing (and I, for one, do not), there is little reason to be sanguine that the gender feminists are intellectually equipped to do it. Their belief in the superiority of "women's ways of knowing" fosters a sense of solidarity and cultural community that seems to have allowed them to overlook the fact that their doctrine 变革主义者们正在重构我们的文化和科学遗产。即使有人认为这确实非常需要（而我个人并不这样认为），也几乎没有理由对性别女权主义者能有能力去做到这一点抱有乐观。他们对“女性认知方式”优越性的信仰，促进了一种团结感和文化共同体的意识，这似乎使他们忽视了他们的教义。
tends to segregate women in a culture of their own, that it increases social divisiveness along gender lines, and that it may seriously weaken the American academy. Nor does it worry these feminists that their teaching allows insecure men once again to patronize and denigrate women as the naive sex that thinks with its heart, not with its head. 倾向于在一个独立的文化中隔离女性，这加剧了性别间的社会分裂，并可能严重削弱美国的学术界。这些女性主义者也不担心她们的教学再次让缺乏安全感的男性以居高临下的态度贬低女性，认为她们是用感情而非理智思考的天真性别。
The early feminists of the First Wave, fighting for equity and equal opportunities in politics and education, rejected all theories of male superiority. However, they were not tempted to retaliate against sexism by making unfounded claims that women were superior to men. They knew all too well the dangers of promoting divisive dogmas about male and female ways of knowing. They were especially leery of being called more intuitive, hence less analytical, less "rational," than men. 第一波早期女权主义者为政治和教育中的公平和平等机会而斗争，拒绝了所有男性优越论的理论。然而，她们并没有因性别歧视而倾向于通过毫无根据的主张女性优于男性来进行报复。她们非常清楚宣传关于男性和女性认知方式的分裂教条所带来的危险。她们尤其对被称为更具直觉，因此分析较少，更少“理性”的女性感到警惕。
An event in the life of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the great foremother of American feminism, illustrates the attitude that the First Wave feminists had toward those who believed that women negotiated the world less with skeptical reason than with a trusting intuition. Stanton had discovered that her four-day-old baby had a bent collarbone. The doctor placed a bandage on the shoulder and secured it by tying it to the child's wrist. Soon after he left, Stanton noticed the child's hand was blue. She removed the bandage and summoned a second doctor. He did much the same thing. Again the baby's fingers turned blue soon after the doctor left. Over the protests of the nurse, Ms. Stanton removed the bandage a second time. She told the nurse, "What we want is a little pressure on that bone; that is what both of those men have aimed at. How can we get it without involving the arm, is the question." . Stanton then soaked strips of linen in a solution of water and amica and wrapped them around the baby "like a pair of suspenders over the shoulder, crossing them both in front and behind, pinning the ends to the diaper." This provided the necessary pressure without stopping the child's circulation, and the baby soon recovered. 美国女权主义先驱伊丽莎白·凯迪·斯坦顿一生中的一件事，说明了第一波女权主义者对那些认为女性在世界中不是用怀疑的理性而是用信任的直觉进行谈判的人的态度。斯坦顿发现她四天大的婴儿锁骨弯了。医生在肩上绑了绷带，并用绷带绑在孩子的腕部。他离开后不久，斯坦顿注意到孩子的胳膊发青。她解开绷带，叫来了第二位医生。他做了同样的事情。医生离开后不久，婴儿的指尖再次变青。在护士的抗议声中，斯坦顿第二次解开了绷带。她对护士说：“我们想要的是对那块骨头的轻微压力，这就是这两个男人想要达成的目标。问题是如何在不牵扯到手臂的情况下做到这一点。” . 然后，斯坦顿用清水和阿米卡溶液浸泡了一些亚麻布条，并将它们像“肩带一样”缠绕在婴儿身上，在前面和后面交叉，并将两端别在尿布上。这提供了必要的压力，没有停止孩子的循环，婴儿很快恢复了。
When the doctors returned, Ms. Stanton told them how inadequate their bandages had been and how she had solved the problem. They smiled knowingly at one another. "Well after all, a mother's instinct is better than a man's reason," one remarked. "Thank you, gentlemen," Stanton replied, "there was no instinct about it. I did some hard thinking before I saw how I could get pressure on the shoulder without impeding the circulation, as you did." 医生回来后，斯坦顿夫人告诉他们绷带有多么不合适，以及她如何解决了问题。他们彼此心照不宣地笑了笑。“毕竟，母亲的直觉比男人的理智更强，”其中一人说。“谢谢你们，先生们，”斯坦顿回答说，“这与直觉无关。在我找到如何对肩膀施加压力而又不阻碍血液循环的方法之前，我思考了很久，就像你们一样。”
Promoting a gynocentric critique of knowledge is unworthy of a dignified feminism. It is also educationally harmful. We hear a lot about how poorly our entering college students compare with American students of past decades or with their contemporaries in foreign countries. When respect for learning and academic achievement is at such a low point, why should feminist academics be contributing to it? 推动一种以女性为中心的知识批判是不配有尊严的 feminism 的。这也是具有教育上的危害。我们经常听到有关我们的大学新生与过去几十年的美国学生或与外国同龄人的比较多么差。当对学习和学术成就的尊重如此低下时，为什么女性主义学者还要对此有所贡献呢？
Creating a climate of gender mistrust of received knowledge only adds to the rampant anti-intellectualism of our troubled culture. There is a more constructive way, and it is the way of the classical equity feminist who asks for women "a fair field and no favors" in joining men to create the culture of the future. My own "equity feminist" creed is eloquently articulated by Iris Murdoch. Murdoch still believes in a "culture of humanity," and her warnings about the dangers of the divisive, meanspirited alternative are timely. 创造一种对既有知识的性别不信任的气氛只会加剧我们这个动荡文化中普遍存在的反智主义。有一种更具建设性的方法，那就是经典的平等主义女权主义者所倡导的方法，她们要求女性在加入男性共同创造未来文化时“获得公平的竞争环境，而不是特殊待遇”。我自己的“平等主义女权主义”信条由艾里斯·默多克雄辩地阐述。默多克仍然相信“人道主义文化”，她对分裂、刻薄的替代方案的危险的警告是及时的。
Men "created culture" because they were free to do so, and women were treated as inferior and made to believe that they were. Now free women must join in the human world of work and creation on an equal footing and be everywhere in art, science, business, politics, etc. . . However, to lay claim, in this battle, to female ethics, female criticism, female knowledge . . . is to set up a new female ghetto. (Chauvinist males should be delighted by the move ...) "Women's Studies" can mean that women are led to read mediocre or peripheral books by women rather than the great books of humanity in general. . . . It is a dead end, in danger of simply separating women from the mainstream thinking of the human race. Such cults can also waste the time of young people who may be reading all the latest books on feminism instead of studying the difficult and important things that belong to the culture of humanity [her emphases]. 男人“创造文化”，因为他们有自由去这样做，而女性则被视为低人一等，并被迫相信这一点。现在，获得自由的女性必须平等地参与人类的工作和创造，在艺术、科学、商业、政治等领域无处不在……然而，在这场斗争中，宣称女性伦理、女性批评、女性知识……是设置了一个新的女性隔离区。（沙文主义男性对此应感到高兴……）“女性研究”可能意味着女性被引导去阅读一些平庸或边缘的女性书籍，而不是人类的一般伟大书籍……这是一条死胡同，可能会简单地将女性与人类主流思维隔离开来。这种文化也可能浪费年轻人的时间，他们可能在阅读所有最新的女性主义书籍，而不是学习属于人类文化的困难和重要的事情[她的强调]。
Transformationism is galvanizing, and it has proved to be profitable. No one is offering money for a workshop that would teach its participants that men and women are not all that different, that the traditional standards are better left untransformed by the ideologues who believe in "women-centeredness," or that students are better off learning a universal curriculum that is not gender-divisive. The thoughts of Susan Haack, Iris Murdoch, and a handful of critics of transformationism do not lend themselves to the workshop mode: they cannot be expressed as a "five-phase theory" that lends itself so neatly to workshops and retreats. It is almost impossible to get funding to implement ideas that favor moderate reform 变革主义充满活力，并且证明是有利可图的。没有人愿意为一个研讨会提供资金，该研讨会会教导参与者，男女性别之间并没有太大的不同，传统标准最好不要被那些相信“女性中心主义”的意识形态者所改变，或者学生学习一个不分性别的通识课程会更好。苏珊·哈克、艾丽斯·默多克以及一些变革主义的批评者的思想并不适合研讨会的形式：它们无法被表达为一个“八个阶段理论”，这样可以很方便地应用于研讨会和静修。获得资金来实施支持适度改革的想法几乎是不可能的。
rather than exciting Copernican transformations. By supporting and promoting transformationism, not only do school administrators build up their résumés, they get to feel they are participating in the educational equivalent of the storming of the Bastille. Equity feminists have nothing that exciting to offer. 相较于激动人心的哥白尼变革，支持和推广变革主义的学校管理员不仅可以丰富自己的简历，还能感受到自己参与了教育领域的巴士底监狱攻陷。平权主义女性主义者没有什么那么激动人心的东西可以提供。
Transformationists do not invite criticism or intellectual scrutiny of their assumptions, and it is not likely that the transformation movement will be checked by fair and open debate. Women's conferences tend to be rallies of the faithful. Critics who do venture doubts about the value of the transformationist movement are dismissed as "right-wing extremists," and their arguments are ignored. The usual system of checks and balances by means of peer review seems to have fallen apart. 转型主义者不邀请批评或对其假设进行智力审查，转型运动也不可能受到公平和公开辩论的制止。妇女会议往往是忠实者的集会。对转型运动的价值提出质疑的批评者被斥为“右翼极端分子”，他们的论点被忽视。同行评审的常规制衡机制似乎已经崩溃。
Yet although the transformationists have every reason to celebrate their many successes, they have recently experienced a setback from an unexpected quarter. When McIntosh, Minnich, and their followers demanded that the oppressive European, white, male culture being taught in the schools be radically transformed, they had not imagined that anyone could look upon them as oppressors. The transformationist leaders are not men, but they are white, they are "European," they are middle-class. Minority women have begun to deny that the leaders of the women's movement have any right to speak for them. Most members of the women of color caucus boycotted the 1992 Austin National Women's Studies Conference I attended for its failure to recognize and respect their political identity. The slighted group sent the conferees an African-American women's quilt made from dashiki fabrics, as both a reprimand and a "healing gesture." The assembled white feminists sat before it in resentful but guilty silence. In the game of moral one-upmanship that gender feminists are so good at, they had been outquilted, as it were, by a more marginalized constituency. Clearly any number of minority groups can play the victimology game, and almost all could play it far more plausibly than the socially well-positioned Heilbruns, McIntoshes, and Minniches. 尽管变革主义者有充分的理由庆祝他们的许多成功，但他们最近却遭遇了来自意想不到的地方的挫折。当麦金托什、米尼奇及其追随者要求对在学校教授的压迫性的欧洲白人男性文化进行彻底变革时，他们没有想到有人会将他们视为压迫者。这些变革主义的领导者不是男性，但他们是白人，他们是“欧洲人”，他们是中产阶级。少数族裔女性开始否认女性运动的领导者有权代表她们发言。多数有色人种女性小组的成员抵制了我参加的 1992 年奥斯丁全国女性研究会议，因为该会议未能承认和尊重她们的政治身份。受到轻视的小组向与会者发送了一条用达西基面料制成的非裔美国女性拼布，被视为一种谴责和“治愈的手势”。聚集的白人女权主义者在其面前沉默不语，感到愤恨但又内疚。在性别女权主义者擅长的道德竞争游戏中，她们被一个更边缘化的群体“超越”了。 显然，任何数量的少数群体都可以玩受害者游戏，而且几乎所有人都能比社会地位较高的海尔布伦、麦金托什和米尼奇玩得更加可信。
An obvious recourse is to deflect criticism by "confessing" at the outset one's privileged status. Two feminist editors of Feminism, a new women's studies textbook, introduce themselves as follows: 一个明显的办法是在一开始就“承认”自己的特权地位，以此来化解批评。两名女权主义者，也是《女权主义》这本新女性研究教科书的编辑，在介绍自己的时候写道：
"We" are Robyn and Diane; we speak as white middle-class hetero- 我们是罗宾和黛安；我们作为白人中产阶级异性恋者说话
sexual American feminist academics in our early thirties-to cover 在我们三十出头的性别美国女性主义学者身上覆盖
a number of the categories feminist criticism has lately been empha- 近年来女权主义批评强调的几个类别
sizing as significant to one's reading and speaking position: race, 在阅读和口语表达中，种族的重要性
class, sexual orientation, nationality, political positioning, educa- 阶级，性取向，国籍，政治立场，教育
tion level, and age. Colleagues at the University of Vermont since 水平、职位和年龄。自那时起，他们一直是佛蒙特大学的同事。
"We" are Robyn and Diane; we speak as white middle-class heterosexual American feminist academics in our early thirties-to cover a number of the categories feminist criticism has lately been emphasizing as significant to one's reading and speaking position: race, class, sexual orientation, nationality, political positioning, education level, and age. Colleagues at the University of Vermont since 我们是罗宾和黛安；我们作为三十出头、白人、中产阶级、异性恋的美国女权主义学者发言，涵盖了女权主义批评近来强调的几个重要阅读和发言位置类别：种族、阶级、性取向、国籍、政治立场、教育水平和年龄。自佛蒙特大学的同事以来
1989, we two have found that we share passionate interests in fiction, feminism, and quiltmaking. 1989 年，我们两人发现我们在小说、女性主义和拼布制作方面有共同的热情。
More and more frequently, the gender feminists who run the women's centers, the workshops, the transformationist projects, and the various women's conferences are finding themselves accused of being elitist and members of oppressor groups. 越来越频繁地，负责妇女中心、工作坊、变革项目以及各种女性会议的性别女性主义者们发现自己被指责为精英主义者和压迫者群体的成员。
In the spring of 1993, twenty-five hundred women gathered in Albuquerque, New Mexico, for a spiritual conference organized by the Catholic feminist "Women-Church" movement. Feminist inclusiveness was the order of the day, and so all goddesses were honored equally-from Hera, Artemis, and Isis to Mary of the Christian tradition. The participants had been told to bring drums, and all events were accompanied by drum beating. This thematic ritual was intended as a way of honoring Native Americans. But it was not well received. Peter Steinfels of the New York Times was there, and he reported that a "traditional American Indian Pipe Ceremony was nearly drowned out by the drumming of goddess worshipers who were 'raising power' not far away in the Albuquerque Convention Center." Soon, word came that the drumming of the white women had offended the Native American women. 1993 年春季，2500 名女性聚集在新墨西哥州阿尔布开克，参加由天主教女权主义“女性-教会”运动组织的精神会议。女权主义的包容性是会议的主题，因此所有女神都受到平等的尊敬——从赫拉、阿尔忒弥斯和伊西斯到基督教传统中的玛丽。参与者被告知要带上鼓，所有活动都有鼓声伴随。这种主题仪式旨在纪念美洲原住民，但反响并不好。纽约时报的彼得·斯坦菲尔斯在场，他报道说，一场“传统的美洲印第安人烟斗仪式几乎被不远处在阿尔布开克会议中心‘驱动能量’的女神崇拜者们的鼓声淹没。” 不久，有消息传出，白人的鼓声冒犯了美洲原住民女性。
That practice [of drum-beating] was implicitly questioned when a 这项击鼓的做法在某种程度上受到质疑，当时一个
general session on spirituality turned into a probing discussion of 关于灵性的主题演讲变成了深入的讨论
how religious voyagers from dominant cultures enhance their spiri- 来自主流文化的宗教旅行者如何增强他们的精神
tual experience by expropriating exotic practices from the religions 通过剥夺宗教中的异域实践来利用非凡经验
of minorities, just as well-to-do tourists decorate themselves and 少数群体，就像富裕的游客装饰自己一样
their houses with the crafts and art of indigenous people. . . Amid 他们的房屋与土著人的工艺和艺术相结合。
growing complaints from several groups about latent racism in the 来自多个群体关于潜在种族主义的日益增多的抱怨
conference-the organizers requested that, out of sympathy for 大会组织者要求，出于对
those who had been offended, the drums not be played. 那些被冒犯的人，鼓声不应敲响。
That practice [of drum-beating] was implicitly questioned when a general session on spirituality turned into a probing discussion of how religious voyagers from dominant cultures enhance their spiritual experience by expropriating exotic practices from the religions of minorities, just as well-to-do tourists decorate themselves and their houses with the crafts and art of indigenous people. . . . Amid growing complaints from several groups about latent racism in the conference-the organizers requested that, out of sympathy for those who had been offended, the drums not be played. 这种敲鼓的做法在一次关于灵性的全体会议上被含蓄地质疑，会议变成了对来自主流文化的宗教旅行者如何通过掠夺少数民族宗教的奇异习俗来增强其精神体验的深入讨论，就像富有的游客用土著人民的工艺和艺术装饰自己和他们的房屋一样。……在几个群体对会议中潜在的种族主义提出越来越多的抱怨之际，组织者出于对那些被冒犯者的同情，要求不要敲鼓。
So the white women goddess worshipers could not beat their drums, and even their well-known predilection for peasant jewelry and ethnic clothing was put in question. 白人女性女神崇拜者无法击打她们的鼓，甚至她们对农民首饰和民族服装的众所周知的偏爱也受到质疑。
The leaders and theorists of academic feminism have prudently sought to ward off minority censure by placing women's issues under the broad and popular umbrella of multiculturalism. President Moses took that tack when she castigated males who value objectivity and achievement above community service, warning her City University faculty that such values were inconsistent with an emphasis on "cultural pluralism." But "cultural pluralism" has many sides, each with its own sharp edge. The well- 学术女性主义的领导者和理论家们谨慎地寻求通过将女性问题置于多元文化主义这一广泛而受欢迎的伞下，以抵御少数派的谴责。摩西校长在批评那些重视客观性和成就而非社区服务的男性时采取了这种策略，警告她的市立大学教职员工，这些价值观与强调“文化多元主义”的理念不一致。然而，“文化多元主义”有许多方面，每个方面都有其尖锐的一面。这个好——
educated, white, middle-class women who have for the past two decades been denouncing men for treating them as "the Other" now find themselves denounced for having marginalized and silenced Native American women, Hispanic women, disabled women, and other groups, all of whom claim to be victims in a complex ecology of domination and subjugation. 受过教育的白人中产阶级女性在过去的二十年里一直在谴责男性将她们视为“他者”，现在却发现自己也被谴责，因为她们边缘化和压制了美洲土著女性、拉丁裔女性、残疾女性以及其他自称为受害者的群体，这些群体都身处一个复杂的支配与压迫的生态中。
Even the beloved "click experience" has become a symbol of white, middle-class privilege. Two African-American feminists, Barbara Smith and Beverly Smith, have written an article unmasking the elitism of women who describe the "click" as "an experience that makes you realize your oppression as a woman." They point out that clicks are for those who are relatively privileged. Minorities, whether male or female, do not experience them: "The day-to-day immediacy of violence and oppression" suffices well enough to remind them of their condition. 即使是备受喜爱的“点击体验”也成为了白人中产阶级特权的象征。两位非裔美国女性主义者巴巴拉·史密斯和贝弗莉·史密斯撰写了一篇文章，揭示了那些将“点击”描述为“让你意识到自己作为女性被压迫的体验”的女性的精英主义。 她们指出，点击体验对那些相对特权的人来说是适用的。无论男性还是女性，少数群体并不会经历这种体验：“日常暴力和压迫的直接感受”已经足以提醒他们自己的处境。
The feminist leaders and theorists are somewhat discomfited by these unexpected reproaches. But it would be a mistake to underestimate the self-assurance and resolve of the gender feminists. They are not about to relinquish their dominance, not even to other women whose bona fides as victims are greater than their own. 女权主义领导人和理论家们对这些意外的指责感到有些不安。但低估性别女权主义者的自信和决心将是一个错误。她们不会放弃自己的主导地位，即使是对那些受害者身份比她们更确凿的其他女性也不例外。
The typical gathering of gender feminist academics illustrates the uneasy and somewhat unstable compromise that has been struck. The audience consists largely of the white, middle-class women who are the mainstays of academic feminism. On the other hand, minority women are given strong representation in the panels and symposia, and the rhetoric of feminist transformation is given a multicultural cast. 典型的性别女性主义学者聚会展示了所达成的不安和有些不稳定的妥协。观众主要由白人中产阶级女性组成，她们是学术女性主义的支柱。另一方面，少数族裔女性在小组讨论和研讨会上得到了强有力的代表，女性主义转型的言辞也带有多元文化的色彩。
The April 1993 Parsippany, New Jersey, conference on transforming the curriculum that I discussed in chapter 3 is a case in point. All the leading gender feminist transformationists were there: Catharine Stimpson, Annette Kolodny, the Schuster and Van Dyne team, Elizabeth Minnich, Beverly Guy-Sheftall, Sandra Harding, and, of course, the ubiquitous Peggy McIntosh. 1993 年 4 月在新泽西州帕西帕尼举行的关于课程转型的会议是一个典型例子，我在第三章中提到过。所有主要的性别女性主义转型者都在场：凯瑟琳·斯蒂姆森、安妮特·科洛德尼、舒斯特和范戴恩团队、伊丽莎白·明尼克、贝弗莉·盖·谢夫塔尔、桑德拉·哈丁，以及当然无处不在的佩吉·麦金托什。
Professor Paula Rothenberg, the conference moderator and selfdescribed "Marxist-feminist," welcomed us and invited us to join her "to imagine together a curriculum for the next century." The mood was generally upbeat, but one presenter after another warned of impending backlash. Rothenberg cautioned the audience to be suspicious of the Clinton administration's announced commitment to diversity; she called it an "ethnic foods and fiestas" version of inclusiveness. 罗莎本教授，会议主持人和自我描述的“马克思主义者-女性主义者”，欢迎我们并邀请我们与她一起“共同想象下一个世纪的课程”。气氛总体上是乐观的，但一个接一个的演讲者警告即将到来的反弹。罗莎本提醒观众对克林顿政府宣布的对多样性的承诺保持怀疑；她称其为一种“民族食品和节日”的包容性版本。
Annette Kolodny explained how her position as dean of humanities at the University of Arizona had given her the means to promote transformationist changes there. Kolodny had been instrumental in introducing 安妮特·科洛德尼解释了她在亚利桑那大学担任人文学院院长一职如何让她有能力推动那里的变革性变化。科洛德尼在引入方面发挥了重要作用
"new promotion and tenure" proposals that reward and protect transformationist work at the University of Arizona. Kolodny also reported on the transformation retreats where "outside facilitators" are brought in to help selected faculty and administrators "rethink how they teach." She hailed the New Jersey Project as the inspiration for Arizona. "Thank you, Paula!" she cried. 亚利桑那大学奖励和保护变革性工作的“新晋升和终身职位”提案。科洛德尼还报道了变革静修会，在这些静修会上，“外部主持人”被邀请来帮助选定的教师和管理人员“重新思考他们的教学方式”。她称赞新泽西项目为亚利桑那的灵感来源。“谢谢你，保拉！”她喊道。
A discordant note was introduced by Beverly Guy-Sheftall, director of the Women's Research Center at Spelman College, who attacked Kolodny's charts. "What about those of us who are women and members of a minority? Which chart includes us?" Ms. Guy-Sheftall conceded that identifying a common black perspective presented difficulties. Some Afrocentrists, for example, hold views that conflict with those of the black lesbian movement. Whose point of view is to count as representative? Ms. Guy-Sheftall spoke of the issue of fragmented representation as a "problematized" area. Calling a subject "problematized" often serves to paper over the embarrassing and touchy questions it raises; this is especially true of questions about the politics of group identity. 史佩尔曼学院妇女研究中心主任贝弗利·盖伊-谢夫特尔对科洛德尼的图表提出了异议，她指出：“那些既是女性又是少数民族成员的人怎么办？哪张图表包含了我们？”盖伊-谢夫特尔女士承认，确定一个共同的黑人视角存在困难。例如，一些非洲中心主义者持有的观点与黑人女同性恋运动的观点相冲突。谁的观点应该被视为代表？盖伊-谢夫特尔女士谈到碎片化代表问题是一个“问题化”的领域。将一个主题称为“问题化”通常是为了掩盖它所引发的令人尴尬和敏感的问题；对于关于群体身份政治的问题，这一点尤其如此。
Like several other speakers who touched on the future of curricular transformation, Guy-Sheftall confessed she is "still not sure we have a clue about what this really means as we approach the twenty-first century." But her doubts did not dampen her enthusiasm for the transformation movement or her determination to help it get more funding. Indeed, Guy-Sheftall, a consultant to the Ford Foundation, has been advising the foundation that support for women's studies and transformation work should intensify during this paradoxical period. 像其他几位提及课程转型未来的发言者一样，盖-谢夫特尔坦言她“仍然不确定我们在迈向二十一世纪时对此真正意味着什么有多少线索。”但她的疑虑并没有削弱她对转型运动的热情或她在帮助其获得更多资金方面的决心。事实上，盖-谢夫特尔作为福特基金会的顾问，一直在向该基金会建议，在这个矛盾的时期，对妇女研究和转型工作的支持应该加大力度。
Professor Rothenberg introduced the New Jersey chancellor of higher education, Edward Goldberg, as "the Fairy Godmother of the New Jersey Project." Middle-aged and balding, sporting a suit and tie and a paunch, Goldberg looked as though he would be more at home at a conference of Shriners or Legionnaires. He spoke pridefully of the millions of dollars that New Jersey had put into the Curriculum Transformation Project and expressed hope that other states would soon follow suit. For him, curriculum transformation is a matter of basic decency. Curriculum transformation, he announced, is "a vindication of the simple and honest concept that scholarship should reflect contributions of all." When I heard Mr. Goldberg say this, it confirmed my belief that many well-meaning government officials do not understand the implications of the feminist demand for a more woman-centered curriculum. Goldberg is not a "gynocrat"; he is probably an old-fashioned equity feminist who wants a fair deal for women in education. Apparently he did not see that beneath the charges of sexism and gender unfairness is an illiberal, irrational, and anti-intel- 罗森伯格教授介绍了新泽西州高等教育校长爱德华·戈德堡，称他为“新泽西州项目的仙女教母”。戈德堡中年秃顶，西装革履，肚子微凸，看起来更像是属于共济会或美国退伍军人协会会议的成员。他自豪地谈论了新泽西州投入“课程转型项目”的数百万美元，并表示希望其他州也能效仿。对他来说，课程转型是一个基本尊重的問題。他宣布，课程转型是“对简单而诚实的概念的辩护，即学术应该反映所有人的贡献”。当我听到戈德堡先生说这些话时，我更加坚信，许多好心的政府官员并不理解女性要求建立更加以女性为中心的课程的含义。戈德堡不是“女权主义者”；他可能是一个老式的平等主义者，想要女性在教育中获得公平待遇。显然，他没有看到，在性别歧视和性别不公正的指控背后，隐藏着一种不自由、不理性、反智的——
lectual program that is a threat to everything he probably believes in: American democracy, liberal education, academic freedom, and the kind of mainstream feminism that has gained women near-equality in American society. 一个威胁到他可能信仰的一切的知识项目：美国民主、自由教育、学术自由，以及在美国社会中让女性接近平等的主流女性主义。
Did Goldberg stay long enough to appreciate what an unusual gathering of academics this was? Was he surprised by an academic audience in which the atmosphere of mass agreement and self-congratulation was almost total? Did he count the number of times the leading transformationists admitted they had no idea what they were doing? Had he any idea of the number of workshops on thorny topics like "Resistance in the Classroom" or "Anti-Oppression Methods of Teaching"? I wondered what he would have made of the packed afternoon session on transforming the science curriculum in which Sandra Harding discussed how science was part of a discredited "bourgeois" Christian legacy practically indistinguishable from imperialism, its cognitive core "tainted by sexism and racism." 高德堡待了足够长的时间来体会这场学术聚会的不寻常吗？他是否对这种几乎完全存在条款一致和自我陶醉氛围的学术观众感到惊讶？他是否统计过那些主要的转型主义者几次承认他们不知道自己在做什么？他是否了解关于“课堂中的抵抗”或“反压迫教学方法”等棘手主题的研讨会数量？我想知道他对桑德拉·哈丁讨论的有关转变科学课程的紧凑午间会议会有什么看法，在这次会议上，哈丁谈到了科学作为一个受到质疑的“资产阶级”基督教遗产，几乎与帝国主义无法区分，其认知核心“受到性别歧视和种族歧视的污染”。
Richard Bernstein of the New York Times attended the Parsippany conference. When I asked him what he thought of Harding's presentation he said that her thesis was absurd: if Western science is repressive and elitist and part of a bourgeois Christian legacy, why are the Japanese and the Chinese so good at it? Bernstein, who had spent several years in China as Time magazine's bureau chief, and who has written a wonderful book on China, told me that throughout the twentieth century Chinese reformers have had great respect for Western science as a progressive force. "Science and Democracy" was the slogan of the celebrated May 4th Movement between 1915 and 1918. Chinese reformers saw Western science as a powerful weapon against the authoritarianism and superstition that were the bulwark of the imperial system. Neither Bernstein nor I ventured a criticism of Ms. Harding's views. We were both very much aware that it would have been exceedingly indecorous for anyone to raise objections. This was a gathering of "connected knowers": hard questions from "separate knowers" were decidedly unwelcome. 《纽约时报》的理查德·伯恩斯坦参加了帕西帕尼会议。当我问他对哈丁的演讲有什么看法时，他说她的论点很荒谬：如果西方科学是压迫性和精英主义的，并且是资产阶级基督教遗产的一部分，那么为什么日本人和中国人如此擅长它？伯恩斯坦曾在《时代》杂志担任中国分社社长多年，并写过一本关于中国的精彩书籍，他告诉我，整个 20 世纪，中国改革者一直非常尊重西方科学，将其视为一种进步力量。“科学与民主”是 1915 年至 1918 年著名的五四运动的口号。中国改革者将西方科学视为对抗专制主义和迷信的强大武器，而专制主义和迷信是帝国制度的堡垒。伯恩斯坦和我都沒有对哈丁女士的观点提出批评。我们都很清楚，任何人都提出异议都是极其不礼貌的。这是一个“有关系的知情者”的聚会：“独立的知情者”提出的尖锐问题是绝对不受欢迎的。
Ronald Takaki, the Berkeley expert on ethnic studies, was easily the most popular figure at the Parsippany gathering, and not least because his presence conferred on the feminist transformation projects the cachet of a multicultural movement. Gender feminists have found it is wise to ally themselves with men and women of non-European descent who are critical of Western culture for its "Eurocentrism." A more general offensive on Western "Eurocentric" culture (created by and controlled by 加州大学伯克利分校的族裔研究专家罗纳德·高崎无疑是帕西帕尼集会中最受欢迎的人物，这不仅因为他的人气，还因为他为女性主义转型项目带来了多元文化运动的权威性。性别女权主义者发现，与那些批评西方文化“欧洲中心主义”的非欧洲血统的男性和女性结盟是明智之举。对西方“欧洲中心主义”文化（由欧洲人创造并控制）的更广泛的进攻，
"bourgeois white males of European descent") is then prosecuted under the banners of "cultural pluralism," "inclusiveness," and "diversity." Feminist leaders have eagerly embraced these causes partly to deflect attention from the largely white, middle-class character of their own movement and partly to camouflage the divisive misandrism that inspires them but is offputting to others. The propitiatory strategy of placing their radical feminism under the banner of "inclusiveness" has also been successful in an internal respect: it has given many feminist activists the feeling that they are part of a wider struggle for social justice. Finally, the call for "inclusiveness" usefully diverts attention from the uncomfortable but undeniable fact that the feminists are the ones getting most of the money, the professorships, and the well-paid (but vaguely defined) jobs inside the burgeoning new victim/bias industry. “欧洲血统的资产阶级白人男性”因此在“文化多元主义”、“包容性”和“多样性”的旗帜下受到起诉。女权主义领袖们热切地接受这些事业，部分是为了转移人们对自己运动中以白人中产阶级为主的特征的注意，部分是为了掩盖令人分裂的厌男主义，这种情绪激励着她们但却让其他人感到反感。将激进女权主义置于“包容性”旗帜下的安抚策略在内部也取得了成功：这使许多女权活动者感到自己是更广泛社会公正斗争的一部分。最后，对“包容性”的呼吁有效地转移了人们对一个令人不快但不可否认的事实的注意，即女权主义者是在这个蓬勃发展的受害者/偏见产业中获得最多资金、教授职位和薪酬优厚（但定义模糊）工作的群体。
Takaki began by recognizing that no one seemed to know exactly what a transformed curriculum would look like. And he asked, "How do we do it?" "How do we conceptualize it?" He advised the assembled gender feminists to listen carefully to his lecture because he was going to show them what a transformationist lecture actually looks like. "I will do it! I will practice it," he said. 高崎首先承认，似乎没有人确切地知道一个改造后的课程会是什么样子。他问道：“我们怎么做呢？”“我们如何概念化它呢？”他建议聚集在一起的性别女权主义者认真听他的讲座，因为他将向他们展示一个转型主义讲座实际上是什么样子。“我会做的！我会实践它，”他说。
He told us about the misunderstood and alienated Chinese railroad workers in California, and about the exploited and denigrated Irish factory girls in Lowell, Massachusetts, in the nineteenth century, mixing his facts with remarks about British colonialism and the Opium War. He read us some telegrams sent by a young Chinese railroad worker to some male friends urging them to help him in his plans to marry a young Chinese woman. Takaki explained that he studied telegrams because the Chinese left few documents for study. The telegrams-which Takaki called "texts" —revealed the powerlessness of the prospective Chinese bride. (It seemed to me they revealed much about Chinese immigrant attitudes toward women that reflected on the status of women in China, a point Takaki neglected to make.) Takaki urged the audience to listen to the silences. The silence of the Irish factory workers, the silence of the Chinese immigrants. The silence of the bride. The silence of millions of aliens who are a part of American history yet rarely, if ever, figure in the narrative. 他向我们讲述了 19 世纪加利福尼亚州被误解和孤立的中国铁路工人，以及马萨诸塞州洛厄尔的被剥削和贬低的爱尔兰女工，并将他的事实与关于英国殖民主义和鸦片战争的评论混合在一起。他读了一些由年轻的中国铁路工人发给男性朋友的电报，敦促他们帮助他实现与一位年轻中国女性结婚的计划。高崎解释说，他研究电报是因为中国人留下很少的文献供研究。这些电报——高崎称之为“文本”——揭示了中国准新娘的无助。（在我看来，它们揭示了中国移民对女性的态度，反映了中国女性的地位，这是高崎没有提到的一个点。）高崎敦促听众倾听沉默。爱尔兰女工的沉默，中国移民的沉默。新娘的沉默。数百万外来者的沉默，他们是美国历史的一部分，但很少，如果有的话，出现在叙述中。
"Blame the historians!" he cried. He singled out Oscar Handlin and Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., both Pulitzer Prize historians, for special censure. Few in the crowd seemed to know much about Handlin's seminal writings on American history. More recognized Schlesinger, who is a liberal Democrat but a critic of much of what passes under the banner of multiculturalism, and they hissed and booed at the mention of his name. Takaki attacked Handlin's The Uprooted and Schlesinger's The Age of Jack- “怪历史学家！”他喊道。他特别指责了奥斯卡·汉德林和亚瑟·施莱辛格，两位普利策奖历史学家。人群中很少有人对汉德林在美国历史方面的重要著作了解太多。更多人认出施莱辛格，他是一个自由民主党人，但批评许多以多元文化主义为名的现象，听到他的名字时，大家纷纷欢呼和嘘声。高桥批评了汉德林的《被迁移者》和施莱辛格的《杰克时代》。
son on the ground that both "completely ignored" the Chinese, the Cherokee Indians, and the African-Americans. Takaki did not tell the audience of nonhistorians that the books were written in 1941 and 1945, respectively. 由于“完全忽视”了中国人、切诺基印第安人和非裔美国人，Takaki 没有告诉非历史学家观众，这些书分别是在 1941 年和 1945 年写的。
The Harvard historian Stephan Thernstrom, editor of the award-winning Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups and the author of numerous books and articles on ethnic history, told me that at the time Handlin and Schlesinger wrote their books, few historians addressed race, class, or gender issues. In recent decades, research on immigrant groups -Chinese, Jewish, and especially Irish factory workers-has been very much in vogue. "Now we think of nothing else," said Thernstrom. Ethnic studies are thriving. African-American history and Native American history are now respected and established fields with recognized experts and classics. Takaki was attacking a straw man. 哈佛历史学家斯蒂芬·瑟恩斯特罗姆是获奖的《哈佛美国族裔百科全书》的编辑，也是众多关于族裔历史的书籍和文章的作者，他告诉我，在汉德林和施莱辛格写书的时候，很少有历史学家关注种族、阶级或性别问题。近几十年来，对移民群体——中国人、犹太人和特别是爱尔兰工厂工人——的研究非常流行。“现在我们无时无刻不在思考这个问题，”瑟恩斯特罗姆说。族裔研究蓬勃发展。非裔美国人历史和美洲原住民历史现在已经成为公认的专家和经典著作的受人尊敬和成熟的领域。高崎是在攻击一个稻草人。
As a point of fact, Handlin's The Uprooted portrays the archetypal patterns and configurations of immigrant experience, and it is still a classic. Handlin is now in his late seventies, and many consider him to be among the greatest American historians of this century. I called him to get his reaction to Takaki's complaints. 实际上，汉德林的《被根拔起的人》描绘了移民经历的原型模式和构型，这本书至今仍然是经典之作。汉德林现在已经七十多岁，许多人认为他是本世纪最伟大的美国历史学家之一。我打电话给他，以获取他对高木抱怨的反应。
"The whole attack is silly," he said. "And too bad he did not do his homework. In 1954 I wrote a book, The American People, which does give an account of the Asian immigrant experience . . . but what can you do?" “整个攻击都很无聊，”他说。“真可惜他没有做好功课。我在 1954 年写了一本书，《美国人》，其中确实讲述了亚洲移民的经历……但是你能做什么呢？”
I had a look at The American People and found that Handlin does indeed give attention to the Asian experience at the turn of the century. He describes not only the loneliness of the Chinese but also their resourcefulness. He also considered the effects of the paucity of females on the immigrants and of the racism they were subject to, topics Takaki discussed as if for the first time in history. 我浏览了《美国人民》，发现汉德林确实关注了世纪之交的亚洲人经历。他不仅描述了中国人的孤独感，还描述了他们的足智多谋。他还考虑了女性稀缺对移民的影响以及他们遭受的种族主义，这些都是高崎在历史上第一次讨论的主题。
I recently appeared with Mr. Takaki on a local (Boston) PBS discussion panel on multiculturalism. was charming and personable, and I joined the Parsippany crowd in liking him. While we were waiting for the show to begin, I asked him why he had not given Mr. Handlin credit for his treatment of Asian-Americans in the 1954 book. "What book is that?" he asked. 我最近与高崎先生一起参加了波士顿当地 PBS 关于多元文化的讨论小组。 很有魅力，也很随和，我加入了帕西帕尼人群喜欢他。在等待节目开始的时候，我问他为什么他没有在 1954 年的书中给汉德林先生关于亚裔美国人的论述给予认可。“哪本书？”他问道。
Takaki's New Jersey talk was billed as a transformationist lecture that was to show how the new inclusive learning handles the sensitive themes of the dispossessed. The success of the talk depended on the audience being completely unaware not only of Handlin's work but of thirty years of American social history. But success was assured. The conference had not invited a single person who could possibly be expected to challenge anything being said by any presenter. 高桥在新泽西的演讲被宣传为一次变革主义讲座，旨在展示新的包容性学习如何处理被剥夺者的敏感主题。演讲的成功依赖于观众对汉德林的工作以及三十年的美国社会历史完全不知情。但成功是可以肯定的。会议没有邀请任何一个可能会对任何演讲者所说的内容提出质疑的人。
Professor Thernstrom, for example, was very surprised to hear that Takaki spoke about the Irish factory girls of Lowell, Massachusetts, as "silenced": they are in fact among the most studied groups in American social history. But no one remotely like Professor Thernstrom had been invited. 例如，Thernstrom 教授对 Takaki 提到马萨诸塞州洛威尔的爱尔兰女工被称为“沉默的”感到非常惊讶：她们实际上是美国社会历史中最被研究的群体之一。但没有任何与 Thernstrom 教授 remotely 类似的人被邀请。
The spring issue of the journal Transformations had been distributed at the registration desk. Inside, the editor, Sylvia Baer, compared the university curriculum to a dilapidated two-hundred-year-old house she was helping to renovate: "We can all help each other scrape and paint and design and build our curriculums. It's hard work, all this renovation, and sometimes the decisions are risky-but look at the glorious results. . . . Together we can do this. I invite you to help with the planning, the building, and the singing and dancing." 《转型》杂志春季刊已在登记处发放。在杂志中，主编西尔维娅·贝尔将大学课程比作她正在帮助翻新的两百年历史的破旧房屋：“我们都可以互相帮助刮掉旧漆，粉刷，设计和建造我们的课程。这项翻新工作很辛苦，有时决策也很冒险，但看看辉煌的结果……我们一起可以做到。我邀请您参与规划、建设、唱歌和跳舞。”
The Parsippany audience, which consisted almost exclusively of white American middle-class females, was in fact thrilled by Takaki's "renovations." Paula Rothenberg and Annette Kolodny were beaming throughout the talk, and they applauded it wildly. Takaki was the topic of conversation for the next two days. By providing a vivid example of what a transformationist approach could do, he had helped them all "to imagine together a curriculum for the next century." He had said he would do it, and he did. 帕西帕尼的观众几乎完全由白人美国中产阶级女性组成，她们对高木的“改造”感到非常兴奋。保拉·罗斯本和安妮特·科洛德尼在整个讲座期间面带笑容，热烈 applauded。高木在接下来的两天中成为了谈论的话题。通过生动的例子展示了变革主义方法的潜力，他帮助大家“共同想象下一个世纪的课程”。他曾说过他会做到，而他确实做到了。
An exhilarating feeling of momentousness routinely surfaces at gender feminist gatherings. Elizabeth Minnich is among those who invoke Copernicus and Darwin to give us an idea of the vital importance of what the feminist theorists have discovered. She and several other transformationists took part in a panel discussion called "Transforming the Knowledge Base" in Washington, D.C., in February 1989. The Ford-funded National Council of Research on Women published the proceedings and reported the mood: "There was a palpable sense of making history in the room as we concluded our discussions." 19 在性别女性主义聚会上，常常浮现出一种激动人心的重大感。伊丽莎白·米尼奇是那些引用哥白尼和达尔文的人之一，以帮助我们理解女性理论家所发现的重大意义。她和几位其他变革者在 1989 年 2 月于华盛顿特区参加了名为“转变知识基础”的小组讨论。福特基金资助的全国女性研究委员会出版了会议记录，并报告了气氛：“当我们结束讨论时，房间里有一种切实的历史感。”
But making history and contributing to progress are not necessarily the same. It is in fact true that the transformationists are having a significant effect on American education. They are imposing a narrow political agenda, diluting traditional scholarly standards, and using up scarce resources. They are doing these things in the name of a transformation project they themselves do not seem fully to comprehend. 但创造历史和促进进步不一定是同一回事。事实上，转型主义者对美国教育产生了重大影响。他们强加了一种狭隘的政治议程，稀释了传统的学术标准，并耗尽了宝贵的资源。他们以一项他们自己似乎并不完全理解的转型项目的名义在做这些事情。
Chapter 5 第五章
The Feminist Classroom 女性主义课堂
se. 它。
The exhilaration of feeling themselves in the vanguard of a new consciousness infuses feminist pedagogues with a doctrinal fervor unique in the academy. Here is how five professors from the University of Massachusetts describe the feminist classroom: 感受到自己身处新意识先锋的兴奋感，给女权主义教育工作者注入了学院中独一无二的教条热情。以下是马萨诸塞大学五位教授对女权主义课堂的描述：
The feminist classroom is the place to use what we know as women to appropriate and transform, totally, a domain which has been men's. . . . Let us welcome the intrusion/infusion of emotionality love, rage, anxiety, eroticism-into intellect as a step toward healing the fragmentation capitalism and patriarchy have demanded from us. 女性主义课堂是一个利用我们作为女性所知的东西，完全改造一个曾属于男性的领域的地方……让我们欢迎情感的侵入/注入——爱、愤怒、焦虑、性欲——进入智慧，这是治愈资本主义和父权制所要求的碎片化的第一步。
Women: A Feminist Perspective is said to be the best-selling women's studies textbook of all time. The first selection, "Sexual Terrorism" by Carole J. Sheffield, is a good example of how the feminist classroom can "infuse" anxiety and rage. Ms. Sheffield describes an "ordinary" event that 《女性：女性主义视角》被认为是有史以来畅销的女性研究教材。首篇选文“性恐怖主义”由卡罗尔·J·谢 ffield 撰写，是女性主义课堂如何“渗透”焦虑和愤怒的一个很好的例子。谢 ffield 女士描述了一件“普通”的事件。
took place early one evening when she was alone in a Laundromat: "The laundromat was brightly lit; and my car was the only one in the lot. Anyone passing by could readily see that I was alone and isolated. Knowing that rape is a crime of opportunity, I became terrified." Ms. Sheffield left her laundry in the washer and dashed back to her car, sitting in it with the doors locked and the windows up. "When the wash was completed, I dashed in, threw the clothes into the drier, and ran back out to my car. When the clothes were dry, I tossed them recklessly into the basket and hurriedly drove away to fold them in the security of my home. Although I was not victimized in a direct, physical way or by objective or measurable standards, I felt victimized. It was, for me, a terrifying experience." At home, her terror subsides and turns to anger: "Mostly I was angry at being unfree: a hostage of a culture that, for the most part, encourages violence against females, instructs men in the methodology of sexual violence, and provides them with ready justification for their violence. . . . Following my experience at the Laundromat, I talked with my students about terrorization." 发生在一个晚上，当她独自在自助洗衣店时：“洗衣店灯光明亮；我的车是停车场里唯一的一辆。任何经过的人都能轻易看出我孤单而被孤立。知道强奸是机会犯罪，我感到恐惧。”谢菲尔德女士把衣物留在洗衣机里，冲回车里，锁上车门，关上窗户。“洗衣结束后，我冲进去，把衣服扔到干衣机里，然后跑回车里。当衣服干了，我急忙把它们随意扔进篮子里，匆忙开车离开，准备在安全的家中叠好它们。虽然我没有在直接的、身体的方式上受到伤害，或者按照客观或可衡量的标准受到侵犯，但我感到受害。对我来说，这是一次可怕的经历。”回到家后，她的恐惧渐渐转为愤怒：“我主要是因为被剥夺自由而感到愤怒：身处一个大多数时候鼓励对女性施暴的文化，指导男性施行性暴力的方法，并为他们的暴力行为提供现成的理由……在自助洗衣店的经历后，我和我的学生谈论了恐怖化。”
Any course (be it on Baroque art, English composition, or French drama) can be taught in this "women-centered" way. Committed instructors speak of their "feminist classrooms" as "liberated zones" or "safe spaces" where "silenced women" will be free for the first time to speak out in a secure gynocentric ambience. This is a pedagogy that aims above all to teach the student to unmask the inimical workings of the patriarchy. 任何课程（无论是巴洛克艺术、英语写作还是法国戏剧）都可以用这种“以女性为中心”的方式教授。尽职的教师将他们的“女权主义课堂”称为“解放区”或“安全空间”，在那里，“沉默的女性”将第一次能够在安全的女性中心氛围中自由地表达自己的意见。这是一种教学法，其首要目标是教导学生揭露父权制的敌对运作方式。
We get a good idea of what students experience in the feminist classroom by looking at a "model" introductory women's studies course developed by twelve Rutgers University professors. One of the stated goals of the course is to "challenge and change the social institutions and practices that create and perpetuate systems of oppression." Forty percent of the student's grade is to come from: 通过查看由十二位罗格斯大学教授开发的“模范”入门女性研究课程，我们可以很好地了解学生在女性主义课堂上的体验。课程的一个明确目标是“挑战和改变造成和延续压迫系统的社会制度和实践。”学生成绩的四成来自于：
performing some "outrageous" and "liberating" act outside of class and then sharing feelings and reactions with the class; 课外做一些“出格”和“解放”的行为，然后与课堂分享感受和反应；
keeping a journal of "narratives of personal experience, expressions of emotion, dream accounts, poetry, doodles, etc."; and 记录“个人经历叙述、情感表达、梦境记录、诗歌、涂鸦等”的日记；以及
forming small in-class consciousness-raising groups. 形成小型课堂意识提升小组。
The professors in the Rutgers course hand out a list of mandatory classroom "ground rules." According to one of these rules, students agree to "create a safe atmosphere for open discussion. If members of the class wish to make comments that they do not want repeated outside the classroom, they can preface their remarks with a request and the class Rutgers 课程的教授们会发放一份课堂“基本规则”清单。其中一条规则要求学生同意“营造一个安全的氛围，以便进行公开讨论。如果课堂成员希望发表不想在课堂外重复的评论，他们可以在发言前提出要求，并让课堂
will agree not to repeat the remarks." This confidentiality rule is critical in classes in which the instructor encourages students to reveal whether a family member, boyfriend, or stranger has molested, raped, battered, or otherwise victimized them. “将同意不重复这些言论。”这个保密规则在老师鼓励学生透露家庭成员、男朋友或陌生人是否曾对他们进行过性侵犯、强奸、殴打或以其他方式施加伤害的课堂中至关重要。
The general effect of feminist pedagogy is described in a 1990 "Report to the Professions" by five women's studies leaders: 女性主义教育法的总体效果在 1990 年五位妇女研究领袖的《报告给各行业》中描述：
Women's studies students typically undergo a profound transfor- 女性研究专业的学生通常经历深刻的转变
mation as they claim more knowledge. They pass through an iden- 在他们声称获得更多知识的过程中，他们经历了一个身份-
tifiable series of moments of recognition... Such insights are 可识别的系列认知时刻…… 这些见解是
followed by moments of empowerment in which patriarchal frame- 随后是一些赋权时刻，在这些时刻中，父权框架
works and perceptions are modified, redefined, or rejected alto- 作品和看法被修改、重新定义或完全拒绝
gether and replaced by a newly emerging view of the self and 被一种新兴的自我观念所取代和重新定义
society. The difficulty and complexity of this process ... cannot be 社会。这个过程的困难和复杂性……无法被
overemphasized... Breaking what feminist writer Tillie Olsen calls 过分强调……打破了女权主义作家蒂莉·奥尔森所说的
the "habits of a lifetime" is no trivial matter. It is accompanied by “终身习惯”绝非小事。它伴随着
the full range of human resistance, by continual attraction and re- 人类抵抗的全方位，通过持续的吸引和再-
pulsion, denial and recognition. 驱动力、否认和认可。
Women's studies students typically undergo a profound transformation as they claim more knowledge. They pass through an identifiable series of moments of recognition. . . Such insights are followed by moments of empowerment in which patriarchal frameworks and perceptions are modified, redefined, or rejected altogether and replaced by a newly emerging view of the self and society. The difficulty and complexity of this process . . . cannot be overemphasized. . . . Breaking what feminist writer Tillie Olsen calls the "habits of a lifetime" is no trivial matter. It is accompanied by the full range of human resistance, by continual attraction and repulsion, denial and recognition. 女性研究的学生通常会经历深刻的转变，因为她们获得了更多知识。她们会经历一系列可识别的顿悟时刻。……这些洞察力之后是赋权时刻，在此期间，父权制框架和观念被修改、重新定义或完全被抛弃，取而代之的是新兴的自我和社会观。这个过程的难度和复杂性……再怎么强调也不为过。……打破女权主义作家蒂莉·奥尔森所称的“终生习惯”绝非易事。它伴随着人类抵抗的全部范围，包括持续的吸引和排斥、否认和承认。
Professor Susan Arpad, who has been teaching women's studies courses at California State University at Fresno for almost fifteen years, describes the powerful effect the courses have on both student and teacher: 苏珊·阿帕德教授在加州州立大学弗雷斯诺分校教授妇女研究课程近 15 年，她描述了这些课程对学生和教师的强大影响：
It is a radical change, questioning the fundamental nature of everything they know. . . . At its worst, it can lead to a kind of psychological breakdown. At its best, it necessitates a period of adjustment. ... On a daily basis, I talk to students and colleagues who are euphoric as a result of their change of consciousness. . . . I also talk to other students and colleagues who are stuck in a stage of anger or despair. 这是一个彻底的改变，质疑他们所知道的一切的根本性质。……最糟糕的是，它会导致一种心理崩溃。最好的情况下，它需要一段时间的调整。……我每天都会和一些学生和同事交谈，他们因为意识的改变而感到欣喜若狂。……我也会和一些学生和同事交谈，他们陷入了愤怒或绝望的阶段。
There are some solid scholarly courses offered by women's studies programs, where the goal is simply to teach subjects like women's poetry or women's history in a nonrevisionist way. Unfortunately such courses are not the norm. In their report, the women's studies officers included thirty-seven sample syllabi, of which the Rutgers "model syllabus" was given pride of place. Buried among the thirty-seven syllabi were two that were relatively free of ideology and pedagogical gimmicks. 一些女性研究项目提供了高质量的学术课程，目标是以非修正主义的方式教授诸如女性诗歌或女性历史等主题。不幸的是，此类课程并不是常态。在她们的报告中，女性研究官员列出了三十七份示例大纲，其中罗格斯大学的“示范大纲”被置于显要位置。在这三十七份大纲中，有两份相对没有意识形态和教学花招。
One of these was a course called "Southern Women: Black and White" given by Professors Susan Tush and Virginia Gould (the report does not say where they teach). The students read well-regarded historical and 其中一门课程名为“南方女性：黑与白”，由苏珊·塔什教授和弗吉尼亚·古尔德教授开设（报告没有说明她们在哪所学校任教）。学生们阅读了备受推崇的历史和
sociological texts, such as Elizabeth Fox-Genovese's Within the Plantation Household, Charles Joyner's Down by the Riverside, and Eugene Genovese's Roll Jordan Roll. V. S. Naipaul's A Turn in the South was on the list-as well as works by Kate Chopin, Ellen Glasgow, and August Evans Wilson. I was sorry not to find Eudora Welty or Flannery O'Connor, who are generally esteemed as two of the most outstanding southern women writers. All the same, it appears to be a solid course. Unfortunately, courses like this one are the exception. The Rutgers model is more the norm, not only for women's studies but for all "feminist classrooms." 社会学文本，例如伊丽莎白·福克斯-吉诺维斯著的《种植园家庭内部》，查尔斯·乔伊纳著的《河边》，以及尤金·吉诺维斯著的《滚滚约旦河》。V.S.奈保尔的《南方之旅》也在书单上——还有凯特·肖邦、艾伦·格拉斯哥和奥古斯特·埃文斯·威尔逊的作品。我很遗憾没有找到尤多拉·韦尔蒂或弗兰纳里·奥康纳，她们通常被认为是两位最杰出的南方女作家。尽管如此，这似乎是一门扎实的课程。不幸的是，像这样的课程是例外。罗格斯模式更普遍，不仅适用于妇女研究，也适用于所有“女性主义课堂”。
For the past few years I have reviewed hundreds of syllabi from women's studies courses, attended more feminist conferences than I care to remember, studied the new "feminist pedagogy," reviewed dozens of texts, journals, newsletters, and done a lot of late-into-the-night reading of e-mail letters that thousands of "networked" women's studies teachers send to one another. I have taught feminist theory. I have debated gender feminists on college campuses around the country, and on national television and radio. My experience with academic feminism and my immersion in the ever-growing gender feminist literature have served to deepen my conviction that the majority of women's studies classes and other classes that teach a "reconceptualized" subject matter are unscholarly, intolerant of dissent, and full of gimmicks. In other words, they are a waste of time. And although they attract female students because of their social ambience, they attract almost no men. They divert the energies of students-especially young women-who sorely need to be learning how to live in a world that demands of them applicable talents and skills, not feminist fervor or ideological rectitude. 过去几年，我审阅了数百份妇女研究课程的教学大纲，参加了比我想记住的还要多的女权主义会议，学习了新的“女权主义教学法”，审阅了数十本教材、期刊、通讯，并通宵阅读了数千名“联网”妇女研究教师互相发送的电子邮件。我教授过女权主义理论。我在全国各地的大学、全国电视台和广播电台与性别女权主义者辩论过。我对学术女权主义的经验以及我对不断增长的性别女权主义文献的沉浸，使我更加确信，大多数妇女研究课程以及其他教授“重新概念化”主题的课程，都是不学无术、不容异议、充满噱头的。换句话说，它们是浪费时间。虽然它们因为其社会氛围吸引了女学生，但几乎没有男性学生。它们转移了学生，尤其是年轻女性的精力，而她们迫切需要学习如何在要求她们拥有可应用的才能和技能，而不是女权主义热情或意识形态正直的世界中生存。
Journalist Karen Lehrman visited women's studies programs at Berkeley, the University of Iowa, Smith College, and Dartmouth, audited almost thirty classes, and interviewed many professors and students for a story in Mother Jones: "In many classes discussions alternate between the personal and the political, with mere pit stops at the academic. Sometimes they are filled with unintelligible post-structuralist jargon; sometimes they consist of consciousness-raising psychobabble, with the students' feelings and experiences valued as much as anything the professor or texts have to offer." Ms. Lerhman considers this a betrayal: "A hundred years ago, women were fighting for the right to learn math, science, Latin - to be educated like men; today, many women are content to get their feelings heard, their personal problems aired, their instincts and intuition respected." 记者凯伦·莱尔曼访问了伯克利、爱荷华大学、史密斯学院和达特茅斯大学的妇女研究项目，旁听了近三十节课，并采访了许多教授和学生，为《母亲琼斯》杂志写了一篇报道：“在许多课堂上，讨论在个人和政治之间交替进行，只是在学术上短暂停留。有时，课堂上充斥着难以理解的后结构主义术语；有时，课堂上充斥着提升意识的心理呓语，学生的感觉和经历与教授或文本提供的任何东西一样重要。” 莱尔曼女士认为这是一种背叛：“一百年前，妇女为学习数学、科学、拉丁语——像男人一样接受教育而奋斗；如今，许多妇女满足于让自己的感受被听到，自己的个人问题被公开，自己的本能和直觉得到尊重。”
The feminist classroom does little to prepare students to cope in the world of work and culture. It is an embarrassing scandal that, in the name 女性主义课堂对学生在工作和文化的世界中应对能力的培养几乎没有帮助。这是一个令人尴尬的丑闻，以这样的名义。
of feminism, young women in our colleges and universities are taking courses in feminist classrooms that subject them to a lot of bad prose, psychobabble, and "new age" nonsense. What has real feminism to do with sitting around in circles and talking about our feelings on menstruation? To use a phrase much used by resenter feminists, the feminist classroom shortchanges women students. It wastes their time and gives them bad intellectual habits. It isolates them, socially and academically. While male students are off studying such "vertical" subjects as engineering and biology, women in feminist classrooms are sitting around being "safe" and "honoring" feelings. In this way, gender feminist pedagogy plays into old sexist stereotypes that extol women's capacity for intuition, emotion, and empathy while denigrating their capacity to think objectively and systematically in the way men can. 在女权主义的影响下，我们的大学和学院里的年轻女性正在上女权主义课程，这些课程让她们接触到大量糟糕的散文、心理废话和“新时代”的无稽之谈。真正的女权主义与围坐一圈，谈论月经的感受有什么关系？用被怨恨的女权主义者常用的一句话来说，女权主义课堂使女学生得不到应有的重视。它浪费了她们的时间，给她们带来了不良的知识习惯。它在社交和学术上使她们孤立。当男学生去学习工程和生物等“纵向”学科时，女权主义课堂上的女性则围坐在一起，追求“安全”和“尊重”情感。通过这种方式，性别女权主义教学助长了老旧的性别歧视刻板印象，颂扬女性的直觉、情感和同理心的能力，同时贬低她们像男性一样客观和系统思考的能力。
A parent should think very carefully before sending a daughter to one of the more gender-feminized colleges. Any school has the freedom to transform itself into a feminist bastion, but because the effect on the students is so powerful it ought to be honest about its attitude. I would like to see Wellesley College, Mount Holyoke, Smith, Mills, and the University of Minnesota-among the more extreme examples-print the following announcement on the first page of their bulletins: 父母在送女儿去一些更加女性化的大学之前应该仔细考虑。任何学校都有自由将自己转变为女权主义堡垒，但由于对学生的影响如此强大，它应该对其态度坦诚。我希望看到卫斯理学院、芒特霍利约克学院、史密斯学院、米尔斯学院和明尼苏达大学——这些都是比较极端的例子——在其公告的第一页上印上以下公告：
We will help your daughter discover the extent to which she has 我们将帮助您的女儿发掘她的潜力
been in complicity with the patriarchy. We will encourage her to 一直与父权制共谋。我们会鼓励她去
reconstruct herself through dialogue with us. She may become en- 通过与我们的对话重建自己。她可能会成为
raged and chronically offended. She will very likely reject the reli- 愤怒且长期感到被冒犯。她很可能会拒绝这种信任。
gious and moral codes you raised her with. She may well distance 你对她所灌输的宗教和道德规范，她可能会与之疏远。
herself from family and friends. She may change her appearance, 她可能改变自己的外貌，
and even her sexual orientation. She may end up hating you (her 甚至连她的性取向都可能会影响她。她可能最终会讨厌你（她的
father) and pitying you (her mother). After she has completed her （父亲）并可怜你（她的母亲）。在她完成
reeducation with us, you will certainly be out tens of thousands of 再教育您，您一定会少花几万块
dollars and very possibly be out one daughter as well. 美元，可能还会失去一个女儿。
We will help your daughter discover the extent to which she has been in complicity with the patriarchy. We will encourage her to reconstruct herself through dialogue with us. She may become enraged and chronically offended. She will very likely reject the religious and moral codes you raised her with. She may well distance herself from family and friends. She may change her appearance, and even her sexual orientation. She may end up hating you (her father) and pitying you (her mother). After she has completed her reeducation with us, you will certainly be out tens of thousands of dollars and very possibly be out one daughter as well. 我们将帮助你的女儿发现她在多大程度上与父权制有牵连。我们会鼓励她通过与我们的对话重塑自己。她可能会愤怒并持续感到被冒犯。她很可能会拒绝你培养她的宗教和道德规范。她可能会与家人和朋友疏远。她可能会改变自己的外貌，甚至性取向。她最终可能会厌恨你（她的父亲）并同情你（她的母亲）。在她完成与我们的再教育后，你肯定会损失数万美元，并很可能失去一个女儿。
At the Austin conference, my sister and I attended a packed workshop called "White Male Hostility in the Feminist Classroom," led by two female assistant professors from the State University of New York at Plattsburgh. What to do about young men who refuse to use genderneutral pronouns? Most agreed that the instructor should grade them down. One of the Plattsburghers told us about a male student who had "baited her" when she had defended a fifteen-year-old's right to have an abortion without parental consent. The student had asked, "What about 在奥斯汀会议上，我和我的姐妹参加了一个名为“女权主义课堂中的白人男性敌意”的满座研讨会，该研讨会由两位来自纽约州普拉茨堡州立大学的女性助理教授主讲。对于拒绝使用性别中性代词的年轻男性该如何处理，大多数人同意老师应该给他们降低分数。其中一位来自普拉茨堡的教授告诉我们，有一位男性学生在她为一名十五岁少女捍卫在没有父母同意的情况下堕胎的权利时“激怒了她”。这名学生问：“那关于……
a 15-year-old that wanted to marry a 30 -year-old?" She referred to this as a "trap." In philosophy, it is known as a legitimate counterexample to be treated seriously and dealt with by counterargument. But she wanted to know what advice we had to offer. 一个 15 岁的孩子想嫁给一个 30 岁的？她称之为“陷阱”。在哲学中，这被称为一个需要认真对待并用反驳来处理的合法反例。但她想知道我们有什么建议。
The agreed-upon remedy was to say to this misguided young man, "I am trying to figure out why you are asking this kind of question." Someone noted that female students in the class can usually be relied upon to keep male students in check. One woman got a big laugh when she told of a feminist student who silenced an "obnoxious male" by screaming "Shut up, you fucker!" 商定的补救措施是对这个误入歧途的年轻人说：“我正在试图弄清楚你为什么会问这样的问题。”有人注意到，班上的女学生通常可以被依赖来约束男学生。一位女士讲述了一位女权主义学生如何通过大喊“闭嘴，你这个混蛋！”来压制一个“讨厌的男性”，引发了大家的大笑。
The group was more perplexed about what to do with recalcitrant females. Now that women's courses are required on more and more campuses, the feminist pedagogues expect more resistance. As one participant triumphantly noted, "If the students are comfortable, we are not doing our job." 该小组对如何处理不合作的女性感到更加困惑。随着越来越多的校园要求开设女性课程，女性主义教育工作者预期会有更多的抵抗。正如一位参与者自豪地指出的：“如果学生感到舒适，我们就没有做好我们的工作。”
In the feminist classroom, students encounter committed teachers eager to interpret their lives, their societies, their intellectual heritage for them-in no uncertain terms. Here, for example, is how Professor Joyce Trebilcot of Washington University in St. Louis sees her primary pedagogical duty: "If the classroom situation is very heteropatriarchal-a large beginning class of 50 or 60 students, say, with few feminist students-I am likely to define my task as largely one of recruitment . . . of persuading students that women are oppressed." 在女权主义课堂上，学生会遇到充满热情的老师，他们渴望以明确的方式为学生解读他们的生活、社会和知识遗产。例如，圣路易斯华盛顿大学的乔伊斯·特雷比科特教授这样看待她的主要教学职责：“如果课堂环境非常父权制——比如一个有 50 或 60 名学生的大型入门班，其中只有少数女权主义学生——我可能会将我的任务定义为主要招募……说服学生女性受到压迫。”
Persuading female students that they are oppressed is the first step in the arduous consciousness-raising process. Professor Ann Ferguson, a University of Massachusetts philosopher, uses her philosophy classes to help students uncover their feelings of "anger and oppression": "There are various techniques which aid such personal recovery of feelings, including personal journals, role playing . . class and teacher collectively sharing personal experiences and feelings." Students like strong-minded teachers who breathe commitment, and the feminist teacher has her appeal. But it is fair to say that most students are not "buying into" gender feminism. Many resent the attempt to recruit them. Even more resent the shift away from a traditional pedagogy whose primary objective is teaching students a subject matter that will be useful to them. Professor Ferguson has also had to work out techniques to deal with student resentment toward her. She admits she is routinely accused of being "narrow-minded and polemical." 10 说服女学生她们受到压迫是艰难的意识提升过程中的第一步。马萨诸塞大学的哲学教授安·弗格森利用她的哲学课帮助学生发现他们“愤怒和压迫”的感觉：“有多种技术可以帮助个人恢复这种情感，包括个人日志、角色扮演……课堂及教师共同分享个人经历和感受。”学生们喜欢那些充满承诺的坚定教师，女权主义教师也很有吸引力。但可以公平地说，大多数学生并不“赞同”性别女性主义。许多人对这种招募感到反感。更有甚者，对摆脱传统教学法感到不满，传统教学法的主要目标是教给学生对他们有用的知识。弗格森教授还必须制定应对学生对她反感的技巧。她承认，自己经常被指责为“狭隘和好辩”。
The Parsippany conference on curricular transformation included several workshops on student resistance: in "Resistance in the Classroom," Professor K. Edington from Towson State University referred to her male 帕西帕尼关于课程转型的会议包括几个关于学生抵抗的研讨会：“课堂上的抵抗”，来自陶森州立大学的 K.埃丁顿教授提到了她的男性
students as "Chips" and the females as "Buffys." Professor Edington was delighted by an "enormous federal grant" that Towson State had received for transformation work. But she did not give the impression of liking her students, and she certainly seems to have little regard for them morally or intellectually. Having told us about the Buffys and the Chips and about what "all the preppy clones believe," she went on, without a hint of irony, to say, "We have to teach them to confront stereotypes and bias directly." 学生被称为“Chips”，女性被称为“Buffys”。埃丁顿教授对汤森州立大学获得的“巨额联邦资助”感到高兴，用于转型工作。但她给人的印象并不是喜欢自己的学生，显然对他们在道德或智力上也少有考量。在告诉我们关于 Buffys 和 Chips，以及“所有时尚克隆所相信的”之后，她毫无讽刺地继续说道：“我们必须教他们直接面对刻板印象和偏见。”
Although they are themselves doctrinally immune to criticism-it's really "backlash" in disguise-transformationist teachers are far from indifferent to the dissidents in their classrooms. In a recent issue of Thought and Action, the journal on higher education put out by the National Education Association, two professors from Fresno State University, Marcia Bedard and Beth Hartung, report on a "crisis" in women's studies courses created by "hostile male students" and their "negative body language." They single out members of "hypermasculine campus subcultures . . . fraternities, organized athletics, and military and police science" as especially disruptive. "They never miss a class." 尽管他们在教义上对批评免疫——这实际上是伪装的“反弹”——变革主义的教师对教室里的异议人士绝非漠不关心。在《思想与行动》杂志的最新一期中，该杂志由全国教育协会出版，两位来自弗雷斯诺州立大学的教授马西亚·贝达德和贝丝·哈顿报告了由于“敌视的男学生”和他们的“消极肢体语言”而导致的妇女研究课程的“危机”。他们特别指出“高度阳刚的校园亚文化……兄弟会、组织体育和军事与警务科学”的成员尤为破坏性。“他们从不缺课。”
What sort of behavior do the Fresno pedagogues consider examples of "classroom harassment"? Their list of offenses includes "challenging facts," stating the exceptions to every generalization, and leaping to an argument at the first pause in the teacher's lecture. Professor Hartung says students are harder on women's studies teachers than on teachers of other courses: "Male and female students evaluating their women's studies teacher . . . compared to teachers of other courses . . . were more likely to make negative and even cruel assessments, even in retrospect." 弗雷斯诺的教育工作者认为什么样的行为属于“课堂骚扰”？他们列出的违规行为包括“挑战事实”、指出每个概括的例外，以及在教师讲课的第一暂停时跳出争论。哈顿教授表示，学生对女性研究教师的态度比对其他课程教师要严苛：“男性和女性学生评价他们的女性研究教师……与其他课程的教师相比……更倾向于做出负面甚至残酷的评估，甚至事后也是如此。”
Reading between the lines of Ms. Bedard and Ms. Hartung's report, and many others on the subject, we get a clear picture of students trying hard to manage all by themselves, with what must be a very frustrating classroom situation. The student who is unaware of the charged atmosphere in the feminist classroom quickly learns that humor is not a good idea. A University of Michigan sophomore, Shawn Brown, wrote a paper for a political science course in which he discussed the difficulties of getting reliable polls: 从贝达德女士和哈特雄女士的报告以及其他许多关于该主题的报告中，我们可以清楚地看到学生们努力独自管理，而课堂环境一定是令人沮丧的。那些没有意识到女权主义课堂中充满电荷气氛的学生很快就会明白，幽默不是一个好主意。密歇根大学二年级学生肖恩·布朗为政治学课程写了一篇论文，讨论了获得可靠民意调查的困难：
Let's say Dave [the] Stud is entertaining three beautiful ladies in his penthouse when the phone rings. A pollster on the other end wants to know if we should eliminate the capital gains tax. Now Dave is a knowledgeable businessperson who cares a lot about this issue. But since Dave is "tied up" at the moment, he tells the pollster to "bother" someone else. 假设戴夫[这个]帅哥正在他的阁楼里招待三位美丽的女士，这时电话响了。电话那头的民意调查员想知道我们是否应该取消资本利得税。戴夫是一位知识渊博的商人，他非常关心这个问题。但由于戴夫此刻“正忙”，他告诉民意调查员去“打扰”其他人。
Deborah Meizlish, a graduate teaching assistant who graded Mr. Brown's paper, was incensed. She wrote in the margins: 黛博拉·梅兹利什，一位给布朗先生论文打分的助教，怒火中烧。她在空白处写道：
Professor Rosenstone has encouraged me to interpret this comment 罗森斯通教授鼓励我解释这条评论
as an example of sexual harassment and to take the appropriate 作为性骚扰的一个例子，并采取适当的措施
formal steps. I have chosen not to do so in this instance. However, 正式步骤。我选择在本例中不这样做。但是，
any future comments, in a paper, in a class or in any dealings [with 任何将来的评论，无论是在论文中、在课堂上还是在任何交往中
me] will be interpreted as sexual harassment and formal steps will 将被解释为性骚扰，并将采取正式措施
be taken. . . you are forewarned! 被接受……你已被警告！
Professor Rosenstone has encouraged me to interpret this comment as an example of sexual harassment and to take the appropriate formal steps. I have chosen not to do so in this instance. However, any future comments, in a paper, in a class or in any dealings [with me ] will be interpreted as sexual harassment and formal steps will be taken. . . . you are forewarned! 罗森斯通教授鼓励我将此评论解释为性骚扰，并采取适当的正式步骤。我选择在这次情况下不这样做。但是，任何未来的评论，无论是论文、课堂还是任何[与我]的交往，都将被解释为性骚扰，并将采取正式步骤。……你已被警告！
The male professor who read Mr. Brown's paper had indeed advised teaching assistant Deborah Meizlish to file formal harassment charges. The chair, Professor Arlene Saxonhouse, backed Rosenstone's and Meizlish's censuring of Mr. Brown: "There is a difference between censorship and expressing concern over a student's mode of expression." In a reply to Saxonhouse's letter, an undergraduate, Adam Devore, pointed out that "there is also a difference between 'expressing concern' and writing, 'You are forewarned!' " 阅读布朗先生论文的男教授确实建议助教黛博拉·梅兹利什提出正式的骚扰指控。系主任阿琳·萨克森豪斯教授支持罗森斯通和梅兹利什对布朗先生的谴责：“审查制度和对学生表达方式的担忧之间存在区别。” 在回复萨克森豪斯教授的信中，本科生亚当·德沃尔指出，“‘表达担忧’和写下‘你已被警告！’之间也存在区别。”
In a case of this kind, faculty do not usually rally to the support of the student. However, the incident attracted the attention of Professor Carl Cohen, a well-known social philosopher and free speech defender. Professor Cohen wrote to the school newspaper, defending Shawn Brown and criticizing the chair of the department of political science, the dean, and the teaching assistant for their violation of Brown's right to write as he did. Professor Cohen's arguments were later cited by a member of the board of regents who voted against a highly restrictive behavior code being proposed for the university. 在这种情况下，教职工通常不会团结起来支持学生。然而，这起事件引起了著名社会哲学家和言论自由捍卫者卡尔·科恩教授的注意。科恩教授给校报写信，为肖恩·布朗辩护，并批评政治学系主任、院长和助教侵犯了布朗的写作权利。科恩教授的论点后来被一位理事会成员引用，该成员投票反对一项针对该大学提出的高度限制性的行为准则。
Shawn Brown had not meant to offend or even to criticize anyone. For the most part, students prudently tend to reserve critical comment until after final grades are in and student evaluations can be safely published. Dale M. Bauer, a professor of English who teaches composition and introductory literature courses at Miami University, reported that about half of the evaluation responses from two first-year composition and introduction to literature sections expressed objections to her feminist stance. Ms. Bauer provides samples, "copied verbatim," of student complaints: 肖恩·布朗并不想冒犯或批评任何人。大多数情况下，学生会谨慎地推迟批评评论，直到最终成绩公布，并且学生评估可以安全发布为止。迈阿密大学教授戴尔·M·鲍尔教授教授写作和入门文学课程，报告称，两门第一年写作和入门文学课程的评估回复中约有一半表达了对她女性主义立场的反对。 鲍尔女士提供了学生投诉的示例：“逐字抄写”。
I feel this course was dominated and overpowered by feminist doctrines and ideals. I feel the feminist movement is very interesting to look at, but I got extremely bored with it and it lost all its punch meaning because it was so drilled into our brains. 我觉得这门课程被女性主义学说和理念主导并压倒。我觉得女性主义运动非常有趣，但我对此感到非常无聊，它失去了所有的冲击力，因为这些理念被过于刻意地灌输进我们的脑海。
I . . . think you shouldn't voice your "feminist" views because we don't need to know that-It's something that should be left outside class. 我……认为你不应该在课堂上表达你的“女权主义”观点，因为我们不需要知道这些——这应该留在课堂之外。
I found it very offensive that all of our readings focused on feminism. 我觉得我们所有的阅读材料都集中在女性主义上非常令人反感。
Feminism is an important issue in society-but a very controversial one. It needs to be confronted on a personal basis, not in the classroom. I didn't appreciate feminist comments on papers or expressed about work. This is not the only instructor-others in the English Dept. have difficulties leaving personal opinions out of their comments. 女性主义是社会中一个重要但极具争议的话题。它需要在个人层面上进行面对，而不是在课堂上。我不欣赏关于论文或工作所表达的女性主义评论。这并不是唯一的教师——英语系的其他人也很难在评论中排除个人意见。
Characteristically, Ms. Bauer and her colleagues profess not to be disconcerted by the negative evaluations. Instead they take them to show that renewed efforts are needed. As Ms. Bauer sees it, the question remains "How do we move ourselves out of this political impasse and resistance in order to get our students to identify with the political agenda of feminism?" She regards her teaching as "a kind of counter-indoctrination." The need for "counter-indoctrination" was made clear to her when she saw the following negative evaluation of herself from a student who had taken one of her first-year composition courses: "[The teacher] consistently channels class discussions around feminism and does not spend time discussing the comments that oppose her beliefs. In fact, she usually twists them around to support her beliefs." 特征性地，鲍尔女士和她的同事们表示对于这些负面评价并不感到不安。相反，他们认为这些评价表明需要重新努力。鲍尔女士认为，问题是“我们如何摆脱这种政治僵局和抵制，以使我们的学生认同女性主义的政治议程？”她将自己的教学视为“一种反洗脑”。当她看到一名修过她第一年写作课程的学生对她的以下负面评价时，她意识到“反洗脑”的必要性：“[老师]始终围绕女性主义进行课堂讨论，而不花时间讨论反对她观点的评论。实际上，她通常将这些评论扭曲，以支持她的观点。”
In dealing with this kind of resistance, the feminist pedagogue tends to read student criticism as the expression of unacknowledged but deepseated prejudice or fear. "Resistance" is "only to be expected." After all, students have been thoroughly "socialized" to their gender roles and class loyalties; only a painful process of reeducation can free them from those roles and loyalties. Their very resistance is dramatic evidence of their condition. Criticism may cause her to modify her tactics; it can never cause her to doubt her cause. 在应对这种抵抗时，女性主义教育工作者倾向于将学生的批评视为未被承认但根深蒂固的偏见或恐惧的表现。“抵抗”是“意料之中的”。毕竟，学生们已经彻底“社会化”成其性别角色和阶级忠诚；只有通过痛苦的再教育过程才能使他们摆脱这些角色和忠诚。他们的抵抗本身就是他们处境的戏剧性证据。批评可能会使她调整战术，但永远不可能让她怀疑自己的信念。
The gender feminist will usually acknowledge that her aims are indeed political and that she is seeking to persuade her students to become active in the cause. She justifies turning her classroom into a base in the struggle against patriarchy by arguing that all teaching is basically political, that all teachers indoctrinate their students, though often without being aware that they are doing so. As for the pedagogical ideal of disinterested schol- 性别主义者通常会承认，她的目标确实是政治性的，她正在努力说服她的学生积极参与这一事业。她通过论证所有教学本质上都是政治性的，所有教师都在对学生进行意识形态灌输，尽管往往没有意识到这一点，从而为将她的课堂变成对抗父权制的基地辩护。至于无私学术的教育理想——
arship and "objective truth," the gender feminists deny that these ideals are attainable. 在“友谊”和“客观真理”方面，性别女权主义者否认这些理想是可以实现的。
The claim that all teaching is a form of indoctrination, usually in the service of those who are politically dominant, helps to justify the pedagogy of the feminist classroom. Feminist academics often say that apart from the enclave of women's studies, the university curriculum consists of "men's studies." They mean by this that most of what students normally learn is designed to maintain and reinforce the existing patriarchy. To anyone who actually believes this, combatting the standard indoctrination with a feminist "counter-indoctrination" seems only fair and sensible. 所有教学都是一种意识形态灌输的说法，通常是为那些政治上占主导地位的人服务，这有助于为女权主义课堂的教学法辩护。女权主义学者常常说，除了女性研究的保护区，大学的课程内容都是“男性研究”。她们的意思是，学生通常学习的大部分内容是为了维持和加强现有的父权制。对于真正相信这一点的人来说，用女权主义的“反灌输”来对抗标准的灌输似乎既公平又明智。
The British philosopher Roger Scruton, aided by two colleagues at the Education Research Center in England, has pointed to several prominent features that distinguish indoctrination from normal education. In a competent, well-designed course, students learn methods for weighing evidence and critical methods for evaluating arguments for soundness. They learn how to arrive at reasoned conclusions from the best evidence at hand. By contrast, in cases of indoctrination, the conclusions are assumed beforehand. Scruton calls this feature of indoctrination the "Foregone Conclusion." According to Scruton, the adoption of a foregone conclusion is the most salient feature of indoctrination. In the case of gender feminism, the "foregone conclusion" is that American men strive to keep women subjugated. 英国哲学家罗杰·斯克鲁顿（Roger Scruton）在英格兰的教育研究中心得到了两位同事的帮助，他指出了几项显著特征，区分了洗脑与正常教育。 在一个合格、设计良好的课程中，学生学习权衡证据的方法和评估论证有效性的批判方法。他们学习如何根据手头上最好的证据得出合理的结论。相反，在洗脑的情况下，结论是事先设定好的。斯克鲁顿称这种洗脑的特征为“先入为主的结论”。根据斯克鲁顿的说法，采纳先入为主的结论是洗脑最显著的特征。在性别主义女权主义的情况下，“先入为主的结论”是美国男性努力使女性处于被压迫状态。
The "Hidden Unity" is a second salient feature. The foregone conclusions are part of a "unified set of beliefs" that form the worldview or political program the indoctrinator wishes to impart to the students. In the case of the gender feminist, the "Hidden Unity" is the sex/gender interpretation of society, the belief that modern women are an oppressed class living "under patriarchy." “隐藏的统一性”是第二个显著特征。先入为主的结论是“统一的信仰体系”的一部分，该体系构成了灌输者希望传达给学生的 worldview 或政治纲领。在性别女权主义者的情况下，“隐藏的统一性”是社会对性别/性别的解释，即现代女性是一个生活在“父权制之下”的受压迫阶级。
Indoctrinators also operate within a "Closed System" that is immune to criticism. In the case of gender feminism, the closed system interprets all data as confirming the theory of patriarchal oppression. In a term made popular by Sir Karl Popper, gender feminism is nonfalsifiable, making it more like a religious undertaking than an intellectual one. If, for example, some women point out that they are not oppressed, they only confirm the existence of a system of oppression, for they "show" how the system dupes women by socializing them to believe they are free, thereby keeping them docile and cooperative. As Smith College transformationists Marilyn Schuster and Susan Van Dyne note, "The number of female professors who still see no inequity or omissions in the male-defined curriculum . . . serves to underscore dramatically how thoroughly women students may be deceived in believing these values are congruent with their interests." 灌输者也运作在一个不受批评影响的“封闭系统”中。在性别女权主义的情况下，封闭系统将所有数据解释为证实父权压迫理论。用卡尔·波普尔爵士普及的一个术语来说，性别女权主义是不可证伪的，这使得它更像是一项宗教事业，而不是一项智力事业。例如，如果一些女性指出她们没有受到压迫，她们只会证实压迫体系的存在，因为她们“表明”该体系是如何通过将女性社会化来相信她们是自由的，从而使她们保持顺从和合作的。正如史密斯学院的转型者玛丽莲·舒斯特和苏珊·范·戴恩所指出的，“仍然没有看到男性定义的课程中的不平等或遗漏的女教授数量……戏剧性地强调了女学生在相信这些价值观与她们的利益一致方面可能被欺骗的程度”。
But what these approaches dramatically underscore is how "effectively" doctrinaire feminists deal with any phenomenon that poses the remotest threat to their tight little mental island. Gender feminism is a closed system. It chews up and digests all counterevidence, transmuting it into confirming evidence. Nothing and no one can refute the hypothesis of the sex/gender system for those who "see it everywhere." 但这些方法显著强调了教条主义女权主义者是如何“有效地”处理任何对他们狭小的心理岛屿构成丝毫威胁的现象。性别女权主义是一个封闭系统。它吞噬并消化所有反证，将其转化为确认证据。对于那些“无处不在”看到这一切的人来说，没有任何事物和人能反驳性别/性别系统的假设。
Every society teaches and highlights its own political history, and America is no exception. Recognizing this, however, is very different from admitting that a "normal education" is basically an indoctrination in the politics of the status quo. In fact, objectivity remains the ideal toward which fair-minded teachers aspire. One way they approximate it is by presenting both sides of a controversial subject. Of course, we recognize and acknowledge that what and how he or she teaches is very often affected by the biases of the teacher. It remains true, nevertheless, that some teachers and the courses they teach are more biased than others. 每个社会都教授和强调自己的政治历史，美国也不例外。然而，认识到这一点与承认“正常教育”基本上是对现状政治的灌输是截然不同的。事实上，客观性仍然是公正的教师所追求的理想。他们接近这种理想的一种方式是呈现有争议主题的双方观点。当然，我们认识到并承认，他或她教授的内容和方式往往受教师偏见的影响。然而，仍然有一些教师和他们教授的课程比其他教师和课程更具偏见。
Consider how history is taught in totalitarian societies. Is a standard course in, say, ancient history, as typically taught by an American professor, ideological in the same sense as a state-monitored history of the USSR taught in Stalin's era? To hold that all teaching is ideological is to be blind to the cardinal distinction between education and indoctrination. If one believes that all knowledge is socially constructed to serve the powers that be, or, more specifically, if one holds that the science and culture we teach are basically a "patriarchal construction" designed to support a "male hegemony," then one denies, as a matter of principle, any important difference between knowledge and ideology, between truth and dogma, between reality and propaganda, between objective teaching and inculcating a set of beliefs. Many campus feminists do, in fact, reject these distinctions, and that is pedagogically and politically irresponsible and dangerous. For when the Big Brothers in an Orwellian world justify their cynical manipulation of the many by the tyrannical few, they, too, argue that reality is "socially constructed" by those in power and that indoctrination is all we can expect. 考虑历史在极权社会中的教学方式。以美国教授通常教授的古代历史为例，标准课程是否在意识形态上与斯大林时代的苏联国家监控历史教学相同？认为所有教学都是意识形态的观点，实际上是视而不见教育与灌输之间的根本区别。如果一个人相信所有知识都是社会构建的，以服务于当权者，或者更具体地说，如果一个人认为我们教授的科学和文化基本上是支持“男性霸权”的“父权构造”，那么他就是在原则上否认了知识与意识形态、真理与教条、现实与宣传、客观教学与灌输一套信仰之间的任何重要区别。许多校园女权主义者确实拒绝这些区别，这在教育上和政治上都是不负责任和危险的。因为在一个奥威尔式的世界里，当“大兄弟”通过少数人的暴政来辩解对多数人的玩弄时，他们也会主张现实是由掌权者“社会构建”的，而灌输就是我们所能期待的一切。
In 1984, George Orwell's tragic hero, Winston Smith, tries to defy the torturer, O'Brien, by holding fast to the belief in an objective reality. O'Brien reminds Winston Smith that he will be paying the price for that old-fashioned belief: "You believe that reality is something objective, external, existing in its own right. . . . But I tell you, Winston, reality is not external. . . . It is impossible to see reality except by looking through the eyes of the Party." 1984 年，乔治·奥威尔的悲剧英雄温斯顿·史密斯试图通过坚持对客观现实的信念来反抗折磨者奥布莱恩。奥布莱恩提醒温斯顿·史密斯，他将为这种过时的信念付出代价：“你认为现实是客观的、外部的，独立存在于自身。……但我告诉你，温斯顿，现实并非外部的。……除了通过党的眼睛去看，不可能看到现实。”
And Winston Smith is "persuaded" to change his mind. 温斯顿·史密斯被“说服”改变了他的想法。
Those who believe that all teaching is political have labeled everything in advance, and they brook no counter arguments. Critical philosophers are well acquainted with this move: first it labels everything, then it rides roughshod over fundamental differences. That happens when armchair psychologists come up with the startling doctrine that all human activity is motivated by selfishness, or when armchair metaphysicians announce that whatever happens is bound to happen. The pronouncements of "psychological egoism" or "fatalistic metaphysics" have an air of being profound, but they destroy sound thinking by obliterating the distinctions that we must have if we are to think straight and see things clearly and distinctly. Label it as you will; there is, after all, a difference between caring and uncaring behavior, between callous, selfish disregard for others and considerateness and concern. There is a difference between events that happen accidentally and those that are planned. 那些认为所有教学都是政治的人，已经预先给所有事物贴上了标签，他们不容许任何反驳。批判哲学家对这种做法非常熟悉：首先给所有事物贴上标签，然后就践踏基本差异。当书斋心理学家提出令人震惊的理论，即所有人类活动都是由自私驱使，或者当书斋形而上学家宣布，无论发生什么都会发生的时候，就会发生这种情况。 “心理利己主义”或“宿命论形而上学”的断言有一种深刻的意味，但它们通过抹杀我们必须具有的区别来破坏了健全的思维，而这些区别是我们进行直线思考、清晰而鲜明地看待事物所必需的。无论你怎么称呼它，毕竟，关怀和不关怀的行为之间存在差异，冷漠、自私地漠视他人与体贴和关心之间存在差异。偶然发生的事件与计划发生的事件之间存在差异。
So, too, is there a difference between education and propaganda. The economist Thomas Sowell notes that the statement "All teaching is political" is trivially true in just the way the statement "Abraham Lincoln and Adolf Hitler were both imperfect human beings" is true. 同样，教育和宣传之间也存在差异。经济学家托马斯·索维尔指出，"所有的教学都是政治性的"这句话在表面上是正确的，就像"亚伯拉罕·林肯和阿道夫·希特勒都是不完美的人"这句话一样。
The blurring of vital distinctions is a mark of ideology or immaturity. We could be more tolerant of the pronouncement that in some sense all courses are political if campus feminists were prepared to acknowledge the vital difference between courses taught in a disinterested manner and those taught to promote an ideology. But that is precisely what so many deny. 模糊重要区别是意识形态或不成熟的标志。如果校园女权主义者愿意承认无私教学和宣传意识形态的课程之间的重要区别，我们可能会对所有课程在某种意义上都是政治的观点更加宽容。但事实正是如此，许多人否认这一点。
This denial is so perverse that we are led to wonder what possible advantage the feminist ideologues could be getting from erasing the obvious and reasonable distinctions that most of us recognize and respect. On reflection, it is clear that their denial serves them very well indeed, by leaving them free to do what they please in their classrooms. Having denied the very possibility of objective learning, they are no longer bound by the need to adhere to traditional standards of a curriculum that seeks to convey an objective body of information. Putting "objectivity" in scare quotes, the feminists simply deny it as a possible pedagogical ideal. "Man is the measure of all things," said old Protagoras-and the gender feminists agree that in the past Man was the measure. Now it is Woman's turn. 这种否认是如此扭曲，以至于我们不得不想知道女权意识形态者从抹去大多数人所认可和尊重的明显且合理的区别中能获得什么好处。仔细想想，他们的否认确实对他们非常有利，使他们可以在课堂上随心所欲。否认了客观学习的可能性，他们不再受限于遵循旨在传达客观信息的传统课程标准。女权主义者将“客观性”放在引号中，简单地否认它作为可能的教学理想。“人是万物的尺度，”古代的普罗塔戈拉斯这样说，而性别女权主义者同意在过去人是尺度。现在轮到女人了。
This pedagogical philosophy licenses the feminist teacher to lay down "conclusions" or "rules" without feeling the need to argue for them. Consider the "ground rules" developed by the Center for Research on Women at Memphis State University and used at Rutgers University, the Univer- 这种教学哲学使女性主义教师能够提出“结论”或“规则”，而不必为其辩护。考虑一下由孟菲斯州立大学的妇女研究中心制定并在罗格斯大学使用的“基本规则”。
sity of Minnesota, Penn State, and other schools around the country. The students are asked to accept them as a condition for taking the course: 明尼苏达大学、宾夕法尼亚州立大学以及全国其他学校。学生被要求接受这些条款作为选修这门课的条件：
For the purposes of this course we agree to these rules: 为了本课程的目的，我们同意遵守以下规则：
Acknowledge that oppression (i.e., racism, sexism, classism) exists. 承认压迫（即种族主义、性别歧视、阶级歧视）的存在。
Acknowledge that one of the mechanisms of oppression (i.e., racism, sexism, classism, heterosexism) is that we are all systematically taught misinformation about our own groups and about members of both dominant and subordinate groups. 承认压迫的一种机制（即种族主义、性别歧视、阶级歧视、异性恋中心主义）是我们都系统地被教导有关我们自己群体以及主导和从属群体成员的错误信息。
Assume that people (both the groups we study and the members of the class) always do the best they can. 假设人们（我们研究的群体和班级的成员）总是尽力而为。
If members of the class wish to make comments that they do not want repeated outside the classroom, they can preface their remarks with a request and the class will agree not to repeat the remarks. 如果班级成员希望发表不想在课堂之外重复的评论，他们可以在发言前提出请求，班级将同意不重复这些评论。
First, it should be pointed out that these "rules" are very unusual for a college class. Teachers frequently have rules about absences or late papers, but here the rules demand that the students adopt particular beliefs, none of which is self-evident. Consider rule no. l, which asserts that "oppression exists." Stated in this unqualified way, it cannot be denied. But since the student is meant to understand that oppression exists in the United States in the form of classism and sexism, the matter is not nearly so simple. Is it not at least arguable that one of the good features of American life is that here, in contrast to most other countries, an individual can rise in the socioeconomic scale despite his or her background? Is this not one reason why many outsiders are so eager to come here? Why then speak of class oppression? 首先，应该指出的是，这些“规则”对于大学课程来说非常不寻常。老师通常会有关于缺席或迟交作业的规则，但在这里，规则要求学生接受特定的信念，而这些信念没有一个是显而易见的。考虑规则一，它声称“压迫存在”。以这种不加限制的方式表述，无法否认。但由于学生必须理解在美国压迫以阶级和性别歧视的形式存在，这个问题就没有那么简单。难道不可以说，美国生活的一个好处是，与大多数其他国家相比，这里个人可以不论背景在社会经济阶层中上升吗？这难道不是许多外来人士如此渴望来到这里的一个原因吗？那么，为什么要谈论阶级压迫呢？
The coupling of sexism and racism is also problematic. Are they really that similar? Is sexism a national problem on a par with racism? The rule requires the student to accept that it is. Indeed, it is typical of the structure of many women's studies courses in putting a lot of loaded and controversial questions beyond the pale of discussion. And that is exactly what a college course should not be doing. 性别歧视和种族歧视的结合也是有问题的。它们真的那么相似吗？性别歧视是否与种族歧视一样是一个全国性的问题？该规则要求学生接受这一点。事实上，这正是许多女性研究课程的结构特点，将许多充满争议的敏感问题排除在讨论范围之外。而这恰恰是大学课程不应该做的事情。
Rule no. 2 says: "One of the mechanisms of oppression is that we are all systematically taught misinformation." No doubt on occasion everyone is taught something that is not true. But are we "systematically" being given "misinformation"? When people were of the opinion that the world was flat, one might say they were "systematically" being taught that. But since everyone thought that was true, we shouldn't speak of "misinformation," which connotes more than unintentional error. As the women's studies scholars here use it, "systematically" connotes "deliberately" and 规则 2 说：“压迫机制之一是我们都被系统地灌输了错误信息。”毫无疑问，每个人偶尔都会被教导一些不正确的东西。但我们是否“系统地”被灌输了“错误信息”？当人们认为世界是平的时，人们可以说他们被“系统地”教导了这一点。但由于每个人都认为这是真的，我们不应该谈论“错误信息”，因为它的含义不仅仅是无意的错误。正如这里的妇女研究学者所用，“系统地”意味着“故意地”，并且
with political purposes in mind. This alludes to the insidious workings of patriarchy, the "Hidden Unity" that keeps women in thrall to men. But it is certainly false that all of us are being deliberately (systematically) taught untruths. 出于政治目的。这暗示了父权制的隐秘运作，即使女性依附于男性的“隐性统一”。但毫无疑问，并不是所有人都被故意（系统性）教授谎言。
Rule no. 3 asks students to assume that groups always do the best they can. But why should they be required to make such a plainly false assumption? People, especially in groups, often could do a lot better than they do. Why assume the opposite? This rule, too, is characteristic of the "feel good" spirit of many women's studies courses. Since every group is "doing its best," it is churlish to criticize any given group. (Does this assumption extend to fraternities? And to the football team?) Rule no. 3 serves another, unstated purpose: to preempt criticism that might disrupt the teacher's agenda. 规则第 3 条要求学生假设团体总是尽力而为。但为什么他们必须做出这样一个明显错误的假设呢？人们，尤其是在团体中，往往能做得比实际更好。为什么要假设相反呢？该规则同样体现了许多女性研究课程的“愉悦”精神。既然每个团体都在“尽力而为”，批评某个特定团体就显得无礼。(这个假设是否延伸到兄弟会？还有足球队？) 规则第 3 条还服务于另一个未明确说明的目的：防止可能干扰教师议程的批评。
Rule no. 4 , which requires absolute confidentiality, is similarly objectionable. Classes should be free and open: anything said in the classroom should be repeatable outside. That an instructor invites or even allows her students to "speak out" about personal affairs is an unfailing sign that the course is unsubstantial and unscholarly. Moreover, the students who are encouraged to speak of painful incidents in their lives not only are being shortchanged scholastically, they are also at risk of being harmed by their disclosures. Even mental health professionals in clinical settings exercise great caution in eliciting traumatic disclosures. Any good school provides professional help to distressed students who need it. The amateur interventions of a teacher are intrusive and potentially harmful. 第 4 条规则要求绝对保密，同样令人反感。课堂应该自由开放：课堂上所说的一切都应该可以在课堂外重复。如果一位教师邀请甚至允许她的学生“谈论”个人事务，这无疑表明这门课程缺乏实质内容，不学究。此外，那些被鼓励谈论生活中痛苦事件的学生不仅在学业上受到损失，而且他们也有可能因披露而受到伤害。即使是在临床环境中，心理健康专业人员在引出创伤性披露时也极其谨慎。任何好的学校都会为有需要的学生提供专业的帮助。教师的业余干预是侵入性的，并且可能造成伤害。
But getting students to make painful personal disclosures is a special feature of feminist pedagogy. Kali Tal, a cultural studies instructor, recently shared the "Rules of Conduct" she used at George Mason University with all the members of the women's studies electronic bulletin board: 但让学生做出痛苦的个人披露是女权主义教学的一个特殊特征。文化研究讲师卡莉·塔尔最近与所有女性研究电子公告板成员分享了她曾在乔治·梅森大学使用的“行为准则”：
Rape and incest are touchy subjects. Some class participants will be survivors of sexual abuse. Everyone will likely have moments in this class when they are angry or sad or perhaps frightened. It is important . . . to make this classroom a safe place for students to share experiences, feelings, and intellectual ideas. I have therefore composed the following list of ground rules: 强奸和乱伦是敏感的话题。一些课程参与者可能是性虐待的幸存者。每个人在这个课堂上可能都会有愤怒、悲伤或害怕的时刻。因此，重要的是……让这个教室成为学生分享经历、情感和思想观念的安全空间。因此，我制定了以下基本规则：
There will be no interruption of any speaker. 任何演讲者都不会被打断。
There will be no personal criticism of any kind directed by any member of the class to any other member of the class. 班级成员之间将不会对任何其他成员进行任何形式的个人批评。
Because some of the material discussed and viewed in this course contains extremely graphic and violent material, some students 由于本课程中讨论和观看的一些材料包含极为露骨和暴力的内容，部分学生
may find it necessary to take an occasional "breather." Students should feel free to stand up and walk out of class if they find themselves in need of a short break. It is permissible (and even encouraged) to ask a classmate to accompany you during such a break. 可能会觉得有必要偶尔“喘口气”。如果学生觉得需要短暂休息，可以随意站起来离开课堂。在这样的休息期间，请同学陪伴也是可以的（甚至受到鼓励）。
As a final ground rule, Professor Tal tells students "this class is not a therapy session." 作为最后一条基本规则，塔尔教授告诉学生们：“这门课不是治疗课程。”
Inevitably, some students who come to class to get information, to learn useful skills, and to analyze issues more deeply feel cheated by such approaches. They may feel that the teacher is wasting their time. What does the feminist teacher, intent on "creating agents of social change," think of her students when they react in this way? 不可避免地，一些来到课堂上获取信息、学习实用技能和更深入分析问题的学生会对这种方法感到受骗。他们可能觉得老师在浪费他们的时间。当那些有意“培养社会变革代理者”的女性主义老师看到学生这样反应时，会作何感想呢？
Elizabeth Fay, a feminist writing instructor at the University of Massachusetts, tells about a student she calls Minnie, a young working-class woman from Puerto Rico who lived with her divorced mother. Minnie sat sullenly through her classes, occasionally asking angry questions and being "confrontational" in conference sessions. When the course was over, Minnie filed a complaint that she had not learned any writing skills in the course. As Professor Fay describes it: 伊丽莎白·费伊是马萨诸塞大学的一位女权主义写作讲师，她讲述了一个名叫米妮的学生的故事，米妮是一位来自波多黎各的年轻工薪阶层女性，与离婚的母亲住在一起。米妮在课堂上闷闷不乐地坐着，偶尔会提出愤怒的问题，并在会议期间“对抗”。 课程结束后，米妮投诉说她在课程中没有学到任何写作技巧。正如费伊教授所描述的那样：
Minnie's complaints rested on three main points: she was given no model essays to emulate; she was not given directive commentary that would have shown her how to rewrite; she was given no formulae to follow for each particular essay genre. In other words, she was denied constraint, she was asked to think on her own, and she was given the opportunity to give and receive peer feedback without an intruding master voice. 米妮的投诉主要集中在三个方面：她没有收到可以模仿的范文；她没有得到指导性的评论来告诉她如何重写；她没有获得针对每种特定论文类型的公式。换句话说，她被剥夺了约束，被要求独立思考，并且在没有干扰的主导声音的情况下获得了给予和接受同伴反馈的机会。
Professor Fay's analysis of Minnie's grievance is complacently self-serving. It "silences" Minnie by treating her as someone who prefers "constraint" and a "master voice" to liberation. Professor Fay, who is not listening to Minnie, accuses Minnie of refusing to listen: "She made it clear that notions of multiple voices and visions, notions of gender politics, notions of student empowerment did not touch her need for the proper style, the proper accent, the Doolittle makeover she had signed up for." 费教授对明妮不满的分析自我满足，毫无同情心。它通过将明妮视为一个宁愿选择“约束”和“主导声音”而非解放的人来“压制”她。费教授没有倾听明妮，却指责明妮拒绝倾听：“她明确表示，多个声音和视角的概念、性别政治的概念、学生赋权的概念并没有触及她对合适风格、合适口音以及她所追求的杜利特尔改造的需求。”
But Minnie hadn't signed up for voices, visions, and gender politics; she had signed up for a course in English composition. She wanted her essays corrected because she wanted to learn to write better English. That is not an unreasonable expectation for a writing course. But to Professor 但米妮报名参加的不是声音、幻象和性别政治课程，而是英语写作课程。她想让自己的论文得到修改，因为她想学习如何更好地写英语。对于写作课程来说，这不是一个不合理的要求。但对于教授
Fay, Minnie had missed the real point of what the course in freshman composition was about: 费伊，米奇错过了新生写作课程的真正要点：
In freshman composition, what we try to give students is a con- 在大一写作课上，我们试图给予学生的是一种联系
sciousness about the social register and the range of voices they can 对社交名册以及他们可以发出的声音范围的意识
and do adopt in order to get on with business. But it is their com- 并采取措施以便开展业务。但这是他们的共同-
bination of demand and distrust (are you sure this is what I need? 需求与不信任的结合（你确定这就是我需要的吗？）
are you wasting my time and money?) that propels certain students 你是在浪费我的时间和金钱吗？这推动了某些学生
into resistant postures. Minnie's out-of-class hostility and in-class 进入抵抗姿态。米妮在课堂外的敌意和课堂内的表现
silent propriety bespeak a surface socialization that itself resists the 沉默的礼仪表明了一种表面的社交方式，而这种方式本身却抵制着
induction process; she desires an academically gilded armor but not 引导过程；她渴望一个学术上的华丽盔甲，但并不想要
a change of self, not a becoming. 自我的变化，而不是变成。
In freshman composition, what we try to give students is a consciousness about the social register and the range of voices they can and do adopt in order to get on with business. But it is their combination of demand and distrust (are you sure this is what I need? are you wasting my time and money?) that propels certain students into resistant postures. Minnie's out-of-class hostility and in-class silent propriety bespeak a surface socialization that itself resists the induction process; she desires an academically gilded armor but not a change of self, not a becoming. 在大一写作课中，我们试图让学生意识到社会语境和他们可以以及实际上采用的声音范围，以便顺利开展事务。但正是他们的需求与不信任的结合（你确定这就是我需要的吗？你在浪费我的时间和钱吗？）促使某些学生采取抵触的姿态。明妮在课外的敌意和在课堂上的沉默合宜表明了一种表面的社会化，而这种社会化本身抵抗了引导过程；她渴望一种学术上装饰华丽的盔甲，却不想改变自我，不想成为另一个自己。
Professor Fay, who is disappointed that Minnie has failed to avail herself of the chance to "become," quite sincerely believes that Minnie's recalcitrant attitude comes from having been "socialized" in ways that "propel" her into a resistant posture. It simply never occurs to Professor Fay that her own attitude toward Minnie is disrespectful and that it is she who has been taught by her feminist mentors to adopt a patronizing posture toward women like her. 费教授对米妮没有抓住“成为”的机会感到失望，他真诚地认为，米妮的顽固态度源于她被“社会化”的方式，这种方式“推动”她采取了抵抗的姿态。费教授根本没有想过，她自己对米妮的态度是不尊重的，是她自己被她的女权主义导师教导，对像米妮这样的女性采取了一种居高临下的姿态。
Michael Olenick, a journalism major at the University of Minnesota, reported his experiences with Women's Studies 101 in an editorial in the school newspaper: "When I signed up for a women's studies class I expected to learn about feminism, famous women, women's history, and women's culture. . . Instead of finding new insights into the world of women, I found . . . bizarre theories about world conspiracies dedicated to repressing and exploiting women." 迈克尔·奥伦尼克是明尼苏达大学的新闻专业学生，他在学校报纸上的社论中报告了他在女性研究 101 课程中的经历：“当我选修一门女性研究课程时，我期望学习女性主义、著名女性、女性历史和女性文化……我本以为能获得关于女性世界的新见解，但我发现的是……关于压迫和剥削女性的全球阴谋的奇怪理论。”
Heather Keena, a senior at the University of Minnesota, wrote a letter supporting Olenick's complaint about the atmosphere in the classroom. "I was made to feel as though I was dependent and weak for preferring men to women as sexual partners, and to feel that my opinions were not only insignificant, but somehow twisted." Another class member, Kathleen Bittinger, thought the professor guilty of stereotyping the male gender as chauvinistic: "I was also told that my religious beliefs and sexual orientation are not the correct ones." 希瑟·基娜是明尼苏达大学的一名大四学生，她写了一封信支持奥莱尼克对课堂氛围的投诉。“我感到自己因为更喜欢男性作为性伴侣而被认为依赖和脆弱，并且觉得我的观点不仅微不足道，而且某种程度上扭曲。” 另一位班级成员凯瑟琳·比廷杰认为教授将男性刻板化为大男子主义者：“我也被告知我的宗教信仰和性取向不是正确的。”
I wondered what Professor Albrecht, who taught the course, thought of the controversy and phoned her. She was warm and personable, and her concern was undeniable. In response to the charges that her course was one-sided, she pointed out that students get their fill of standard viewpoints from "the mainstream media." It was her job to give them a deeper truth: "If scholarship isn't about improving people's lives, then 我想知道教授阿尔布雷希特对这场争议的看法，于是给她打了电话。她亲切而随和，显然对此非常关心。对她的课程被指责为片面，她指出，学生从“主流媒体”那里已经得到了足够的标准观点。她的工作是给他们更深刻的真相：“如果学术研究不是为了改善人们的生活，那就……”
what is it about?" Ms. Albrecht was clearly committed to her self-imposed task of telling students how they were being exploited within a patriarchal, classist, racist society. It was equally clear that she felt fully justified in not giving the other side a hearing. I have come across many devoted teachers who, like Professor Albrecht, refuse to listen to "voices" that could in any way affect their determination to produce students who are "agents of social change." Ms. Albrecht sent me her syllabus, which was unabashedly ideological: it even included a copy of the Rutgers "ground rules." "这是关于什么的？" 阿尔布雷希特女士显然致力于她自我设定的任务，告诉学生们他们在父权、阶级主义和种族主义社会中是如何被剥削的。她同样清楚地感到，她有充分的理由不倾听另一方的声音。我遇到过许多像阿尔布雷希特教授一样的敬业教师，他们拒绝倾听可能在任何方面影响他们培养“社会变革代理人”的决心的“声音”。阿尔布雷希特女士给我发来了她的课程大纲，毫不掩饰地意识形态化：其中甚至包括了一份罗格斯大学的“基本规则”副本。
Students who complain about feminist pedagogy get little sympathy from the administration. Lynne Munson, a recent graduate of Northwestern, found the "feminist perspective" everywhere on her campus: "I took a classics course, and we were encouraged to take part in a feminist demonstration, 'Take Back the Night,' out of solidarity with the women of Sparta. In an art history class the professor attacked Manet's Olympia for its similarities to pornographic centerfolds." 抱怨女性主义教学法的学生在学校管理层那里得不到多少同情。西北大学的最近毕业生琳恩·蒙森发现她的校园到处都有“女性主义视角”的存在：“我上了一门古典课程，我们被鼓励参加一个女性主义示威活动‘夺回夜晚’，以表明对斯巴达女性的支持。在一门艺术史课上，教授批评马奈的《奥林匹亚》，认为它与色情杂志的中心折页有相似之处。”
Ms. Munson was especially critical of a freshman seminar called "The Menstrual Cycle: Fact or Fiction," in which students discussed their "raging hormonal imbalances." In the op-ed column of her school newspaper, Munson wrote that a course of this kind did not contribute much to a liberal arts education. She found the class silly and complained to the dean that the curriculum was becoming faddish and losing academic legitimacy. 穆恩森女士特别批评了一门名为“月经周期：事实还是虚构”的新生研讨课，在这门课上，学生们讨论了他们的“激素失衡”。在她学校报纸的观点专栏中，穆恩森写道，这种课程对文科教育的贡献不大。她觉得这门课很愚蠢，并向院长抱怨课程设置变得追逐时尚，失去了学术合法性。
The dean, Stephen Fisher, replied that the course was "a legitimate area of inquiry." He told me that Ms. Munson seemed to be distressed by women's studies and to be seeking ways to undermine it. I asked him whether he didn't think the menstrual cycle seemed an odd subject for a freshman seminar; wouldn't such a course be more appropriate in a medical school? Did he not share some of the current concerns that today's undergraduates have serious gaps in their knowledge of history, science, and literature and need a firm grounding in the "basics"? The dean replied that, unlike the University of Chicago, Northwestern had rejected the core curriculum in favor of general studies and that courses like the seminar on the menstrual cycle were appropriate to Northwestern's more pluralistic curriculum. When I pointed out that no one was giving seminars on prostate function or nocturnal emissions and other intimate male topics about which there is an equal amount of ignorance, he seemed amused, and we left it at that. 院长斯蒂芬·费舍尔回复说，这门课程是“一个合法的研究领域”。他告诉我，穆森女士似乎对女性研究感到烦恼，并寻求方法来削弱这一领域。我问他是否认为月经周期似乎是一个奇怪的主题，用于大一研讨会；这样的课程在医学院是否更合适？他是否不认为当今大学生在历史、科学和文学方面存在严重的知识缺口，需要在“基础知识”上打下坚实的基础？院长回答说，与芝加哥大学不同，西北大学拒绝了核心课程，选择了通识教育，而像月经周期研讨会这样的课程适合西北大学更加多元化的课程设置。当我指出没有人开设关于前列腺功能或夜间遗精等男性亲密话题的研讨会，尽管这些话题也同样存在许多无知时，他似乎感到好笑，我们就此打住。
Menstruation is a favorite theme in women's studies courses. The Uni- 月经是女性研究课程中一个受欢迎的主题。大学-
versity of Minnesota offers a course on "Blood Symbolism in Cross-Cultural Perspective." Topics to be covered include "blood and sexual fluids" and "menstruation and blood letting." At Vassar College they had a "bleed-in." The flier announcing this event said: "Are you down on menstruation? The Women's Center warmly welcomes you to the first allcampus bleEd in October 16, 1993, 8:00 P.m. in the Women's Center." 32 明尼苏达大学开设了一门名为“跨文化视角中的血液象征”的课程。将要讨论的主题包括“血液和性液体”以及“月经和放血”。在瓦萨学院，他们举办了一次“流血”活动。宣传这次活动的传单上写道：“你对月经感到厌恶吗？妇女中心热烈欢迎您参加 1993 年 10 月 16 日晚上 8:00 在妇女中心举行的首次全校‘流血’活动。” 32
In a widely used textbook called Feminism and Values, the student will read Carol P. Christ on the importance of menstrual fluids in the new feminist goddess rituals. Ms. Christ, a former visiting lecturer at the Harvard Divinity School and Pomona College, tells students of "the joyful affirmation of the female body and its cycles" in "Goddess-centered rituals" at the summer solstice: "From hidden dirty secret to symbol of the life power of the Goddess, women's blood has come full circle." 在一本广泛使用的教科书《女性主义与价值观》中，学生将阅读卡罗尔·P·克里斯特关于月经液在新的女性主义女神仪式中重要性的文章。克里斯特女士，曾担任哈佛神学院和波莫纳学院的访问讲师，告诉学生们在夏至的“以女神为中心的仪式”中“欢快地肯定女性身体及其周期”：“从隐秘的肮脏秘密到女神生命力量的象征，女性的血液已经经历了完整的循环。”
If women's blood has come full circle, the public at large has yet to hear of it. From Finland comes this e-mail request by a feminist scholar who is mentoring a student's research in this area: 如果女性的血液已经完全循环，公众还没有听说过。来自芬兰的一位女权主义学者发来邮件请求，她正在指导一名学生在这方面的研究。
I have a student working on an MA thesis in sociology on different 我有一个学生正在攻读社会学硕士学位，他的论文主题是不同的
conceptions of menstruation in Finland. She has been going through 芬兰的月经观念。她一直在经历
medical literature. . . All this material has shown her a dominant 医学文献……所有这些材料都表明她占主导地位
discourse based on traditional medical conceptions. . . In order to 基于传统医学观念的论述……为了
have different voices, she has been interviewing women. . . . Her 她有不同的声音，她一直在采访女性……她的
problem is that a) most women don't very much like to talk about 问题是 a)大多数女性并不太喜欢谈论
menstruation, b) most have negative feelings about it . . Does any- 月经，b) 大多数人对此有负面感受。. . 有没有-
body have any suggestions on how to have also positive feelings 您有什么建议可以让我也有积极的情绪吗？
expressed? 表达？
I have a student working on an MA thesis in sociology on different conceptions of menstruation in Finland. She has been going through medical literature. . . . All this material has shown her a dominant discourse based on traditional medical conceptions. . . . In order to have different voices, she has been interviewing women. . . . Her problem is that a) most women don't very much like to talk about menstruation, b) most have negative feelings about it . . . Does anybody have any suggestions on how to have also positive feelings expressed? 我有一个学生正在撰写关于芬兰月经不同观念的社会学硕士论文。她一直在阅读医学文献……所有这些材料都向她展示了一种基于传统医学观念的主导话语……为了获得不同的声音，她一直在采访女性……她的问题是 a) 大多数女性并不太喜欢谈论月经， b) 大多数人对此有负面情绪……有没有人有什么建议，让她也能听到积极的感受？
Objective researchers do not usually ask for help in getting data more in keeping with results they would view as "positive." On the other hand, gender feminists are convinced that prevailing attitudes toward menstruation are fixed by a dominant (male) discourse. So the researcher tends to discount the opinions of women (unfortunately a majority) whom they regard as giving expression to negative male attitudes, and they look for the countervailing "authentic" women's voices. 客观的研究人员通常不会要求帮助获取更多符合他们认为“积极”的结果的数据。另一方面，性别女权主义者相信，对月经的普遍态度是由占主导地位的（男性）话语决定的。因此，研究人员倾向于贬低女性（不幸的是，大多数）的观点，因为他们认为这些观点表达了负面的男性态度，而他们寻找的是相反的“真实”女性声音。
One such voice was sounded by feminist theorist Joan Straumanis (later dean of Faculty at Rollins College). She concluded an address at a women's study conference entitled "The Structure of Knowledge: A Feminist Perspective": "It is very consciousness-raising to have your period during a conference like this one. . . I don't know of any other conference where the speaker got up and said that she had her period. . . . For that and other reasons, women's studies will never die"! 这样的声音是由女性主义理论家琼·斯特劳曼尼斯（后任罗林斯学院院长）发出的。她在一次名为“知识的结构：女性主义视角”的女性研究会议上结束了她的演讲：“在这样的会议上来月经是非常提升意识的……我不知道还有哪个会议上演讲者站起来说她来月经了……出于这个和其他原因，女性研究永远不会消亡”！
Lee Edelman is a popular professor of English literature at Tufts University. His course "Hitchcock: Cinema, Gender, Ideology" (English 91) caught my attention, so I called and asked if I might sit in on one of his classes. 李·艾德尔曼是塔夫茨大学一位受欢迎的英语文学教授。他的课程“希区柯克：电影、性别、意识形态”（英语 91）引起了我的注意，于是我打电话询问是否可以旁听他的其中一节课。
I attended Professor Edelman's class on the day he discussed gender roles in Hitchcock's The Thirty-Nine Steps. Edelman, a thirtysomething associate professor, was analyzing the romance between Robert Donat and Madeleine Carroll. As he lectured he showed clips from the film, commenting all the while about the film's unstated sexual politics. The lecture was thematically one-dimensional, but interesting and engaging. 我参加了艾德尔曼教授的课程，那天他讨论了希区柯克的《三十九级台阶》中的性别角色。艾德尔曼是一位三十多岁的副教授，他正在分析罗伯特·多纳特和马德琳·卡罗尔之间的浪漫关系。在讲课时，他放映了电影片段，并始终对电影未表述的性政治进行评论。尽管讲座在主题上比较单一，但仍然有趣且引人入胜。
At the beginning of the film, Robert Donat, fleeing the authorities, enters a railway compartment and forcibly kisses Madeleine Carroll to avoid being spotted. Edelman asked, "What does it mean to think about romance always in terms of crime and violence?" He told the class that love is a social construct, first and foremost a political weapon: "How do masters of cinema get people to find war attractive? By suggesting Nazis want to hurt Mrs. Miniver. You show women as objects that men must protect. We bomb Hiroshima for Rita Hayworth." 在影片开头，罗伯特·多纳特为了逃避当局，闯入一个铁路车厢，强行亲吻玛德琳·卡洛尔以避免被发现。埃德尔曼问：“为什么总是以犯罪和暴力来思考浪漫的意义？”他告诉班级，爱情是一种社会结构，首先是一种政治武器：“电影大师如何让人们觉得战争具有吸引力？通过暗示纳粹想要伤害米尼弗太太。你把女性描绘成男人必须保护的对象。我们为丽塔·海华斯轰炸广岛。”
Professor Edelman asked the class about a minor character: "How does Mr. Memory represent patriarchal knowledge?" No one volunteered an answer. One young man hesitantly pointed out that Carroll seems to enjoy Donat's kiss, since, after all, she closes her eyes and drops her glasses. From the back of the classroom a young woman condemned the male student along with Hitchcock. Both, she said, promote the idea that women enjoy assaults. The discussion became more animated. Edelman observed that the happy ending depends on "buying into the ideology of romantic love." Warming to this theme, another young woman said, "The moment the heroine falls in love, she ceases to have a distinct identity." Edelman agreed: "She wears a beatific smile, the smile of the fulfilled heterosexual relationship." The topic to be explored the following week: love and marriage in the conventional union. Assignment: Rebecca. 爱德尔曼教授问班级关于一个次要角色的问题：“记忆先生如何代表父权制知识？”没有人自愿回答。一位年轻男子犹豫地指出，卡罗尔似乎享受多纳特的吻，因为毕竟，她闭上了眼睛，摘下了眼镜。教室后面的一位年轻女性谴责了这位男学生和希区柯克。她说，两者都在促进女性享受攻击的观念。讨论变得更加热烈。爱德尔曼观察到，幸福的结局依赖于“认同浪漫爱情的意识形态”。另一位年轻女性对此主题表示赞同，说：“女主角一旦恋爱，就不再有独特的身份。”爱德尔曼同意：“她带着一种喜悦的微笑，那是实现了异性恋关系的微笑。”下周将探讨的话题：传统婚姻中的爱情与婚姻。作业：丽贝卡。
Later I spoke at length with Professor Edelman. His background is in literary deconstruction, a style of criticism he deploys to read every "text" (be it a novel, film, song, or TV commercial) as an expression, if not a weapon, of the oppressor culture. He believes the purpose of teaching is to challenge the culture by debunking ("deconstructing") its "texts." He believes good teaching is adversarial. 后来我与艾德尔曼教授进行了深入交谈。他的背景是文学解构主义，这是一种批评风格，他用它来阅读每一个“文本”（无论是小说、电影、歌曲还是电视广告），将其视为压迫文化的表现，甚至武器。他认为教学的目的是通过揭穿（“解构”）文化的“文本”来挑战文化。他认为好的教学是对抗性的。
When I asked him if he felt he had an obligation to give arguments for the other side, Edelman made Professor Albrecht's point: he has the 当我问他是否觉得有义务为另一方提供论据时，艾德尔曼提到了阿尔布雷希特教授的观点：他有
students for only a precious few hours a week; the dominant culture has them the rest of the time. It may be the only time in their lives they are exposed to iconoclastic thinking about their culture. 学生每周只有珍贵的几个小时；其余时间被主流文化占据。这可能是他们一生中唯一接触到对自己文化进行破除偶像崇拜思考的时刻。
I had enjoyed the class and would not have minded hearing him on Rebecca. Edelman was fun to listen to, even when he kept insisting the students must learn to see how sex bias is inscribed in every cultural artifact, every work of art, every novel, every movie. The students were learning a lot about how Hitchcock exploited sexual themes, but from where I sat there was a lot they were not learning, including why Hitchcock is considered a great filmmaker. They were not learning about his mastery in building suspense. They were not told, nor could they explain, why The Thirty-Nine Steps had set a new style for cinematic dialogue. The Tufts students were being taught to "see through" Hitchcock's films before they had learned to look at them and before they knew much about why they should be studying them in the first place. Nothing the students said indicated they had learned much about Hitchcock or his work. By the time Edelman got through "unmasking" the sexism of The Thirty-Nine Steps, the students' disdain for it would have left them with little incentive to regard Hitchcock as a great filmmaker. They were learning what Hitchcock was "really" up to, and that, apparently, was what mattered. 我很享受这门课程，也不介意听他讲关于《丽贝卡》的事情。埃德尔曼的演讲很有趣，即使他一直坚持学生必须学会看到性别偏见如何铭刻在每一个文化遗物、每一件艺术作品、每一部小说、每一部电影中。学生们对于希区柯克如何利用性主题学习了很多，但从我所坐的位置来看，他们还没有学习到很多内容，包括为什么希区柯克被认为是伟大的电影导演。他们没有了解到他在营造悬念方面的高超技艺。他们没有被告知，也无法解释为什么《三十九级台阶》为电影对话设定了新的风格。塔夫茨大学的学生们在学习“看透”希区柯克的电影之前，还没有学会如何去看这些电影，更不知道为什么他们应该首先研究这些电影。学生们所说的没有任何迹象表明他们对希区柯克或他的作品学到了多少。当埃德尔曼完成对《三十九级台阶》性别歧视的“揭露”时，学生们对它的蔑视让他们几乎没有动机认为希区柯克是一位伟大的电影导演。 他们正在了解希区柯克“真正”的意图，而显然，这才是重要的。
These omissions are characteristic of much teaching that goes on in the contemporary classroom. Today's students are culturally undernourished. The college English class is the one opportunity for students to be exposed to great poetry, short stories, novels, and theater. If they do not learn to respect and enjoy good literature in college, they probably never will. 这些省略特征在当代课堂的许多教学中都很明显。今天的学生在文化上缺乏营养。大学英语课是学生接触伟大诗歌、短篇小说、小说和戏剧的唯一机会。如果他们在大学里不学会尊重和欣赏优秀文学，他们可能永远也不会。
The feminist classroom strongly affects many an impressionable student. The effect on the teacher may also be dramatic, especially if she is a neophyte. Professor Dixie King tells how a course she was teaching transformed her: "In teaching my first women's studies course many years ago, I found myself changing as I talked; I discovered the extent to which I had been in complicity with the system, male-trained into the system; I deconstructed myself and reconstructed myself through dialogue in that class." 女权主义课堂对许多易受影响的学生产生了强烈的影响。对老师的影响也可能很大，尤其是对于新手老师来说。教授迪克西·金讲述了她教授的一门课程如何改变了她：“多年前，在我教授我的第一门妇女研究课程时，我发现自己说话时在改变；我发现自己与这个体系有多么共谋，被男性训练成这个体系的一部分；我在那个课堂上的对话中解构了自己，并重建了自己。”
In the course of inquiries into academic feminism I kept coming across students who marveled at how much they had been changed by their new perspective on the social reality. Students who see the workings of the sex/gender system "everywhere" are turning up in nonfeminist classrooms 在研究学术女权主义的过程中，我不断遇到一些学生，他们对新视角如何改变他们对社会现实的看法感到惊叹。那些在非女权主义课堂上也看到性别/性系统运作的学生正在出现。