and be a source of ideas and new concepts throughout. If you take into account what the method can and cannot do, you can achieve the results you want; like any tool, if used inappropriately it can be destructive. The method can be a source of provocative images, is unobtrusive, easy to use, and deals with long-lasting phenomena. It provides opportunities for investigators but also sets up some traps.
并始终成为想法和新概念的来源。如果您考虑该方法能做什么和不能做什么，您就可以实现您想要的结果；就像任何工具一样，如果使用不当，它可能会造成破坏。该方法可以成为挑衅性图像的来源，不显眼，易于使用，并且处理长期现象。它为调查人员提供了机会，但也设置了一些陷阱。

Imageable
可成像的

Observation of physical traces provides rich impressions and is highly illustrative. For example, walking through a home for older veterans in Oxford, New York, investigators saw wheelchairs in odd places, old furniture, new medical equipment, direction signs, people in uniforms open cans of food on windowsills, and patients' get-well cards taped to walls in rooms (Snyder and Ostrander, 1974). The walk gave researchers an initial picture of what life in that home was like: its design successes, some problems, exceptional situations, and patterned wear and tear. At the beginning of a research project, such observations can prompt investigators to think about what the observed objects might mean. Skillful observers will notice even commonplace physical traces and figure out which of them will lead to fruitful inferences that can be pursued further. At Oxford, investigators focused their attention on cans of food on windowsills—developing from this information a central research hypothesis that residents lived a twenty-four-hour lifestyle that was out of phase with the institution's 6:00 A.M. to 7:00 P.M. schedule.
观察物质痕迹提供了丰富的印象，并且具有很高的说明性。例如，在纽约牛津的一家老兵之家行走时，调查人员看到了放在奇怪地方的轮椅、旧家具、新的医疗设备、指示牌、穿着制服的人在窗台上开罐头，以及贴在房间墙壁上的病人康复卡（Snyder 和 Ostrander，1974）。这次行走让研究人员初步了解了那家养老院的生活状况：它的设计成功之处、一些问题、特殊情况以及有规律的磨损。在一个研究项目的开始阶段，这样的观察可以促使调查人员思考观察到的物体可能意味着什么。熟练的观察者会注意到即使是常见的物质痕迹，并弄清楚哪些痕迹会导致可以进一步研究的富有成效的推论。在牛津，调查人员将注意力集中在窗台上的罐头上——从这些信息中发展出一个中心研究假设，即居民过着与机构的早上 6 点到晚上 7 点的时间表脱节的 24 小时生活方式。

Once they observe a trace, investigators ask questions about what caused it, what the person who created the trace intended, and what sequence of events led up to the trace. The imageable quality of physical traces makes it easy to generate hypotheses about causes, intent, and sequence, but from the trace alone researchers cannot tell how tenable their hypotheses are; to do this they need other methods. For example, in a brief evaluation of a somewhat rundown housing project in Roxbury, Massachusetts, Zeisel (1973b) found large. well-kept flowering shrubs in residents ‘backyards. At first he falsely assumed that residents beautified their small yards because they cared about the appearance of the project and wanted their own vistas to be more scenic. In later interviews with residents he found that shrubs had been planted years before in response to a management-sponsored competition for the best garden. A closer second look revealed that even good-looking plants in the backyards had been very much neglected.
一旦观察到痕迹，调查人员就会询问是什么导致了它，留下痕迹的人的意图是什么，以及导致该痕迹的一系列事件。 物理痕迹的可成像性使人们很容易对起因、意图和顺序产生假设，但仅凭痕迹，研究人员无法判断他们的假设有多么站得住脚； 要做到这一点，他们需要其他方法。 例如，在对马萨诸塞州罗克斯伯里一个有点破旧的住房项目进行简要评估时，齐塞尔 (1973b) 发现居民后院有大型、保养良好的开花灌木。 起初，他错误地认为居民美化了他们的小院子，因为他们关心项目的外部形象，并希望自己的视野更加美丽。 在后来与居民的访谈中，他发现灌木是在多年前响应管理层赞助的最佳花园竞赛而种植的。 仔细观察后发现，即使是后院中看起来不错的植物也已经被严重忽视了。

The same potential pitfall can arise when investigators falsely infer intent. One morning a group of architects visiting a housing project for older people in a predominantly Italian section of Boston noticed a bocce-ball court surround. ed by apartment windows. It looked as if it had never been used. They tentatively concluded that something was wrong with the facility, that residents did not like playing bocce ball, or that they did not like the location of the court. In fact, the court looked brand new because workmen had just completed it several days before. In addition it was early morning, and anyone who might have used the court was still at home.
同样的潜在陷阱也会出现在调查人员错误地推断意图时。一天早上，一群建筑师参观了波士顿意大利人聚居区的一个老年人住房项目，他们注意到一个被公寓窗户包围的滚球场。它看起来从未使用过。他们初步得出结论，设施有问题，居民不喜欢玩滚球，或者他们不喜欢球场的地理位置。事实上，球场看起来很新，因为工人们几天前才刚刚完工。此外，当时是清晨，任何可能使用球场的人还在家里。

It is also difficult to infer process. In a suburban Boston prison, cell walls are papered from ceiling to floor with Playboy, Penthouse, and Swank centerfolds. At first glance it seems impressive that prisoners fix up their dwelling units so extensively—that they mark out and personalize territory so dramatically. But the impression the traces give is misleading. Most centerfolds have been glued to the cell wall by a series of previous inmates. Walls are not stripped when a new inmate moves in, every six to twelve months. The wallpapered surroundings that inmates move into offer them many diversions but little chance to personalize.
推断过程也很困难。在波士顿郊区的一所监狱里，牢房的墙壁从天花板到地板都贴满了《花花公子》、《阁楼》和《斯旺克》的中心折叠页。乍一看，囚犯们如此大规模地修整他们的住房单元——如此戏剧性地标记和个性化领地——似乎令人印象深刻。但这些痕迹给人的印象是误导性的。大多数中心折叠页都是由之前的囚犯粘贴到牢房墙壁上的。每隔六到十二个月，当新囚犯搬进来时，墙壁不会被剥离。囚犯搬进来的壁纸环境为他们提供了许多消遣，但几乎没有个性化的机会。

Visual trace records can be used as illustrations of research concepts. This can prove useful to investigators who want to follow up on trace observations with interviews to test their hypotheses. In studies of property damage in parks (Welch, Zeisel, and Ladd,1978) and in schools (Zeisel,1976a), for example. investigators showed slides of damaged property to groups of teenagers, park personnel, and persons living next to the property in order to focus discussion on what these people thought about property damage.
视觉痕迹记录可以作为研究概念的插图。这对想要通过访谈跟踪痕迹观察以检验其假设的研究人员来说很有用。例如，在公园财产损害研究 (Welch, Zeisel 和 Ladd, 1978) 和学校财产损害研究 (Zeisel, 1976a) 中，研究人员向青少年群体、公园工作人员和住在财产附近的人展示了损坏财产的幻灯片，以便将讨论集中在这些人对财产损害的看法上。

In lectures and reports, pictures of vivid traces can help viewers and readers understand physical settings in which projects were carried out. Lenihan (1966), in his report evaluating the VISTA program in the 1960s, wanted readers to understand the wide variety of volunteers' assignments: Appalachian mountain villages, Southwestern desert towns, and urban slums. He used photos of physical traces to augment the poetry of his writing.
在讲座和报告中，生动的痕迹图片可以帮助观众和读者理解项目实施的物理环境。Lenihan（1966）在其评估 20 世纪 60 年代 VISTA 项目的报告中，希望读者了解志愿者任务的多样性：阿巴拉契亚山区村庄、西南沙漠城镇和城市贫民窟。他使用物理痕迹的照片来增强其写作的诗意。

The force of concrete visual impressions can be a pitfall for careless researchers. The visual impact of even low-frequency observations can be so great—flowering bushes, nearly new facilities, vandalized windows—that they dominate a researcher's mind. To a person walking through a well-kept housing development, the beauty of a few flowering bushes can give the impression that there are flowers in bloom everywhere, even though few residents have bushes and only some are flowering. When such traces are photographed and presented out of context they can mislead—a problem of false emphasis the visual communications media face every day. It is important that observers also train themselves to see traces that do not stand out. such as the scarcity of certain expected objects or the absence of wear and tear. If you ask yourself “What traces are missing?” in addition to “What traces do I see?” you are more likely to avoid being seduced by visually impressive traces. You will begin to see what is not there.
直观的视觉印象的力量可能成为粗心研究人员的陷阱。即使是低频观察的视觉冲击也可能非常大——盛开的灌木丛、几乎全新的设施、被破坏的窗户——它们会占据研究人员的脑海。对于一个走在整洁的住宅区的人来说，几株盛开的灌木丛的美丽会给人一种到处都是鲜花的印象，即使很少有居民有灌木丛，而且只有一部分在开花。当这些痕迹被拍摄下来并脱离上下文呈现时，它们可能会产生误导——这是视觉传播媒体每天都面临的错误强调问题。重要的是，观察者也要训练自己去观察那些不突出的痕迹，比如某些预期物体的稀缺或磨损的缺失。如果你除了问“我看到了哪些痕迹？”之外，还问自己“哪些痕迹不见了？”，你更有可能避免被视觉上令人印象深刻的痕迹所诱惑。你将开始看到那些不存在的东西。

Unobtrusive
不显眼的

Observing traces is an unobtrusive method (Webb et al., 1966). It does not influence the behavior that caused the trace.
观察痕迹是一种不显眼的方法（Webb 等人，1966）。它不会影响导致痕迹的行为。

Unobtrusiveness is particularly valuable when gathering data about situations that respondents find sensitive or when respondents have a stake in a certain answer. For example, an investigator who wants to know how strictly hospital attendants follow fire-safety rules will learn more from counting the fire exits blocked by stretchers than from interviewing attendants, who may want to paint a rosier picture than actually exists. School principals who want to avoid showing they are not doing a good job may report less damage to school property than a researcher might observe directly, while principals who want the school committee to increase the budget for maintenance may magnify the damage. If a respondent at home knows a researcher is coming, she may tidy up the house beforehand, putting away such physical traces as toys in the living room, which might indicate how different rooms are used.
隐蔽性在收集关于受访者认为敏感的情况或受访者对特定答案有既得利益的情况的数据时特别有价值。例如，一个想要了解医院护理人员对消防安全规则遵守程度的调查员，从统计被担架阻塞的消防出口的数量中获得的信息，比从可能想要描绘比实际情况更美好的图景的护理人员那里获得的信息更多。想要避免表现出自己工作不力的学校校长，可能会报告比研究人员直接观察到的更少的学校财产损坏情况，而想要学校委员会增加维护预算的校长可能会夸大损坏程度。如果一个家庭的受访者知道研究人员要来，她可能会事先整理房间，把客厅里的玩具等物理痕迹收起来，这可能会表明不同房间的使用方式。

Observing or measuring traces does not require being present when the traces are created. The method is therefore particularly useful to find out about rare events, hard-to-see events, private behaviors, and behavior of groups who cannot be interviewed. Zeisel's school study (1976a) provides an example of using physical traces to document private behavior that is hard to observe directly. During the day teenagers can be seen hanging out around schools playing stickball against walls, and sometimes climbing onto rooftops. At night they sometimes find out-of-the-way places around back to sit together, drink and smoke. Boston teenagers treat these half-hidden settings as clubhouses where outsiders are not allowed. The first hint of such nighttime clubhouse activity came from physical traces: empty beer cans, discarded playing cards. cigarette butts, graffiti, and broken lights.
观察或测量痕迹不需要在痕迹产生时在场。因此，该方法特别适用于了解罕见事件、难以观察的事件、私人行为以及无法采访的群体行为。Zeisel 的学校研究（1976a）提供了一个使用物理痕迹记录难以直接观察的私人行为的例子。白天，可以看到青少年在学校周围闲逛，对着墙壁玩棒球，有时还会爬上屋顶。晚上，他们有时会找到偏僻的地方，在后面坐在一起，喝酒和抽烟。波士顿的青少年将这些半隐蔽的地方视为俱乐部，外人不得进入。这些夜间俱乐部活动的第一个迹象来自物理痕迹：空啤酒罐、丢弃的扑克牌、烟蒂、涂鸦和破损的灯光。

Durable
耐用的

Many traces have the advantage for researchers that they do not quickly disappear. Investigators can return to a research site for more observations or counting and can document traces with photographs or drawings. Of course, the more permanent a trace is, the greater its chance of being observed at all. For example, rock gardens and paving stones in someone's garden will be visible for years, long after grass and flowers have virtually disappeared.
许多痕迹对研究人员来说有一个优势，那就是它们不会很快消失。研究人员可以返回研究地点进行更多观察或计数，并可以用照片或图纸记录痕迹。当然，痕迹越持久，它被观察到的机会就越大。例如，某人花园里的岩石花园和铺路石将持续多年可见，远在草地和鲜花几乎消失之后。

There is, however, the problem of selective deposit. Some activities are more likely to leave traces than others. The extent of beer drinking that takes place behind a school can be detected by counting the number of cans the next day. Playing poker or smoking nonfilter cigarettes may leave no traces at all.
然而，存在选择性沉积的问题。一些活动比其他活动更容易留下痕迹。第二天可以通过计算罐头数量来检测学校后面发生的啤酒饮用量。玩扑克或吸非过滤香烟可能根本不会留下任何痕迹。

Another consequence of the durability of traces is their cumulative quality; earlier traces can encourage later ones. A large number of people may feel free to cross a lawn because people who did so before left a path, whereas fewer people would do so were there no path. This cumulative quality can cause problems for investigators who overlook it and think each act is independent of earlier ones. But if traces are not taken out of context, their cumulative character can provide insights for data gathering and analysis. The finding, for example, that litter tends to beget litter (Finnie,1973) is particularly useful if you want to arrange maintenance schedules in parks and around schools.
痕迹的持久性带来的另一个结果是它们的累积性；早期的痕迹可以鼓励后来的痕迹。许多人可能会随意穿越草坪，因为之前穿越的人留下了路径，而如果没有路径，很少有人会这样做。这种累积性可能会给忽视它并认为每个行为独立于先前行为的调查人员带来问题。但是，如果痕迹没有脱离语境，它们的累积性可以为数据收集和分析提供见解。例如，发现垃圾往往会产生垃圾（Finnie，1973）对于安排公园和学校周围的维护时间表特别有用。

Easy
简单

Physical-trace observation is generally inexpensive and quick to yield interesting information. The inexpensiveness of a brief physical-trace survey makes it possible in most research projects not only to discover but also to explore in greater depth a host of initial hypotheses. Using more costly methods would mean discarding possibly fruitful but implausible hypotheses without looking at them closely. This same quality means, however, that researchers can waste their energy because time and money do not force them to think through each initial proposition rigorously before going into the field.
实物痕迹观察通常成本低廉，且能快速产出有趣的信息。简短的实物痕迹调查的低成本使得大多数研究项目不仅能够发现，还能更深入地探索一系列初始假设。使用更昂贵的方法意味着在没有仔细观察的情况下就抛弃了可能富有成效但不可信的假设。然而，这种相同的特性也意味着研究人员可能会浪费精力，因为时间和金钱不会迫使他们在进入实地之前严格思考每个初始命题。

The speed and ease with which physical traces can be recorded—in photographs, sketches, and notations—make the method useful for collecting a great many data for speedy review. An initial site visit can yield enough recorded observations for weeks of review and analysis. This is helpful in generating a range of testable propositions and hypotheses. Yet the harvest can be so rich that it may entice a research team to stop looking: “We already have so much information. Why do we need more?”
实物痕迹可以通过照片、草图和笔记等方式快速轻松地记录下来，这使得该方法可用于收集大量数据以供快速审查。一次初步的现场考察可以产生足够多的记录观察结果，供数周的审查和分析。这有助于生成一系列可检验的命题和假设。然而，收获可能如此丰富，以至于它可能会诱使研究团队停止寻找：“我们已经拥有如此多的信息。为什么我们还需要更多？”

In sum, observing physical traces is imageable and unobtrusive, deals with durable data, and is easy. The following sections of this chapter discuss ways to record trace observations and a classification of traces particularly relevant to questions of design.
总而言之，观察物理痕迹是可视化的、不引人注目的，处理的是持久的数据，而且很容易。本章的以下部分将讨论记录痕迹观察的方法以及与设计问题特别相关的痕迹分类。

RECORDING DEVICES
录音设备

Investigators save energy and time by deciding before going into the field how and when they will record trace observations: annotated diagrams, drawings, photographs, pre-coded counting lists, or a combination of these. Digital photographs are the easiest to use because their cost is negligible and they are easy to file for later use as illustrations and for their analysis. Each decision about recording methods affects how trace observations can be analyzed, how they can be used in conjunction with other research methods, and how findings will be presented.
调查人员通过在进入现场之前决定如何以及何时记录痕迹观察来节省精力和时间：带注释的图表、图纸、照片、预先编码的计数列表或这些方法的组合。数码照片最容易使用，因为它们的成本可以忽略不计，并且易于归档以供以后用作插图和分析。关于记录方法的每个决定都会影响痕迹观察的分析方式、它们与其他研究方法结合使用的方式以及研究结果的呈现方式。

Observations should also be timed to avoid possible systematic effects of maintenance schedules or predictable activity cycles on the data—for instance, early morning cleanups that obliterate signs of teenagers’ nightlife around schools.
观察时间也应避免维护时间表或可预测活动周期对数据的潜在系统性影响——例如，清晨的清洁工作会抹去学校周围青少年夜生活留下的痕迹。

Annotated Diagrams
带注释的图表

Recording traces verbally and diagrammatically, as a rule, requires little preparation and no special skills. Except for a notepad, the recording method is unobtrusive; to make it even less obtrusive, trained observers may memorize major traces in a setting and record them later. This is possible when the setting is simple and the objective standardized, as when making diagrams of furniture layouts in people's living rooms for a study of what furniture people own and how they arrange it.
一般来说，以口头和图表的方式记录痕迹，不需要太多准备，也不需要特殊技能。除了笔记本之外，记录方法并不引人注目；为了使其更加不引人注目，训练有素的观察者可以在特定环境中记住主要痕迹，并在稍后记录下来。当环境简单且目标标准化时，这才是可能的，例如，在人们的客厅中绘制家具布局图，以研究人们拥有的家具和他们的摆放方式。

During a two-person interview one interviewer can inconspicuously draw a plan of the setting and note where objects are located and where there are physical traces. In settings where cameras are out of place or lighting is difficult and the researcher does not want the camera to flash. written trace notation is appropriate. Annotated diagrams are also suitable when traces can be recorded on two-dimensional plans and studied later. The arrangement of chairs Sommer(1969) observed in the patient dayroom could perhaps be represented in plan more effectively than in photographs.
在两人访谈中，一位面试官可以不引人注意地绘制环境图，并记录物体的位置以及物理痕迹。在相机不合适或照明条件困难，而研究人员又不想使用闪光灯的情况下，书面痕迹记录是合适的。当痕迹可以在二维平面图上记录并稍后研究时，带注释的图表也很适合。Sommer（1969）在病人日间休息室中观察到的椅子排列，也许可以用平面图比照片更有效地表示。

When annotated diagrams are chosen as a recording device, several rules of thumb can be helpful. Agreement among researchers on a set of standard symbols increases comparability of the data within a project. For a residential floor plan, for example, a team might use traditional architectural symbols for furniture. When researchers on several projects use such standard and easily understood symbols, their data can be more easily compared and shared.
当选择带注释的图表作为记录工具时，一些经验法则可以提供帮助。研究人员之间就一套标准符号达成一致，可以提高项目内数据的可比性。例如，对于住宅平面图，团队可以使用传统的建筑符号来表示家具。当多个项目的​​研究人员使用这种标准化且易于理解的符号时，他们的数据更容易进行比较和共享。

Outdoors and in special settings, investigators may have to be more inventive about the symbols they use. In their study of peddlers and pedestrians on Rome's Spanish Steps, Günter, Reinink, and Günter (1978) developed a set of symbols for recording how peddlers arranged their wares.
在户外和特殊环境下，调查人员可能需要对使用的符号更具创造性。在他们对罗马西班牙阶梯上的小贩和行人的研究中，Günter、Reinink 和 Günter (1978) 开发了一套符号来记录小贩如何摆放他们的商品。

网上找图片165页 Bed/ TV/ Dining table/ Couch
网上找图片 165 页 床/ 电视/ 餐桌/ 沙发

Architectural furniture symbols.
建筑家具符号

If you want to avoid confusion between your observation notes and your reactions to what you saw, you must not analyze them in the field. Provisions must be made to facilitate subsequent analysis.
如果你想避免观察笔记和对所见内容的反应之间产生混淆，就必须避免在实地进行分析。必须做出安排以方便后续分析。

A simple device can facilitate preliminary analysis of field notes with a minimum of fuss: Original notes and diagrams are made on the left half of the notepaper, leaving the right half open for recording hunches and preliminary hypotheses (see “Furniture Layout in El Barrio Apartment,"p.167). A wide margin can be made on any notepaper simply by creasing it.
一个简单的装置可以方便地进行初步的田野笔记分析，而无需过多麻烦：原始笔记和图表记录在便笺纸的左侧，右侧留空用于记录直觉和初步假设（参见“El Barrio 公寓的家具布局”，第 167 页）。只需将任何便笺纸折一下，就可以在上面留出宽边距。

If investigators know the floor plans of the places to be observed beforehand, and if more than one similar place is to be observed or the same place is to be looked at several times, their notepaper can have a floor plan printed on it. This facilitates making notes and ensures comparability of diagrams. This method can be used equally well for interiors, such as offices, waiting rooms, or dwelling units (Zeisel,1973a) and for exteriors, such as playgrounds, street corners, or plazas (Günter et al., 1978).
如果调查人员事先了解要观察地点的平面图，并且要观察多个类似地点或多次观察同一地点，他们的笔记纸上可以印有平面图。这有利于做笔记并确保图表的可比性。这种方法同样适用于室内，例如办公室、候诊室或住宅单元（Zeisel，1973a），以及室外，例如操场、街角或广场（Günter 等，1978）。

图片166页
图 166 页

Ice Cream WAGON
冰淇淋车

MEMORIAL STATUES
纪念雕像

CLOTH ON THE GROMHD
格罗姆德上的布料

FABRICS
织物

JEWELRY
珠宝

LEATHER GOODS
皮具

TABLE
表格

HANGING GO0DS
悬挂货物

TOOLS
工具

PORTFOLIOS
作品集

TRUNKS (FOR GDODS)
儿童用箱子

FLOWERS
花

STANDS

THURSDAY
星期四

APRIL 21、1976
1976 年 4 月 21 日

4 PM、SUNNY
下午 4 点，晴天

FLOWER STANDS
花架

FLOWER STANDS
花架

Annotated diagram of Spanish Steps.(From Rome-Spanische Treppe, by R. Günter, W. Reinink, and J. Günter. Copyright 1978by VSA-Verlag, Hamburg. Reprinted by permission.)
西班牙台阶的标注图。（摘自 R. Günter、W. Reinink 和 J. Günter 合著的《罗马-西班牙台阶》，版权所有 1978 年 VSA-Verlag，汉堡。经许可转载。）

Drawings
图纸

If observers have the skill to make sketches of the traces they see, the time it takes may well be worthwhile. Drawings can be extremely useful in final reports because they are highly imageable and inexpensive to reproduce.
如果观察者有能力绘制他们所见痕迹的草图，那么花费的时间很可能是值得的。图纸在最终报告中非常有用，因为它们极具图像性且复制成本低廉。

Photographs
照片

Photographs of physical traces taken at the beginning of a research project can give all parties working on it an initial overview of the types of things they are likely to see in the field. Discussion among team members of photographs projected on a screen or wall can quickly generate hypotheses about issues that may be fruitful for further study. A group can leisurely discuss what behavior a trace might reflect and what intent might be behind it. For these reasons, it is generally valuable to document both easily photographed outdoor and indoor traces. Photographs are particularly valuable if the research site is not easily accessible because it is too far away, requires special permission to visit, or is altogether temporary (for example, a circus).
在研究项目开始时拍摄的物理痕迹照片可以为所有参与者提供对他们在野外可能看到的物体类型的初步概览。团队成员围绕投影在屏幕或墙壁上的照片进行讨论可以快速生成关于可能值得进一步研究的议题的假设。一个小组可以悠闲地讨论痕迹可能反映的行为以及背后的意图。因此，记录容易拍摄的户外和室内痕迹通常都是有价值的。如果研究地点难以到达，例如距离太远、需要特别许可才能访问或完全是临时的（例如，马戏团），那么照片就特别有价值。

Investigators who expect to count traces—to use the method quantitatively—first analyze photographs of observations to decide on the categories in which to count. Photographs can be used as stimuli in focused interviews, to determine the categories respondents use when they see such things. At the end of a project, photographs are excellent to illustrate verbal presentations of findings. These qualities hold for photographs in any observation research, whether they are pictures of physical traces or behavior.
预期使用定量方法统计痕迹的调查人员，首先会分析观察照片，以确定统计的类别。照片可以用作集中访谈的刺激材料，以确定受访者在看到此类事物时使用的类别。在项目结束时，照片非常适合说明对研究结果的口头陈述。这些特点适用于任何观察研究中的照片，无论是物理痕迹的照片还是行为的照片。

In the field several rules of thumb and a few tricks may save time money, and embarrassment. Expensive cameras are seldom more useful as research tools than inexpensive ones. Researchers need to take some photographs themselves because they know what to record for analysis—what to include in the picture and what to leave out. For illustrative photographs, one can hire a professional photographer (or choose the most skilled researcher) to take photos. Even then the researcher will have to tell the professional precisely what to photograph. With digital photography, such problems are less critical because amateurs can often take good photos, especially if they take a large number and delete those that are badly exposed or have not captured the required data.
在野外，一些经验法则和技巧可以节省时间、金钱和尴尬。昂贵的相机作为研究工具，很少比廉价相机更有用。研究人员需要自己拍摄一些照片，因为他们知道要记录什么以便分析——照片中要包含什么，要排除什么。对于说明性照片，可以雇佣专业摄影师（或选择最熟练的研究人员）来拍摄照片。即使如此，研究人员也必须准确地告诉专业人士要拍摄什么。有了数码摄影，这类问题就不那么关键了，因为业余爱好者通常可以拍出好照片，特别是如果他们拍了很多照片，然后删除曝光不良或没有捕捉到所需数据的照片。

Digital photography offers great advantages. Photographs can be downloaded onto laptops in the field and immediately made available to all team members for analysis and discussion. Viewed in this way, photographs enable all members of a research group to participate in initial visits to the site. In addition to being convenient and captivating during oral presentations, digital photographs can be easily grouped and regrouped for analysis on the computer. By downloading on site, you can be sure that you have all the data you need before leaving a site. When you want to make a presentation shortly after making observations, such photographs are a lifesaver.
数码摄影提供了巨大的优势。照片可以在野外下载到笔记本电脑上，并立即提供给所有团队成员进行分析和讨论。从这个角度来看，照片使研究小组的所有成员都能参与到对现场的初步访问中。除了在口头演示中方便且引人入胜之外，数码照片还可以轻松地在计算机上进行分组和重新分组以进行分析。通过在现场下载，您可以确保在离开现场之前拥有所有需要的数据。当您想在观察后不久进行演示时，这些照片就是救星。

Counting
计数

Certain traces yield their full value only when their quantity is taken into account. In such situations it will suffice to record one or two examples in detail and count the rest. For example, in a housing project where some families have fenced in their backyards and some have not. photographs of a few yards along with a careful count will do the job.
某些痕迹只有在数量被考虑时才能发挥其全部价值。在这种情况下，详细记录一两个例子并统计其余部分就足够了。例如，在一个住房项目中，一些家庭在后院围上了篱笆，而另一些则没有。几张院子的照片加上仔细的统计就足够了。

If you know what you want to count beforehand, pre-coded counting pads or checklists can be arranged—possibly linked to the site plan for accurate location data.
如果您事先知道要统计什么，可以安排预先编码的计数垫或清单，这些计数垫或清单可能与场地平面图相关联，以获得准确的位置数据。

Equally important to choosing appropriate categories is intersubjectivity of the categories among observers. Each member of an observation team faced with the same physical trace ought to record it as a trace in the same category if data are to be comparable. To achieve a degree of intersubjectivity, observers in the U.S. housing census are shown photographs representing distinct levels—and therefore categories—of housing deterioration. On the basis of these “exemplars” this very large group is expected to develop a shared way of looking, at least to some extent.
与选择适当类别同等重要的是观察者之间对类别的互主观性。如果数据要具有可比性，面对相同物理痕迹的观察团队中的每个成员都应该将其记录为同一类别的痕迹。为了实现一定程度的互主观性，美国住房普查的观察员会看到代表不同级别（因此是不同类别）的住房劣化程度的照片。在这个基础上，这个庞大的群体预计会发展出一种共同的观察方式，至少在一定程度上是如此。

Another practical way to develop intersubjectivity among investigators is to take them on a site visit to settings similar to those at the research site. Through group discussion they can learn from one another and arrive at a consensus of how items they see would be recorded.
另一种培养研究人员之间主体间性的实用方法是带他们实地考察与研究地点类似的场所。通过小组讨论，他们可以互相学习并达成一致意见，即如何记录他们所见到的物品。

Each method of recording traces catches another dimension of the trace and provides researchers with new data.
每种记录痕迹的方法都捕捉到痕迹的另一个维度，并为研究人员提供新的数据。

WHAT TO LOOK FOR
寻找什么

What an investigator chooses to observe depends on what he wants to do with the data he gathers. If I want to identify my wife in a crowd, I will notice only attractive women with short hair. If you want a police officer in New York City, you will look for and "see” only people in dark blue uniforms.
调查人员选择观察什么取决于他想用收集到的数据做什么。如果我想在一群人中认出我的妻子，我只会注意到留着短发的漂亮女人。如果你想在纽约市找警察，你只会寻找和“看到”穿着深蓝色制服的人。

The following categories for looking at and gathering data about physical traces are organized to increase designers' control over the behavioral effects and side effects of their decisions and to increase people's own control over their relation to the environment. Both these purposes are means to another end: increasing everyone's ability to intervene through design and make settings better suited to what people actually do. These purposes translate into questions such as: How do environments create opportunities for people? Where do people and their surroundings impinge on each other? Where do they limit each other? How do people use the environment as means to an end? And to what ends? What design skills do people have? How do they manipulate their surroundings? How do people change environments to meet their needs? What takes place in particular settings? To answer these questions, the following organization for observing physical traces is useful.
以下关于观察和收集物理痕迹的类别，旨在增强设计师对其决策的行为影响和副作用的控制，并增强人们对自身与环境关系的控制。这两个目的都是为了实现另一个目标：增强每个人通过设计进行干预的能力，使环境更适合人们的实际行为。这些目的转化为以下问题：环境如何为人们创造机会？人们及其周围环境在哪里相互影响？它们在哪些地方相互限制？人们如何利用环境作为达到目的的手段？以及为了什么目的？人们拥有哪些设计技能？他们如何操控周围环境？人们如何改变环境以满足他们的需求？在特定环境中发生了什么？为了回答这些问题，以下关于观察物理痕迹的组织方式非常有用。

By-products of use, the first category, reflect what people do in settings—such traces as litter or worn spots left behind by someone who used, misused, or failed to use a place. The other three categories represent things people do to settings. Adaptations for use changes that users make to an environment so it is better suited to something they want to do: building a fence, breaking down a wall, changing a lawn into a patio. Displays of self are changes people make to establish some place as their own, to make it express who they are personally: flags or religious symbols on front lawns; mementos of trips on windowsills. Public messages are changes such as wall posters and graffiti by which people use environments to communicate with a large public audience, sometimes anonymously.
使用副产品是第一类，反映了人们在环境中所做的事情——例如，有人使用、误用或未能使用某个地方留下的垃圾或磨损痕迹。另外三类代表了人们对环境所做的事情。适应使用是用户对环境所做的改变，使其更适合他们想做的事情：建围栏、拆墙、把草坪改成露台。自我展示是人们为了将某个地方确立为自己的地方而做出的改变，使它表达他们个人的身份：前院的旗帜或宗教符号；窗台上的旅行纪念品。公共信息是人们利用环境与广大公众交流的改变，例如墙上的海报和涂鸦，有时是匿名进行的。

What you look for depends on what you want to do with the data. Ruesch and Kees, in their perceptive book Nonverbal Communication (1970), describe using data on facial expressions, body movement, and physical traces to understand how people communicate without words. Their emphasis on communication leads them to underplay traces in the categories of adaptations for use and by-products of use but provide a more detailed analytic scheme for displays of self. Another important description of how to observe physical traces is included in Unobtrusive Measures (1966). In this work. Webb et al describe the usefulness of a range of measures—for example. counting bottles in garbage cans to see how much people drink, observing litter in the park, and analyzing suicide notes. The categories they develop are not all equally suited to solving E-B questions. For example, they use the erm accretion to describe any type of physical trace left behind, without specifying the manner in which it was left—the actor's environmental intent. All but one of the categories discussed in the following pages and several discussed in Chapter 14, on archival methods, are examples of accretion. For clarity I have avoided the use of this important but broad term.
你想要用数据做什么，取决于你想从数据中寻找什么。鲁施和基斯在他们有见地的著作《非语言沟通》（1970）中，描述了如何利用面部表情、肢体语言和身体痕迹的数据来理解人们如何在不使用语言的情况下进行沟通。他们对沟通的强调导致他们低估了适应性使用和使用副产品的痕迹，但为自我展示提供了更详细的分析方案。另一个关于如何观察物理痕迹的重要描述包含在《非侵入性测量》（1966）中。在这项工作中，韦伯等人描述了一系列测量的实用性——例如，统计垃圾桶里的瓶子数量以了解人们的饮酒量，观察公园里的垃圾，以及分析自杀遗书。他们提出的类别并不都同样适合解决 E-B 问题。例如，他们使用“累积”一词来描述任何类型的物理痕迹，而没有具体说明它是如何留下的——行为者的环境意图。以下各页讨论的类别中，除了一个类别，以及第 14 章关于档案方法中讨论的几个类别，都是累积的例子。 为了清晰起见，我避免使用这个重要但范围广泛的术语。

By-products of Use
使用副产品

Fictional detectives like Sherlock Holmes. Miss Marple. Hercule Poirot, and Lord Peter Wimsey are masters at detecting and correctly interpreting side effects of behavior—worn-away stair treads, a smudge on a door or a glass wiped suspiciously clean of fingerprints. These examples represent three types of by-products: erosions, leftovers, and missing traces.
像夏洛克·福尔摩斯、马普尔小姐、赫尔克里·波洛和彼得·温西姆勋爵这样的虚构侦探，擅长发现和正确解读行为的副作用——磨损的楼梯踏板、门上的污点或被可疑地擦拭干净的指纹。这些例子代表了三种类型的副产品：侵蚀、残留物和缺失的痕迹。

• Erosions. Use can wear away parts of the environment, as when grass is trampled where people walk from a parking lot to a nearby building entrance or grooves are cut into the top of a butcher's block table. Some erosion traces, such as the scars in the butcher's table, indicate to the interested researcher that planned and predicted activities have taken place; others indicate that the environment is being used in a new way, such as the path across the lawn. Because most environments sustain some wear and tear, observers must be careful to distinguish between erosion traces that signify bad design, those that reflect uses designers planned for and traces left when new and appropriate activities took place. Observing erosion traces and by-products of use can be the first step in finding out what those who use the setting feel about it.
• 侵蚀。使用会磨损环境的一部分，例如人们从停车场走到附近建筑物入口时踩踏草坪，或者在屠夫案板的顶部切出凹槽。一些侵蚀痕迹，例如屠夫案板上的伤疤，表明有计划和预测的活动已经发生；另一些则表明环境正在以新的方式被使用，例如穿过草坪的小路。由于大多数环境都会承受一些磨损，观察者必须注意区分表明设计不良的侵蚀痕迹、反映设计师计划使用的痕迹以及新活动发生时留下的痕迹。观察侵蚀痕迹和使用副产品可能是找出使用者对环境感受的第一步。

图片171页
图 171 页

Erosions
侵蚀

Left: Shortcut path in the snow, New York, New York.
左：纽约州纽约市雪地里的捷径。

Right: Well-used bathroom door in architect's office, London, United Kingdom.
英国伦敦建筑师办公室里，一扇使用频繁的浴室门。

• Leftovers. As the result of some activities, physical objects get left behind: cigarettes in ashtrays after a party, dishtowels hung on kitchen-cabinet knobs next to a sink, open cans of food stored on windowsills in a veterans' residence. Like erosions, leftovers may indicate activities that have been planned for, such as parties, and unplanned for, such as residents eating soup in their rooms. Such leftovers as the dishtowel, however, tell you about planned-for activities that have unplanned-for side effects—in this case the need for towel storage.
• 剩余物。某些活动结束后，会留下一些实物：派对结束后烟灰缸里的香烟，厨房水槽旁橱柜把手上的抹布，退伍军人住处窗台上放着开着的罐头食品。如同侵蚀作用，剩余物可能表明已经计划好的活动，例如派对，以及未计划好的活动，例如住客在房间里吃汤。然而，像抹布这样的剩余物，告诉你关于计划好的活动产生的非计划后果——在这种情况下，需要存放毛巾。

图片172页
图 172 页

Leftovers
剩菜

Left: Indicator of indoor smoking ban, New York, New York.
左：纽约州纽约市室内禁烟标志。

Right: Indicator of coffee with a view at Kahn's Salk Institute, La Jolla, California.
右：加州拉霍亚凯恩·萨尔克研究所咖啡与景观指示牌。

Leftovers help to locate (1) places that accommodate planned-for activities (2) places that only partly accommodate expected activities, and (3) places that are used in unanticipated ways.
剩余空间有助于定位 (1) 容纳计划活动的场所 (2) 部分容纳预期活动的场所，以及 (3) 以意想不到的方式使用的场所。

• Missing traces. Erosions and leftovers in settings tell us about what people do. When we see neither of these, or even very few such traces, it tells us about what people do not do. Apartment balconies with neither a chair to sit on nor a barbecue stored for the winter and an office with nothing on the walls or table to betray the occupant's individuality demonstrate missing traces.
• 缺失的痕迹。环境中的侵蚀和残留物告诉我们人们在做什么。当我们看不到这些痕迹，甚至很少看到这些痕迹时，它告诉我们人们没有做什么。没有椅子可坐的公寓阳台，没有存放过冬的烧烤架，以及墙壁或桌子上没有任何东西来暴露住户个性的办公室，都体现了缺失的痕迹。

Inquiring about why traces are missing can uncover seemingly irrelevant physical design decisions that limit behavior. For example, some balconies have bars spaced so wide apart that families with small children are afraid to use them. Sometimes missing traces are explained when researchers probe rules about how a place may be used, for example, “No family photos allowed on office walls.” Asking “why” may lead to answers that are not very useful: "The apartment is vacant because tenants just moved out.” But it may also lead quickly to fruitful insights, because not using an available space is quite a strange thing to do.
询问为何缺少痕迹可以揭示看似无关紧要的物理设计决策，这些决策限制了行为。例如，一些阳台的栏杆间距过大，以至于有小孩的家庭不敢使用。有时，当研究人员探究关于场所使用规则时，会解释缺失的痕迹，例如，“办公室墙壁上不允许张贴家庭照片”。询问“为什么”可能会导致一些不太有用的答案：“公寓空置是因为租户刚搬出去。”但它也可能迅速导致富有成效的见解，因为不使用可用空间是一件非常奇怪的事情。

图片172页
图 172 页

Missing traces
缺失的痕迹

Left: Is there something wrong with the balcony? London, United Kingdom.
左边：阳台有什么问题吗？伦敦，英国。

Right: Is the teacher not there or is school not in session? Montreal, Quebec.
右边：老师不在，还是学校不上课？蒙特利尔，魁北克。

Adaptations for Use
使用适应性

When some people find that their physical environment does not accommodate something they want to do, they change it: they become designers. Some professional designers try to predetermine as little as they can in buildings and other facilities so that residents have the greatest opportunity to join in design by adapting the setting the way they want (Habraken,1972; Turner,1972; Wampler,1968). At the other extreme are designers who try to plan for everything they think will occur—from built-in furniture to the color of curtains. The former is called “loose-fit" design, the latter “tight-fit." But no matter what the original designer wants or expects, people who use environments redesign them. Researchers and professional designers can learn a great deal from this adaptive redesigning.
当有些人发现他们的物理环境无法满足他们想做的事情时，他们会改变它：他们成为了设计师。一些专业设计师试图在建筑和其他设施中尽可能少地预先确定，以便居民有机会通过以他们想要的方式调整环境来参与设计（Habraken 1972; Turner, 1972; Wampler 1968）。另一个极端是，设计师试图规划他们认为会发生的一切，从内置家具到窗帘的颜色。前者被称为“松散式”设计，后者被称为“紧密式”。但无论最初的设计师想要什么或期望什么，使用环境的人都会重新设计它们。研究人员和专业设计师可以从这种适应性重新设计中学习很多东西。

Adaptive traces are significant for designers because they are direct manifestations of design by users. They take place in the fuzzy area between what professional and lay designers do. Such traces are difficult to interpret, but one does not have to estimate whether they will lead to action, as one does with attitudes.
自适应痕迹对设计师来说意义重大，因为它们是用户设计行为的直接体现。它们存在于专业设计师和非专业设计师之间模糊的领域。这类痕迹难以解读，但无需像解读态度那样去估计它们是否会带来行动。

People change settings to better support activities: to facilitate and sustain them. They may remove inappropriate props, such as built-in lights that are not adjustable, or add new ones, such as a backyard barbecue pit to make eating outdoors easier. For the same ends, they can alter the relations among settings—creating both new connections and separations, such as windows and walls.
人们改变环境设置以更好地支持活动：促进和维持活动。他们可能会移除不合适的道具，例如不可调节的内置灯光，或者添加新的道具，例如后院烧烤炉，以便更容易在户外用餐。为了同样的目的，他们可以改变环境之间的关系——创造新的连接和分离，例如窗户和墙壁。

● Props. When users add objects to or remove objects from a setting, they create new opportunities for activity. Inasmuch as the objects support activities, we can think of them as staging props purposefully arranged by users, such as a wood-burning stove installed in someone's apartment living room or play equipment added to an empty lot to change it into a playground.
● 道具。当用户向场景添加或移除物体时，他们会创造新的活动机会。由于物体支持活动，我们可以将它们视为用户有目的地安排的舞台道具，例如在某人的公寓客厅安装一个燃木炉或在空地上添加游乐设备，将其变成游乐场。

New props may have been added because users or uses have changed or because certain activities were overlooked or considered unaffordable in original designs. Props added for either reason may reflect a particular user's idiosyncratic wants, such as the living-room stove, or they may reflect more normative behavior common to a larger group.
由于用户或使用方式发生变化，或者在最初的设计中忽略或认为某些活动负担不起，因此可能添加了新的道具。出于任何原因添加的道具可能反映了特定用户的独特需求，例如客厅的炉子，或者它们可能反映了更大群体中更规范的行为。

图片173页
图 173 页

Props
道具

Left: Bike rack supports riding to work at Natural Resources Defense Council. New York, New York.
左侧：自然资源保护委员会自行车架，支持骑行上班。纽约，纽约。

Right: Added garden trellis extends planting options, Montreal, Quebec.
右侧：新增的花园格架扩展了种植选择，蒙特利尔，魁北克。

图片174页
图 174 页

Separation
分离

Left: Added privacy for ground-floor garden, Sydney, Australia.
左：为悉尼底层花园增加隐私。

Right: Barriers keep cars off park steps but let people in, Sydney, Australia.
右侧：路障阻止汽车驶入公园台阶，但允许行人通行，悉尼，澳大利亚。

● Separations. Changes may separate spaces that formerly existed together, increasing such qualities as privacy, control, and darkness or more sharply dividing territories; examples are ground-floor apartments with covered windows, stones along a property line, and “Keep Out” signs on back doors of buildings.
● 分隔。变化可能会将原本连在一起的空间分隔开来，从而增加隐私、控制和黑暗等品质，或更清晰地划分区域；例如，带有遮蔽窗户的一层公寓、沿财产线排列的石头以及建筑物后门上的“禁止入内”标志。

Separations can be particularly informative about side effects of design decisions. The parking areas in the interior of Castle Square, a housing project in Boston's South End, were officially deeded to the city so that it would maintain them, plow them, and pick up garbage on them. But as an unanticipated side effect, people who work in the surrounding neighborhood park there during the day and sometimes all weekend. Residents feel that this infringes on their informal right to park their cars just in front of their houses, so they place wooden sawhorses across the parking places in front of their doors to stop other people from parking there.
隔离可以特别有效地揭示设计决策的副作用。波士顿南端住宅项目城堡广场内部的停车场正式转让给城市，以便城市维护、清理积雪和收集垃圾。但作为一项意想不到的副作用，周边街区工作的居民白天，有时甚至整个周末都将车停在那里。居民认为这侵犯了他们在自家门前停车的非正式权利，因此他们在自家门前停车位上放置木马，阻止其他人停车。

Separations do not necessarily block physical movement or all the senses at once. They may, for example, be only visual (an opaque cardboard wall around a work area), auditory (a blaring radio in an office so nobody can overhear a conversation), olfactory (a fan to keep kitchen smells out of the living room), or symbolic (a three-inch-high brick border around a front yard).
隔离并不一定完全阻断物理移动或所有感官。例如，隔离可以是视觉上的（工作区周围的不透明纸板墙），听觉上的（办公室里响亮的收音机，使人无法听到谈话），嗅觉上的（一个风扇将厨房气味挡在客厅外），或象征性的（前院周围三英寸高的砖块边界）。

• Connections. Physical adaptations for use may connect two places, enabling people to interact in new ways: holes that teenagers strategically cut in a playground fence so they can enter without walking to a distant gate; or passthroughs cut in walls between living rooms and windowless kitchens to provide a view out when residents eat in the kitchen. Buildings converted to restaurants often have windows cut into swinging kitchen doors so that servers can avoid bumping into each other when coming from opposite directions.
• 连接。用于使用的物理适应性可以连接两个地方，使人们能够以新的方式互动：青少年在操场围栏上战略性地切开的洞，以便他们可以进入而无需走到遥远的门口；或者在客厅和无窗厨房之间的墙壁上切开的通道，以便居民在厨房吃饭时可以欣赏到外面的景色。改建成餐厅的建筑物通常会在旋转的厨房门上切开窗户，以便服务员从相反的方向走来时不会互相撞到。

Connections that users of a facility make can indicate that the original designer overlooked a common behavior that requires being able to move see, hear, or talk between spaces or that such activity has developed since the place was designed (as with the window in a swinging restaurant door). Of course, sometimes users may want a connection that setting managers do not. An example would be hack-sawed bars on a prison-cell window after a jailbreak.
用户在设施中建立的连接可能表明原始设计师忽略了一种常见的行为，这种行为需要能够在空间之间移动、看、听或说话，或者这种活动是在场所设计后发展起来的（例如，旋转餐厅门上的窗户）。当然，有时用户可能想要一种设置经理不想要的连接。例如，越狱后监狱牢房窗户上的锯开的栏杆。

图片175页
图 175 页

Connections
连接

Left: Construction ramp connects street and sidewalk, Edinburgh, Scotland.
左侧：苏格兰爱丁堡，连接街道和人行道的施工坡道。

Right: Kitchen-to-dining-room pass-through connects rooms, Montreal, Canada.
右侧：厨房到餐厅的通道连接房间，蒙特利尔，加拿大。

Displays of Self
自我展示

Residents change environments to put their stamp on them—to say "This 1smine and it says something about me.” Displays of self may be directed toward other people, but just as often the changes mean something mainly to the person who makes them: mementos of trips, family portraits, doll collections. Displays may help others identify a person's environment such as name plaques on the front door or may tell people about the person by announcing her group memberships.
居民改变环境是为了在上面留下自己的印记——为了说“这是我的，它也说明了一些关于我的事情。” 自我展示可能针对其他人，但同样常见的是，这些改变主要对做出改变的人有意义：旅行纪念品、全家福、玩偶收藏。 展示可以帮助他人识别一个人的环境，例如前门的姓名牌，或者可以通过宣布她的群体成员来告诉人们关于这个人。

● Personalization. People use environments to express their uniqueness and individuality by using a certain style of furniture in the living room, placing trinkets on the windowsill, or, in the case of office workers, placing silly signs on their desks. Each such use shows how someone is different from his neighbor—in taste, in personality, and in habits.
● 个性化。人们利用环境来表达自己的独特性和个性，例如在客厅使用某种风格的家具，在窗台上摆放小饰品，或者，对于办公室职员来说，在办公桌上摆放一些滑稽的标志。每一种使用方式都体现了某人与邻居的不同之处——在品味、性格和习惯方面。

图片175页
图 175 页

Personalization
个性化

Left: Desk clutter and photos are uniquely this author's, Lexington, Massachusetts.
左边：桌子上的杂物和照片是作者独有的，拍摄于马萨诸塞州莱克星顿。

Right: PEZ dispenser collection is uniquely this architect's, Venice, California.
对：PEZ 糖果盒收藏是这位建筑师的独有收藏，位于加利福尼亚州威尼斯。