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PART TWO
第二部分

RESEARCH METHODS
研究方法

CHAPTER 8
第 8 章

OBSERVING PHYSICAL TRACES
观察物理痕迹

Observing physical traces means systematically looking at physical surroundings to find reflections of previous activity that was not produced in order to be measured by researchers. Traces may have been unconsciously left behind (for example, paths across a field)or they may be conscious changes people have made in their surroundings (for example, a curtain hung over an open doorway or a new wall built). From such traces designers and environment-behavior researchers begin to infer how an environment got to be the way it is, what decisions its designers and builders made about the place, how people actually use it, how they feel about their surroundings, and generally how that particular environment meets the needs of its users. Observers of physical traces also begin to form an idea of what the people who use that place are like—their culture, their affiliations, and the way they present themselves.
观察物理痕迹意味着系统地观察物理环境,以寻找先前活动留下的反映,这些活动并非为了被研究人员测量而产生的。痕迹可能是无意识地留下的(例如,田野中的小路),也可能是人们有意识地改变了周围环境(例如,在敞开的门口挂上窗帘或建造新墙)。从这些痕迹中,设计师和环境行为研究人员开始推断环境是如何形成的,其设计师和建造者对该地点做出了哪些决定,人们如何实际使用它,他们对周围环境的感觉如何,以及一般来说,该特定环境如何满足其用户的需求。观察物理痕迹的人也开始形成对使用该地点的人的看法——他们的文化、他们的归属以及他们展现自己的方式。

Most people see only a small number of clues in their physical surroundings; they use only a few traces to read what the environment has to tell them. Observing physical traces systematically is a refreshing method because, through fine-tuning, it turns a natural skill into a useful research tool.
大多数人只在周围环境中看到少量线索;他们只用很少的痕迹来解读环境要告诉他们的信息。系统地观察物理痕迹是一种令人耳目一新的方法,因为它可以通过微调将一种自然技能转变为有用的研究工具。

A simple yet striking example of the use of this method is Sommer's observation of furniture placement in a mental-hospital ward and corridor (1969). In the morning after custodians had straightened up and before visitors arrived, Sommer found chairs arranged side-by-side in rows against the walls. Each day, several hours later, he found that patients' relatives and friends had left the same chairs grouped face-to-face in smaller clusters. Among the inferences this set of physical-trace observations prompted Sommer to make was that custodians' attitudes toward neatness and their beliefs that furniture ought to be arranged for efficient cleaning and food service were incongruent with patients' behavior and needs.
索默 (1969) 对精神病院病房和走廊家具摆放的观察,就是一个简单却引人注目的运用这种方法的例子。在早上,清洁工整理完房间,访客还没来之前,索默发现椅子并排排列在墙壁边。每天几个小时后,他发现病人的亲属和朋友已经将相同的椅子分组面对面,形成更小的集群。从这组物理痕迹观察中,索默推断出清洁工对整洁的态度以及他们认为家具应该被安排用于高效清洁和食物服务的信念,与病人的行为和需求是不一致的。

To test these ideas, Sommer rearranged the furniture in the ward, expecting patients to take advantage of the increased opportunities for sociability. For the first few weeks, he was surprised to find, patients and nurses returned chairs to their against-the-wall positions; they asserted that the new way “wasn't the way things belonged.” Eventually Sommer put the chairs around tables in the middle of the room, and on the tables he put flowers and magazines. When this threshold of environmental change was reached, changes in behavior took place as well: patients began to greet each other more, converse more, and read more, and staff members began a crafts program using the tables in the ward. And it all began when Sommer noticed a difference between how custodians left chairs in the morning and how patients and visitors left them at the end of the day.
为了验证这些想法,Sommer 重新布置了病房的家具,期望病人能够利用增加的社交机会。在最初的几周里,他惊讶地发现,病人和护士把椅子放回靠墙的位置;他们坚持认为新的方式“不是事物应该存在的方式”。最终,Sommer 将椅子放在房间中央的桌子周围,并在桌子上放了鲜花和杂志。当达到这种环境变化的阈值时,行为也发生了变化:病人开始更多地互相问候,更多地交谈,更多地阅读,工作人员开始利用病房的桌子进行手工活动。这一切都始于 Sommer 注意到清洁工早上放置椅子的方式与病人和访客在一天结束时放置椅子的方式之间的区别。

The following discussion presents (1) significant qualities that observing physical traces has for use in E-B research(2) types of devices for recording observed traces, and (3) a classification of trace types to make visible those relations between people and environment that are useful for designing.
以下讨论将呈现 (1) 物理痕迹观察在 E-B 研究中的重要特性,(2) 用于记录观察到的痕迹的设备类型,以及 (3) 对痕迹类型的分类,以使人与环境之间对设计有用的关系可见。

QUALITIES OF THE METHOD
方法的优劣

Observing traces is an exceptionally useful research tool that can produce valuable insights at the beginning of a design project, test hypotheses in the middle,
观察痕迹是一种非常有用的研究工具,它可以在设计项目开始时产生有价值的见解,在项目中期检验假设,

Observing Physical Traces
观察物质痕迹

Qualities of the Method
方法的特点

Imageable
可成像的

Unobtrusive
不显眼的

Durable
耐用的

Easy
容易

Recording Devices
录音设备

Annotated diagrams
带注释的图表

Drawings
图纸

Photographs
照片

Counting
计数

What to Look for
寻找什么

By-products of use
使用副产品

Adaptations for use
使用适应性

Displays of self
自我展示

Public messages
公共信息

Context
语境

and be a source of ideas and new concepts throughout. If you take into account what the method can and cannot do, you can achieve the results you want; like any tool, if used inappropriately it can be destructive. The method can be a source of provocative images, is unobtrusive, easy to use, and deals with long-lasting phenomena. It provides opportunities for investigators but also sets up some traps.
并始终成为想法和新概念的来源。如果您考虑该方法能做什么和不能做什么,您就可以实现您想要的结果;就像任何工具一样,如果使用不当,它可能会造成破坏。该方法可以成为挑衅性图像的来源,不显眼,易于使用,并且处理长期现象。它为调查人员提供了机会,但也设置了一些陷阱。

Imageable
可成像的

Observation of physical traces provides rich impressions and is highly illustrative. For example, walking through a home for older veterans in Oxford, New York, investigators saw wheelchairs in odd places, old furniture, new medical equipment, direction signs, people in uniforms open cans of food on windowsills, and patients' get-well cards taped to walls in rooms (Snyder and Ostrander, 1974). The walk gave researchers an initial picture of what life in that home was like: its design successes, some problems, exceptional situations, and patterned wear and tear. At the beginning of a research project, such observations can prompt investigators to think about what the observed objects might mean. Skillful observers will notice even commonplace physical traces and figure out which of them will lead to fruitful inferences that can be pursued further. At Oxford, investigators focused their attention on cans of food on windowsills—developing from this information a central research hypothesis that residents lived a twenty-four-hour lifestyle that was out of phase with the institution's 6:00 A.M. to 7:00 P.M. schedule.
观察物质痕迹提供了丰富的印象,并且具有很高的说明性。例如,在纽约牛津的一家老兵之家行走时,调查人员看到了放在奇怪地方的轮椅、旧家具、新的医疗设备、指示牌、穿着制服的人在窗台上开罐头,以及贴在房间墙壁上的病人康复卡(Snyder 和 Ostrander,1974)。这次行走让研究人员初步了解了那家养老院的生活状况:它的设计成功之处、一些问题、特殊情况以及有规律的磨损。在一个研究项目的开始阶段,这样的观察可以促使调查人员思考观察到的物体可能意味着什么。熟练的观察者会注意到即使是常见的物质痕迹,并弄清楚哪些痕迹会导致可以进一步研究的富有成效的推论。在牛津,调查人员将注意力集中在窗台上的罐头上——从这些信息中发展出一个中心研究假设,即居民过着与机构的早上 6 点到晚上 7 点的时间表脱节的 24 小时生活方式。

Once they observe a trace, investigators ask questions about what caused it, what the person who created the trace intended, and what sequence of events led up to the trace. The imageable quality of physical traces makes it easy to generate hypotheses about causes, intent, and sequence, but from the trace alone researchers cannot tell how tenable their hypotheses are; to do this they need other methods. For example, in a brief evaluation of a somewhat rundown housing project in Roxbury, Massachusetts, Zeisel (1973b) found large. well-kept flowering shrubs in residents ‘backyards. At first he falsely assumed that residents beautified their small yards because they cared about the appearance of the project and wanted their own vistas to be more scenic. In later interviews with residents he found that shrubs had been planted years before in response to a management-sponsored competition for the best garden. A closer second look revealed that even good-looking plants in the backyards had been very much neglected.
一旦观察到痕迹,调查人员就会询问是什么导致了它,留下痕迹的人的意图是什么,以及导致该痕迹的一系列事件。 物理痕迹的可成像性使人们很容易对起因、意图和顺序产生假设,但仅凭痕迹,研究人员无法判断他们的假设有多么站得住脚; 要做到这一点,他们需要其他方法。 例如,在对马萨诸塞州罗克斯伯里一个有点破旧的住房项目进行简要评估时,齐塞尔 (1973b) 发现居民后院有大型、保养良好的开花灌木。 起初,他错误地认为居民美化了他们的小院子,因为他们关心项目的外部形象,并希望自己的视野更加美丽。 在后来与居民的访谈中,他发现灌木是在多年前响应管理层赞助的最佳花园竞赛而种植的。 仔细观察后发现,即使是后院中看起来不错的植物也已经被严重忽视了。

The same potential pitfall can arise when investigators falsely infer intent. One morning a group of architects visiting a housing project for older people in a predominantly Italian section of Boston noticed a bocce-ball court surround. ed by apartment windows. It looked as if it had never been used. They tentatively concluded that something was wrong with the facility, that residents did not like playing bocce ball, or that they did not like the location of the court. In fact, the court looked brand new because workmen had just completed it several days before. In addition it was early morning, and anyone who might have used the court was still at home.
同样的潜在陷阱也会出现在调查人员错误地推断意图时。一天早上,一群建筑师参观了波士顿意大利人聚居区的一个老年人住房项目,他们注意到一个被公寓窗户包围的滚球场。它看起来从未使用过。他们初步得出结论,设施有问题,居民不喜欢玩滚球,或者他们不喜欢球场的地理位置。事实上,球场看起来很新,因为工人们几天前才刚刚完工。此外,当时是清晨,任何可能使用球场的人还在家里。

It is also difficult to infer process. In a suburban Boston prison, cell walls are papered from ceiling to floor with Playboy, Penthouse, and Swank centerfolds. At first glance it seems impressive that prisoners fix up their dwelling units so extensively—that they mark out and personalize territory so dramatically. But the impression the traces give is misleading. Most centerfolds have been glued to the cell wall by a series of previous inmates. Walls are not stripped when a new inmate moves in, every six to twelve months. The wallpapered surroundings that inmates move into offer them many diversions but little chance to personalize.
推断过程也很困难。在波士顿郊区的一所监狱里,牢房的墙壁从天花板到地板都贴满了《花花公子》、《阁楼》和《斯旺克》的中心折叠页。乍一看,囚犯们如此大规模地修整他们的住房单元——如此戏剧性地标记和个性化领地——似乎令人印象深刻。但这些痕迹给人的印象是误导性的。大多数中心折叠页都是由之前的囚犯粘贴到牢房墙壁上的。每隔六到十二个月,当新囚犯搬进来时,墙壁不会被剥离。囚犯搬进来的壁纸环境为他们提供了许多消遣,但几乎没有个性化的机会。

Visual trace records can be used as illustrations of research concepts. This can prove useful to investigators who want to follow up on trace observations with interviews to test their hypotheses. In studies of property damage in parks (Welch, Zeisel, and Ladd,1978) and in schools (Zeisel,1976a), for example. investigators showed slides of damaged property to groups of teenagers, park personnel, and persons living next to the property in order to focus discussion on what these people thought about property damage.
视觉痕迹记录可以作为研究概念的插图。这对想要通过访谈跟踪痕迹观察以检验其假设的研究人员来说很有用。例如,在公园财产损害研究 (Welch, Zeisel 和 Ladd, 1978) 和学校财产损害研究 (Zeisel, 1976a) 中,研究人员向青少年群体、公园工作人员和住在财产附近的人展示了损坏财产的幻灯片,以便将讨论集中在这些人对财产损害的看法上。

In lectures and reports, pictures of vivid traces can help viewers and readers understand physical settings in which projects were carried out. Lenihan (1966), in his report evaluating the VISTA program in the 1960s, wanted readers to understand the wide variety of volunteers' assignments: Appalachian mountain villages, Southwestern desert towns, and urban slums. He used photos of physical traces to augment the poetry of his writing.
在讲座和报告中,生动的痕迹图片可以帮助观众和读者理解项目实施的物理环境。Lenihan(1966)在其评估 20 世纪 60 年代 VISTA 项目的报告中,希望读者了解志愿者任务的多样性:阿巴拉契亚山区村庄、西南沙漠城镇和城市贫民窟。他使用物理痕迹的照片来增强其写作的诗意。

The force of concrete visual impressions can be a pitfall for careless researchers. The visual impact of even low-frequency observations can be so great—flowering bushes, nearly new facilities, vandalized windows—that they dominate a researcher's mind. To a person walking through a well-kept housing development, the beauty of a few flowering bushes can give the impression that there are flowers in bloom everywhere, even though few residents have bushes and only some are flowering. When such traces are photographed and presented out of context they can mislead—a problem of false emphasis the visual communications media face every day. It is important that observers also train themselves to see traces that do not stand out. such as the scarcity of certain expected objects or the absence of wear and tear. If you ask yourself “What traces are missing?” in addition to “What traces do I see?” you are more likely to avoid being seduced by visually impressive traces. You will begin to see what is not there.
直观的视觉印象的力量可能成为粗心研究人员的陷阱。即使是低频观察的视觉冲击也可能非常大——盛开的灌木丛、几乎全新的设施、被破坏的窗户——它们会占据研究人员的脑海。对于一个走在整洁的住宅区的人来说,几株盛开的灌木丛的美丽会给人一种到处都是鲜花的印象,即使很少有居民有灌木丛,而且只有一部分在开花。当这些痕迹被拍摄下来并脱离上下文呈现时,它们可能会产生误导——这是视觉传播媒体每天都面临的错误强调问题。重要的是,观察者也要训练自己去观察那些不突出的痕迹,比如某些预期物体的稀缺或磨损的缺失。如果你除了问“我看到了哪些痕迹?”之外,还问自己“哪些痕迹不见了?”,你更有可能避免被视觉上令人印象深刻的痕迹所诱惑。你将开始看到那些不存在的东西。

Unobtrusive
不显眼的

Observing traces is an unobtrusive method (Webb et al., 1966). It does not influence the behavior that caused the trace.
观察痕迹是一种不显眼的方法(Webb 等人,1966)。它不会影响导致痕迹的行为。

Unobtrusiveness is particularly valuable when gathering data about situations that respondents find sensitive or when respondents have a stake in a certain answer. For example, an investigator who wants to know how strictly hospital attendants follow fire-safety rules will learn more from counting the fire exits blocked by stretchers than from interviewing attendants, who may want to paint a rosier picture than actually exists. School principals who want to avoid showing they are not doing a good job may report less damage to school property than a researcher might observe directly, while principals who want the school committee to increase the budget for maintenance may magnify the damage. If a respondent at home knows a researcher is coming, she may tidy up the house beforehand, putting away such physical traces as toys in the living room, which might indicate how different rooms are used.
隐蔽性在收集关于受访者认为敏感的情况或受访者对特定答案有既得利益的情况的数据时特别有价值。例如,一个想要了解医院护理人员对消防安全规则遵守程度的调查员,从统计被担架阻塞的消防出口的数量中获得的信息,比从可能想要描绘比实际情况更美好的图景的护理人员那里获得的信息更多。想要避免表现出自己工作不力的学校校长,可能会报告比研究人员直接观察到的更少的学校财产损坏情况,而想要学校委员会增加维护预算的校长可能会夸大损坏程度。如果一个家庭的受访者知道研究人员要来,她可能会事先整理房间,把客厅里的玩具等物理痕迹收起来,这可能会表明不同房间的使用方式。

Observing or measuring traces does not require being present when the traces are created. The method is therefore particularly useful to find out about rare events, hard-to-see events, private behaviors, and behavior of groups who cannot be interviewed. Zeisel's school study (1976a) provides an example of using physical traces to document private behavior that is hard to observe directly. During the day teenagers can be seen hanging out around schools playing stickball against walls, and sometimes climbing onto rooftops. At night they sometimes find out-of-the-way places around back to sit together, drink and smoke. Boston teenagers treat these half-hidden settings as clubhouses where outsiders are not allowed. The first hint of such nighttime clubhouse activity came from physical traces: empty beer cans, discarded playing cards. cigarette butts, graffiti, and broken lights.
观察或测量痕迹不需要在痕迹产生时在场。因此,该方法特别适用于了解罕见事件、难以观察的事件、私人行为以及无法采访的群体行为。Zeisel 的学校研究(1976a)提供了一个使用物理痕迹记录难以直接观察的私人行为的例子。白天,可以看到青少年在学校周围闲逛,对着墙壁玩棒球,有时还会爬上屋顶。晚上,他们有时会找到偏僻的地方,在后面坐在一起,喝酒和抽烟。波士顿的青少年将这些半隐蔽的地方视为俱乐部,外人不得进入。这些夜间俱乐部活动的第一个迹象来自物理痕迹:空啤酒罐、丢弃的扑克牌、烟蒂、涂鸦和破损的灯光。

Durable
耐用的

Many traces have the advantage for researchers that they do not quickly disappear. Investigators can return to a research site for more observations or counting and can document traces with photographs or drawings. Of course, the more permanent a trace is, the greater its chance of being observed at all. For example, rock gardens and paving stones in someone's garden will be visible for years, long after grass and flowers have virtually disappeared.
许多痕迹对研究人员来说有一个优势,那就是它们不会很快消失。研究人员可以返回研究地点进行更多观察或计数,并可以用照片或图纸记录痕迹。当然,痕迹越持久,它被观察到的机会就越大。例如,某人花园里的岩石花园和铺路石将持续多年可见,远在草地和鲜花几乎消失之后。

There is, however, the problem of selective deposit. Some activities are more likely to leave traces than others. The extent of beer drinking that takes place behind a school can be detected by counting the number of cans the next day. Playing poker or smoking nonfilter cigarettes may leave no traces at all.
然而,存在选择性沉积的问题。一些活动比其他活动更容易留下痕迹。第二天可以通过计算罐头数量来检测学校后面发生的啤酒饮用量。玩扑克或吸非过滤香烟可能根本不会留下任何痕迹。

Another consequence of the durability of traces is their cumulative quality; earlier traces can encourage later ones. A large number of people may feel free to cross a lawn because people who did so before left a path, whereas fewer people would do so were there no path. This cumulative quality can cause problems for investigators who overlook it and think each act is independent of earlier ones. But if traces are not taken out of context, their cumulative character can provide insights for data gathering and analysis. The finding, for example, that litter tends to beget litter (Finnie,1973) is particularly useful if you want to arrange maintenance schedules in parks and around schools.
痕迹的持久性带来的另一个结果是它们的累积性;早期的痕迹可以鼓励后来的痕迹。许多人可能会随意穿越草坪,因为之前穿越的人留下了路径,而如果没有路径,很少有人会这样做。这种累积性可能会给忽视它并认为每个行为独立于先前行为的调查人员带来问题。但是,如果痕迹没有脱离语境,它们的累积性可以为数据收集和分析提供见解。例如,发现垃圾往往会产生垃圾(Finnie,1973)对于安排公园和学校周围的维护时间表特别有用。

Easy
简单

Physical-trace observation is generally inexpensive and quick to yield interesting information. The inexpensiveness of a brief physical-trace survey makes it possible in most research projects not only to discover but also to explore in greater depth a host of initial hypotheses. Using more costly methods would mean discarding possibly fruitful but implausible hypotheses without looking at them closely. This same quality means, however, that researchers can waste their energy because time and money do not force them to think through each initial proposition rigorously before going into the field.
实物痕迹观察通常成本低廉,且能快速产出有趣的信息。简短的实物痕迹调查的低成本使得大多数研究项目不仅能够发现,还能更深入地探索一系列初始假设。使用更昂贵的方法意味着在没有仔细观察的情况下就抛弃了可能富有成效但不可信的假设。然而,这种相同的特性也意味着研究人员可能会浪费精力,因为时间和金钱不会迫使他们在进入实地之前严格思考每个初始命题。

The speed and ease with which physical traces can be recorded—in photographs, sketches, and notations—make the method useful for collecting a great many data for speedy review. An initial site visit can yield enough recorded observations for weeks of review and analysis. This is helpful in generating a range of testable propositions and hypotheses. Yet the harvest can be so rich that it may entice a research team to stop looking: “We already have so much information. Why do we need more?”
实物痕迹可以通过照片、草图和笔记等方式快速轻松地记录下来,这使得该方法可用于收集大量数据以供快速审查。一次初步的现场考察可以产生足够多的记录观察结果,供数周的审查和分析。这有助于生成一系列可检验的命题和假设。然而,收获可能如此丰富,以至于它可能会诱使研究团队停止寻找:“我们已经拥有如此多的信息。为什么我们还需要更多?”

In sum, observing physical traces is imageable and unobtrusive, deals with durable data, and is easy. The following sections of this chapter discuss ways to record trace observations and a classification of traces particularly relevant to questions of design.
总而言之,观察物理痕迹是可视化的、不引人注目的,处理的是持久的数据,而且很容易。本章的以下部分将讨论记录痕迹观察的方法以及与设计问题特别相关的痕迹分类。

RECORDING DEVICES
录音设备

Investigators save energy and time by deciding before going into the field how and when they will record trace observations: annotated diagrams, drawings, photographs, pre-coded counting lists, or a combination of these. Digital photographs are the easiest to use because their cost is negligible and they are easy to file for later use as illustrations and for their analysis. Each decision about recording methods affects how trace observations can be analyzed, how they can be used in conjunction with other research methods, and how findings will be presented.
调查人员通过在进入现场之前决定如何以及何时记录痕迹观察来节省精力和时间:带注释的图表、图纸、照片、预先编码的计数列表或这些方法的组合。数码照片最容易使用,因为它们的成本可以忽略不计,并且易于归档以供以后用作插图和分析。关于记录方法的每个决定都会影响痕迹观察的分析方式、它们与其他研究方法结合使用的方式以及研究结果的呈现方式。

Observations should also be timed to avoid possible systematic effects of maintenance schedules or predictable activity cycles on the data—for instance, early morning cleanups that obliterate signs of teenagers’ nightlife around schools.
观察时间也应避免维护时间表或可预测活动周期对数据的潜在系统性影响——例如,清晨的清洁工作会抹去学校周围青少年夜生活留下的痕迹。

Annotated Diagrams
带注释的图表

Recording traces verbally and diagrammatically, as a rule, requires little preparation and no special skills. Except for a notepad, the recording method is unobtrusive; to make it even less obtrusive, trained observers may memorize major traces in a setting and record them later. This is possible when the setting is simple and the objective standardized, as when making diagrams of furniture layouts in people's living rooms for a study of what furniture people own and how they arrange it.
一般来说,以口头和图表的方式记录痕迹,不需要太多准备,也不需要特殊技能。除了笔记本之外,记录方法并不引人注目;为了使其更加不引人注目,训练有素的观察者可以在特定环境中记住主要痕迹,并在稍后记录下来。当环境简单且目标标准化时,这才是可能的,例如,在人们的客厅中绘制家具布局图,以研究人们拥有的家具和他们的摆放方式。

During a two-person interview one interviewer can inconspicuously draw a plan of the setting and note where objects are located and where there are physical traces. In settings where cameras are out of place or lighting is difficult and the researcher does not want the camera to flash. written trace notation is appropriate. Annotated diagrams are also suitable when traces can be recorded on two-dimensional plans and studied later. The arrangement of chairs Sommer(1969) observed in the patient dayroom could perhaps be represented in plan more effectively than in photographs.
在两人访谈中,一位面试官可以不引人注意地绘制环境图,并记录物体的位置以及物理痕迹。在相机不合适或照明条件困难,而研究人员又不想使用闪光灯的情况下,书面痕迹记录是合适的。当痕迹可以在二维平面图上记录并稍后研究时,带注释的图表也很适合。Sommer(1969)在病人日间休息室中观察到的椅子排列,也许可以用平面图比照片更有效地表示。

When annotated diagrams are chosen as a recording device, several rules of thumb can be helpful. Agreement among researchers on a set of standard symbols increases comparability of the data within a project. For a residential floor plan, for example, a team might use traditional architectural symbols for furniture. When researchers on several projects use such standard and easily understood symbols, their data can be more easily compared and shared.
当选择带注释的图表作为记录工具时,一些经验法则可以提供帮助。研究人员之间就一套标准符号达成一致,可以提高项目内数据的可比性。例如,对于住宅平面图,团队可以使用传统的建筑符号来表示家具。当多个项目的​​研究人员使用这种标准化且易于理解的符号时,他们的数据更容易进行比较和共享。

Outdoors and in special settings, investigators may have to be more inventive about the symbols they use. In their study of peddlers and pedestrians on Rome's Spanish Steps, Günter, Reinink, and Günter (1978) developed a set of symbols for recording how peddlers arranged their wares.
在户外和特殊环境下,调查人员可能需要对使用的符号更具创造性。在他们对罗马西班牙阶梯上的小贩和行人的研究中,Günter、Reinink 和 Günter (1978) 开发了一套符号来记录小贩如何摆放他们的商品。

网上找图片165页 Bed/ TV/ Dining table/ Couch
网上找图片 165 页 床/ 电视/ 餐桌/ 沙发

Architectural furniture symbols.
建筑家具符号

If you want to avoid confusion between your observation notes and your reactions to what you saw, you must not analyze them in the field. Provisions must be made to facilitate subsequent analysis.
如果你想避免观察笔记和对所见内容的反应之间产生混淆,就必须避免在实地进行分析。必须做出安排以方便后续分析。

A simple device can facilitate preliminary analysis of field notes with a minimum of fuss: Original notes and diagrams are made on the left half of the notepaper, leaving the right half open for recording hunches and preliminary hypotheses (see “Furniture Layout in El Barrio Apartment,"p.167). A wide margin can be made on any notepaper simply by creasing it.
一个简单的装置可以方便地进行初步的田野笔记分析,而无需过多麻烦:原始笔记和图表记录在便笺纸的左侧,右侧留空用于记录直觉和初步假设(参见“El Barrio 公寓的家具布局”,第 167 页)。只需将任何便笺纸折一下,就可以在上面留出宽边距。

If investigators know the floor plans of the places to be observed beforehand, and if more than one similar place is to be observed or the same place is to be looked at several times, their notepaper can have a floor plan printed on it. This facilitates making notes and ensures comparability of diagrams. This method can be used equally well for interiors, such as offices, waiting rooms, or dwelling units (Zeisel,1973a) and for exteriors, such as playgrounds, street corners, or plazas (Günter et al., 1978).
如果调查人员事先了解要观察地点的平面图,并且要观察多个类似地点或多次观察同一地点,他们的笔记纸上可以印有平面图。这有利于做笔记并确保图表的可比性。这种方法同样适用于室内,例如办公室、候诊室或住宅单元(Zeisel,1973a),以及室外,例如操场、街角或广场(Günter 等,1978)。

图片166页
图 166 页

Ice Cream WAGON
冰淇淋车

MEMORIAL STATUES
纪念雕像

CLOTH ON THE GROMHD
格罗姆德上的布料

FABRICS
织物

JEWELRY
珠宝

LEATHER GOODS
皮具

TABLE
表格

HANGING GO0DS
悬挂货物

TOOLS
工具

PORTFOLIOS
作品集

TRUNKS (FOR GDODS)
儿童用箱子

FLOWERS

STANDS

THURSDAY
星期四

APRIL 211976
1976 年 4 月 21 日

4 PM、SUNNY
下午 4 点,晴天

FLOWER STANDS
花架

FLOWER STANDS
花架

Annotated diagram of Spanish Steps.(From Rome-Spanische Treppe, by R. Günter, W. Reinink, and J. Günter. Copyright 1978by VSA-Verlag, Hamburg. Reprinted by permission.)
西班牙台阶的标注图。(摘自 R. Günter、W. Reinink 和 J. Günter 合著的《罗马-西班牙台阶》,版权所有 1978 年 VSA-Verlag,汉堡。经许可转载。)

图片167页
图片第 167 页

OBSERVATIONS
观察结果

Table to eat at
吃饭的桌子

Free-standing cupboard
独立式橱柜

Curtains drawn
窗帘拉上

Curtain over door
门帘

Pictures on wall
墙上的图片

Four foot high statue of saint covered with clear plastic
四英尺高的圣人雕像,覆盖着透明塑料

COMMENTS
评论

Does the stair location discourage residents from using the furthest door, the one into the living room?
楼梯的位置是否会让居民不愿意使用最远的那扇门,也就是通往客厅的那扇门?

Does the bathroom location next to the kitchen/eating area bother residents?
浴室位置紧邻厨房/用餐区是否会困扰住户?

The kitchen seems to be the main place to eat. Is it big enough?
厨房似乎是主要的用餐场所。它够大吗?

Is the darkness in bedrooms —caused by drawing curtains —for privacy? If so, is it privacy from neighbors looking in or from the rest of the family?
卧室里拉上窗帘造成的黑暗是为了隐私吗?如果是,是为了防止邻居往里看还是为了防止家人往里看?

The living room door permanently covered seems to indicate that the kitchen door is the main and only entrance to the apartment.
客厅门始终被遮盖似乎表明厨房门是公寓的主要且唯一的入口。

Does this mean that most people sit in the kitchen most of the time?
这意味着大多数人大部分时间都坐在厨房里吗?

Pictures, saint, and expensive TV in the living room seem to say “this
客厅里的照片、圣人和昂贵的电视似乎在说“这

room is a revered, special, almost sacred room." Is it?
房间是一个令人敬畏的,特别的,几乎是神圣的房间。”是吗?

Does blocked living room door covered by a curtain mean it
遮着窗帘的客厅门被堵住了,这意味着什么?

is improper to invade the sacred" room?
擅自进入“神圣”的房间是否不妥?

Furniture layout in El Barrio apartment: Sample field notes from Zeisel,1973a.
埃尔巴里奥公寓的家具布局:来自齐塞尔 1973a 年的田野笔记样本。

Drawings
图纸

If observers have the skill to make sketches of the traces they see, the time it takes may well be worthwhile. Drawings can be extremely useful in final reports because they are highly imageable and inexpensive to reproduce.
如果观察者有能力绘制他们所见痕迹的草图,那么花费的时间很可能是值得的。图纸在最终报告中非常有用,因为它们极具图像性且复制成本低廉。

Photographs
照片

Photographs of physical traces taken at the beginning of a research project can give all parties working on it an initial overview of the types of things they are likely to see in the field. Discussion among team members of photographs projected on a screen or wall can quickly generate hypotheses about issues that may be fruitful for further study. A group can leisurely discuss what behavior a trace might reflect and what intent might be behind it. For these reasons, it is generally valuable to document both easily photographed outdoor and indoor traces. Photographs are particularly valuable if the research site is not easily accessible because it is too far away, requires special permission to visit, or is altogether temporary (for example, a circus).
在研究项目开始时拍摄的物理痕迹照片可以为所有参与者提供对他们在野外可能看到的物体类型的初步概览。团队成员围绕投影在屏幕或墙壁上的照片进行讨论可以快速生成关于可能值得进一步研究的议题的假设。一个小组可以悠闲地讨论痕迹可能反映的行为以及背后的意图。因此,记录容易拍摄的户外和室内痕迹通常都是有价值的。如果研究地点难以到达,例如距离太远、需要特别许可才能访问或完全是临时的(例如,马戏团),那么照片就特别有价值。

Investigators who expect to count traces—to use the method quantitatively—first analyze photographs of observations to decide on the categories in which to count. Photographs can be used as stimuli in focused interviews, to determine the categories respondents use when they see such things. At the end of a project, photographs are excellent to illustrate verbal presentations of findings. These qualities hold for photographs in any observation research, whether they are pictures of physical traces or behavior.
预期使用定量方法统计痕迹的调查人员,首先会分析观察照片,以确定统计的类别。照片可以用作集中访谈的刺激材料,以确定受访者在看到此类事物时使用的类别。在项目结束时,照片非常适合说明对研究结果的口头陈述。这些特点适用于任何观察研究中的照片,无论是物理痕迹的照片还是行为的照片。

In the field several rules of thumb and a few tricks may save time money, and embarrassment. Expensive cameras are seldom more useful as research tools than inexpensive ones. Researchers need to take some photographs themselves because they know what to record for analysis—what to include in the picture and what to leave out. For illustrative photographs, one can hire a professional photographer (or choose the most skilled researcher) to take photos. Even then the researcher will have to tell the professional precisely what to photograph. With digital photography, such problems are less critical because amateurs can often take good photos, especially if they take a large number and delete those that are badly exposed or have not captured the required data.
在野外,一些经验法则和技巧可以节省时间、金钱和尴尬。昂贵的相机作为研究工具,很少比廉价相机更有用。研究人员需要自己拍摄一些照片,因为他们知道要记录什么以便分析——照片中要包含什么,要排除什么。对于说明性照片,可以雇佣专业摄影师(或选择最熟练的研究人员)来拍摄照片。即使如此,研究人员也必须准确地告诉专业人士要拍摄什么。有了数码摄影,这类问题就不那么关键了,因为业余爱好者通常可以拍出好照片,特别是如果他们拍了很多照片,然后删除曝光不良或没有捕捉到所需数据的照片。

Digital photography offers great advantages. Photographs can be downloaded onto laptops in the field and immediately made available to all team members for analysis and discussion. Viewed in this way, photographs enable all members of a research group to participate in initial visits to the site. In addition to being convenient and captivating during oral presentations, digital photographs can be easily grouped and regrouped for analysis on the computer. By downloading on site, you can be sure that you have all the data you need before leaving a site. When you want to make a presentation shortly after making observations, such photographs are a lifesaver.
数码摄影提供了巨大的优势。照片可以在野外下载到笔记本电脑上,并立即提供给所有团队成员进行分析和讨论。从这个角度来看,照片使研究小组的所有成员都能参与到对现场的初步访问中。除了在口头演示中方便且引人入胜之外,数码照片还可以轻松地在计算机上进行分组和重新分组以进行分析。通过在现场下载,您可以确保在离开现场之前拥有所有需要的数据。当您想在观察后不久进行演示时,这些照片就是救星。

Counting
计数

Certain traces yield their full value only when their quantity is taken into account. In such situations it will suffice to record one or two examples in detail and count the rest. For example, in a housing project where some families have fenced in their backyards and some have not. photographs of a few yards along with a careful count will do the job.
某些痕迹只有在数量被考虑时才能发挥其全部价值。在这种情况下,详细记录一两个例子并统计其余部分就足够了。例如,在一个住房项目中,一些家庭在后院围上了篱笆,而另一些则没有。几张院子的照片加上仔细的统计就足够了。

If you know what you want to count beforehand, pre-coded counting pads or checklists can be arranged—possibly linked to the site plan for accurate location data.
如果您事先知道要统计什么,可以安排预先编码的计数垫或清单,这些计数垫或清单可能与场地平面图相关联,以获得准确的位置数据。

Equally important to choosing appropriate categories is intersubjectivity of the categories among observers. Each member of an observation team faced with the same physical trace ought to record it as a trace in the same category if data are to be comparable. To achieve a degree of intersubjectivity, observers in the U.S. housing census are shown photographs representing distinct levels—and therefore categories—of housing deterioration. On the basis of these exemplars this very large group is expected to develop a shared way of looking, at least to some extent.
与选择适当类别同等重要的是观察者之间对类别的互主观性。如果数据要具有可比性,面对相同物理痕迹的观察团队中的每个成员都应该将其记录为同一类别的痕迹。为了实现一定程度的互主观性,美国住房普查的观察员会看到代表不同级别(因此是不同类别)的住房劣化程度的照片。在这个基础上,这个庞大的群体预计会发展出一种共同的观察方式,至少在一定程度上是如此。

Another practical way to develop intersubjectivity among investigators is to take them on a site visit to settings similar to those at the research site. Through group discussion they can learn from one another and arrive at a consensus of how items they see would be recorded.
另一种培养研究人员之间主体间性的实用方法是带他们实地考察与研究地点类似的场所。通过小组讨论,他们可以互相学习并达成一致意见,即如何记录他们所见到的物品。

Each method of recording traces catches another dimension of the trace and provides researchers with new data.
每种记录痕迹的方法都捕捉到痕迹的另一个维度,并为研究人员提供新的数据。

WHAT TO LOOK FOR
寻找什么

What an investigator chooses to observe depends on what he wants to do with the data he gathers. If I want to identify my wife in a crowd, I will notice only attractive women with short hair. If you want a police officer in New York City, you will look for and "see only people in dark blue uniforms.
调查人员选择观察什么取决于他想用收集到的数据做什么。如果我想在一群人中认出我的妻子,我只会注意到留着短发的漂亮女人。如果你想在纽约市找警察,你只会寻找和“看到”穿着深蓝色制服的人。

The following categories for looking at and gathering data about physical traces are organized to increase designers' control over the behavioral effects and side effects of their decisions and to increase people's own control over their relation to the environment. Both these purposes are means to another end: increasing everyone's ability to intervene through design and make settings better suited to what people actually do. These purposes translate into questions such as: How do environments create opportunities for people? Where do people and their surroundings impinge on each other? Where do they limit each other? How do people use the environment as means to an end? And to what ends? What design skills do people have? How do they manipulate their surroundings? How do people change environments to meet their needs? What takes place in particular settings? To answer these questions, the following organization for observing physical traces is useful.
以下关于观察和收集物理痕迹的类别,旨在增强设计师对其决策的行为影响和副作用的控制,并增强人们对自身与环境关系的控制。这两个目的都是为了实现另一个目标:增强每个人通过设计进行干预的能力,使环境更适合人们的实际行为。这些目的转化为以下问题:环境如何为人们创造机会?人们及其周围环境在哪里相互影响?它们在哪些地方相互限制?人们如何利用环境作为达到目的的手段?以及为了什么目的?人们拥有哪些设计技能?他们如何操控周围环境?人们如何改变环境以满足他们的需求?在特定环境中发生了什么?为了回答这些问题,以下关于观察物理痕迹的组织方式非常有用。

Physical Traces to Look for
寻找的物理痕迹

By-products of Use
使用副产品

Erosions
侵蚀

Leftovers
剩菜

Missing traces
缺失的痕迹

Adaptations for Use
使用适应性

Props
道具

Separations
分离

Connections
连接

Displays of Self
自我展示

Personalization
个性化

Identification
识别

Group membership
群体归属感

Public Messages
公共信息

Official
官方

Unofficial
非官方的

Illegitimate
非法的

By-products of use, the first category, reflect what people do in settings—such traces as litter or worn spots left behind by someone who used, misused, or failed to use a place. The other three categories represent things people do to settings. Adaptations for use changes that users make to an environment so it is better suited to something they want to do: building a fence, breaking down a wall, changing a lawn into a patio. Displays of self are changes people make to establish some place as their own, to make it express who they are personally: flags or religious symbols on front lawns; mementos of trips on windowsills. Public messages are changes such as wall posters and graffiti by which people use environments to communicate with a large public audience, sometimes anonymously.
使用副产品是第一类,反映了人们在环境中所做的事情——例如,有人使用、误用或未能使用某个地方留下的垃圾或磨损痕迹。另外三类代表了人们对环境所做的事情。适应使用是用户对环境所做的改变,使其更适合他们想做的事情:建围栏、拆墙、把草坪改成露台。自我展示是人们为了将某个地方确立为自己的地方而做出的改变,使它表达他们个人的身份:前院的旗帜或宗教符号;窗台上的旅行纪念品。公共信息是人们利用环境与广大公众交流的改变,例如墙上的海报和涂鸦,有时是匿名进行的。

What you look for depends on what you want to do with the data. Ruesch and Kees, in their perceptive book Nonverbal Communication (1970), describe using data on facial expressions, body movement, and physical traces to understand how people communicate without words. Their emphasis on communication leads them to underplay traces in the categories of adaptations for use and by-products of use but provide a more detailed analytic scheme for displays of self. Another important description of how to observe physical traces is included in Unobtrusive Measures (1966). In this work. Webb et al describe the usefulness of a range of measures—for example. counting bottles in garbage cans to see how much people drink, observing litter in the park, and analyzing suicide notes. The categories they develop are not all equally suited to solving E-B questions. For example, they use the erm accretion to describe any type of physical trace left behind, without specifying the manner in which it was left—the actor's environmental intent. All but one of the categories discussed in the following pages and several discussed in Chapter 14, on archival methods, are examples of accretion. For clarity I have avoided the use of this important but broad term.
你想要用数据做什么,取决于你想从数据中寻找什么。鲁施和基斯在他们有见地的著作《非语言沟通》(1970)中,描述了如何利用面部表情、肢体语言和身体痕迹的数据来理解人们如何在不使用语言的情况下进行沟通。他们对沟通的强调导致他们低估了适应性使用和使用副产品的痕迹,但为自我展示提供了更详细的分析方案。另一个关于如何观察物理痕迹的重要描述包含在《非侵入性测量》(1966)中。在这项工作中,韦伯等人描述了一系列测量的实用性——例如,统计垃圾桶里的瓶子数量以了解人们的饮酒量,观察公园里的垃圾,以及分析自杀遗书。他们提出的类别并不都同样适合解决 E-B 问题。例如,他们使用“累积”一词来描述任何类型的物理痕迹,而没有具体说明它是如何留下的——行为者的环境意图。以下各页讨论的类别中,除了一个类别,以及第 14 章关于档案方法中讨论的几个类别,都是累积的例子。 为了清晰起见,我避免使用这个重要但范围广泛的术语。

By-products of Use
使用副产品

Fictional detectives like Sherlock Holmes. Miss Marple. Hercule Poirot, and Lord Peter Wimsey are masters at detecting and correctly interpreting side effects of behavior—worn-away stair treads, a smudge on a door or a glass wiped suspiciously clean of fingerprints. These examples represent three types of by-products: erosions, leftovers, and missing traces.
像夏洛克·福尔摩斯、马普尔小姐、赫尔克里·波洛和彼得·温西姆勋爵这样的虚构侦探,擅长发现和正确解读行为的副作用——磨损的楼梯踏板、门上的污点或被可疑地擦拭干净的指纹。这些例子代表了三种类型的副产品:侵蚀、残留物和缺失的痕迹。

Erosions. Use can wear away parts of the environment, as when grass is trampled where people walk from a parking lot to a nearby building entrance or grooves are cut into the top of a butcher's block table. Some erosion traces, such as the scars in the butcher's table, indicate to the interested researcher that planned and predicted activities have taken place; others indicate that the environment is being used in a new way, such as the path across the lawn. Because most environments sustain some wear and tear, observers must be careful to distinguish between erosion traces that signify bad design, those that reflect uses designers planned for and traces left when new and appropriate activities took place. Observing erosion traces and by-products of use can be the first step in finding out what those who use the setting feel about it.
• 侵蚀。使用会磨损环境的一部分,例如人们从停车场走到附近建筑物入口时踩踏草坪,或者在屠夫案板的顶部切出凹槽。一些侵蚀痕迹,例如屠夫案板上的伤疤,表明有计划和预测的活动已经发生;另一些则表明环境正在以新的方式被使用,例如穿过草坪的小路。由于大多数环境都会承受一些磨损,观察者必须注意区分表明设计不良的侵蚀痕迹、反映设计师计划使用的痕迹以及新活动发生时留下的痕迹。观察侵蚀痕迹和使用副产品可能是找出使用者对环境感受的第一步。

图片171页
图 171 页

Erosions
侵蚀

Left: Shortcut path in the snow, New York, New York.
左:纽约州纽约市雪地里的捷径。

Right: Well-used bathroom door in architect's office, London, United Kingdom.
英国伦敦建筑师办公室里,一扇使用频繁的浴室门。

Leftovers. As the result of some activities, physical objects get left behind: cigarettes in ashtrays after a party, dishtowels hung on kitchen-cabinet knobs next to a sink, open cans of food stored on windowsills in a veterans' residence. Like erosions, leftovers may indicate activities that have been planned for, such as parties, and unplanned for, such as residents eating soup in their rooms. Such leftovers as the dishtowel, however, tell you about planned-for activities that have unplanned-for side effects—in this case the need for towel storage.
• 剩余物。某些活动结束后,会留下一些实物:派对结束后烟灰缸里的香烟,厨房水槽旁橱柜把手上的抹布,退伍军人住处窗台上放着开着的罐头食品。如同侵蚀作用,剩余物可能表明已经计划好的活动,例如派对,以及未计划好的活动,例如住客在房间里吃汤。然而,像抹布这样的剩余物,告诉你关于计划好的活动产生的非计划后果——在这种情况下,需要存放毛巾。

图片172页
图 172 页

Leftovers
剩菜

Left: Indicator of indoor smoking ban, New York, New York.
左:纽约州纽约市室内禁烟标志。

Right: Indicator of coffee with a view at Kahn's Salk Institute, La Jolla, California.
右:加州拉霍亚凯恩·萨尔克研究所咖啡与景观指示牌。

Leftovers help to locate (1) places that accommodate planned-for activities (2) places that only partly accommodate expected activities, and (3) places that are used in unanticipated ways.
剩余空间有助于定位 (1) 容纳计划活动的场所 (2) 部分容纳预期活动的场所,以及 (3) 以意想不到的方式使用的场所。

• Missing traces. Erosions and leftovers in settings tell us about what people do. When we see neither of these, or even very few such traces, it tells us about what people do not do. Apartment balconies with neither a chair to sit on nor a barbecue stored for the winter and an office with nothing on the walls or table to betray the occupant's individuality demonstrate missing traces.
• 缺失的痕迹。环境中的侵蚀和残留物告诉我们人们在做什么。当我们看不到这些痕迹,甚至很少看到这些痕迹时,它告诉我们人们没有做什么。没有椅子可坐的公寓阳台,没有存放过冬的烧烤架,以及墙壁或桌子上没有任何东西来暴露住户个性的办公室,都体现了缺失的痕迹。

Inquiring about why traces are missing can uncover seemingly irrelevant physical design decisions that limit behavior. For example, some balconies have bars spaced so wide apart that families with small children are afraid to use them. Sometimes missing traces are explained when researchers probe rules about how a place may be used, for example, No family photos allowed on office walls. Asking why may lead to answers that are not very useful: "The apartment is vacant because tenants just moved out.” But it may also lead quickly to fruitful insights, because not using an available space is quite a strange thing to do.
询问为何缺少痕迹可以揭示看似无关紧要的物理设计决策,这些决策限制了行为。例如,一些阳台的栏杆间距过大,以至于有小孩的家庭不敢使用。有时,当研究人员探究关于场所使用规则时,会解释缺失的痕迹,例如,“办公室墙壁上不允许张贴家庭照片”。询问“为什么”可能会导致一些不太有用的答案:“公寓空置是因为租户刚搬出去。”但它也可能迅速导致富有成效的见解,因为不使用可用空间是一件非常奇怪的事情。

图片172页
图 172 页

Missing traces
缺失的痕迹

Left: Is there something wrong with the balcony? London, United Kingdom.
左边:阳台有什么问题吗?伦敦,英国。

Right: Is the teacher not there or is school not in session? Montreal, Quebec.
右边:老师不在,还是学校不上课?蒙特利尔,魁北克。

Adaptations for Use
使用适应性

When some people find that their physical environment does not accommodate something they want to do, they change it: they become designers. Some professional designers try to predetermine as little as they can in buildings and other facilities so that residents have the greatest opportunity to join in design by adapting the setting the way they want (Habraken,1972; Turner,1972; Wampler,1968). At the other extreme are designers who try to plan for everything they think will occur—from built-in furniture to the color of curtains. The former is called “loose-fit" design, the latter “tight-fit." But no matter what the original designer wants or expects, people who use environments redesign them. Researchers and professional designers can learn a great deal from this adaptive redesigning.
当有些人发现他们的物理环境无法满足他们想做的事情时,他们会改变它:他们成为了设计师。一些专业设计师试图在建筑和其他设施中尽可能少地预先确定,以便居民有机会通过以他们想要的方式调整环境来参与设计(Habraken 1972; Turner, 1972; Wampler 1968)。另一个极端是,设计师试图规划他们认为会发生的一切,从内置家具到窗帘的颜色。前者被称为“松散式”设计,后者被称为“紧密式”。但无论最初的设计师想要什么或期望什么,使用环境的人都会重新设计它们。研究人员和专业设计师可以从这种适应性重新设计中学习很多东西。

Adaptive traces are significant for designers because they are direct manifestations of design by users. They take place in the fuzzy area between what professional and lay designers do. Such traces are difficult to interpret, but one does not have to estimate whether they will lead to action, as one does with attitudes.
自适应痕迹对设计师来说意义重大,因为它们是用户设计行为的直接体现。它们存在于专业设计师和非专业设计师之间模糊的领域。这类痕迹难以解读,但无需像解读态度那样去估计它们是否会带来行动。

People change settings to better support activities: to facilitate and sustain them. They may remove inappropriate props, such as built-in lights that are not adjustable, or add new ones, such as a backyard barbecue pit to make eating outdoors easier. For the same ends, they can alter the relations among settings—creating both new connections and separations, such as windows and walls.
人们改变环境设置以更好地支持活动:促进和维持活动。他们可能会移除不合适的道具,例如不可调节的内置灯光,或者添加新的道具,例如后院烧烤炉,以便更容易在户外用餐。为了同样的目的,他们可以改变环境之间的关系——创造新的连接和分离,例如窗户和墙壁。

● Props. When users add objects to or remove objects from a setting, they create new opportunities for activity. Inasmuch as the objects support activities, we can think of them as staging props purposefully arranged by users, such as a wood-burning stove installed in someone's apartment living room or play equipment added to an empty lot to change it into a playground.
● 道具。当用户向场景添加或移除物体时,他们会创造新的活动机会。由于物体支持活动,我们可以将它们视为用户有目的地安排的舞台道具,例如在某人的公寓客厅安装一个燃木炉或在空地上添加游乐设备,将其变成游乐场。

New props may have been added because users or uses have changed or because certain activities were overlooked or considered unaffordable in original designs. Props added for either reason may reflect a particular user's idiosyncratic wants, such as the living-room stove, or they may reflect more normative behavior common to a larger group.
由于用户或使用方式发生变化,或者在最初的设计中忽略或认为某些活动负担不起,因此可能添加了新的道具。出于任何原因添加的道具可能反映了特定用户的独特需求,例如客厅的炉子,或者它们可能反映了更大群体中更规范的行为。

图片173页
图 173 页

Props
道具

Left: Bike rack supports riding to work at Natural Resources Defense Council. New York, New York.
左侧:自然资源保护委员会自行车架,支持骑行上班。纽约,纽约。

Right: Added garden trellis extends planting options, Montreal, Quebec.
右侧:新增的花园格架扩展了种植选择,蒙特利尔,魁北克。

图片174页
图 174 页

Separation
分离

Left: Added privacy for ground-floor garden, Sydney, Australia.
左:为悉尼底层花园增加隐私。

Right: Barriers keep cars off park steps but let people in, Sydney, Australia.
右侧:路障阻止汽车驶入公园台阶,但允许行人通行,悉尼,澳大利亚。

Separations. Changes may separate spaces that formerly existed together, increasing such qualities as privacy, control, and darkness or more sharply dividing territories; examples are ground-floor apartments with covered windows, stones along a property line, and Keep Out signs on back doors of buildings.
● 分隔。变化可能会将原本连在一起的空间分隔开来,从而增加隐私、控制和黑暗等品质,或更清晰地划分区域;例如,带有遮蔽窗户的一层公寓、沿财产线排列的石头以及建筑物后门上的“禁止入内”标志。

Separations can be particularly informative about side effects of design decisions. The parking areas in the interior of Castle Square, a housing project in Boston's South End, were officially deeded to the city so that it would maintain them, plow them, and pick up garbage on them. But as an unanticipated side effect, people who work in the surrounding neighborhood park there during the day and sometimes all weekend. Residents feel that this infringes on their informal right to park their cars just in front of their houses, so they place wooden sawhorses across the parking places in front of their doors to stop other people from parking there.
隔离可以特别有效地揭示设计决策的副作用。波士顿南端住宅项目城堡广场内部的停车场正式转让给城市,以便城市维护、清理积雪和收集垃圾。但作为一项意想不到的副作用,周边街区工作的居民白天,有时甚至整个周末都将车停在那里。居民认为这侵犯了他们在自家门前停车的非正式权利,因此他们在自家门前停车位上放置木马,阻止其他人停车。

Separations do not necessarily block physical movement or all the senses at once. They may, for example, be only visual (an opaque cardboard wall around a work area), auditory (a blaring radio in an office so nobody can overhear a conversation), olfactory (a fan to keep kitchen smells out of the living room), or symbolic (a three-inch-high brick border around a front yard).
隔离并不一定完全阻断物理移动或所有感官。例如,隔离可以是视觉上的(工作区周围的不透明纸板墙),听觉上的(办公室里响亮的收音机,使人无法听到谈话),嗅觉上的(一个风扇将厨房气味挡在客厅外),或象征性的(前院周围三英寸高的砖块边界)。

• Connections. Physical adaptations for use may connect two places, enabling people to interact in new ways: holes that teenagers strategically cut in a playground fence so they can enter without walking to a distant gate; or passthroughs cut in walls between living rooms and windowless kitchens to provide a view out when residents eat in the kitchen. Buildings converted to restaurants often have windows cut into swinging kitchen doors so that servers can avoid bumping into each other when coming from opposite directions.
• 连接。用于使用的物理适应性可以连接两个地方,使人们能够以新的方式互动:青少年在操场围栏上战略性地切开的洞,以便他们可以进入而无需走到遥远的门口;或者在客厅和无窗厨房之间的墙壁上切开的通道,以便居民在厨房吃饭时可以欣赏到外面的景色。改建成餐厅的建筑物通常会在旋转的厨房门上切开窗户,以便服务员从相反的方向走来时不会互相撞到。

Connections that users of a facility make can indicate that the original designer overlooked a common behavior that requires being able to move see, hear, or talk between spaces or that such activity has developed since the place was designed (as with the window in a swinging restaurant door). Of course, sometimes users may want a connection that setting managers do not. An example would be hack-sawed bars on a prison-cell window after a jailbreak.
用户在设施中建立的连接可能表明原始设计师忽略了一种常见的行为,这种行为需要能够在空间之间移动、看、听或说话,或者这种活动是在场所设计后发展起来的(例如,旋转餐厅门上的窗户)。当然,有时用户可能想要一种设置经理不想要的连接。例如,越狱后监狱牢房窗户上的锯开的栏杆。

图片175
图 175 页

Connections
连接

Left: Construction ramp connects street and sidewalk, Edinburgh, Scotland.
左侧:苏格兰爱丁堡,连接街道和人行道的施工坡道。

Right: Kitchen-to-dining-room pass-through connects rooms, Montreal, Canada.
右侧:厨房到餐厅的通道连接房间,蒙特利尔,加拿大。

Displays of Self
自我展示

Residents change environments to put their stamp on them—to say "This 1smine and it says something about me.” Displays of self may be directed toward other people, but just as often the changes mean something mainly to the person who makes them: mementos of trips, family portraits, doll collections. Displays may help others identify a person's environment such as name plaques on the front door or may tell people about the person by announcing her group memberships.
居民改变环境是为了在上面留下自己的印记——为了说“这是我的,它也说明了一些关于我的事情。” 自我展示可能针对其他人,但同样常见的是,这些改变主要对做出改变的人有意义:旅行纪念品、全家福、玩偶收藏。 展示可以帮助他人识别一个人的环境,例如前门的姓名牌,或者可以通过宣布她的群体成员来告诉人们关于这个人。

● Personalization. People use environments to express their uniqueness and individuality by using a certain style of furniture in the living room, placing trinkets on the windowsill, or, in the case of office workers, placing silly signs on their desks. Each such use shows how someone is different from his neighbor—in taste, in personality, and in habits.
● 个性化。人们利用环境来表达自己的独特性和个性,例如在客厅使用某种风格的家具,在窗台上摆放小饰品,或者,对于办公室职员来说,在办公桌上摆放一些滑稽的标志。每一种使用方式都体现了某人与邻居的不同之处——在品味、性格和习惯方面。

图片175页
图 175 页

Personalization
个性化

Left: Desk clutter and photos are uniquely this author's, Lexington, Massachusetts.
左边:桌子上的杂物和照片是作者独有的,拍摄于马萨诸塞州莱克星顿。

Right: PEZ dispenser collection is uniquely this architect's, Venice, California.
对:PEZ 糖果盒收藏是这位建筑师的独有收藏,位于加利福尼亚州威尼斯。

To show off personalization traces and other displays of self, people find and make such display cases as windows, walls, doorways, car bumpers, shelves, and window ledges in almost any kind of setting, from offices to homes, from hospitals to schools. By observing how parts of the environment are useful as display cases, one can improve his ability to design environments that provide opportunities for displays of self.
为了展示个性化痕迹和其他自我展示,人们在几乎任何环境中,从办公室到住处,从医院到学校,都寻找并制作了窗户、墙壁、门道、汽车保险杠、架子和窗台等展示柜。通过观察环境的哪些部分可用作展示柜,人们可以提高设计环境的能力,从而为自我展示提供机会。

•Identification. People use their environments to enable others to identify them more easily, like schools putting students' names on lockers, or homeowners putting their initials on commercially bought awnings. Such markings GLR are people's individual street signs, even if they are just numbers: house numbers, office numbers, cell numbers.
•识别。人们利用环境来方便他人识别自己,例如学校在储物柜上贴上学生的姓名,或者房主在商业购买的遮阳篷上写上自己的姓名首字母。这些标记就像人们的个人街道指示牌,即使它们只是数字:门牌号、办公室号码、手机号码。

图片176页
图 176 页

Identification
识别

Left: Numbers on the stairs identify the houses, Woburn, Massachusetts.
左侧:楼梯上的数字标识着房屋,马萨诸塞州沃伯恩。

Right: Photo and memento magnets identify this assisted-living resident, Palisades, New York.
右边:照片和纪念磁铁标明了这位位于纽约帕利塞德的辅助生活居民。

Who leaves a trace can be significant. If a student writes his name with felt-tip pen on a school locker, the locker might mean something to him. How important is a home territory like this to him? Felt-tip ink is difficult to remove. Did he do this on purpose to leave his mark for the next student? Would he use or a nametag provided by the administration? If so, what would he feel about it? More important, what would this indicate about the relationship between students and administrators?
谁会留下痕迹,这可能很重要。如果一个学生用毡尖笔在学校的储物柜上写下自己的名字,这个储物柜可能对他来说意义重大。这样的“地盘”对他来说有多重要?毡尖墨水很难去除。他这样做是为了给下一位学生留下自己的印记吗?他会使用学校提供的姓名牌吗?如果是,他会对此有什么感觉?更重要的是,这将表明学生和管理人员之间存在什么样的关系?

The permanence of a trace may also be significant. Does the name of a family etched into the wood of their front door mean they hold different attitudes toward the neighborhood than their neighbors whose name is spelled out with store-bought plastic letters on the lawn? The family with plastic letters may feel no less permanent, but have greater respect for wooden doors.
痕迹的持久性也可能很重要。在一个家庭将自己的名字刻在他们家门前的木头上,这是否意味着他们对社区的态度与那些在草坪上用商店购买的塑料字母拼写名字的邻居不同?用塑料字母的家庭可能不会感到不那么持久,但他们可能对木门更有尊重。

• Group membership. In addition to displaying their individuality, people also display their membership in formal religious, academic, fraternal, political ethnic, cultural, and professional groups and organizations. The presence of religious statues on front lawns, professional diplomas on living-room walls, ethnic dolls in windows, pictures of President Clinton or President Bush in someone's home, or awards for reaching a sales quota in someone's office all tell you about the groups with which an individual identifies. Group-membership signs are often carried around on more mobile display cases such as car bumpers, high school jackets with emblems, and T-shirts.
• 群体归属感。除了展示个人特质,人们还会展示他们在正式的宗教、学术、兄弟会、政治、种族、文化和专业团体及组织中的成员身份。前院的宗教雕像、客厅墙壁上的专业文凭、窗户里的民族玩偶、家里总统克林顿或总统布什的照片,或办公室里达到销售配额的奖项,都告诉了你个人认同的群体。群体归属感的标志通常被带在更便携的展示箱上,比如汽车保险杠、带有徽章的高中夹克和 T 恤。

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图片第 177 页

Group membership
群体归属感

Left: Virgin Mary shrine in bedroom indicates religious membership, Vancouver, Canada.
左侧:卧室里的圣母玛利亚神龛表明宗教信仰,加拿大温哥华。

Right: An enthusiastic group—Boston Red Sox baseball fans, Woburn, Massachusetts.
右边:一群热情洋溢的波士顿红袜棒球迷,马萨诸塞州沃伯恩。

Observers can easily overlook group-membership traces of unfamiliar groups. For example, hot-rod owners identify themselves by extra-wide wheels on their cars featuring the manufacturer's name in large, raised, white letters. This practice is derived from actual racecar drivers, who are paid to advertise brand names on their cars and hence have wheels like this. Such signs of group identifi-cation can be meant mainly for other group members. To attune yourself to see traces like these with in-group meanings, you can assume that dis- played objects you see have such meanings and then ask about them.
观察者很容易忽略不熟悉群体的群体成员身份痕迹。例如,热棒车主通过汽车上超宽的车轮来识别自己,这些车轮上印有制造商的名称,用大而突出的白色字母。这种做法源于真正的赛车手,他们被付费在他们的汽车上做广告,因此他们的车轮是这样的。这种群体身份的标志可能主要针对其他群体成员。为了让自己能够看到这些带有群体含义的痕迹,你可以假设你看到的展示的物体具有这样的含义,然后询问它们。

Public Messages
公共信息

Physical environments can be used to communicate to the public at large. Most, but not all, public messages appear in public places.
物理环境可以用来向公众传达信息。大多数,但并非所有,公共信息都出现在公共场所。

* Official. Probably the most frequently seen public messages are official ones erected by institutions, which may even pay for the right to do so. These include advertising signs, the names of commercial establishments, and street signs. They reflect official uses of settings—the behavior of paying clients.
* 官方。最常见的公共信息可能是机构发布的官方信息,甚至可能付费获得发布权。这些信息包括广告牌、商业机构名称和街道标识。它们反映了环境的官方用途——付费客户的行为。

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图片 177 页 2

Official public messages
官方公告

Left: Mind the Gap" warning in a London tube station, Barons Court, London.
伦敦巴伦斯法院地铁站的“小心间隙”警示牌。

Right: Multiple signs minimize clutter, Sydney, Australia.
右:多个标志减少混乱,悉尼,澳大利亚。

Official public messages usually appear in environments designed for a specific purpose. The private right to display official public messages is increasingly being challenged by the public asserting its right not to see them.
官方公共信息通常出现在为特定目的而设计的环境中。公众越来越挑战在私人场所展示官方公共信息的权利,声称他们有权不看到这些信息。

Unofficial. Individuals and groups also communicate publicly by means of settings not designed specifically for communication. Unofficial messages usually announce short-term events and are often accepted and even expected on surfaces in public places; they include items like theater placards on wooden walls surrounding construction sites, political posters stapled to telephone poles, and "Lost Cat" announcements taped to Laundromat windows.
● 非官方。个人和团体也通过非专门为交流而设计的环境进行公开交流。非官方信息通常宣布短期事件,并且经常被接受,甚至在公共场所的表面上被期望;它们包括诸如建筑工地周围木墙上的剧院海报、钉在电话杆上的政治海报以及贴在自助洗衣店窗户上的“失猫”公告之类的物品。

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图 178.1

Unofficial public messages
非官方公开信息

Left: Notices posted on a bike rack, Montreal, Canada.
左侧:加拿大蒙特利尔自行车架上的告示。

Right: “No Dumping" message seems to have little effect, Chinatown, Toronto, Canada.
右边:“禁止倾倒”的标语似乎效果甚微,多伦多唐人街,加拿大。

Informal public messages tell investigators about such things as cultural events taking place in an area, the proportion of students living there, and political activity. Some bookstores and supermarkets establish bulletin boards for such messages. But the usual traces left from unofficial public communications are shreds of paper stuck to lampposts, brick walls, and newspaper stands.
非正式的公共信息告诉调查人员有关该地区发生的文化活动、学生比例和政治活动等信息。一些书店和超市设立了公告栏供此类信息使用。但非官方公共交流留下的痕迹通常是粘在灯柱、砖墙和报摊上的纸片。

•Illegitimate. Unplanned messages to the general public, for which environmental adaptive changes are not made, are seldom if ever approved of, and are considered by many to be illegitimate uses of public environments. The most frequent example of illegitimate public messages is graffiti. Political graffiti with antiauthority slogans often appears in prominent public places. Members of teenage gangs in large cities stake out their turf hv writing their names and street numbers on walls.
• 非法。未经计划的公众信息,未进行环境适应性改变,很少获得批准,甚至从未获得批准,被许多人认为是非法使用公共环境。非法公共信息最常见的例子是涂鸦。带有反权威口号的政治涂鸦经常出现在显眼的地方。大城市里的青少年帮派成员会在墙上写下他们的名字和街道号码来划分地盘。

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图片第 178 页,第 2 部分

Illegitimate public messages: 重试    错误原因

Left: Decorative graffiti are not allowed yet are universally tolerated, Sydney, Australia.
左侧:装饰性涂鸦不被允许,但普遍容忍,悉尼,澳大利亚。

Right: Initials scrawled on a wall establish territory, Montreal, Canada.
右:墙壁上潦草的姓名缩写标明了领地,蒙特利尔,加拿大。

The term illegitimate as I am using it here does not imply a value judgment. It merely refers to official disapproval of the activity. Those who engage in the activity may find it completely legitimate. For example, students almost everywhere paint hockey goals and strike zones on school walls to enable themselves to play games. They consider such lines as legitimate as the neatly painted official lines on the basketball court (Zeisel,1976a). Others may consider the lines attacks on society.
我在这里使用的“非法”一词并不意味着价值判断。它仅仅指的是官方对该活动的反对。从事该活动的人可能会认为它是完全合法的。例如,几乎所有地方的学生都在学校墙壁上绘制曲棍球球门和打击区,以便自己玩游戏。他们认为这些线条与篮球场上整齐绘制的官方线条一样合法(Zeisel,1976a)。其他人可能认为这些线条是对社会的攻击。

Such “illegitimate” expression may have useful social side effects. Gang graffiti, by establishing territorial boundaries. may reduce gang conflict; and political slogans give minority political groups visibility.
这种“非正规”表达可能具有有益的社会副作用。帮派涂鸦通过建立地盘界限,可能减少帮派冲突;而政治口号则使少数民族政治团体获得可见度。

Context
语境

Traces clarify their context and are clarified by them. A square painted on a wall may mean nothing, but near a school it is a stickball strike zone and signifies that the area is used for street games. When looking at physical traces, researchers must keep in mind that they are trying to look beyond the trace itself to understand a larger picture. That larger picture can emerge only if one sees the context of what is observed.
痕迹阐明其语境,并被其语境所阐明。墙上画的正方形可能毫无意义,但在学校附近,它就是一个棒球击球区,表明该区域被用于街头游戏。在研究物质痕迹时,研究人员必须牢记,他们试图超越痕迹本身,以理解更大的图景。只有看到观察对象的语境,才能显现出更大的图景。

PHYSICAL TRACES UPDATE
实物痕迹更新

Environment-behavior studies have tended to employ physical trace observation to gain unobtrusive insight into the meaning or use of environments so that quantitative methods could later be used to measure the frequency of traces and related attitudes. Recently, researchers employ physical trace observation to collect data that are useful in their own right and equal in analytic weight and importance to other more traditional quantitative methods like questionnaires. Brown et al. (2003) and Saegert et al. (2002), which are discussed below, illustrate this.
环境行为研究倾向于采用物理痕迹观察来获得对环境意义或用途的非侵入性洞察,以便随后利用定量方法来测量痕迹的频率和相关态度。近年来,研究人员采用物理痕迹观察来收集本身有用的数据,这些数据在分析权重和重要性方面与其他更传统的定量方法(如问卷调查)相当。以下将讨论 Brown 等人 (2003) 和 Saegert 等人 (2002),它们对此进行了说明。

Physical trace observations are being made with greater assurance. Early E-B studies described physical traces observation with tentative phrases such as: “This observation seems to indicate that the user may have used the environment in such and such a way." Today's author writes with greater assurance: “In support of [interview data that show wheelchair-bound patients and staff have no problems with wheelchair access] behavior trace analysis performed after a wet morning showed wheelchair tracks going all around the garden over both concrete and decomposed granite surfaces"(Whitehouse et al.,2001).
对物理痕迹的观察正变得更加有把握。早期的 E-B 研究用诸如“这一观察似乎表明用户可能以这种或那种方式使用环境”之类的试探性短语来描述物理痕迹的观察。如今的作者则更加自信地写道:“为了支持[访谈数据显示轮椅使用者和工作人员在轮椅通道方面没有问题],在潮湿的早晨进行的行为痕迹分析显示,轮椅的轨迹遍布整个花园,包括混凝土和碎石表面”(Whitehouse 等人,2001)。

This post-occupancy evaluation (POE) of a children's garden environment at San Diego's Children's Hospital and Health Center, employed observation of physical traces as well as interviews, questionnaires, and behavioral observations—both tracking and mapping.
这份对圣迭戈儿童医院和健康中心的儿童花园环境进行的入住后评估(POE),采用了对物理痕迹的观察,以及访谈、问卷调查和行为观察——包括追踪和测绘。

Physical trace observations are also being linked to large-scale established theory. Banning (1993), for example, analyzes physical traces in terms of Brand's (1994) concept of the building as a learning organism. College Union buildings, according to Banning, represent the heart of a campus community and therefore are particularly important to campus life. He urges administrators to observe physical traces to learn the lessons buildings have to teach about how to manage the building for users,” and change it to respond to users needs (p. 17). He points out the importance of studying wear and tear on floors that indicates traffic patterns, trash. litter, leftover food, and even “furniture migration.” The chair that ends up in front of the pay phone is a message from the learning building, he suggests.
实物痕迹观察也正在与大型既有理论联系起来。例如,Banning(1993)根据 Brand(1994)关于建筑物作为学习有机体的概念分析了实物痕迹。Banning 认为,大学工会大楼代表着校园社区的核心,因此对校园生活尤为重要。他敦促管理人员观察实物痕迹,以学习建筑物关于“如何为用户管理建筑”的教训,并进行改变以响应用户的需求(第 17 页)。他指出了研究地板磨损的重要性,这些磨损表明交通模式、垃圾、杂物、剩菜,甚至“家具迁移”。他建议,最终出现在付费电话前的椅子是学习建筑发出的信息。

If management can decipher what lessons the building is teaching, then decisions regarding whether they are lessons that should be taught can be evaluated. But if the lessons the building is teaching remain unknown then the shaping cycle of building learning and teaching continues without management participation or intervention (p.18).
如果管理层能够解读建筑物所传授的经验教训,那么就可以评估是否应该传授这些教训的决定。但如果建筑物所传授的教训仍然未知,那么建筑学习和教学的塑造循环将继续进行,而无需管理层的参与或干预(第 18 页)。

Banning also observed signs, symbols, and artwork in terms of their social meaning. For example, he points out that "an important message about gender awareness is sent by unions in which the male restrooms are marked ‘Men' and the female restrooms are marked Ladies’"(p.19). In a similar vein, he observes that several union buildings struggle with the social messages being sent or taught by murals in the building in reference to race relations, tolerance and celebration"(p.19). The way such observations are linked with Brand's approach and so assertively proposed could only occur in an evolved disciplinary atmosphere.
班宁还从社会意义的角度观察了标志、符号和艺术作品。例如,他指出,“工会用‘男士’标记男性洗手间,用‘女士’标记女性洗手间,这传递了关于性别意识的重要信息”(第 19 页)。类似地,他观察到,“一些工会大楼在种族关系、宽容和庆祝方面,因建筑物中的壁画所传递或教授的社会信息而苦苦挣扎”(第 19 页)。这种观察与布兰德的方法联系起来,并以如此肯定的方式提出,这只能发生在一种不断发展的学科氛围中。

Brown, Perkins, and Brown's (2003) study of neighborhood attachment establishes physical trace observation as a major method in its own right. Pairs of trained raters systematically collected detailed observational data of “physical incivilities, such as graffiti or litter, poor roofs and crumbling sidewalks... that signal financial disinvestments" in a neighborhood (p. 260), and “the opposite of incivilities—home personalization and maintenance" that relate to strong personal neighborhood attachment bonds (p.261).
Brown、Perkins 和 Brown(2003)关于邻里依恋的研究将实地痕迹观察确立为一种独立的重要方法。两名经过培训的评估员系统地收集了“物理上的不文明现象,例如涂鸦或垃圾、破败的屋顶和破损的人行道……这些都表明了对社区的经济投资不足”(第 260 页)以及“与不文明现象相反的现象——房屋个性化和维护”,这些现象与强烈的个人邻里依恋纽带相关(第 261 页)的详细观察数据。

A total of 55 sample blocks were chosen with a probability proportionate to size procedure that enumerated households from the 1990 census, followed by random selection of a household, which then determined the chosen face block.... The physical conditions of between 9 and 19 properties were studied per block, yielding 849 property assessments (p.261).
总共选择了 55 个样本街区,采用与规模成比例的概率程序,该程序从 1990 年人口普查中列举了住户,然后随机选择一个住户,从而确定了所选的街区面……每个街区研究了 9 到 19 个房产的物理状况,产生了 849 个房产评估(第 261 页)。

Combining these observations with 619 interviews, Brown and her colleagues determined that those living in places with greater objectively observed physical incivilities and decay on their property had lower place attachment, defined as the average attachment to both house and block/neighborhood. The inverse was also true—the fewer incivilities, the greater the place attachment. The researchers found that although this relationship holds for attachment to the individual dwelling it does not hold for place attachment to the block or neighborhood, indicating an interesting future direction for such research—namely, the implicit cognitive definition of home and home territory among groups like those studied.
将这些观察结果与 619 次访谈相结合,布朗和她的同事确定,居住在“客观观察到的财产上的物理不文明和衰败”程度更高的地区的人,其对场所的依恋程度较低,定义为对房屋和街区/社区的平均依恋程度。反之亦然——不文明行为越少,对场所的依恋程度越高。研究人员发现,尽管这种关系适用于对个人住宅的依恋,但它不适用于对街区或社区的场所依恋,这表明了这种研究的一个有趣的方向——即像研究对象这样的群体对家和家园领地的隐性认知定义。

Analyzing the combined physical trace and interview data, Brown et al. suggest that “housing repair maintenance. or rehabilitation programs may enable residents to convert place attachment to housing improvement” (p.269). They recommend that future policies focus on programs that can translate residents' positive bonds of place attachment into place improvements (p.269). On a theoretical and model-development level. their findings suggest [that] researchers can incorporate collective efficacy. perceived incivilities, and observed incivilities into residential attachment models (p.270).
分析物理痕迹和访谈数据的结合,Brown 等人建议,“住房维修维护或改造项目可以使居民将对场所的依恋转化为对住房的改善”(第 269 页)。他们建议未来的政策应侧重于能够将居民对场所的积极依恋转化为场所改善的项目(第 269 页)。在理论和模型开发层面上,他们的发现“表明研究人员可以将集体效能、感知到的不文明行为和观察到的不文明行为纳入住宅依恋模型”(第 270 页)。

• Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analysis technique. One of the most interesting additions to the study of physical traces and the relationship of physical environment to behavioral and social constructs in general, is the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) analytic tools to compare findings from more than one data set arrayed on the same map. Originally developed to array geographic data from satellite images of the earth, this tool has been creatively incorporated into environment-behavior analysis. One such application is Saegert, Winkel, and Swartz's study of the relationship between “social capital” and crime in New York City's low-income housing (2002).
• 地理信息系统 (GIS) 分析技术。地理信息系统 (GIS) 分析工具的应用是研究物质痕迹以及物质环境与行为和社会结构之间关系的一个最有趣的补充,它可以用来比较多个数据集在同一地图上的发现。该工具最初是为了排列来自地球卫星图像的地理数据而开发的,现在已创造性地应用于环境行为分析。其中一个应用是 Saegert、Winkel 和 Swartz 对纽约市低收入住房中“社会资本”与犯罪之间关系的研究 (2002 年)。

GIS is a difficult “method" to place because it is not strictly a data-gathering method; it is a method that can be used to analyze direct physical environment data from satellite or other “physical trace” observation methods, and to analyze archival data from governmental or other data bases—including housing data, data on financing programs, and police statistics. It is most closely linked to physical trace observation—and therefore included here—because its origins lie in dealing with data from direct observation of the physical environment—housing census data, satellite geographic data, and crime scene investigation data.
GIS 很难被归类为一种“方法”,因为它并非严格意义上的数据收集方法;它是一种可以用来分析卫星或其他“物理痕迹”观测方法获取的直接物理环境数据,以及分析来自政府或其他数据库的档案数据的方法——包括住房数据、融资计划数据和警务统计数据。它与物理痕迹观测最为密切——因此被归类于此——因为它的起源在于处理来自对物理环境的直接观察的数据——住房普查数据、卫星地理数据和犯罪现场调查数据。

Saegert and her colleagues explored the relationship between resident organization and ownership policies and the incidence of crimes against people in low-income housing. Pointing out that previous studies tended to focus on the neighborhood scale with little success in finding connections, these researchers decided to focus on the “multi-family residential building" as their unit of analysis. “Unlike the ambiguous concept of the ‘neighborhood,' "they write, “buildings define boundaries and inhabitants by their physical form (p.195). Selecting buildings as the analysis unit enabled them to link into all the other building-level data available in a major city, as well as organize and then correlate by building their questionnaire data on resident participation in formal and informal groups, home ownership, and perception and experience with criminal acts. The use of GIS analysis techniques enabled the researchers to define the buildings in which people live as the organizing principle for the entire study.
Saegert 及其同事探索了住户组织和所有权政策与低收入住房中针对人的犯罪发生率之间的关系。他们指出,以往的研究往往集中在街区规模,在寻找联系方面收效甚微,因此这些研究人员决定将“多户住宅楼”作为他们的分析单位。“与‘街区’这个模糊的概念不同,”他们写道,“建筑物通过其物理形态定义了边界和居民”(第 195 页)。选择建筑物作为分析单位使他们能够将所有其他建筑物级别的可用数据链接到一个大城市,并通过建筑物组织和关联他们关于居民参与正式和非正式群体、房屋所有权以及对犯罪行为的感知和经历的调查问卷数据。GIS 分析技术的应用使研究人员能够将人们居住的建筑物定义为整个研究的组织原则。

Data on the following independent variables were organized by building and mapped with GIS: participation in formal resident organizations, legal structures that define ownership, and “social capital.” The study defines social capital as a construct of four factors:
以下独立变量的数据按建筑物进行整理,并使用地理信息系统进行映射:正式居民组织的参与、定义所有权的法律结构和“社会资本”。该研究将社会资本定义为四个因素的结构:

• Basic participation in tenant association activities
• 参与租户协会活动的**基本**程度

Informal social relationships with other building residents
• 与其他楼宇居民的非正式社交关系

• Formal participation in building leadership, management, and maintenance
• 正式参与建设领导力、管理和维护

• Pro-social norms in which other residents are reported to contribute to the well being of the building and its residents
• 建筑内其他居民被报道为对建筑及其居民的福祉做出贡献的亲社会规范

They mined two databases, one that covered Brooklyn, New York, and included data on building conditions (an observed physical trace assessment) and tenant organizations (an indicator of social context). The other was an NYPD database of reported crimes—including their location. A two-page face-to-face interview was administered to residents in a sample of buildings the city had taken over and each interview was “geocoded" by address so it could be correlated to the other data sets via the GIS building-level analysis. A critical decision the team had to make before correlating the GIS data was what “bandwidth" to use—the size of the GIS physical unit of analysis. Bandwidth can be adjusted to be as large as the entire map—the borough of Brooklyn in this case—or as small as 100 feet. The team decided to set the bandwidth for this study at 2,000 feet (the size of two city blocks) for assaults, burglaries, and robberies, the crimes they were studying.
他们挖掘了两个数据库,一个涵盖纽约布鲁克林,包含建筑条件数据(观察到的物理痕迹评估)和租户组织数据(社会背景指标)。另一个是纽约警察局的报案数据库,包括犯罪地点。对城市接管的样本建筑中的居民进行了为期两页的面对面访谈,每个访谈都按地址进行了“地理编码”,以便通过 GIS 建筑级分析与其他数据集相关联。团队在将 GIS 数据相关联之前必须做出一个关键决定,即使用什么“带宽”,即 GIS 物理分析单元的大小。带宽可以调整到整个地图的大小(在本例中为布鲁克林区),也可以调整到 100 英尺的大小。该团队决定将本研究的带宽设置为 2,000 英尺(两个街区的面积),用于他们研究的袭击、入室盗窃和抢劫罪。

What did they find and what are the policy implications of these findings? Broadly expressed, they found that when participation in tenant organizations and strong pro-social norms are linked to a strong home ownership program in a building, criminal activity against persons in low-income neighborhood buildings was definitely reduced.
他们发现了什么,这些发现对政策有何影响?概括地说,他们发现,当租户组织的参与和强大的亲社会规范与建筑物中强大的房屋所有权计划联系在一起时,低收入社区建筑物中针对个人的犯罪活动确实减少了。

This research combined interview results with data on crime, physical building conditions, and home ownership—mapped and manipulated through GIS analysis. The researchers found that:
本研究将访谈结果与犯罪数据、建筑物物理状况和房屋所有权数据相结合,并通过地理信息系统 (GIS) 分析进行映射和操作。研究人员发现:

• The more female-headed households in a building, the lower the within-building crime
• 建筑中女性户主越多,建筑内部犯罪率越低

The more formerly homeless people living in a building, the higher the within- building crime
• 一栋楼里以前无家可归的人越多,楼内犯罪率就越高

In tenant-owned and -managed buildings and in buildings owned by community- based groups, within-building crime was less than in buildings still owned by the city
• 在租户拥有和管理的建筑物以及社区组织拥有的建筑物中,楼内犯罪率低于仍由城市拥有的建筑物

There was less crime in buildings with more residents receiving Social Security
• 住户领取社会保障金人数较多的建筑物犯罪率较低

• There was higher within-building crime in neighborhoods with a higher crime rate
• 犯罪率较高的社区,其建筑内部犯罪率也较高

• With greater ethnic diversity, within-building crime is less
• 随着种族多样性的增加,楼宇内部犯罪率降低

Buildings with greater resident participation in tenant organizations have less within-building crime.
• 居民参与度更高的建筑物,其内部犯罪率更低。

The following design case study for an Urban Wildlife Preserve demonstrates how a multi-method research approach including physical trace observation can be used not only in research for design but also in evaluating a project's use. The methods have been employed together to successfully merge ecological support and human use in the same outdoor place.
以下城市野生动物保护区的案例研究展示了如何将包括物理痕迹观察在内的多方法研究方法不仅应用于设计研究,而且应用于项目使用评估。这些方法已成功地结合在一起,将生态支持和人类使用融合在同一个户外场所。

图片183页,
图片 183 页,

View of Urban Wildlife Preserve.
城市野生动物保护区景观

CASE STUDY
案例研究

URBAN WILDLIFE PRESERVE
城市野生动物保护区

A university medical center located in Sacramento, California, developed a 4.3acre Urban Wildlife Preserve in the mid 1990s as a healing garden. The Center for Design Research (CDR) at the University of California, Davis conducted a five-year research, design, construction, and post-occupancy evaluation (POE) of the Preserve. The research informed both the master plan for the entire Preserve and the programming and design of its first phase, a 1.8-acre park completed in 1996 for $385,000.
位于加州萨克拉门托的一所大学医疗中心在 20 世纪 90 年代中期开发了一个占地 4.3 英亩的城市野生动物保护区,作为疗愈花园。加州大学戴维斯分校的设计研究中心(CDR)对该保护区进行了为期五年的研究、设计、建造和入住后评估(POE)。该研究为整个保护区的总体规划以及第一阶段的规划和设计提供了信息,第一阶段是一个占地 1.8 英亩的公园,于 1996 年完工,耗资 385,000 美元。

Research
研究

People involved in the various phases of the design process included the design team (CDR, HLA Group, and UCDMC Engineers and Architects); medical center staff; schoolteachers, staff, and eleven classes from the neighboring Marion Anderson School; and community residents. Ideas generated in participatory workshops and surveys used to gain child and adult input were summarized in a design program for the Preserve,
参与设计过程各个阶段的人员包括设计团队(CDR、HLA 集团和 UCDMC 工程师和建筑师);医疗中心工作人员;来自附近 Marion Anderson 学校的教师、工作人员和 11 个班级;以及社区居民。在参与式研讨会和调查中产生的想法用于收集儿童和成人的意见,并总结在保护区的规划方案中。

Research methods employed to program, design, build, and then evaluate the Urban Wildlife Preserve included physical trace analysis, behavior mapping, biological assessment, site analysis, behavioral analysis, and interviews. Observational site surveys recorded types and numbers of human and animal users and their behavioral traces in the Preserve. After construction was completed, a yearlong post-occupancy evaluation of the project was conducted and the results summarized in a POE report (Bowns and Francis, 1998).
用于规划、设计、建造和评估城市野生动物保护区的研究方法包括物理痕迹分析、行为制图、生物评估、场地分析、行为分析和访谈。观测现场调查记录了保护区内人类和动物使用者及其行为痕迹的类型和数量。在建成后,对项目进行了为期一年的入住后评估,并将结果总结在 POE 报告中(Bowns and Francis,1998)。

图片184页
图片第 184 页

Research workshop
研究工作坊

with children.
与儿童一起。

The participatory planning process employed to inform design included children at a nearby elementary school, and focused on students' existing perceptions of the site and ideal images of what an urban wildlife preserve could be. This resulted in identifying a number of unique program elements. One was to provide an outdoor classroom in the Preserve with “loose parts” such as fallen logs and boulders children could interact with and use to manipulate the environment.
用于告知设计的参与式规划过程包括附近一所小学的儿童,并侧重于学生对该地点的现有认知以及对城市野生动物保护区理想形象的认知。这导致确定了许多独特的项目元素。其中一项是在保护区提供一个户外教室,配备“松散部件”,例如倒下的原木和巨石,孩子们可以与之互动并用来操纵环境。

A water feature was another surprising and unusual element that would not have been incorporated without the research. Among elementary school children, water emerged as the most desired element for the Preserve, appearing repeatedly in the students' drawings and stressed by them in site visits and tours. Yet the design team and administrators had rated water as one of their least desired elements due to concerns over maintenance and safety. The workshop results convinced the team that these issues could be successfully addressed and a major water feature was included in the first phase of construction. The post-construction POE identified water as one of the most popular elements among users.
水景是另一个令人惊讶和不寻常的元素,如果没有研究,它就不会被纳入。在小学生中,水成为了保护区最受欢迎的元素,反复出现在学生的图画中,并在实地考察和参观中被他们强调。然而,设计团队和管理人员将水评为他们最不希望看到的元素之一,因为他们担心维护和安全问题。研讨会的结果使团队相信这些问题可以成功解决,并在第一阶段的建设中加入了一个主要的水景。施工后的 POE 将水确定为用户中最受欢迎的元素之一。

Design
设计

The resulting Urban Wildlife Preserve balanced creating a habitat for birds and animals with designing a place for schoolchildren, hospital staff, and patients. The Preserve was originally planned as a habitat providing shelter and forage for animals, birds, and insects found on and around the medical center campus and in similar urban areas of the Sacramento region. It consists of a plant community representing the ecological niche in which small animal species can generally live and thrive that in turn is the framework for built elements, like seating and a fountain, that serve specific human purposes. Seasonal wetlands were created as an open-channel drainage on the Preserve to provide a temporary stop/resting place for migrating birds. The Preserve functions as a relaxing, educational, and recreational environment.
由此产生的城市野生动物保护区平衡了为鸟类和动物创造栖息地与为学童、医院工作人员和患者设计场所之间的关系。该保护区最初计划作为一种栖息地,为在医疗中心校园及其周边以及萨克拉门托地区类似城市地区发现的动物、鸟类和昆虫提供庇护和觅食场所。它由一个植物群落组成,代表着小型动物物种通常可以生存和繁衍的生态位,而这反过来又构成了建筑元素(如座椅和喷泉)的框架,这些元素服务于特定的目的。季节性湿地被创建为保护区的开放式渠道排水系统,为迁徙鸟类提供临时停留/休息场所。该保护区作为一个放松、教育和娱乐的环境。

图片185.1,
图片 185.1,

Research-based master plan.
基于研究的总体规划

图片185.2,
图片 185.2,

Garden Entry
花园入口

Marian Anderson School Outdoor Classroom & Garden
玛丽安·安德森学校户外教室和花园

Arroyo/Seasonal Pond
阿罗约/季节性池塘

Outdoor Plaza for PSSB
PSSB 室外广场

Construction plan for Phase I.
一期工程建设方案

The final master plan divides the site into four quadrants: an entry garden, a cultural “ruin” area, a habitat pond, and an outdoor education area for the adjacent school. The Preserve's main entry garden, located at the north end of the site, has formal landscaping that transitions from the adjacent buildings to a meditative garden space centered on a fountain. Future plans include a “ruin” area featuring the arch colonnade of the former California State Fairgrounds stable building, honoring the site's cultural history. Lawns and gardens surrounding the arches serve as a ceremonial gathering place for staff, patients, community members, and schoolchildren, and a habitat pond is a permanent water source for seasonal wildlife. An arroyo of rocks and gravel connect the pond to the main entry and accommodate storm water runoff in the winter months.
最终总体规划将场地划分为四个区域:入口花园、文化“遗迹”区、栖息地池塘和邻近学校的户外教育区。保护区的入口花园位于场地北端,拥有正式的景观,从相邻建筑过渡到以喷泉为中心的冥想花园空间。未来计划包括一个“遗迹”区,以加州州立博览会旧马厩建筑的拱形柱廊为特色,纪念该场地的文化历史。拱廊周围的草坪和花园是员工、病人、社区成员和学童的仪式集会场所,栖息地池塘是季节性野生动物的永久水源。一条岩石和砾石组成的干涸河床将池塘与主入口连接起来,并在冬季容纳雨水径流。

An outdoor educational area in the Preserve is located immediately adjacent to a local schoolyard, a gate in the school's fence providing access for students and teachers. Envisioned as an outdoor classroom and gathering place for formal and informal activities, it is the core of this open-air room. Surrounded by orchard trees and school garden plots and dominated by an existing Deodora cedar, the plan reflects requests the students expressed in the workshop for an edible landscape and retention of existing trees. The outdoor classroom serves as the base from which groups of children can spread out to interact, explore, and engage in educational opportunities of the Preserve. The whole Preserve is designed for explorative and educational interactions.
保护区内的一个户外教育区域位于一所当地学校操场旁边,学校围栏上的一个门为学生和教师提供了通道。该区域被设想为一个户外教室和正式及非正式活动的集会场所,是这个露天教室的核心。周围环绕着果园树木和学校花园地块,并以一棵现有的喜马拉雅雪松为主,该计划反映了学生在研讨会上提出的对可食用景观和保留现有树木的要求。户外教室作为孩子们进行互动、探索和参与保护区教育机会的出发点。整个保护区的设计旨在促进探索和教育互动。

图片186页
图片第 186 页

Outdoor classroom.
户外教室

图片1871
图片 187 页 1

Child in outdoor classroom discovers bugs.
户外教室里的孩子发现了虫子。

图片1871
图片 187 页 1

Natural elements in preserve.
自然元素在保护区。

In E-B literature there has been a marked increase in empirical studies and design guidelines for healing gardens and landscapes (Gerlach-Spriggs et.al.,1998; Cooper, Marcus and Barnes, 1999; Tyson, 1998; Francis et.al.1994). The Urban Wildlife Preserve demonstrates clearly how research can be used successfully to inform design of an urban landscape. Without the research that informed the participatory process for the project, a much more formal and less user-friendly design would have developed. The participatory process served to educate both designers and clients to a holistic and naturalistic approach to design.
在 E-B 文献中,关于疗愈花园和景观的实证研究和设计指南显著增加(Gerlach-Spriggs 等,1998;Cooper,Marcus 和 Barnes,1999;Tyson,1998;Francis 等,1994)。城市野生动物保护区清楚地表明了研究如何成功地用于指导城市景观的设计。如果没有为该项目提供参与式过程的信息研究,设计将更加正式,用户体验也更差。参与式过程有助于教育设计师和客户采用整体和自然主义的设计方法。

Evaluation
评估

To guarantee even greater success in the final design, the client supported a yearlong post-occupancy evaluation after construction of Phase I.POE methods employed included behavior mapping of the site's uses, recording of behavior traces, a questionnaire mailed to 500 individuals in the community surrounding the Medical Center in-depth interviews with six teachers and staff and with eight local school students, on-site interviews of users as well as biological inventories of the site. In-depth interviews were carried out with client and design team members to assess their perception of the project in use.
为了确保最终设计取得更大的成功,客户在第一阶段建设完成后支持了一年的入住后评估。POE 方法包括对场地使用情况的行为映射、行为痕迹记录、向医疗中心周边社区 500 名个人邮寄的调查问卷、对 6 名教师和员工以及 8 名当地学校学生的深入访谈、对用户的现场访谈以及对场地的生物清单。对客户和设计团队成员进行了深入访谈,以评估他们对项目使用的看法。

The POE identified successes and problems with the first phase of the design and areas for potential redesign or improved management of the Preserve. For example, the POE documented that the site worked well as natural habitat, is well used and loved by the local school children and teachers, but is under-utilized by hospital staff. Increased outreach and information dissemination to the larger Medical Center community resulted. The POE data employed in Phase II provides information useful for others designing natural landscapes as healing environments.
POE 识别了设计第一阶段的成功之处和问题,以及保护区潜在重新设计或改进管理的领域。例如,POE 记录显示该场地作为自然栖息地运作良好,受到当地学校师生广泛使用和喜爱,但医院员工利用率较低。对医疗中心更大社区的宣传和信息传播有所增加。第二阶段采用的 POE 数据为其他设计自然景观作为疗愈环境的人提供了有用的信息。

图188页 01
图 188 页 01

Activities Mapping
活动映射

LEQENDE

*• ONE ACTIVITY OBSERVATION (March 1997- June 1997)
• 一次活动观察(1997 年 3 月-1997 年 6 月)

Behavior map.
行为图

图188页 02
图 188 页 02

Observed Activities
观察到的活动

Activities
活动

1. Walking
1. 步行

2. Bicycling
2. 骑自行车

3. Eating
3. 饮食

4. Sitting
4. 坐着

5. Reading
5 阅读

6. Taking
6. 采取

7. Sleeping
7. 睡眠

8. Sanding
8. 打磨

9. Running
9. 运行

10. Playing
10. 玩耍

11. Watering
11. 浇水

12. Planting
12. 种植

13. Cardening
13. 园艺

14. Watching
14. 观看

15. Drinking
15. 饮酒

16. Classroom Acitivities
16. 课堂活动

17. Other
17. 其他

POE observed user activities graph.
POE 观察用户活动图。

图189页
图 189 页

Wildflower meadow.
野花草甸

In sum, the Urban Wildlife Preserve robustly balances human and animal use with plant ecology in a single area. Without the time spent and money invested in design research, participation, and evaluation, the project would not have achieved these goals so successfully. The Urban Wildlife Preserve Project is open to the public seven days a week and is located on Second Avenue, east of Stockton Boulevard in Sacramento, California.
总之,城市野生动物保护区在一个区域内有效地平衡了人类和动物的使用与植物生态。如果没有投入时间和资金进行设计研究、参与和评估,该项目就不会如此成功地实现这些目标。城市野生动物保护区项目每周七天向公众开放,位于加利福尼亚州萨克拉门托市斯托克顿大道以东的第二大道。

This case study was drawn from the work of Mark Francis, Professor of Landscape Architecture, University of California, Davis and Caru Bowns, Department of Landscape Architecture, Penn State University. In 1999 the project was awarded a National Merit Award for Research from the American Society of Landscape Architects.
本案例研究源于加州大学戴维斯分校景观建筑教授马克·弗朗西斯和宾夕法尼亚州立大学景观建筑系卡鲁·鲍恩斯的工作。1999 年,该项目获得了美国景观设计师协会颁发的国家研究优秀奖。

OVERVIEW
概述

A good way to begin almost any E-B research project is to walk around the research site looking for physical traces of behavior t is easy to do, can be done unobtrusively, and provides investigators with rich imagery to build on in solving their problem. Trace observation can be carried out both qualitatively and quantitatively, and can also be employed as a major research tool.
几乎所有 E-B 研究项目的良好开端都是围绕研究地点走动,寻找行为的物理痕迹。这很容易做到,可以在不引人注意的情况下进行,并为研究人员提供丰富的图像,帮助他们解决问题。痕迹观察可以定性和定量地进行,也可以作为主要的科研工具。

This chapter has discussed categories of traces particularly appropriate for E-B observations: by-products of use, adaptations for use, displays of self. and public messages. The first category represents remnants of what people do in an environment, the others of what people do to it. This way of looking is aimed at increasing our ability to intervene through design and make settings better suited to what people actually do.
本章讨论了特别适合 E-B 观察的痕迹类别:使用副产品、使用适应、自我展示和公共信息。第一类代表人们在环境中做的事情的残留物,而其他类代表人们对环境所做的事情。这种观察方式旨在提高我们通过设计进行干预的能力,使环境更适合人们的实际行为。

The next chapter discusses how to observe the other half of the E-B equation: behavior.
下一章将讨论如何观察 E-B 方程的另一半:行为。