In 1630 a physician named Jean Rey, who lived in the small town of Le Bugue, in the Dordogne, published a book describing some chemical researches that were, in some ways, far ahead of their time.' Rey believed that the increase in weight when tin and lead are heated in air is due to air condensing and adhering to these substances. This idea brought him a long letter from Marin Mersenne in Paris, dated September 1, 1631,2 in which Mersenne very naturally objected that air is not condensed by heat, but rarefied. As an example he adduced the air thermoscope: "Then the thermoscope, making the liquid descend by the rarefaction of its air, bears witness that heat makes air more subtle, unless denser air comes down to take its place." Rey wrote an answer on January 1, 1732, at even greater length. As to the thermoscope, it seems evident that he had never even heard of the ones commonly in use, for on page 244 he writes:
1630 年，一位名叫让·雷 (Jean Rey) 的医生住在多尔多涅省的勒布格 (Le Bugue) 小镇，他出版了一本书，描述了一些化学研究，这些研究在某些方面远远超前于那个时代。雷伊认为，锡和铅在空气中加热时重量的增加是由于空气冷凝并粘附在这些物质上造成的。这个想法给他带来了一封来自巴黎的马林·梅森 (Marin Mersenne) 的长信，日期为 1631 年 9 月 1 日，2 梅森在信中非常自然地反对空气不会因热量而凝结，而是会变得稀薄。他以空气测温仪为例：“测温仪通过空气的稀薄使液体下降，它证明热量使空气变得更加微妙，除非密度更大的空气下降取代它的位置。”雷伊于 1732 年 1 月 1 日写了一份更长的答复。至于测温仪，显然他从未听说过常用的测温仪，因为他在第 244 页上写道：
1630 年，一位名叫让·雷 (Jean Rey) 的医生住在多尔多涅省的勒布格 (Le Bugue) 小镇，他出版了一本书，描述了一些化学研究，这些研究在某些方面远远超前于那个时代。雷伊认为，锡和铅在空气中加热时重量的增加是由于空气冷凝并粘附在这些物质上造成的。这个想法给他带来了一封来自巴黎的马林·梅森 (Marin Mersenne) 的长信，日期为 1631 年 9 月 1 日，2 梅森在信中非常自然地反对空气不会因热量而凝结，而是会变得稀薄。他以空气测温仪为例：“测温仪通过空气的稀薄使液体下降，它证明热量使空气变得更加微妙，除非密度更大的空气下降取代它的位置。”雷伊于 1732 年 1 月 1 日写了一份更长的答复。至于测温仪，显然他从未听说过常用的测温仪，因为他在第 244 页上写道：
there are a variety of thermoscopes or thermometers, or so it appears. What you say cannot agree with mine, which is nothing more than a little round phial with a very long and slender neck. To use it I put it in the sun, and sometimes in the hand of a feverish patient, after first filling all but the neck with water. The heat, expanding the water, makes it rise more or less according to whether the heat is great or small. If I knew the construction and use of the one you speak of, I believe that the difficulty would be easy to resolve.
测温仪或温度计有很多种，至少看起来是这样。你的说法与我的说法不符，我的说法不过是一个小圆瓶，脖子又长又细。使用时，我先将除了颈部以外的所有部分都注满水，然后将其放在阳光下，有时放在发烧患者的手中。热量使水膨胀，根据热量的大小，水位会或多或少地上升。如果我知道你所说的这个结构和使用方法，相信这个难题就很容易解决了。
Thus, with no help from outside, Jean Rey had invented a liquid-in-glass thermoscope. But Mersenne does not seem to have recognized the importance of this, and it was forgotten. Apparently, Rey's thermoscope was not sealed up so as to make a permanent instrument.
因此，在没有外界帮助的情况下，Jean Rey 发明了玻璃液体测温仪。但梅森似乎并没有认识到这一点的重要性，因而被遗忘了。显然，雷伊的测温仪并不是为了成为永久仪器而密封的。
因此，在没有外界帮助的情况下，Jean Rey 发明了玻璃液体测温仪。但梅森似乎并没有认识到这一点的重要性，因而被遗忘了。显然，雷伊的测温仪并不是为了成为永久仪器而密封的。
When the variability of the pressure of the air became known in the years following 1644,5 a capital defect of the air thermometer at once showed itself; namely, that it responds to changes of pressure as well as of temperature. Pascal mentioned this when he was describing the celebrated barometric experiment on the Puy-de-Dôme:
1644 年之后的几年里，当人们知道气压的变化5 时，空气温度计的一个重大缺陷立即显现出来。即，它对压力和温度的变化做出响应。帕斯卡在描述多姆山著名的气压实验时提到了这一点：
1644 年之后的几年里，当人们知道气压的变化5 时，空气温度计的一个重大缺陷立即显现出来。即，它对压力和温度的变化做出响应。帕斯卡在描述多姆山著名的气压实验时提到了这一点：
From [this experiment] there follow many consequences, such as… the lack of certainty that is in the thermometer for indicating the degrees of heat (contrary to common sentiment). Its water sometimes rises when the heat increases, and sometimes falls when the heat diminishes, even though the thermometer has remained in the same place.
[这个实验]产生了许多后果，例如……温度计在指示热度方面缺乏确定性（与普遍观点相反）。即使温度计保持在同一个地方，它的水有时会随着热量的增加而上升，有时会随着热量的减少而下降。
This consequence does not really follow from the Puy-de-Dome experiment but rather from the variability of atmospheric pressure. However, the times were plainly right for the invention of a thermometer of a quite different sort. It is universally believed -and I have found nothing to cast doubt on this belief--that the sealed liquid-in-glass thermometer was invented by a man of a very different station from Dr. Rey, none less than the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand II, one of the great family of the Medici. Even after a very great allowance has been made for the desire of courtiers to flatter, the scientific ability of Ferdinand, and of his brother Leopold, shines brightly in the learned manuscripts of the period. Unfortunately, Ferdinand's grasp of politics was far inferior to his scientific acumen, and the prestige of Tuscany declined sadly during his reign.
这个结果并不是真正来自多姆山实验，而是来自大气压力的变化。然而，对于发明一种完全不同类型的温度计来说，时机显然是正确的。人们普遍相信——而且我没有发现任何可以质疑这一信念的地方——密封的玻璃液体温度计是由一位与雷伊博士地位截然不同的人发明的，他正是托斯卡纳大公斐迪南二世，美第奇家族的大家族之一。即使在极大地考虑了朝臣们的奉承愿望之后，斐迪南和他的兄弟利奥波德的科学能力仍然在这一时期的学术手稿中闪闪发光。不幸的是，费迪南德对政治的掌握远不如他的科学头脑，托斯卡纳的威望在他统治期间急剧下降。
这个结果并不是真正来自多姆山实验，而是来自大气压力的变化。然而，对于发明一种完全不同类型的温度计来说，时机显然是正确的。人们普遍相信——而且我没有发现任何可以质疑这一信念的地方——密封的玻璃液体温度计是由一位与雷伊博士地位截然不同的人发明的，他正是托斯卡纳大公斐迪南二世，美第奇家族的大家族之一。即使在极大地考虑了朝臣们的奉承愿望之后，斐迪南和他的兄弟利奥波德的科学能力仍然在这一时期的学术手稿中闪闪发光。不幸的是，费迪南德对政治的掌握远不如他的科学头脑，托斯卡纳的威望在他统治期间急剧下降。
Ferdinand, we may believe, invented the sealed thermometer and it remains to assign a date to this invention. A good deal of the difficulty of doing this vanishes when we recognize that two quite different sorts of thermometer were invented in Florence before 1660. These are shown in Figs. 2.1 and 2.2 respectively, taken from Plate I of the famous Saggi of the Academia del Cimento, which will come into our story later in this chapter. The first of these consists of a tube of liquid (spirits of wine) containing a number of glass balls or similar objects in which the ratio of weight to volume varies. If the temperature is very low and the density of the spirit correspondingly high these will all float; but as the temperature rises they will sink one after an other, so that the temperature of the spirit can be estimated from the number that have sunk. The other thermometer will be immediately clear to the twentieth-century reader.
我们可以相信，费迪南德发明了密封温度计，这项发明的日期还有待确定。当我们认识到 1660 年之前在佛罗伦萨发明了两种截然不同的温度计时，做到这一点的许多困难就消失了。如图 1 和 2 所示。 2.1 和 2.2 分别取自 Academia del Cimento 著名的 Saggi 的第一版，这将在本章后面的故事中介绍。第一个由一管液体（烈酒）组成，其中装有许多玻璃球或类似物体，其中重量与体积的比率不同。如果温度很低，酒精的密度相应很高，这些都会漂浮；但随着温度的升高，它们会相继下沉，这样就可以根据下沉的数量来估计灵魂的温度。二十世纪的读者会立即明白另一个温度计。
我们可以相信，费迪南德发明了密封温度计，这项发明的日期还有待确定。当我们认识到 1660 年之前在佛罗伦萨发明了两种截然不同的温度计时，做到这一点的许多困难就消失了。如图 1 和 2 所示。 2.1 和 2.2 分别取自 Academia del Cimento 著名的 Saggi 的第一版，这将在本章后面的故事中介绍。第一个由一管液体（烈酒）组成，其中装有许多玻璃球或类似物体，其中重量与体积的比率不同。如果温度很低，酒精的密度相应很高，这些都会漂浮；但随着温度的升高，它们会相继下沉，这样就可以根据下沉的数量来估计灵魂的温度。二十世纪的读者会立即明白另一个温度计。
Various authors have stated that the sealed thermometer was invented in Florence not later than 1641. This statement almost certainly stems from an entry in the original diary of the Academia del Cimento, dated June 20, 1657, which reads, "A thermometer made 16 years ago was cut open with a diamond." The object was presumably to see whether the spirit had altered.
许多作者都指出，密封温度计不迟于 1641 年在佛罗伦萨发明。这一说法几乎可以肯定源自 Academia del Cimento 1657 年 6 月 20 日的原始日记中的一个条目，其中写道：“一个温度计花了 16 年时间制作而成。”以前是用钻石切开的。”目的大概是想看看神魂是否发生了变化。
许多作者都指出，密封温度计不迟于 1641 年在佛罗伦萨发明。这一说法几乎可以肯定源自 Academia del Cimento 1657 年 6 月 20 日的原始日记中的一个条目，其中写道：“一个温度计花了 16 年时间制作而成。”以前是用钻石切开的。”目的大概是想看看神魂是否发生了变化。
This would seem to bring the date to 1641 without any question; but what kind of thermometer was this? To find the most probable answer we have to turn to the travel diary of Balthasar de Monconys, who went around Europe at intervals between about 1645 and 1665, buttonholing whatever celebrities he couldespecially the virtuosi and making notes, often obscure but always copious, on what he heard and saw. On November 7, 1646, he was in Florence and saw Torricelli,
这似乎毫无疑问地将日期定为 1641 年；但这是什么样的温度计呢？为了找到最可能的答案，我们必须求助于巴尔塔萨·德·蒙科尼斯 (Balthasar de Monconys) 的旅行日记，他大约在 1645 年至 1665 年间游历了欧洲，尽可能地采访了所有名人，尤其是艺术大师，并做了笔记，这些笔记常常晦涩难懂，但总是很丰富。他听到并看到了。 1646年11月7日，他在佛罗伦萨见到了托里拆利，
这似乎毫无疑问地将日期定为 1641 年；但这是什么样的温度计呢？为了找到最可能的答案，我们必须求助于巴尔塔萨·德·蒙科尼斯 (Balthasar de Monconys) 的旅行日记，他大约在 1645 年至 1665 年间游历了欧洲，尽可能地采访了所有名人，尤其是艺术大师，并做了笔记，这些笔记常常晦涩难懂，但总是很丰富。他听到并看到了。 1646年11月7日，他在佛罗伦萨见到了托里拆利，
who told me that the Grand Duke had various thermometers for determining heat and cold, all with eau de vie and glass balls full of air, but one in which there are two balls, one at the top and the other at the bottom; when it is hot the lower one rises, and when it is cold the one at the top descends. He told me of another which has a ball half full of air and half full of water, with a hole in the bottom, and prevented from rising by a glass chain; when the air condenses, more water goes in, and so the chain shortens and the bottle descends; on the contrary, when the air expands, the water goes out, the bottle rises and the chain is longer.
谁告诉我大公有各种各样的温度计来测量冷热，所有的温度计都装有生命之水和充满空气的玻璃球，但其中有两个球，一个在顶部，另一个在底部；天热时，下面的一层会上升；天冷时，上面的一层会下降。他告诉我另一个有一个球，一半充满空气，一半充满水，底部有一个洞，并用一条玻璃链防止其上升。当空气凝结时，更多的水进入，因此链条缩短并且瓶子下降；相反，当空气膨胀时，水就出去，瓶子上升，链条就更长。
The first and second of these are clearly the thermometers with the glass balls, and there is no sign of the more familiar form. The third kind is of interest in that it must be one of the earliest applications of a chain as a weighing machine, antedating by at least a year or two Pascal's suggestion for measuring atmospheric pressure in this way.
其中第一个和第二个显然是带有玻璃球的温度计，没有任何更熟悉的形式的迹象。第三种有趣之处在于，它一定是链条作为称重机的最早应用之一，比帕斯卡提出以这种方式测量大气压力的建议至少早了一两年。
其中第一个和第二个显然是带有玻璃球的温度计，没有任何更熟悉的形式的迹象。第三种有趣之处在于，它一定是链条作为称重机的最早应用之一，比帕斯卡提出以这种方式测量大气压力的建议至少早了一两年。
We may, therefore, be fairly certain that the termometro infingardo was invented in or before 1641. What about the Florentine thermometer of the more familiar sort?
因此，我们可以相当肯定 termometro infingardo 是在 1641 年或之前发明的。那么更熟悉的佛罗伦萨温度计呢？
因此，我们可以相当肯定 termometro infingardo 是在 1641 年或之前发明的。那么更熟悉的佛罗伦萨温度计呢？
One red herring must be helped to evaporate from the trail. In 1929 Giuseppe Boffito wrote that in 1643 Claude Guillermet de Berigard, who used the pen name Berigardus, gave the first illustration of a liquid-in-glass thermometer, calling it "a rather common glass instrument for measuring the degrees of heat and cold." But when we examine Berigardus' booki we find (pace Boffito) an illustration (Fig. 2.3) and description of what is most certainly an air thermometer. The solution to the mystery is very simple; in 1661 there was a second edition, published at Padua, in which the illustration was changed to a spirit-in-glass thermometer on a base, destroying the correspondence between text and figure. This had been noticed in 1909 by Galli.14 It would seem that Boffito must have seen the edition of 1661.
必须帮助一条红鲱鱼从踪迹中消失。 1929 年，朱塞佩·博菲托 (Giuseppe Boffito) 写道，1643 年，笔名 Berigardus 的克洛德·吉列梅·德·贝里加德 (Claude Guillermet de Berigard) 首次给出了玻璃液体温度计的插图，称其为“一种相当常见的用于测量冷热度的玻璃仪器。 ”但当我们检查 Berigardus 的书时，我们发现（博菲托）有一个插图（图 2.3）和描述，其中最肯定的是空气温度计。解开这个谜团的方法非常简单； 1661年，在帕多瓦出版了第二版，其中插图被改为底座上的玻璃酒精温度计，破坏了文字和图形之间的对应关系。加利在 1909 年就注意到了这一点。14 看来博菲托一定看过 1661 年的版本。
必须帮助一条红鲱鱼从踪迹中消失。 1929 年，朱塞佩·博菲托 (Giuseppe Boffito) 写道，1643 年，笔名 Berigardus 的克洛德·吉列梅·德·贝里加德 (Claude Guillermet de Berigard) 首次给出了玻璃液体温度计的插图，称其为“一种相当常见的用于测量冷热度的玻璃仪器。 ”但当我们检查 Berigardus 的书时，我们发现（博菲托）有一个插图（图 2.3）和描述，其中最肯定的是空气温度计。解开这个谜团的方法非常简单； 1661年，在帕多瓦出版了第二版，其中插图被改为底座上的玻璃酒精温度计，破坏了文字和图形之间的对应关系。加利在 1909 年就注意到了这一点。14 看来博菲托一定看过 1661 年的版本。
As far as I have been able to determine, the earliest date for the invention of the "Florentine" spirit-in-glass thermometer, that can be fully documented, is sometime in 1654. What is quite certain is that by December of that year a number of comparable thermometers with a scale having fifty degrees had been made and sent to observers at Parma, Milan, and Bologna, at least. For on December 22, 1654, Antonio Terillo wrote from Parma to Luigi Antinori in Florence a letter (Fig. 2.4) that has been preserved, 15 which begins,
据我所知，有完整记录的“佛罗伦萨”玻璃酒精温度计的最早发明日期是在 1654 年的某个时候。可以肯定的是，到当年 12 月一些具有五十度刻度的类似温度计已经被制造出来，并至少发送给帕尔马、米兰和博洛尼亚的观察员。 1654 年 12 月 22 日，安东尼奥·特里洛 (Antonio Terillo) 从帕尔马给佛罗伦萨的路易吉·安蒂诺里 (Luigi Antinori) 写了一封信（图 2.4），该信已被保存下来，15 开头是：
据我所知，有完整记录的“佛罗伦萨”玻璃酒精温度计的最早发明日期是在 1654 年的某个时候。可以肯定的是，到当年 12 月一些具有五十度刻度的类似温度计已经被制造出来，并至少发送给帕尔马、米兰和博洛尼亚的观察员。 1654 年 12 月 22 日，安东尼奥·特里洛 (Antonio Terillo) 从帕尔马给佛罗伦萨的路易吉·安蒂诺里 (Luigi Antinori) 写了一封信（图 2.4），该信已被保存下来，15 开头是：
I have received the letter from your Reverence, with the box, in which were the two ampoules for measuring the variation of heat and cold; and keeping them for some time in the same place in a room I reflected that they both moved at the same rate without any considerable difference occurring. I made the liquid unite by getting out the air that was mixed with it; and I have fastened them outside two windows, one facing south, the other north, and I am observing them three times a day.
我收到了尊敬的阁下的来信，还有一个盒子，里面有两个用于测量冷热变化的安瓿；将它们放在房间的同一个地方一段时间后，我发现它们都以相同的速度移动，没有发生任何显着的差异。我通过排出与液体混合的空气来使液体混合；我把它们固定在两扇窗户外面，一扇朝南，一扇朝北，我每天观察它们三遍。
A few sample observations follow, which make it evident that these were the so-called "50-degree thermometers. Antinori also prints letters from the observers at Milan (December 29, 1654) and Bologna (January 2, 1655)10 acknowledging the receipt of similar instruments.
接下来是一些观察样本，这表明这些是所谓的“50 度温度计”。安蒂诺里还打印了米兰（1654 年 12 月 29 日）和博洛尼亚（1655 年 1 月 2 日）观察员的信件10 确认收到的类似仪器。
接下来是一些观察样本，这表明这些是所谓的“50 度温度计”。安蒂诺里还打印了米兰（1654 年 12 月 29 日）和博洛尼亚（1655 年 1 月 2 日）观察员的信件10 确认收到的类似仪器。
Of all the observations in this, the first meteorological network, organized by Luigi Antinori at the orders of Ferdinand II, only those made at the Monastery of the Angels in Florence have survived. V. Antinori was able to publish the complete series from December 15, 1654 to March 31, 1670, with short interruptions.1 We are given the temperatures of the northwardfacing and southward-facing thermometers and the state of the sky almost every hour during the day.
在费迪南德二世命令路易吉·安蒂诺里组织的第一个气象网络的所有观测中，只有在佛罗伦萨天使修道院进行的观测幸存下来。 V. 安蒂诺里在 1654 年 12 月 15 日至 1670 年 3 月 31 日期间出版了完整的系列，中间有短暂的中断。1天。
在费迪南德二世命令路易吉·安蒂诺里组织的第一个气象网络的所有观测中，只有在佛罗伦萨天使修道院进行的观测幸存下来。 V. 安蒂诺里在 1654 年 12 月 15 日至 1670 年 3 月 31 日期间出版了完整的系列，中间有短暂的中断。1天。
Thus, the spirit-in-glass thermometer certainly belongs to 1654, and probably earlier; at any rate many were available by Decem ber of that year. It is quite likely that a search through the enormous mass of manuscripts at Florence might establish a date a year or two earlier.
因此，玻璃酒精温度计肯定属于 1654 年，甚至可能更早。无论如何，到当年 12 月，许多产品就已经上市了。通过对佛罗伦萨大量手稿的搜索，很可能可以确定一两年前的日期。
因此，玻璃酒精温度计肯定属于 1654 年，甚至可能更早。无论如何，到当年 12 月，许多产品就已经上市了。通过对佛罗伦萨大量手稿的搜索，很可能可以确定一两年前的日期。
The Florentine thermometer is universally associated with the Academy of Experiments (Academia del Cimento) founded in 1657 by the Grand Duke, and a few words about this remarkable institution may not come amiss. In the ten years of its existence it made an extensive series of experiments which may fairly be said to have laid the foundations of experimental physics, and in 1666 published at Florence a corporate account of these as Saggi di Naturali esperienze fatte nell' Academia del Cimento. The printing was apparently continued into 1667, most copies having this date. There were further editions published at Florence in 1691 and 1841 and a facsimile of the first edition in 1957. An English translation by Richard Waller appeared in 1634 and a Latin version, with much commentary by the translator Petrus Van Musschenbroek, at Leiden in 1731. The most useful edition is the third Florentine edition of 1841, for it ends with a long account by G. Gazzeri of the surviving diaries of the Academy and is prefaced by 130 pages of the most resounding Italian by Vincenzio Antinori. While this introduction is intended to cele. brate the glories of Italian, and especially Tuscan science--after all, the edition was being paid for by the then Grand Duke- it nevertheless contains a good deal of the history of the Academy and the lives of the members.
人们普遍将佛罗伦萨温度计与大公于 1657 年创立的实验学院 (Academia del Cimento) 联系在一起，对这个非凡的机构简单介绍一下也不会出错。在它成立的十年里，它进行了一系列广泛的实验，可以说这些实验奠定了实验物理学的基础，并于 1666 年在佛罗伦萨出版了一份关于这些实验的公司报告，名为 Saggi di Naturali esperienze fatte nell' Academia del Cimento 。印刷显然一直持续到 1667 年，大多数副本都有这个日期。 1691 年和 1841 年在佛罗伦萨出版了更多版本，1957 年出版了第一版的传真版。1634 年理查德·沃勒 (Richard Waller) 出版了英文译本，1731 年在莱顿出版了拉丁文版本，并由翻译家 Petrus Van Musschenbroek 发表了大量评论。最有用的版本是 1841 年的佛罗伦萨第三版，因为它以 G. Gazzeri 对学院幸存日记的长篇记述结尾，并以文森齐奥·安蒂诺里 (Vincenzio Antinori) 的 130 页最响亮的意大利语作序。虽然这个介绍是为了庆祝。歌颂意大利，尤其是托斯卡纳科学的辉煌——毕竟，该版本是由当时的大公支付的——但它仍然包含了大量学院的历史和成员的生活。
人们普遍将佛罗伦萨温度计与大公于 1657 年创立的实验学院 (Academia del Cimento) 联系在一起，对这个非凡的机构简单介绍一下也不会出错。在它成立的十年里，它进行了一系列广泛的实验，可以说这些实验奠定了实验物理学的基础，并于 1666 年在佛罗伦萨出版了一份关于这些实验的公司报告，名为 Saggi di Naturali esperienze fatte nell' Academia del Cimento 。印刷显然一直持续到 1667 年，大多数副本都有这个日期。 1691 年和 1841 年在佛罗伦萨出版了更多版本，1957 年出版了第一版的传真版。1634 年理查德·沃勒 (Richard Waller) 出版了英文译本，1731 年在莱顿出版了拉丁文版本，并由翻译家 Petrus Van Musschenbroek 发表了大量评论。最有用的版本是 1841 年的佛罗伦萨第三版，因为它以 G. Gazzeri 对学院幸存日记的长篇记述结尾，并以文森齐奥·安蒂诺里 (Vincenzio Antinori) 的 130 页最响亮的意大利语作序。虽然这个介绍是为了庆祝。歌颂意大利，尤其是托斯卡纳科学的辉煌——毕竟，该版本是由当时的大公支付的——但它仍然包含了大量学院的历史和成员的生活。
The Academy was disbanded in 1667. It is probable that this was due mainly to the opposition of the Church. The Medici family wanted a Cardinal's hat for Prince Leopold, and this arrived in 1667, presumably with conditions attached. But according to Antinori the dissolution of the Academy began earlier and was largely the work of the Neapolitan member Gianalfonso Borelli, 18 whose hatred of Vincenzio Vivian is notorious. However this may be, the end of the Academia del Cimento marked the end of Italian predominance in the new sciences of the seventeenth century.
学院于 1667 年解散。这可能主要是由于教会的反对。美第奇家族想要为利奥波德王子戴一顶红衣主教的帽子，这顶帽子于 1667 年到达，大概是有附加条件的。但根据安蒂诺里的说法，学院的解散开始得更早，主要是那不勒斯成员吉亚纳方索·博雷利(Gianalfonso Borelli)造成的，他18岁，对文森齐奥·维维安(Vincenzio Vivian)的仇恨是臭名昭著的。不管情况如何，水泥研究院的终结标志着意大利在 17 世纪新科学领域的主导地位的结束。
学院于 1667 年解散。这可能主要是由于教会的反对。美第奇家族想要为利奥波德王子戴一顶红衣主教的帽子，这顶帽子于 1667 年到达，大概是有附加条件的。但根据安蒂诺里的说法，学院的解散开始得更早，主要是那不勒斯成员吉亚纳方索·博雷利(Gianalfonso Borelli)造成的，他18岁，对文森齐奥·维维安(Vincenzio Vivian)的仇恨是臭名昭著的。不管情况如何，水泥研究院的终结标志着意大利在 17 世纪新科学领域的主导地位的结束。
While there is no doubt whatever that the Florentine thermometer was invented before the Academy came into being, they made it the subject of the very first chapter of the Saggi, entitled "Explanation of some instruments for finding out the changes of the air resulting from heat and cold," and beginning with the interesting sentence, "It is a very useful thing, and indeed necessary for the purpose of scientific experiments, 1 to have exact knowledge of the changes of the air. This is how the making of a thermometer is described:
毫无疑问，佛罗伦萨温度计是在学院成立之前发明的，但他们将其作为《萨吉》第一章的主题，题为“解释一些用于找出热引起的空气变化的仪器”和冷，”并以有趣的句子开始，“这是一个非常有用的东西，对于科学实验的目的来说确实是必要的，1 准确地了解空气的变化，这就是温度计的制作过程。描述：
毫无疑问，佛罗伦萨温度计是在学院成立之前发明的，但他们将其作为《萨吉》第一章的主题，题为“解释一些用于找出热引起的空气变化的仪器”和冷，”并以有趣的句子开始，“这是一个非常有用的东西，对于科学实验的目的来说确实是必要的，1 准确地了解空气的变化，这就是温度计的制作过程。描述：
Let us first deal with the instrument shown in the first figure [Fig.2.2]. This serves, as do the others, for finding out the changes of the heat and cold of the air, and is commonly called a thermometer. It is made entirely of the finest glass by those artisans who, using their own cheeks as bellows, blow through a glass mouthpiece into the flame of a lamp, either all one or divided into various wicks one after another, as their work requires; and blowing into this, finally make the most delicate and marvellous objects of glass. Such an artisan we call the glass-blower.21 It will be his task to form the bulb of the instrument of such a size and capacity, and to attach a tube of such a bore, that when it is filled with spirit of wine to a certain mark on its neck, the ordinary cold of snow or ice will not suffice to bring it below 20 degrees in the tube, while on the other hand the greatest activity of the rays of the sun, even in the middle of summer, will not have the power to dilate it beyond 80 degrees. The way to fill it is to heat the bulb red-hot, and then to plunge the open end of the tube into spirit of wine at once, so that it gradually begins to suck it up little by little. But as it is difficult, if not entirely impossible, to get out all the air by means of rarefaction, and because if even a little remains, the bulb will not be quite full, the filling can be finished with a glass funnel having its neck reduced to an extreme thinness. This can be done when the glass is red-hot, for then it may be drawn out into a very fine hollow thread or tube, as is clear to anyone who has a knowledge of glass-working. So with such a funnel the filling of the thermometer may be completed, introducing its extremely narrow neck into the tube, and driving the liquid in by the force of the breath, or sucking some out again if too much has been put in. One must also be careful that the degrees are marked accurately on the tube, and therefore it must all be divided carefully with a pair of compasses into ten equal parts, marking the divisions with a tiny button of white enamel. Next the other degrees are marked by means of little buttons of black glass or enamel; and this division may be done by eye, in as much as the practice, care, and skill of the art teaches one to regulate the spaces, and adjust the divisions well, by it alone; and those who have experi ence are usually but little in error. When these things have been done, and the amount of spirit adjusted by experiments in the sun and in ice, the end of the tube is closed with the seal commonly called Hermetic, that is to say with the flame, and the thermometer is finished.
让我们首先处理第一张图[图2.2]中所示的仪器。与其他温度计一样，它的作用是找出空气的冷热变化，通常称为温度计。它完全是由那些工匠用最好的玻璃制成的，他们用自己的脸颊作为风箱，通过玻璃吹口向灯的火焰吹气，根据他们的工作需要，可以是一根一根的，也可以是一根一根地分成不同的灯芯的。然后吹入其中，最终制成最精致、最奇妙的玻璃制品。我们称这样的工匠为玻璃吹制者。21 他的任务是制作具有如此尺寸和容量的仪器的灯泡，并连接一个具有这样孔的管子，当它充满酒的时候，脖子上有一个特定的印记，普通的雪或冰的寒冷不足以使管内的温度低于20度，而另一方面，即使在仲夏，太阳光线的最大活动也会使管内的温度低于20度。没有能力将其扩张超过 80 度。 灌酒的方法是将灯泡加热至炽热，然后将管子的开口端立即浸入酒精中，使其逐渐开始将酒液一点一点地吸走。但是，由于通过稀疏的方式排出所有空气是很困难的（如果不是完全不可能的话），并且因为即使剩下一点点，灯泡也不会完全充满，所以可以用带有颈部的玻璃漏斗来完成填充减少到极薄。这可以在玻璃烧红时完成，因为那时它可以被拉制成非常细的空心线或管，任何具有玻璃加工知识的人都清楚这一点。 因此，用这样一个漏斗，可以完成温度计的填充，将其极其狭窄的颈部引入管中，并通过呼吸的力量将液体推入，或者如果放入太多，则再次吸出一些。还要注意管子上的度数是否准确标记，因此必须用圆规将其全部小心地分成十等份，并用白色珐琅的小按钮标记刻度。接下来，其他度数通过黑色玻璃或搪瓷的小按钮来标记；这种划分可以通过肉眼来完成，只要本领域的实践、护理和技能教导人们仅通过肉眼就可以很好地调节空间和调整划分；那些有经验的人通常很少犯错误。当这些事情完成后，通过在阳光下和冰中进行实验调整酒精的量，用通常称为密封的密封件封闭管的末端，即用火焰封闭，温度计就完成了。
This is very clear, and it is interesting that the Academy or rather Lorenzo Magalotti its secretary--thought it necessary to explain just what a glass blower is and does, and that a tube can be drawn out very fine. On the other hand, it is difficult to believe that the glass beads to mark the degrees can have been put on after the instrument had been filled, for surely this operation would involve heating the tube to the point of softening.
这是非常清楚的，有趣的是，学院，或者更确切地说是其秘书洛伦佐·马加洛蒂（Lorenzo Magalotti），认为有必要解释玻璃吹制器是什么和用途，以及可以将管子拉得非常细。另一方面，很难相信用于标记度数的玻璃珠可以在仪器装满之后再装上，因为这个操作肯定需要将管子加热到软化点。
这是非常清楚的，有趣的是，学院，或者更确切地说是其秘书洛伦佐·马加洛蒂（Lorenzo Magalotti），认为有必要解释玻璃吹制器是什么和用途，以及可以将管子拉得非常细。另一方面，很难相信用于标记度数的玻璃珠可以在仪器装满之后再装上，因为这个操作肯定需要将管子加热到软化点。
This thermometer has been called the 100-degree thermometer. There was also a 50-degree thermometer (Fig. 2.5) and one with 300 degrees. The 50-degree instrument, "nothing but a small copy of the first,' " was made in large numbers; several dozen still survive, mainly in Florence. We are told that in winter the 100- degree thermometer went down ordinarily to about 17° or 16° the 50-degree one to 12° or 11°, but one year, exceptionally, to 8° and in another even to 6°. In the heat of summer the former never exceeded 80° and the latter 40°, or if so only by a little. 23 It is not justifiable to consider the Florentine scale of temperature as being based on fixed points.? It is evident that the sun and the ice were used merely to adjust the amount of spirit as the very last operation before sealing. Nevertheless, the 50-degree thermometers, at least, were remarkably uniform. In 1828 there was discovered in Florence a chest containing a great number of these, besides other thermometers and various glass instruments that had belonged to the Academia del Cimento.25 Most of these are now among the treasures of the Museo di Storia della Scienza in Florence.26 Libri made more than 200 comparisons between the 50-degree thermometers and found a really astonishing agree. ment. In melting ice they stood very near 13½°; their zero corresponded to -15°R. (- 18.75°C.), and their 50° mark to 44°R. (55°C.).
这种温度计被称为100度温度计。还有一个 50 度的温度计（图 2.5）和一个 300 度的温度计。 50 度的仪器“只不过是第一个仪器的一个小复制品”，被大量生产；目前仍有数十人幸存，主要集中在佛罗伦萨。我们得知，在冬天，100 度的温度计通常会降至 17 或 16 度左右，50 度的温度计会降至 12 或 11 度，但有一年例外，会降至 8 度，另一年甚至降至 6 度。在炎热的夏季，前者从未超过 80°，后者则超过 40°，或者即使超过一点点。 23 将佛罗伦萨温标视为基于固定点是没有道理的。显然，太阳和冰块只是为了调节酒精量，作为密封前的最后一步操作。尽管如此，至少 50 度的温度计非常一致。 1828 年，在佛罗伦萨发现了一个箱子，里面装有大量此类仪器，此外还有属于 Academia del Cimento 的其他温度计和各种玻璃仪器。25 其中大部分现在都属于佛罗伦萨科学史博物馆的珍宝。 .26 Libri 对 50 度温度计进行了 200 多次比较，发现结果惊人地一致。 ment。在融化的冰中，它们的位置非常接近 13.5°；它们的零对应于-15°R。 (- 18.75°C.)，以及 50° 标记至 44°R。 （55°C）。
这种温度计被称为100度温度计。还有一个 50 度的温度计（图 2.5）和一个 300 度的温度计。 50 度的仪器“只不过是第一个仪器的一个小复制品”，被大量生产；目前仍有数十人幸存，主要集中在佛罗伦萨。我们得知，在冬天，100 度的温度计通常会降至 17 或 16 度左右，50 度的温度计会降至 12 或 11 度，但有一年例外，会降至 8 度，另一年甚至降至 6 度。在炎热的夏季，前者从未超过 80°，后者则超过 40°，或者即使超过一点点。 23 将佛罗伦萨温标视为基于固定点是没有道理的。显然，太阳和冰块只是为了调节酒精量，作为密封前的最后一步操作。尽管如此，至少 50 度的温度计非常一致。 1828 年，在佛罗伦萨发现了一个箱子，里面装有大量此类仪器，此外还有属于 Academia del Cimento 的其他温度计和各种玻璃仪器。25 其中大部分现在都属于佛罗伦萨科学史博物馆的珍宝。 .26 Libri 对 50 度温度计进行了 200 多次比较，发现结果惊人地一致。 ment。在融化的冰中，它们的位置非常接近 13.5°；它们的零对应于-15°R。 (- 18.75°C.)，以及 50° 标记至 44°R。 （55°C）。
How was it done? The Saggi provides the only possible answer:
是怎么做到的？萨吉提供了唯一可能的答案：
是怎么做到的？萨吉提供了唯一可能的答案：
an artisan, very famous in this trade, who served the Most Serene Grand Duke, was accustomed to say that if the 50-degree thermometers were desired he could very well manage to make two or three or any number which, surrounded by the same atmosphere, would always move equally; but certainly not the 100-degree ones, much less those of 300 degrees, inasmuch as inequalities could more easily occur in the larger bulb and the longer tube, and since every little error made in working them is able to produce very great disturbances, and alter the equality that there ought to be between them.
一位在这一行业非常有名的工匠，曾为最宁静的大公服务过，他习惯说，如果需要 50 度的温度计，他可以很好地制作两到三个或任意数量的温度计，并且周围环境相同。 ，将始终平等地移动；但肯定不是 100 度的，更不用说 300 度的了，因为较大的灯泡和较长的管子更容易出现不平等，而且在工作中犯的每一个小错误都会产生很大的干扰，并且改变他们之间应有的平等。
The Duke's glass blower, Mariani, was apparently a consummate workman. According to Antinori, the Abbé Nollet saw some of the things he left behind and declared that they were of un imaginable perfection.? We can concur when we look at the beautiful instrument with a helical scale (Fig. 2.6), still preserved at Florence and used so many times as the subject of an illustration that it begins to seem like the symbol of the Academy. I make no apology for following the fashion although it is scarcely a meteorological instrument, as the Academy well knew, saying that it was made rather "for a caprice (per una bizzarria) ... than to deduce the just and infallible proportions of heat and cold."20
公爵的玻璃吹制工马里亚尼显然是一位技艺高超的工匠。根据安蒂诺里的说法，诺莱神父看到了他留下的一些东西，并宣称它们具有难以想象的完美性。当我们看到这架带有螺旋刻度的美丽乐器（图 2.6）时，我们可以同意这一点，它仍然保存在佛罗伦萨，并多次用作插图的主题，以至于它开始看起来像是学院的象征。我不会为追随时尚而道歉，尽管它几乎不是一个气象仪器，正如学院所熟知的那样，说它是“出于任性（per una bizarria）而制造的……而不是为了推断出公正且无误的热量比例”而且很冷。”20
公爵的玻璃吹制工马里亚尼显然是一位技艺高超的工匠。根据安蒂诺里的说法，诺莱神父看到了他留下的一些东西，并宣称它们具有难以想象的完美性。当我们看到这架带有螺旋刻度的美丽乐器（图 2.6）时，我们可以同意这一点，它仍然保存在佛罗伦萨，并多次用作插图的主题，以至于它开始看起来像是学院的象征。我不会为追随时尚而道歉，尽管它几乎不是一个气象仪器，正如学院所熟知的那样，说它是“出于任性（per una bizarria）而制造的……而不是为了推断出公正且无误的热量比例”而且很冷。”20
There is a further piece of evidence that the temperature of melting ice was not considered as a fundamental point. Among the manuscripts left by the Academy there is one dealing with experiments on these thermometers. The 50-degree one put in snow or ice, "comes down regularly to 13½ degrees, although the coldest air in Florence has reduced it to seven.30 It is most unlikely that a number such as 13½ would have been picked for the ice point if it had been felt to be of fundamental importance. It is perhaps even more significant that the reading at the ice point is not mentioned in the description given in the Saggi.
还有进一步的证据表明，冰融化的温度并未被视为一个基本点。在科学院留下的手稿中，有一份涉及这些温度计的实验。放入雪或冰中的 50 度温度“会定期降至 13.5 度，尽管佛罗伦萨最冷的空气已将其降至 7 度。30 像 13.5 度这样的数字不太可能被选为冰点如果人们认为它具有根本重要性，那么也许更重要的是萨吉的描述中没有提到冰点的读数。
还有进一步的证据表明，冰融化的温度并未被视为一个基本点。在科学院留下的手稿中，有一份涉及这些温度计的实验。放入雪或冰中的 50 度温度“会定期降至 13.5 度，尽管佛罗伦萨最冷的空气已将其降至 7 度。30 像 13.5 度这样的数字不太可能被选为冰点如果人们认为它具有根本重要性，那么也许更重要的是萨吉的描述中没有提到冰点的读数。
Spirit of wine was chosen as a thermometric liquid because, they said, it is more sensitive than water, and also because water eventually spoils the transparency of the tube, while alcohol does not. At first they colored the spirit with kermes, or dragon's blood, but found that this dirtied the glass, so that the tinting of the spirit was abandoned. Most of the surviving examples have uncolored spirit in them, but there is a group of five 50-degree thermometers in the Museo Copernicano at Rome, in which the liquid is red.
他们说，选择酒精作为测温液体是因为它比水更敏感，而且水最终会破坏管子的透明度，而酒精则不会。起初，他们用胭脂红或龙血给酒上色，但发现这会弄脏玻璃，因此放弃了对酒的着色。大多数现存的例子中都含有无色的酒精，但罗马哥白尼博物馆中有一组五个 50 度的温度计，其中的液体是红色的。
他们说，选择酒精作为测温液体是因为它比水更敏感，而且水最终会破坏管子的透明度，而酒精则不会。起初，他们用胭脂红或龙血给酒上色，但发现这会弄脏玻璃，因此放弃了对酒的着色。大多数现存的例子中都含有无色的酒精，但罗马哥白尼博物馆中有一组五个 50 度的温度计，其中的液体是红色的。
That the change had been made by 1658 is shown by a letter from the French diplomat Des Noyers to Ismael Boulliau dated on the 12th of May in that year.31 Advising Boulliau about the construction of thermometers, Des Noyers warns him not to use colored spirit "because after a time it makes the glass dirty, and remaining attached to the tube beyond the liquid, diminishes its apparent quantity."32 And there is a letter written in 1660 from one of the members of the Academy, Francesco Redi, to Carlo de' Dottori, dated on the 6th of December of that year. Redi asks his correspondent not to be surprised that the thermometers he has obtained for him have uncolored spirit in them. He had requested this on purpose, "because those that have the spirit colored red, so often let the tube get dirty as they get older," making them hard to read.s
1658 年法国外交官德诺瓦 (Des Noyers) 于当年 5 月 12 日写给伊斯梅尔·布廖 (Ismael Boulliau) 的一封信显示了这一变化。 31 德诺瓦 (Des Noyers) 就温度计的制造向布廖提出建议，警告他不要使用有色酒精。 “因为一段时间后，它会使玻璃变脏，并且仍然附着在液体之外的管子上，从而减少了其表观数量。”32还有一封 1660 年学院成员弗朗西斯科·雷迪 (Francesco Redi) 写给卡洛的信de' Dottori，日期为当年 12 月 6 日。雷迪请他的记者不要对他为他获得的温度计中含有无色酒精感到惊讶。他是故意要求这样做的，“因为那些将酒精染成红色的人，随着年龄的增长，管子经常会变脏”，使它们难以阅读。
1658 年法国外交官德诺瓦 (Des Noyers) 于当年 5 月 12 日写给伊斯梅尔·布廖 (Ismael Boulliau) 的一封信显示了这一变化。 31 德诺瓦 (Des Noyers) 就温度计的制造向布廖提出建议，警告他不要使用有色酒精。 “因为一段时间后，它会使玻璃变脏，并且仍然附着在液体之外的管子上，从而减少了其表观数量。”32还有一封 1660 年学院成员弗朗西斯科·雷迪 (Francesco Redi) 写给卡洛的信de' Dottori，日期为当年 12 月 6 日。雷迪请他的记者不要对他为他获得的温度计中含有无色酒精感到惊讶。他是故意要求这样做的，“因为那些将酒精染成红色的人，随着年龄的增长，管子经常会变脏”，使它们难以阅读。
When a spirit-in-glass thermometer gets a bubble in the column, it is common practice to dispose of the bubble by holding the instrument in one hand and tapping it against the palm of the other, as every meteorological observer is taught. This trick too was known about 1660.3.1
当玻璃酒精温度计的柱中出现气泡时，通常的做法是用一只手握住仪器并用另一只手轻敲仪器来处理气泡，正如每个气象观察员所接受的那样。这个技巧在 1660.3.1 也已为人所知
当玻璃酒精温度计的柱中出现气泡时，通常的做法是用一只手握住仪器并用另一只手轻敲仪器来处理气泡，正如每个气象观察员所接受的那样。这个技巧在 1660.3.1 也已为人所知
But the academicians experimented with other liquids. Putting water into a bulb attached to a tube divided into 200 degrees, they found, among other things, that water has a minimum volume at some temperature above freezing. They also discovered that when the bulb was suddenly put into the crushed ice the level of the water in the tube made a little jump upward (un balzetto in su) before starting to go down as one would expect.se Similarly, they found a fall when the bulb was first put in hot water, and one of the academicians suspected that these effects proceeded from the sudden enlargement of the bulb when it was first placed in the hot water, and the sudden contraction when it was first placed in ice.37
但院士们用其他液体进行了实验。将水放入一个连接到 200 度管子的灯泡中，他们发现，除其他外，水在冰点以上的某个温度下具有最小体积。他们还发现，当灯泡突然放入碎冰中时，管中的水位会稍微向上跳跃（un balzetto in su），然后开始像人们预期的那样下降。同样，他们发现了下降当灯泡第一次放入热水中时，一位院士怀疑这些效应是由于灯泡第一次放入热水中时突然膨胀，以及第一次放入冰中时突然收缩所致。 37
但院士们用其他液体进行了实验。将水放入一个连接到 200 度管子的灯泡中，他们发现，除其他外，水在冰点以上的某个温度下具有最小体积。他们还发现，当灯泡突然放入碎冰中时，管中的水位会稍微向上跳跃（un balzetto in su），然后开始像人们预期的那样下降。同样，他们发现了下降当灯泡第一次放入热水中时，一位院士怀疑这些效应是由于灯泡第一次放入热水中时突然膨胀，以及第一次放入冰中时突然收缩所致。 37
Naturally they tried mercury. Some time in November, 1657, they took two similar bulbs and tubes, and filled one with mercury and the other with spirit of wine. They were disappointed to find that the mercury did not rise nearly as far as the spirit when both were put in the same vessel of hot water, although it "received the heat first." On November 10, 1657, they found that mercury cooled down more quickly than water when glasses of both were placed in the same bowl of crushed ice, and on December 3 they found that the mercury heated more quickly in hot water. But in spite of this, "not having paid attention to proportioning the bore of the tube to the capacity of the bulb, the academicians judged (the mercury thermometer} less suitable than that of spirit-of-wine."so Which was a pity.
他们自然而然地尝试了汞。 1657 年 11 月的某个时候，他们拿了两个类似的灯泡和灯管，其中一个装满了水银，另一个装满了酒精。他们失望地发现，当将两者放入同一个热水容器中时，水银的上升幅度几乎没有烈酒那么高，尽管它“首先受到了热量”。 1657 年 11 月 10 日，他们发现，当将两杯玻璃杯放入同一碗碎冰中时，水银比水冷却得更快；12 月 3 日，他们发现水银在热水中加热得更快。但尽管如此，“院士们没有注意管径与灯泡容量的比例，因此认为（水银温度计}不如酒的温度计合适。”所以这是遗憾的。 。
他们自然而然地尝试了汞。 1657 年 11 月的某个时候，他们拿了两个类似的灯泡和灯管，其中一个装满了水银，另一个装满了酒精。他们失望地发现，当将两者放入同一个热水容器中时，水银的上升幅度几乎没有烈酒那么高，尽管它“首先受到了热量”。 1657 年 11 月 10 日，他们发现，当将两杯玻璃杯放入同一碗碎冰中时，水银比水冷却得更快；12 月 3 日，他们发现水银在热水中加热得更快。但尽管如此，“院士们没有注意管径与灯泡容量的比例，因此认为（水银温度计}不如酒的温度计合适。”所以这是遗憾的。 。
The Grand Duke, obviously proud of his invention, did his best to spread it far and wide. As far as I know, the first published descriptions of the spirit-in-glass thermometer came not from Florence, but from Rome in 165611 and from Perugia in 1658.42 In the Roman book there is a chapter on "finding the increase or decrease of heat and cold in air, water, or other liquids," in which the experiments of the Grand Duke Ferdinand are praised. After describing the air thermometer very clearly, the author goes on, "But not content with this invention alone, His Serene Highness sought to perfect it in a manner that leaves nothing to be desired."* He then described the spirit thermometer, and enlarges on its many uses. Finally, he tells us that
大公显然对他的发明感到自豪，并尽最大努力将其广泛传播。据我所知，最早出版的关于玻璃酒精温度计的描述不是来自佛罗伦萨，而是来自165611年的罗马和1658.42年的佩鲁贾。罗马书中有一章是关于“找出热量的增加或减少”的。以及空气、水或其他液体中的寒冷”，其中赞扬了斐迪南大公的实验。在非常清楚地描述了空气温度计之后，作者继续说道：“但殿下并不仅仅满足于这项发明，他力求以一种无可挑剔的方式完善它。”*然后他描述了酒精温度计，并放大了其多种用途。最后他告诉我们
大公显然对他的发明感到自豪，并尽最大努力将其广泛传播。据我所知，最早出版的关于玻璃酒精温度计的描述不是来自佛罗伦萨，而是来自165611年的罗马和1658.42年的佩鲁贾。罗马书中有一章是关于“找出热量的增加或减少”的。以及空气、水或其他液体中的寒冷”，其中赞扬了斐迪南大公的实验。在非常清楚地描述了空气温度计之后，作者继续说道：“但殿下并不仅仅满足于这项发明，他力求以一种无可挑剔的方式完善它。”*然后他描述了酒精温度计，并放大了其多种用途。最后他告诉我们
in the winter this most Serene Grand Duke looks at the said instrument on rising in the morning, and by the observations that have been made he knows quite well whether the cold is greater or less in this or that other place than in Florence, or wherever His Most Serene Highness may be, and to what degree. 11
在冬天，这位最宁静的大公在早上起床时看着上述仪器，通过观察，他很清楚这个或那个其他地方的寒冷是否比佛罗伦萨或其他地方更冷或更冷。至高无上的殿下可能是这样，而且到什么程度。 11
His Highness has also found, we are told, that the water of wells and springs, and the air of caves and cellars, is not warmer in winter, as our senses would lead us to believe.
据我们所知，殿下还发现，冬天的井水和泉水以及洞穴和地窖的空气并不像我们的感官所相信的那样温暖。
据我们所知，殿下还发现，冬天的井水和泉水以及洞穴和地窖的空气并不像我们的感官所相信的那样温暖。
The phrase "by the observations that have been made" (per l'osservationi fatte) can only refer to the meteorological network mentioned above.
“通过已进行的观测”（per l'osservationi fatte）一词只能指上述气象网络。
“通过已进行的观测”（per l'osservationi fatte）一词只能指上述气象网络。
The Florentine thermometer got much farther than Rome and Perugia-and very quickly -to be used for the first systematic observations of temperature in Paris. In the library of the Observatoire de Paris there is a manuscript's table of observations made by the astronomer Ismael Boulliau, headed "Ad Thermomentrum observationes anno 1658 Parisiis. Thermometru Florentiae fabricatum." The first observation is dated May 25, 1658, and the last August 19, 1660. From March 25 to May 10, 1659, there is a parallel series of observations in a column headed "Ad mercurio plenum thermometron"; these show little variation, a fact that Boulliau was quick to report to Prince Leopold in a letter dated April 4, 1659,46 from which we learn that the bulbs and tubes of the two thermometers had been similar, and that the mercury only expanded two degrees while the spirit was expanding fifteen. So he abandoned the mercury thermometer.
佛罗伦萨温度计比罗马和佩鲁贾走得更远，而且速度很快，被用于巴黎的首次系统温度观测。巴黎天文台的图书馆里有一份天文学家伊斯梅尔·布利奥 (Ismael Boulliau) 制作的观测手稿表，标题为“1658 年巴黎的 Ad Thermomentrum 观测。Thermometru Florentiae Fabricatum”。第一次观测日期为 1658 年 5 月 25 日，最后一次观测日期为 1660 年 8 月 19 日。从 1659 年 3 月 25 日到 5 月 10 日，在标题为“Ad Mercurio plenum Thermometron”的专栏中进行了一系列平行观测；这些显示出很小的变化，布廖很快在 1659 年 4 月 4 日的一封信中向利奥波德王子报告了这一事实，46 从信中我们了解到，两个温度计的灯泡和管子是相似的，而且水银只膨胀了两倍度，而精神扩展十五度。于是他放弃了水银温度计。
佛罗伦萨温度计比罗马和佩鲁贾走得更远，而且速度很快，被用于巴黎的首次系统温度观测。巴黎天文台的图书馆里有一份天文学家伊斯梅尔·布利奥 (Ismael Boulliau) 制作的观测手稿表，标题为“1658 年巴黎的 Ad Thermomentrum 观测。Thermometru Florentiae Fabricatum”。第一次观测日期为 1658 年 5 月 25 日，最后一次观测日期为 1660 年 8 月 19 日。从 1659 年 3 月 25 日到 5 月 10 日，在标题为“Ad Mercurio plenum Thermometron”的专栏中进行了一系列平行观测；这些显示出很小的变化，布廖很快在 1659 年 4 月 4 日的一封信中向利奥波德王子报告了这一事实，46 从信中我们了解到，两个温度计的灯泡和管子是相似的，而且水银只膨胀了两倍度，而精神扩展十五度。于是他放弃了水银温度计。
We know how Boulliau got his Florentine thermometer, for there exist letters written to him by P. Des Noyers, a Frenchman attached to the court of Poland. It appears that the Queen of Poland sent T. L. Burattini to Italy and that he came back in 1657 with various instruments, including several thermometers, gifts of the Grand Duke. Des Noyers sent one of these to Boul. liau, together wth a description and a full-size sketch.
我们知道布利奥是如何得到他的佛罗伦萨温度计的，因为有波兰宫廷法国人 P. Des Noyers 写给他的信。波兰女王似乎派 T. L. Burattini 前往意大利，他于 1657 年带着各种仪器回来，其中包括几支温度计，这是大公的礼物。德诺耶斯将其中一份寄给了布尔。廖，连同描述和全尺寸草图。
我们知道布利奥是如何得到他的佛罗伦萨温度计的，因为有波兰宫廷法国人 P. Des Noyers 写给他的信。波兰女王似乎派 T. L. Burattini 前往意大利，他于 1657 年带着各种仪器回来，其中包括几支温度计，这是大公的礼物。德诺耶斯将其中一份寄给了布尔。廖，连同描述和全尺寸草图。
The Florentine thermometer reached England in 1661, when one was shown to Robert Boyle by a young man called Robert Southwell, just back from the Grand Tour. A hopeful examination of his rather juvenile notebook1 reveals nothing of scientific interest, but only a taste for trivia and a liking for rather oftcolor, and not very funny, stories. It does show that he was in Florence on April 3, 1661. At a more solemn age, as Sir Robert, he was President of the Royal Society (1690-95), and this is how we know that it was he who showed Boyle the thermometer.50 Boyle had a good deal to say about the instrument a year or two later in his New Experiments and Observations Touching Cold:
佛罗伦萨温度计于 1661 年到达英国，当时一位名叫罗伯特·索斯韦尔 (Robert Southwell) 的年轻人刚从环游回来，向罗伯特·博伊尔展示了一个温度计。对他相当幼稚的笔记本进行充满希望的检查，没有发现任何科学兴趣，而只是对琐事的品味和对色彩丰富、不太有趣的故事的喜爱。它确实表明他于 1661 年 4 月 3 日在佛罗伦萨。在更庄严的年纪，作为罗伯特爵士，他担任皇家学会主席（1690-95 年），这就是我们如何知道是他向波义耳展示了50 一两年后，博伊尔在他的《触及寒冷的新实验和观察》中对这种仪器进行了很多论述：
佛罗伦萨温度计于 1661 年到达英国，当时一位名叫罗伯特·索斯韦尔 (Robert Southwell) 的年轻人刚从环游回来，向罗伯特·博伊尔展示了一个温度计。对他相当幼稚的笔记本进行充满希望的检查，没有发现任何科学兴趣，而只是对琐事的品味和对色彩丰富、不太有趣的故事的喜爱。它确实表明他于 1661 年 4 月 3 日在佛罗伦萨。在更庄严的年纪，作为罗伯特爵士，他担任皇家学会主席（1690-95 年），这就是我们如何知道是他向波义耳展示了50 一两年后，博伊尔在他的《触及寒冷的新实验和观察》中对这种仪器进行了很多论述：
Weather glasses . . . that are hermetically sealed . . . are in some things so much more convenient than the others, that (if I be not mistaken) it has already prov'd somewhat serviceable to the inquisitive, that I have directed the making of the first of them, that have been blown in England. At the beginning indeed I had difficulty to bring men to believe, there would be rarefaction and condensation of a liquor hermetically seal'd up, because of the school doctrine touching the impossibility of a vacuum . . . I found my work much facilitated by the sight of a small seal'd weather-glass newly brought by an ingenious traveller from Florence, where it seems some of the eminent virtuosi, that enobled that fair city, had got the start of us in reducing seal'd glasses into a convenient shape for thermoscopes. But since that, the invention has in England by a dexterous hand, that uses to make them for me, been improv'd, and the glasses we now use are more conveniently shap'd, and more exact than the pattern, I caused the first to be made by.52
天气眼镜。 。 。是密封的。 。 。在某些事情上比其他事情方便得多，（如果我没记错的话）它已经被证明对好奇的人有一定的帮助，我已经指导了其中第一个的制作，已经在英国吹制了。一开始，我确实很难让人们相信，密封的液体会稀薄和凝结，因为学校的教义涉及真空的不可能性。 。 。我发现我的工作受到了一位聪明的旅行者从佛罗伦萨新带来的一个小型密封的天气玻璃的启发，似乎是一些杰出的艺术大师，使这座美丽的城市变得更加美丽，已经开始我们减少空气污染。将玻璃密封成适合测温仪的形状。但从那时起，这项发明在英国通过一双灵巧的手，用来为我制作它们，得到了改进，我们现在使用的眼镜比模型更方便成型，也更精确，我引起了第一个由.52 制造
It would be interesting to know the nature of these improvements and to identify the "dexterous hand." It may well have been Robert Hooke, whose work on the thermometer we shall examine shortly.
了解这些改进的本质并识别“灵巧的手”将会很有趣。很可能是罗伯特·胡克（Robert Hooke），我们很快就会研究他在温度计方面的工作。
了解这些改进的本质并识别“灵巧的手”将会很有趣。很可能是罗伯特·胡克（Robert Hooke），我们很快就会研究他在温度计方面的工作。
We see that by about 1660 the spirit-in-glass thermometer had been brought to a technically satisfactory state and that the mercury-in-glass thermometer had been tried and temporarily abandoned. But whatever comparability had been achieved depended on the extraordinary skill of a workman. The history of thermometry for the succeeding century and more is largely a record of attempts to make thermometers universally comparable.
我们看到，到1660年左右，玻璃酒精温度计已达到技术上令人满意的状态，玻璃水银温度计已被尝试并暂时被放弃。但无论达到什么可比性，都取决于工人的非凡技术。接下来的一个多世纪的温度测量历史很大程度上记录了使温度计具有普遍可比性的尝试。
我们看到，到1660年左右，玻璃酒精温度计已达到技术上令人满意的状态，玻璃水银温度计已被尝试并暂时被放弃。但无论达到什么可比性，都取决于工人的非凡技术。接下来的一个多世纪的温度测量历史很大程度上记录了使温度计具有普遍可比性的尝试。