and deportment, published in 1648, suggest that she was also part of a changing ideal of femininity that now emphasized musical and artistic skills for women, as well as some education. Other accounts of Tintoretto and his workshop offer a series of paradoxes with regard to a daughter whose hand was apparently indistinguishable from that of her father, whose painting was sufficiently good to be confused with his, and whose fame must have continued after her death since Ridolfi placed her among the most illustrious women of all time.
1648 年出版的《Tintoretto and deportment》表明，她也是女性理想变化的一部分，这种理想现在强调女性的音乐和艺术技能，以及一些教育。有關丁托列托和他的工作室的其他描述提供了一系列關於這個女兒的悖論：她的手顯然與她父親的沒有區別，她的畫作好到足以與她父親的混淆，她的名聲在她死後一定會繼續，因為 Ridolfi 將她列入了有史以來最傑出的女性之列。
1648 年出版的《行為與舉止》表明，她也是女性氣質觀念不斷變化的一部分，現在強調女性的音樂和藝術技能以及一些教育。關於丁托列托和他的工作室的其他記錄提供了一系列關於女兒的悖論，她的手顯然與她父親的手沒有區別，她的畫作足以與他的混淆，而且她的名聲在她死後一定會繼續存在，因為裡多爾菲使她躋身有史以來最傑出的女性之列。 1648年出版的《丁托列託與舉止》表演，她也是女性理想變化的一部分，這種理想現在強調女性的音樂和藝術技能，以及一些教育。其他提供了關於一系列這個女兒的遵從論：她的手顯然與她父親的沒有區別，她的畫作很好地論證了與她父親的分歧，她的名聲在她死後一定會繼續，因為裡多爾菲將她列入了有史以來最傑出的女性之列。
Robusti, like her brother Domenico (who inherited the workshop on Tintoretto's death and was thus considered the new "master"), learned to paint portraits in her father's style. It is commonly assumed that her achievements were largely due to his influence. This facile assumption, however, is a product of modern scholarship. Sixteenth- and seventeenth- century sources point in two directions: Robusti's close ties to her father and his production, and her independent achievement. Although Ridolfi mentions portraits by Robusti of all the members of the silversmiths' guild, Adolfo Venturi in 1929 was alone among twentieth-century art historians in tentatively identifying as hers a group of paintings in the manner of Tintoretto; his dubious but all too common grounds of reasoning was that they display a "sentimental femininity, a womanly grace that is strained and resolute." Most modern scholars attribute only a single work to her, the Portrait of an Old Man With Boy (c. 1585). Long considered one of Tintoretto's finest portraits, it was not until 1920 that the work was found to be signed with Robusti's monogram. Even so, the reattribution ...
羅布斯蒂和她的兄弟多梅尼科（多梅尼科在丁托列托去世後繼承了工作室，因此被認為是新的“大師”）一樣，學會了按照她父親的風格畫肖像。人們普遍認為她的成就很大程度上歸功於他的影響。然而，這種簡單的假設是現代學術的產物。十六世紀和十七世紀的資料指向兩個方向：羅布斯蒂與她父親及其作品的密切聯繫，以及她的獨立成就。儘管裡多爾菲提到了羅布斯蒂為銀匠行會所有成員繪製的肖像，但阿道夫·文丘里在1929 年是20 世紀藝術史學家中唯一一個嘗試將一組具有丁托列托風格的畫作認定為她的作品的人。他的推理的可疑但又太常見的理由是，它們表現出「感性的女性氣質，一種緊張而堅定的女性優雅」。大多數現代學者只認為她的一件作品是《老人與男孩的肖像》（約 1585 年）。長期以來，這幅作品被認為是丁托列托最精美的肖像畫之一，直到 1920 年，人們才發現這幅作品上有羅布斯蒂的字母組合簽名。即便如此，重新報應...
has subsequently been questioned. ...
隨後遭到質疑。 …
The workshop's prodigious output, a subject of much comment ever since the humanist Pietro Aretino first commended Tintoretto's “speed in execution accompanied by excellence" in the sixteenth century, has helped to define the artistic genius of its Master. Though many Tintoretto scholars acknowledge the problems of attribution in the workshop, they generally embrace a model of almost superhuman production and use it to build an image of "greatness" for the artist. ...
自從人文主義者彼得羅·阿雷蒂諾(Pietro Aretino) 在16 世紀首次稱讚丁托列託的“執行速度與卓越相伴”以來，該工作室的驚人成果一直備受好評，並幫助定義了其大師的藝術天才。
Hans Tietze in 1948 proposed a "Tintorettesque style" to encompass the varied hands at work: "The Tintorettesque style is not only an impoverishment but also an enrichment of the style of Tintoretto; it enters into innumerable combinations with the personal style, makes transitions and mixtures possible, increases the master's scope, augments his effectiveness, and affords opportunity for trying out on a larger scale artistic principles which in reality are his own personal property." Thus the collective style called "Tintorettesque" is ...
漢斯·蒂茨(Hans Tietze) 於1948 年提出了“丁托列托風格”，以涵蓋工作中的不同雙手：“丁托列托風格不僅是丁托列托風格的貧乏，而且是豐富的；它與個人風格進行無數的組合，進行過渡和調整。自己的個人財產。因此，稱為“Tintorettesque”的集體風格是...
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
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3 Marietta Robusti, Portrait of an Old Man With Boy, c. 1585 ...
3 瑪麗埃塔·羅布斯蒂（Marietta Robusti），《老人與男孩的肖像》，c. 1585 ...
used to prove the individual genius of the artist Tintoretto, leading inexorably to Tietze's conclusion that, "Works in which pupils certainly had a considerable share-as for instance the two mighty late works in San Giorgio Maggiore-are among his most important and most personal creations." Constructions such as this make it all but impossible to disentangle Robusti from her father. Since women were not credited with artistic genius, an art history committed to proving male genius can only subsume women's contributions under those of men. ...
用來證明藝術家丁托列託的個人天才，無情地得出了蒂策的結論：「學生們肯定在其中佔有相當大份額的作品——例如《聖喬治馬焦雷》中的兩幅偉大的晚期作品——是他最重要和最個人化的作品之一。這樣的結構使得羅布斯蒂幾乎不可能與她的父親分開。由於女性並不被認為具有藝術天才，因此致力於證明男性天才的藝術史只能將女性的貢獻納入男性的貢獻之下。 …
Introduction ...
介紹 ...
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Although in many extant Tintoretto portraits an "amazing variability of brushstroke" is detected, this has not led to new interpretations of workshop production that differ significantly from conventional views of individual creation. ...
儘管在許多現存的丁托列托肖像畫中都發現了“筆觸的驚人變化”，但這並沒有導致對工作坊生產的新解釋，與個人創作的傳統觀點有很大不同。 …
It is widely assumed that Robusti assisted in the preparation of large altarpieces, as did all workshop assistants. Yet surely we should question Francesco Valcanover's 1985 assertion that in the 1580s, "assistants were largely confined to working on less important areas of the canvas, not only because of the family tie and the submission that could be expected but also because of the imperiousness of the recognized master that Tintoretto had by now become.... What responsibility they may have been allowed must therefore have been partial and at best modest." It is clear from Robusti's renown by the 1580s that she had achieved considerable status as a painter, although we do not know precisely what that meant. Nor do we know how it related to her continuing participation in the workshop. The model Valcanover assumes for the Tintoretto workshop is more conservative and hierarchical than that of many other sixteenth-century artists' studios, but we lack the documentary evidence to challenge his view conclusively. ...
人們普遍認為羅布斯蒂和所有車間助理一樣，協助準備大型祭壇畫。然而，我們當然應該質疑弗朗切斯科·瓦爾卡諾弗(Francesco Valcanover) 1985 年的斷言，即在1580 年代，「助手主要局限於畫布上不太重要的區域，不僅是因為家庭關係和可以預期的服從，也因為丁托列托現在已成為公認的大師……因此，他們所承擔的責任一定是部分的，最多是適度的。從羅布斯蒂在 1580 年代的名聲中可以清楚地看出，她作為一名畫家已經取得了相當大的地位，儘管我們並不清楚這到底意味著什麼。我們也不知道這與她繼續參加研討會有何關係。瓦爾卡諾弗為丁托列托工作室假設的模型比許多其他十六世紀藝術家工作室的模型更加保守和等級化，但我們缺乏文獻證據來最終質疑他的觀點。 …
The imposition of modern views of originality and artistic individuality on workshop production obscures the actual development of painters like Robusti and her brother Domenico by putting them all under the name of Tintoretto despite contemporary evidence of independent achievement. Although it is clear that, as a female member of Tintoretto's household Robusti was subservient and that her short life resulted in limited production, it is in fact modern scholarship that has buried her artistic life under that of her father and brother. Rather than seeing the workshop as a site of a range of production, modern scholars have redefined it as a place where lowly assistants painted angels' wings while a "Master" artist breathed life into the Madonna's features. Even Ridolfi's remark about the slackening of Tintoretto's “fury for work" upon Robusti's death in 1590, which he and others have attributed solely to a father's grief at the death of a beloved daughter, demands rereading in the light of the loss of so . ...
儘管當代有獨立成就的證據，但將原創性和藝術個性的現代觀點強加於作坊生產，掩蓋了像羅布斯蒂和她的兄弟多梅尼科這樣的畫家的實際發展，因為他們都被冠以丁托列託的名字。儘管很明顯，作為丁托列托家族的女性成員，羅布斯蒂是順從的，而且她短暫的生命導致了產量有限，但實際上是現代學術將她的藝術生活埋葬在她父親和兄弟的藝術生活之下。現代學者並沒有將工作室視為一系列生產的場所，而是將其重新定義為低等助手畫天使翅膀、而「大師」藝術家為麥當娜的面貌注入生命的地方。就連裡多爾菲關於1590 年羅布斯蒂去世後丁托列托「對工作的熱情」減弱的評論（他和其他人將其歸咎於一位父親因心愛的女兒去世而感到悲痛）也需要重讀，因為失去瞭如此多的女兒。
capable an assistant ...
能當助理...
By the nineteenth century, interest in Robusti expressed itself primarily by transforming her into a popular subject for Romantic painters. Attracted by the familial bonds and the melancholy of her early death, they recast her as a tubercular heroine passively expiring as she stimulated her father to new creative heights. Léon Cogniet's Tintoretto Painting His Dead Daughter, exhibited at the Musée Classique du Bazar ...
到了十九世紀，人們對羅布斯蒂的興趣主要透過將她轉變為浪漫主義畫家的熱門主題來表達。受到家庭紐帶和她早逝的憂鬱所吸引，他們將她重新塑造為一位患有肺結核的女英雄，在她激勵父親達到新的創作高度時被動地死去。萊昂·科尼特 (Léon Cogniet) 的丁托列托畫他死去的女兒，在巴扎爾經典博物館展出...
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
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Bonne-Nouvelle in 1846, influenced both Karl Girardet and Eleuterio Pagliano to produce works on the same subject. They were followed by Philippe Jeanron's Tintoretto and His Daughter of 1857, in which the female painter has become a muse and model for her father. During this period Robusti also figured in a novel by George Sand and a play by the painter Luigi Marta, Tintoretto and His Daughter. First staged in Milan in 1845, the play includes a deathbed scene in which the dying young woman now inspires Paolo Veronese. ...
1846 年的 Bonne-Nouvelle 影響了 Karl Girardet 和 Eleuterio Pagliano 創作了同一主題的作品。隨後是菲利普·讓龍 1857 年的《丁托列托和他的女兒》，其中這位女畫家成為了她父親的繆斯和模特兒。在此期間，羅布斯蒂也出現在喬治桑的小說和畫家路易吉瑪爾塔的戲劇《丁托列托和他的女兒》中。該劇於 1845 年在米蘭首次上演，其中有一個臨終場景，在這個場景中，垂死的年輕女子現在為保羅·委羅內塞帶來了靈感。 …
The bizarre but all too common transformation of the woman artist from a producer in her own right into a subject for representation forms a leitmotif in the history of art. Confounding subject and object, it undermines the speaking position of the individual woman artist by generalizing her. Denied her individuality, she is displaced from being a producer and becomes instead a sign for male creativity. Zoffany's depictions of Kauffmann and Moser turned them into portrait types in which their individual features are barely discernible. Robusti's metamorphosis into a dying muse turns her into an ideal of quietly suffering femininity. ...
女藝術家從一個獨立的製作人轉變為一個表現主體，這種奇怪但又司空見慣的轉變構成了藝術史上的一個主旋律。它混淆了主體和客體，透過概括女性藝術家來破壞女性藝術家個體的話語地位。由於否認了自己的個性，她不再是製片人，而是成為男性創造力的象徵。佐法尼對考夫曼和莫澤的描繪將他們變成了肖像類型，他們的個人特徵幾乎難以辨認。羅布斯蒂變身為垂死的繆斯女神，使她成為默默忍受女性氣質的理想典範。 …
The second case concerns the pressure that financial greed exerts on correct attribution. Since the monetary value of works of art is inextricably bound up in their attribution to "named" artists, the work of many women has been absorbed into that of their better-known male colleagues. Although not restricted to the work of women, such misattributions have contributed to the perception that women produce less. Ironically, some women have suffered from the overattribution to them of inferior work. To reassemble the oeuvre of the eighteenth-century Venetian painter Giulia Lama, Germaine Greer reported, scholars were forced to borrow from the work of Federico Bencovich, Tiepolo, Domenico Maggiotto, Francesco Capella, Antonio Petrini, Jan Lyss, and even Zurbarán. Thus it comes as no surprise that Judith Leyster, one of the best- known painters of seventeenth-century Holland, was almost completely lost from history from the end of that century until 1893, when Cornelius Hofstede de Groot discovered her monogram on The Happy Couple (1630) which he had just sold to the Louvre as a Frans Hals. ...
第二個案例涉及金融貪婪對正確歸因所施加的壓力。由於藝術品的貨幣價值與「有名」藝術家的歸屬密不可分，因此許多女性的作品已被吸收到她們更知名的男性同事的作品中。儘管不限於婦女的工作，但這種錯誤歸因導致人們認為婦女的產出較少。諷刺的是，有些女性卻因過度歸因於她們的劣質工作而遭受痛苦。傑曼·格里爾報導說，為了重新整理十八世紀威尼斯畫家朱利亞·拉馬的作品，學者被迫借用費德里科·本科維奇、提埃波羅、多梅尼科·馬喬托、弗朗西斯科·卡佩拉、安東尼奧·佩特里尼、揚·里斯甚至祖爾巴蘭的作品。因此，毫不奇怪，十七世紀荷蘭最著名的畫家之一朱迪思·萊斯特(Judith Leyster) 從18 世紀末開始幾乎完全從歷史中消失，直到1893 年科尼利厄斯·霍夫斯泰德·德魯特(Cornelius Hofstede de Groot) 在《幸福的情侶》上發現了她的字母組合。 …
Judith Leyster, the daughter of a small-ware weaver who later became a brewer, was born in Haarlem in 1609. She is believed to have studied with the painter Frans Pietersz de Grebber and, by 1633, was a member of Haarlem's Guild of St. Luke. The only female member of the painters' guild known to have had a workshop, and the only woman painter actively involved in the art market, her early work shows the influence of Hendrick ...
朱迪思·萊斯特(Judith Leyster) 是一位小器皿織工的女兒，後來成為一名釀酒師，1609 年出生於哈勒姆。 據信她曾師從畫家Frans Pietersz de Grebber，並於1633 年成為哈勒姆聖約翰公會的成員。她是已知擁有工作室的畫家行會中唯一的女性成員，也是唯一積極參與藝術市場的女畫家，她的早期作品顯示了亨德里克的影響力…
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Terbrugghen and the Utrecht Caravaggisti. Determined to meet the demands of the open market, she modeled her painting style on that of Frans Hals (with whom she may have worked briefly) and his younger brother Dirck. ...
特布魯根和烏特勒支卡拉瓦吉斯蒂。為了滿足公開市場的需求，她以弗蘭斯·哈爾斯（她可能曾與他短暫合作過）和他的弟弟德克為藍本，設計了自己的繪畫風格。 …
The attribution of her work has been further complicated by the paucity of her oeuvre (around twenty paintings are presently known) and by the fact that they were all executed within a relatively short period of time-between 1629 and 1635. This clearly makes it difficult to trace stylistic developments evident in the work of artists-usually male-whose output spans many years; often uninterrupted by childcare and domestic responsibilities. ...
由於她的作品很少（目前已知大約有二十幅畫作），而且這些作品都是在相對較短的時間內（1629 年至1635 年）完成的，因此她的作品的歸屬變得更加複雜。經常不受育兒和家庭責任的干擾。 …
The fact that in 1635 Leyster is recorded as having three male pupils is a good indication of her status as an artist, as is her inclusion in Samuel Ampzing's description of Haarlem in 1627. In 1636, she married the painter Jan Miense Molenaer, with whom she had five children. Twenty years later she seems to have been completely forgotten. As Frima Fox Hofrichter, author of a recent catalogue raisonné, points out, prior to 1892 no museum held any paintings attributed to her, her name was not recorded in sale catalogues, and no prints after her paintings were inscribed with her name. ...
1635 年，萊斯特被記錄為擁有三個男學生，這一事實很好地表明了她作為藝術家的地位，塞繆爾·安普辛(Samuel Ampzing) 1627 年對哈勒姆的描述中也包含了她的內容。二十年後，她似乎已經被徹底遺忘了。正如近期全集目錄的作者弗里瑪·福克斯·霍夫里希特(Frima Fox Hofrichter) 指出的那樣，在1892 年之前，沒有任何博物館收藏過屬於她的任何畫作，她的名字也沒有記錄在銷售目錄中，而且她的畫作之後的印刷品也沒有刻上她的名字。 …
As early as the eighteenth century, when Sir Luke Schaub acquired The Happy Couple as a Hals, her work had already begun to disappear into the oeuvres of Gerard van Honthorst and Molenaer, as well as Hals. Prices for Dutch painting remained painfully low until the latter part of the nineteenth century; then the emergence of “modern” art with its painterly surfaces and sketch-like finishes, the aesthetic tastes of the British royal family, and the appearance of wealthy private collectors all contributed to a burgeoning demand for Dutch paintings. As late as 1854 the connoisseur Gustav Waagen could write of Hals that "the value of this painter has not been sufficiently appreciated"; by 1890 demand outpaced supply. ...
早在十八世紀，當路克‧紹布爵士以哈爾斯的身份買下《幸福夫妻》時，她的作品就已經開始消失在傑拉德‧範‧洪霍斯特、莫勒納爾以及哈爾斯的作品中。直到十九世紀下半葉，荷蘭繪畫的價格一直保持在低得令人痛苦的水平。隨後，具有繪畫性表面和素描般飾面的「現代」藝術的出現、英國王室的美學趣味以及富有的私人收藏家的出現，都促進了對荷蘭繪畫的需求的迅速增長。直到 1854 年，鑑賞家古斯塔夫·瓦根 (Gustav Waagen) 才對哈爾斯寫道：「這位畫家的價值尚未得到充分的重視」；到 1890 年，需求超過供應。 …
In the early 1890s, when Hals prices were rising dramatically, Leyster's name was known, but no work by her hand had been identified. Hofstede de Groot's discovery that the Louvre's Happy Couple was by Leyster led to the reattribution of seven paintings to her. In 1875 the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum in Berlin had purchased a Leyster Jolly Toper as a Hals; a work sold in Brussels in 1890 bore her monogram crudely altered to read as an interlocking F.H. Another Jolly Toper, acquired by Amsterdam's Rijksmuseum in 1897, and one of "Hals's" best- known works, bears her monogram and the date 1629. Her emergence as an artist in her own right, however, was blurred in turn by her close connection to Hals and the many copies ...
1890 年代初，當哈爾斯 (Hals) 價格急劇上漲時，萊斯特 (Leyster) 的名字廣為人知，但沒有任何出自她之手的作品被證實。霍夫斯泰德·德格魯特發現羅浮宮的《幸福的情侶》是萊斯特的作品，這導致七幅畫被重新歸屬於她。 1875 年，柏林的腓特烈皇帝博物館購買了一台 Leyster Jolly Toper 作為哈爾斯 (Hals)； 1890 年在布魯塞爾出售的一件作品上刻有她的字母組合，經過粗略修改，讀作連鎖的FH Another Jolly Toper，該作品於1897 年被阿姆斯特丹國立博物館收購，也是“哈爾斯”最著名的作品之一，上面刻有她的字母組合和日期1629 年。
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4 Judith Leyster, The Happy Couple, 1630 ...
4 茱蒂絲‧萊斯特，《幸福的夫婦》，1630 年…
after Hals subsequently attributed to her. The attributions in Juliane Harms's series of articles on Leyster published in 1929 have been challenged by de Groot and, more recently, by Frima Fox Hofrichter. ...
哈爾斯隨後將其歸功於她。 Juliane Harms 於 1929 年發表的關於 Leyster 的系列文章中的歸屬受到了 de Groot 以及最近的 Frima Fox Hofrichter 的質疑。 …
Leyster's re-emergence as an artist of stature in the twentieth century, however, remains subject to all the vagaries of interpretation. Some critics have felt it necessary to remind their readers that she was, after all, a woman and a sexual being. Hofrichter notes that in 1928 Robert Dangers suggested ...
然而，萊斯特在二十世紀重新成為一位享有盛譽的藝術家，仍然受到各種變幻莫測的解釋的影響。一些評論家認為有必要提醒讀者，她畢竟是個女人，一個性感的存在。 Hofrichter 指出，1928 年 Robert Dangers 建議…
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that Leyster was Rembrandt's lover (the suggestion was subsequently repeated in some general histories); others have speculated on a relationship with Frans Hals, for which there is no evidence. Walter Liedtke, reviewing the 1993 exhibition of her work and quoting from the exhibition catalogue, argues that "Leyster's fading from fame was in a sense self-imposed, considering that in a career of only seven years, she 'made a determined effort to break into this [Haarlem's] exclusive and demanding market, hoping to achieve some measure of recognition by imitating her contemporaries Frans Hals, Dirck Hals and Jan Miense Molenaer'." Such refusals to explore the actual conditions of Leyster's production only lead to insinuations that her reputation, when finally secured, was not truly deserved. ...
萊斯特是倫勃朗的情人（這一說法隨後在一些通史中重複出現）；其他人猜測與弗蘭斯·哈爾斯有關係，但沒有證據表明這一點。沃爾特·利特克(Walter Liedtke) 在回顧1993 年她的作品展覽並引用展覽目錄時認為，「萊斯特的名聲衰落在某種意義上是她自己強加的，考慮到在僅僅七年的職業生涯中，她'堅定地努力打破進入這個[哈勒姆]獨特且要求很高的市場，希望透過模仿她的同時代人弗蘭斯·哈爾斯、德克·哈爾斯和簡·米恩斯·莫萊納爾來獲得一定程度的認可。這種拒絕探索萊斯特製作的實際情況只會導致暗示，當她最終獲得聲譽時，她的聲譽並不是真正應得的。 …
Leyster's work, though painted in the manner of Hals, is not the same. Nevertheless, the ease with which her works have been sold as his in a market eager for Hals at any price offers a sober warning to art historians committed to a view of women's productions as obviously inferior to those of men. "Some women artists tend to emulate Frans Hals," noted James Laver in 1964, "but the vigorous brushstrokes of the master were beyond their capability. One has only to look at the work ...
萊斯特的作品雖然遵循哈爾斯的風格，但並不相同。儘管如此，她的作品在渴望哈爾斯作品的市場上不惜任何代價輕而易舉地被出售，這給那些堅持認為女性作品明顯不如男性作品的藝術史學家們提出了清醒的警告。 「有些女性藝術家傾向於效仿弗蘭斯·哈爾斯，」詹姆斯·拉弗在1964 年指出，「但這位大師充滿活力的筆觸超出了她們的能力。人們只需要看作品..... .
5 Judith Leyster, The Jolly Toper, 1629 ...
5 茱蒂絲‧萊斯特，《快樂的上衣》，1629 年…
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of a painter like Judith Leyster to detect the weakness of the feminine hand." Yet many have looked and not seen; the case of Judith Leyster offers irrefutable evidence of the ways that seeing is qualified by greed, desire, and expectation. ...
像朱迪思·萊斯特（Judith Leyster）這樣的畫家發現了女性之手的弱點。證據，證明了視覺是由貪婪、慾望和期望所限定的。
That there is a direct relationship between what we see and what we expect to see is nowhere clearer than in the case of three well-known "David" paintings in American museum collections. The Metropolitan Museum of Art's Young Woman Drawing (1801) was purchased as a David for $200,000 in 1951 under the terms of a bequest. In 1952, The Frick Collection purchased a Portrait of Antonio Bruni (1804) through Knoedler & Co., and in 1943 the Fogg Art Museum at Harvard University acquired a Portrait of Dublin-Tornelle (c. 1799) from a bequest. All three were believed to be by David. ...
我們所看到的和我們期望看到的之間存在著直接的關係，這一點在美國博物館收藏的三幅著名的「大衛」畫作中體現得最為明顯。 1951 年，根據遺贈條款，大都會藝術博物館的《年輕女子圖畫》（1801 年）被作為大衛以 20 萬美元的價格購買。 1952 年，弗里克收藏館透過諾德勒公司(Knoedler & Co.) 購買了一幅安東尼奧·布魯尼(Antonio Bruni) 肖像(1804)，1943 年，哈佛大學福格藝術博物館(Fogg Art Museum)從遺贈中購買了一幅都柏林-托內爾肖像(c. 1799)。這三個人都被認為是大衛所為。 …
Jacques-Louis David, chronicler of the Revolution and painter to Emperor Napoleon, was France's foremost artist from the 1780s until his exile in 1816. As a popular teacher when reforms initiated by the Revolution had opened the Salons to unrestricted participation by women (the number of exhibiting women artists increased dramatically from twenty-eight in 1801 to sixty-seven in 1822), David played a not inconsiderable role in the training and development of female talent in the early years of the nineteenth century. Moreover, he encouraged his women pupils to paint both portraits and historical subjects, and to submit them regularly to the Salon. George Wildenstein's publication of a list of all the portraits exhibited at the Salon in Paris between 1800 and 1826 greatly aided attempts to sort out the profusion of portraits executed in the Davidian style. It contributed directly to the reattribution of Young Woman Drawing (then entitled Portrait of Mademoiselle Charlotte du Val d'Ognes) to Constance Marie Charpentier in 1951, the Portrait of Antonio Bruni to Césarine Davin-Mirvault in 1962, and that of Dublin-Tornelle to Adélaïde Labille-Guiard in 1971. All three women were followers or pupils of David and their portraits, like the works by David which inspired them, are characterized by the strong presence of the sitter against simple, often dark backgrounds, clarity of form, academic finish, and candid definitions of character. The existence of three such outstanding examples of late eighteenth-century portraiture should provoke future art historical investigation into David's role as a teacher of women. ...
雅克·路易·大衛(Jacques-Louis David) 是大革命的編年史家和拿破崙皇帝的畫家，從1780 年代直至1816 年流亡，他一直是法國最重要的藝術家。女性不受限制地參與（人數展出女性藝術家的數量從 1801 年的 28 名急劇增加到 1822 年的 67 名），大衛在 19 世紀初女性人才的培養和發展中發揮了不可忽視的作用。此外，他鼓勵他的女學生畫肖像和歷史主題，並定期將它們提交給沙龍。喬治威爾登斯坦 (George Wildenstein) 出版了一份 1800 年至 1826 年間在巴黎沙龍展出的所有肖像畫的清單，極大地幫助了整理大量大衛風格肖像畫的嘗試。它直接促成了1951 年康斯坦斯·瑪麗·夏龐蒂埃(Constance Marie Charpentier) 的《年輕女子繪畫》（當時名為《夏洛特·杜瓦爾多涅小姐的肖像》）、1962 年塞薩琳·達文·米爾沃(Césarine Davin-Mirvault) 的《安東尼奧·布魯尼肖像》(Portrait of Antonio Bruni) 以及1962 年《都柏林-托內爾》 (Dublin-Tornelle) 的重新歸屬。 ，攝於1971 年。強烈、形式清晰、學術性強。十八世紀晚期肖像畫中三個這樣的傑出例子的存在應該會引發未來對大衛作為女性教師角色的藝術史調查。 …
The finding, during reattribution to lesser-known artists, that works of art are "simply not up to the high technical standards" of the "Master" is common. The shifting language that often accompanies reattributions where gender is an issue is only one aspect of a larger problem. Art history has never ...
在對不太知名的藝術家進行重新歸因時，發現藝術作品「根本達不到「大師」的高技術標準」是很常見的。當性別成為問題時，重新歸因時經常出現的語言變化只是更大問題的一個面向。藝術史從來沒有...
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6 Marie-Denise Villers, Young Woman Drawing, 1801 ...
6 瑪麗-丹尼斯‧維勒斯，《年輕女子繪畫》，1801 年…
separated the question of artistic style from the inscription of sexual difference in representation. Discussions of style are consistently cast in terms of masculinity and femininity. Analyses of paintings are replete with references to "virile" handling of form or “feminine" touch. The opposition of "effeminate" and "heroic" runs through classic texts like Walter Friedlaender's David to Delacroix, where it is used to emphasize aesthetic differences between the Rococo and Neoclassical ...
將藝術風格問題與表現中性別差異的銘文分開。對風格的討論始終圍繞著男性氣質和女性氣質。對繪畫的分析充滿了對形式的「陽剛」處理或「女性化」觸感的提及。在《洛瓦》等經典文本中，其中它被用來強調不同人之間的美學差異。
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7 Adélaïde Labille-Guiard, Portrait of Dublin-Tornelle, c. 1799 ...
7 Adélaïde Labille-Guiard，《都柏林-托內爾肖像》，c. 1799 ...
styles. Such gendered analogies make it difficult to visualize distinctions of paint handling without thinking in terms of sexual difference. The case of Young Woman Drawing is also a revealing example of how expectations about gender color "objective" viewing and its qualitative evaluations. ...
風格。這種性別類比使得在不考慮性別差異的情況下很難想像油漆處理的差異。 《年輕女子繪畫》的案例也揭示了對性別的期望如何影響「客觀」觀看及其定性評價。 …
André Maurois, although not an art historian, had concluded of the Metropolitan's painting that it was "a perfect picture, unforgettable." The museum itself had identified the work as exemplary of “the austere taste of the time." Yet in 1951 Charles Sterling, arguing that the painting was not by David, asserted that the "treatment of the skin and fabric is gentle" and "the articulation lacks correctness." Finally, he stripped the work entirely of its former stature: "Its poetry literary rather than plastic, its very evident charms and cleverly concealed weaknesses, its ensemble made up of a thousand subtle artifices all seem to reveal the feminine spirit." The assumption that the sex of the artist is somehow imprinted in the work underlies much art historical writing about the works of both male and female artists. Since 1951 Young Woman Drawing has ...
安德烈·莫魯瓦（André Maurois）雖然不是藝術史學家，但對大都會的畫作的結論是，這是「一幅完美的畫，令人難忘」。博物館本身認為這幅作品是「那個時代樸素品味」的典範。是溫和的”，並且“表達缺乏正確性。” 最後，他完全剝奪了這部作品以前的地位：“它的詩歌是文學性的而不是造型性的，它非常明顯的魅力和巧妙地隱藏的弱點，它由一千個微妙的技巧組成的整體似乎都揭示了女性精神」 藝術家的性別以某種方式印在作品中的假設是許多關於男性和女性藝術家作品的藝術史寫作的基礎。自1951年以來，《年輕女子繪畫》已經…
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undergon ries of suggested reattributions-to artists from François Ges d and Pierre Jeuffrain to Marie-Denise Villers. Today, the painting is believed to have been painted by Villers (French; 1774-1821), a pupil of Girodet. The critical arguments for the above reattributions also underscore the dangers of assigning formal characteristics to works of art based on assumptions about the gender of the artist. ...
經歷了一系列建議的重新歸因——從弗朗索瓦·熱斯·d、皮埃爾·傑夫蘭到瑪麗·丹尼斯·維勒斯等藝術家。如今，這幅畫被認為是由吉洛代的學生維勒斯（Villers，法國；1774-1821 年）所畫。對上述重新歸因的批評論點也強調了基於對藝術家性別的假設來賦予藝術作品形式特徵的危險。 …
The cases of Marietta Robusti, Judith Leyster, and the "Davids" reveal the role played by modern assumptions in the aesthetic evaluation of works of art. The existence of these and other falsely attributed works by women artists in major museum collections continues to challenge easy assumptions about "quality." Using such examples as Charpentier, feminist art historians have continually exposed the gender biases of art historical language. The word "artist" means man unless qualified by the category "woman.” Feminizing the term "Old ...
瑪麗埃塔·羅布斯蒂（Marietta Robusti）、朱迪思·萊斯特（Judith Leyster）和「大衛」的案例揭示了現代假設在藝術作品美學評價中所發揮的作用。這些以及其他被錯誤歸類為女性藝術家的作品在主要博物館收藏中的存在繼續挑戰關於「品質」的簡單假設。女性主義藝術史學家以卡彭蒂埃這樣的例子不斷揭露藝術史語言的性別偏見。 「藝術家」一詞指的是男性，除非被「女性」類別所限定。女性化這個詞「舊......
8 Césarine Davin-Mirvault, Portrait of Antonio Bruni, 1804 ...
8 塞薩琳·達文-米爾沃，安東尼奧·布魯尼肖像，1804 年…
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9 Edmonia Lewis, Old Indian Arrow-maker and His Daughter, 1872 ...
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Masters," as Elizabeth Broun and Ann Gabhart did in their 1972 exhibition of women artists at the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore, collapses an original speaking position of authority into a sexualized pun. ...
正如伊麗莎白·布勞恩(Elizabeth Broun) 和安·加布哈特(Ann Gabhart) 1972 年在巴爾的摩沃爾特斯美術館(Walters Art Gallery) 舉辦的女性藝術家展覽中所做的那樣，“大師”將最初的權威話語地位瓦解為性別化的雙關語…
Throughout the history of Western art there has been a tendency to exoticize the woman artist as an exception, and then paradoxically to use her unique status as a weapon to undermine her achievement. When attitudes towards race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation, as well as gender, intervene to shape the artist's relationship to the discourses and institutions of art, her situation becomes even more complicated. ...
縱觀西方藝術史，一直存在著一種將女性藝術家視為例外的傾向，然後矛盾地利用她獨特的地位作為武器來破壞她的成就。當對種族、民族或性取向以及性別的態度介入塑造藝術家與藝術論述和藝術機構的關係時，她的處境變得更加複雜。 …
The black American sculptor Edmonia Lewis (c. 1843-1911), the first North American artist of color to achieve international recognition for her work as a sculptor, joined other expatriate artists and writers in Rome in the 1860s. The daughter of a Chippewa Indian mother and a black father, Lewis was educated at Oberlin College, a private liberal arts college which had admitted African-Americans since 1835. ...
美國黑人雕塑家埃德莫尼亞·劉易斯（Edmonia Lewis，約1843-1911 年）是第一位因其雕塑作品而獲得國際認可的北美有色人種藝術家，她於1860 年代與其他外籍藝術家和作家一起來到羅馬。路易斯的母親是奇珀瓦印第安人，父親是黑人，劉易斯在歐柏林學院接受教育，這是一所私立文理學院，自 1835 年起就開始招收非裔美國人。
After leaving school, Lewis moved to Boston where she quickly met that city's unique mix of artists, intellectuals, and social reformers, among them the abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and the sculptors Edward Brackett and Anne Whitney (1821-1915). Boston, however, provided few resources for formal training in sculpture for women. Lewis's contemporary Harriet Hosmer (1830-1908) had been turned away from anatomy lectures at the Harvard Medical School; Anne Whitney and other women studied privately, or not at all. Brackett lent Lewis fragments of sculpture to copy in clay and offered critiques of her exercises. As far as is known, this was the extent of her formal training. ...
離開學校後，劉易斯搬到了波士頓，在那裡她很快就結識了這座城市獨特的藝術家、知識分子和社會改革家，其中包括廢奴主義者威廉·勞埃德·加里森以及雕塑家愛德華·布拉克特和安妮·惠特尼（1821-1915）。然而，波士頓為女性雕塑的正式訓練提供的資源很少。與路易斯同時代的哈麗特·霍斯默 (Harriet Hosmer，1830-1908) 被哈佛醫學院的解剖學講座拒之門外。安妮惠特尼和其他女性私下學習，或者根本不學習。布拉克特借給劉易斯雕塑碎片，讓她用黏土複製，並對她的練習提出了批評。據了解，這就是她正規訓練的程度。 …
Throughout her career, Lewis would refuse instruction and critiques from other sculptors; according to Whitney, she felt that her sex and her race left her all too vulnerable to charges that her work was not her own (similar accusations forced a public defense of her working methods from Hosmer in 1864). Moreover, it has been argued that her decision to suppress physical signs of ethnicity in her female figures resulted, in part, from her fear that the public would view the works as self-portraiture. Art historian Kirsten Buick notes that "Lewis did not want viewers to make any correlations between her women and her 'self'. In a sense, she suppressed 'autobiography' so that she could not be read into her sculptures." Such considerations may help explain why her choice of a Native American theme like Minnehaha (1868) would be interpreted through the mediating figure of the white poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. ...
在她的整個職業生涯中，路易斯拒絕接受其他雕塑家的指導和批評。根據惠特尼的說法，她覺得她的性別和種族讓她很容易受到指控，認為她的工作不是她自己的（1864 年，霍斯默也曾因類似的指控而公開為她的工作方法辯護）。此外，有人認為，她決定壓製女性人物中的種族特徵，部分原因是她擔心大眾會將這些作品視為自畫像。藝術史學家克爾斯滕·別克指出，“劉易斯不希望觀眾在她的女性和她的'自我'之間建立任何联系。從某種意義上說，她壓制了'自傳'，這樣她的雕塑就無法被解讀。這些考慮可能有助於解釋為什麼她選擇像明尼哈哈（1868）這樣的美洲原住民主題會透過白人詩人亨利·沃茲沃斯·朗費羅的中介人物來解釋。 …
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Lewis first modeled portrait busts and medallions of antislavery leaders and Civil War heroes like Garrison, John Brown, Charles Sumner, Wendell Phillips, and Colonel Robert Gould Shaw. Cultivated by the white liberal community in Boston, she quickly found her personal heritage inseparable from her artistic practice in the eyes of her benefactors. As early as 1863, she was forced to request that her work not be praised because "I am a colored girl." Yet the Boston art community continued to vacillate between genuine support and well-meant but misguided indulgence. Social reformer Lydia Maria Child, for example, offered financial support, while at the same time trying to discourage Lewis from attempting ambitious projects. ...
劉易斯首先為反奴隸制領導人和內戰英雄（如加里森、約翰·布朗、查爾斯·薩姆納、溫德爾·菲利普斯和羅伯特·古爾德·肖上校）製作了半身像和獎章。在波士頓白人自由派社區的培養下，她很快就發現她的個人遺產與她的捐助者眼中的藝術實踐密不可分。早在1863年，她就被迫要求不要讚揚她的作品，因為「我是一個有色女孩」。然而波士頓藝術界繼續在真正的支持和善意但被誤導的放縱之間搖擺不定。例如，社會改革家莉迪亞·瑪麗亞·柴爾德提供了財政支持，同時試圖阻止劉易斯嘗試雄心勃勃的計畫。 …
The success of Lewis's plaster portrait of Robert Gould Shaw, leader of the first black regiment in the Civil War, enabled her to finance her trip to Rome. Established there during the winter of 1865-66, she began carving in marble, working within the prevailing Neoclassical manner, but with a greater degree of naturalism on themes and images directly related to the oppression of her people. The presence of a group of professional female sculptors in Rome was cause for commentary, but Lewis's mixed heritage further singled her out as an exotic curiosity: "... one of the sisterhood, if I am not mistaken, was a negress, whose colour, picturesquely contrasting with that of her plaster material was the pleading agent of her fame," Henry James noted dismissively in his biography of the sculptor William Wetmore Story. ...
劉易斯為南北戰爭中第一支黑人軍團的領導者羅伯特·古爾德·肖創作的石膏肖像獲得成功，這使她能夠資助前往羅馬的旅行。她於 1865-66 年冬天在那裡成立，開始進行大理石雕刻，以流行的新古典主義方式進行創作，但在與人民受壓迫直接相關的主題和圖像上具有更大程度的自然主義風格。羅馬出現了一群職業女性雕塑家，引起了評論，但劉易斯的混血血統進一步將她視為一種異國情調的好奇心：「…如果我沒記錯的話，姐妹會中有一個是黑人，她的膚色與她的石膏材料形成鮮明對比的是她的名氣，」亨利·詹姆斯在他的雕塑家威廉·韋特莫爾故事傳記中輕蔑地指出。 …
While most foreign sculptors in Italy hired native artisans to enlarge their clay and wax models in marble, Lewis for some time insisted on doing the carving herself. This hands- on approach greatly impressed the suffragist Laura Curtis Bullard, editor of the periodical Revolution, who wrote: "So determined is she to avoid all occasion for detraction, that she even 'puts up' her clay; a work which scarcely any male sculptor does for himself." Lewis's need to "avoid all occasion for detraction," however, also forced her to maintain an unusual degree of control over her practice. Unlike most of her contemporaries, she often made marble sculptures before receiving commissions for them, or sent unsolicited works to Boston patrons with a request that they raise funds for materials and shipping. Her disregard for the profession's conventions, Lynda Hartigan notes, was "perceived alternately as an attempt to exploit her heritage and as an expression of youthful impetuosity and the naiveté associated with her background." Lewis, far more than her white audience, understood the racial and sexual barriers confronting her, and how suddenly the work to which she had committed her ...
雖然義大利的大多數外國雕塑家都會聘請當地工匠來放大他們的大理石粘土和蠟模型，但劉易斯有一段時間堅持自己雕刻。這種親力親為的做法給婦女參政論者勞拉·柯蒂斯·布拉德（《革命》雜誌的編輯）留下了深刻的印象，她寫道：「她決心避免一切分散注意力的機會，以至於她甚至'豎起'了她的粘土；這是幾乎任何男性都不會做的工作。然而，劉易斯需要“避免一切分散注意力的情況”，這也迫使她對自己的實踐保持異常程度的控制。與大多數同時代人不同，她經常在收到委託之前製作大理石雕塑，或主動將作品發送給波士頓的顧客，要求他們籌集材料和運輸資金。琳達·哈蒂根（Lynda Hartigan）指出，她對行業慣例的漠視“有時被認為是試圖利用她的傳統，又被視為年輕衝動和與她的背景相關的天真表現。”劉易斯遠比她的白人觀眾更了解她所面臨的種族和性別障礙，以及她所投入的工作是多麼突然…
36 Introduction ...
36 簡介...
talent and resources might be denied her. Her career, though it departs from the model laid down by her male contemporaries, remains a testament to her determination to achieve legitimacy as a sculptor on her own terms. ...
她的才華和資源可能會被剝奪。她的職業生涯雖然與同時代男性所建立的模式背道而馳，但仍然證明了她決心以自己的方式獲得雕塑家的合法性。 …
In traditional art history, literary evidence is used to "prove" visual interpretations. Research by feminist art historians has contributed to demonstrating that literary sources themselves have been appropriated to particular ideologies and cannot be uncritically applied to works of art. Roland Barthes and others proposed that we explore the idea of the text as a methodological field in which writer, reader, and observer (critic) function equally in formulating meaning. The historical texts need constant rereading as we attempt to understand better the problematic of femininity and the role of images in the social production of meaning. The brief survey that follows indicates how writing about art has confused the issue of women artists by inscribing social constructions of femininity on them. ...
在傳統藝術史中，文學證據被用來「證明」視覺詮釋。女性主義藝術史學家的研究有助於證明文學來源本身已適應特定的意識形態，不能不加批判地應用於藝術作品。羅蘭巴特和其他人提出，我們將文本作為一個方法論領域來探索，在這個領域中，作者、讀者和觀察者（批評家）在表達意義方面發揮著同等的作用。當我們試圖更好地理解女性氣質問題以及圖像在社會意義生產中的作用時，歷史文本需要不斷重讀。以下的簡短調查表明，有關藝術的寫作如何透過將女性氣質的社會建構銘刻在女性藝術家身上而混淆了女性藝術家的問題。 …
"It is a great marvel that a woman can do so much," noted the German painter Albrecht Dürer in 1520 after purchasing an illuminated miniature of Christ by the eighteen-year-old painter Susan Hornebout for one florin. By the nineteenth century, the polarization of male and female creativity was complete. "So long as a woman remains from unsexing herself, let her dabble in anything," notes one commentator, "The woman of genius does not exist. When she does, she is a man." Quotations such as these reveal an overwhelmingly inconsistent pattern of recognition and denial, constructing and reiterating stereotyped categories for women's productions; they have come to be seen as natural, but are in fact ideological and institutional. Dürer is but one of a series of artists who recorded the names of prominent women artists and celebrated their achievements, simultaneously emphasizing their status as exceptions. Eliding artistic achievement and "feminine” accomplishment, they put the woman artist in a context in which artistic genius, the final measure of achievement, was a male prerogative. The humanist ideals which inform these texts over three centuries continue to dominate the teaching of art history despite current challenges. ...
1520 年，德國畫家阿爾布雷希特·丟勒(Albrecht Dürer) 以一弗羅林的價格購買了18 歲畫家蘇珊·霍內波特(Susan Hornebout) 創作的一幅彩繪基督像後，說道： “一個女人能做這麼多事情，真是一個偉大的奇蹟。”到了十九世紀，男性和女性的創造力已經完全兩極化。一位評論員指出：“只要一個女人不去性別化，就讓她涉足任何事情，天才的女人就不存在。當她存在時，她就是一個男人。”諸如此類的引述揭示了一種極其不一致的認可和否認模式，建構並重申了對女性作品的陳規定型類別；它們被認為是自然的，但實際上是意識形態和製度性的。丟勒只是記錄傑出女性藝術家的名字並慶祝她們的成就的一系列藝術家之一，同時強調她們的例外地位。他們消除了藝術成就和「女性」成就，將女性藝術家置於這樣一個背景下：藝術天才（成就的最終衡量標準）是男性的特權。教學儘管面臨當前的挑戰，但歷史仍然如此。
The first consistent attempt to document the lives of Italian artists, and the work which set the tone for much subsequent commentary, was Vasari's Vite de'... Pittori, Scultori, ed Architettori..., first published in 1550, revised and expanded by the author in 1568. Vasari saw in his own culture, that of sixteenth-century Florence, a rebirth of the values and ideals of the classical past. He traced the development of Renaissance ...
瓦薩裡(Vasari) 的《Vite de'... Pittori, Scultori, ed Architettori...》是第一次持續嘗試記錄意大利藝術家的生活，並為後來的評論奠定了基調，該書於1550 年首次出版，經過修訂和擴展作者於 1568 年創作。他追溯了文藝復興的發展...
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
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culture from the thirteenth century to the sixteenth, using artists' biographies to establish the artistic greatness that he considered culminated in Michelangelo's work. Although Vasari distinguishes few artists of his day as inspired by the genius that invokes divinity, and none of them are women, the second edition of his Vite mentions at least thirteen women artists. Vasari's work enables us to identify the first prominent women artists of Renaissance Italy, but it draws its vision of the woman artist from multiple discourses on women ranging from medical knowledge and antique sources to medieval literature and contemporary treatises on female deportment. Vasari's praise of women is genuine, but it is qualified. To the woman artist belongs diligence rather than invention, the locus of genius. Should women apply themselves too diligently, notes Vasari in his discussion of the sculptor Properzia de' Rossi, they risk appearing "to wrest from us the palm of supremacy." While men can achieve nobility through their art, women may practice art only because they are of noble birth and/or deportment. Above all, Vasari's model for the woman artist reflects the growing Renaissance subordination of female learning and intellectual skill to rigid prescriptions about virtue and deportment. ...
他研究了從十三世紀到十六世紀的文化，利用藝術家的傳記來確立他認為在米開朗基羅的作品中達到頂峰的藝術偉大性。儘管瓦薩裡認為當時很少有藝術家受到召喚神性的天才的啟發，而且他們都不是女性，但他的第二版 Vite 提到了至少十三名女性藝術家。瓦薩裡的作品使我們能夠識別出義大利文藝復興時期第一批傑出的女性藝術家，但它對女性藝術家的看法是從關於女性的多種論述中得出的，從醫學知識和古董資料到中世紀文學和當代關於女性舉止的論文。瓦薩裡對女性的讚美是真誠的，但也是有條件的。對女性藝術家來說，勤奮才是天才的源泉，而不是發明。瓦薩裡在討論雕塑家普羅佩齊亞·德·羅西時指出，如果女性過於努力，她們就有可能「從我們手中奪取至高無上的權力」。男性可以透過藝術獲得貴族地位，而女性則只能因為出身高貴和/或舉止高貴而從事藝術。最重要的是，瓦薩裡的女性藝術家模式反映了文藝復興時期女性學識和智力技能日益從屬於關於美德和舉止的嚴格規定。 …
Vasari's model for naming women artists is Pliny the Elder (AD 23-79), whose Historia Naturalis, in addition to discussing the origins of painting and sculpture in the classical world, mentions the names of six female artists of antiquity. Three are Greek women painters who lived before his time: Timarete, Aristarete, and Olympia, about whom he provides no information, either biographical or historical. Of the remaining three, all Hellenistic artists, two are identified as the daughters of painters. Pliny relates nothing about Kalypso and tells us only that Helen of Egypt was known for painting a Battle of Issus, which included Darius and Alexander. Iaia of Kyzikos (sometimes identified as Laia or Lala of Cizicus) was famed for her portraits of women, worked with amazing speed and was said to have outranked her male competitors while remaining "perpetua virgo." Content to catalogue briefly, Pliny neither analyses nor describes works of art. Nor did he concern himself with the daily lives and personalities of the artists. ...
瓦薩裡為女性藝術家命名的典範是老普林尼（公元23-79年），他的《自然史》除了討論古典世界繪畫和雕塑的起源外，還提到了六位古代女性藝術家的名字。三位是生活在他之前的希臘女畫家：蒂馬雷特、阿里斯塔雷特和奧林匹亞，他沒有提供有關她們的傳記或歷史資訊。其餘三人都是希臘化藝術家，其中兩人被認定為畫家的女兒。普林尼沒有提及卡呂普索，只告訴我們埃及的海倫因畫伊蘇斯之戰而聞名，其中包括大流士和亞歷山大。 Kyzikos 的 Iaia（有時被稱為 Cizicus 的 Laia 或 Lala）以拍攝女性肖像而聞名，她的工作速度驚人，據說在保持“永久處女座”的同時超越了她的男性競爭對手。普林尼滿足於簡單分類，既不分析也不描述藝術作品。他也不關心藝術家的日常生活和個性。 …
The first edition of Vasari's Vite included the female painters cited by Pliny; the second recorded their descendants-Suor Plautilla, a nun and the daughter of the painter Luca Nelli, who painted a Last Supper (now in the refectory of Santa Maria Novella in Florence); Lucretia Quistelli della Mirandola, a pupil of Alessandro Allori; Irene di Spilimbergo, who studied with Titian but who died at eighteen having completed only three ...
《Vasari's Vite》第一版收錄了普林尼引用的女畫家；第二個記錄了他們的後裔——修女蘇爾·普拉蒂拉（Suor Plautilla），畫家盧卡·內利（Luca Nelli）的女兒，畫了《最後的晚餐》（現藏於佛羅倫薩新聖母瑪利亞教堂的食堂）； Lucretia Quistelli della Mirandola，亞歷山德羅·阿洛里的學生；艾琳·迪·史匹林伯格 (Irene di Spilimbergo) 曾師從提香 (Titian)，但十八歲時去世，只完成了三部作品…
38 Introduction ...
38 簡介...
paintings; Barbara Longhi, the daughter of the Mannerist Luca Longhi; five female miniaturists; Sofonisba Anguissola, the best-known woman painter of sixteenth-century Italy, and her sisters; and three Bolognese women, Properzia de' Rossi, Lavinia Fontana, and Elisabetta Sirani-as proof that Renaissance Italy could claim its own women of learning and achievement. ...
繪畫；芭芭拉隆吉 (Barbara Longhi)，風格主義者盧卡隆吉 (Luca Longhi) 的女兒；五位女性細密畫家；索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉（Sofonisba Anguissola），十六世紀義大利最著名的女畫家，和她的姊妹們；三位博洛尼亞女性普羅佩齊亞·德·羅西(Properzia de' Rossi)、拉維尼婭·豐塔納(Lavinia Fontana) 和伊麗莎白·西拉尼(Elisabetta Sirani)——證明文藝復興時期的意大利可以擁有自己的學識淵博、成就斐然的女性。 …
Not content merely to identify the better known of these women, as did his classical sources, Vasari also situated them in relation to a vast body of Renaissance treatises on the education and deportment of women which included hundreds of books on the subject produced between 1400 and 1600. Distinguishing intellectual capabilities from deportment, Vasari reports that the sculptor de' Rossi was not only excellent in household matters, but was also very beautiful and played and sang better than any woman in her city, while Lavinia Fontana, the daughter of the Bolognese painter Prospero Fontana, was from a cultured household. De' Rossi's relief, Joseph and Potiphar's Wife (c. 1520), is praised for being "A lovely picture, sculptured with womanly grace and more than admirable." Qualities such as tenderness and sweetness are as desirable in the woman artist as are the "grace, industry, beauty, modesty and excellence of character" that Vasari saw combined with "all the rarest qualities of the mind" in the painter Raphael Sanzio. ...
瓦薩裡不僅滿足於識別這些女性中更出名的人，正如他的古典資料一樣，瓦薩裡還將她們與文藝復興時期關於女性教育和舉止的大量論文聯繫起來，其中包括1400 年至1400 年間出版的數百本有關該主題的書籍。城市的任何女性都好，而博洛尼亞家族的女兒拉維尼亞·豐塔納畫家普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納（Prospero Fontana）出身於一個有教養的家庭。德羅西的浮雕《約瑟夫和波提乏的妻子》（Joseph and Potiphar's Wife，約 1520 年）被譽為「一幅可愛的圖畫，雕刻出女性的優雅，令人讚嘆不已」。溫柔、甜美等特質對女性藝術家來說是令人嚮往的，就像瓦薩裡在畫家拉斐爾·桑齊奧身上看到的「優雅、勤奮、美麗、謙遜和卓越的品格」與「所有最稀有的心靈品質」結合一樣。 …
10 Properzia de' Rossi, Joseph and Potiphar's Wife, c. 1520 ...
10 Properzia de' Rossi，約瑟夫和波提乏的妻子，c. 1520 ...
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
10 ...
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If women artists lack the spark of genius and are sometimes forced to labor diligently rather than work with facility, they are nevertheless worthy of great praise. ...
如果女性藝術家缺乏天才的火花，有時被迫勤奮地勞動而不是輕鬆地工作，但她們仍然值得高度讚揚。 …
The noble birth, good education, and deportment that Vasari identifies with women like Sofonisba Anguissola, however, are not merely female traits affirming sexual difference but are signs of class and of the newly elevated social status of the artist. Descriptions such as these reassured Vasari's readers that women artists conformed to the social expectations and duties of noblewomen of the period, removing them from the satiric barbs often directed at middle- and lower-class women. Praise for women's achievements is part of a sexual control in which intellectual and artistic freedoms might be exchanged for rigid adherence to the demands of chastity. ...
然而，瓦薩裡認為像索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉這樣的女性所具有的高貴出身、良好教育和舉止，不僅是肯定性別差異的女性特徵，而且是階級和藝術家新近提升的社會地位的標誌。諸如此類的描述讓瓦薩裡的讀者放心，女藝術家符合當時貴族女性的社會期望和責任，使她們擺脫了經常針對中下層婦女的諷刺倒刺。對婦女成就的讚揚是性控制的一部分，在這種控制中，智力和藝術自由可能會被用來交換對貞潔要求的嚴格遵守。 …
Humanist treatises on the nature and education of the Renaissance woman, while advocating the education of women, particularly noblewomen, so that they might be better wives and mothers, and more virtuous exemplars of the Christian ideals of chastity and obedience, also set forth significantly different ideals for men. Often they reiterate the biases of medieval Christian tracts which reflected both the doctrinal opposition of Eve and Mary and a long history of misogynist writing about women. The new man's life of action and self- sufficiency represents a clear break with the rigid hierarchies of the feudal world, but women remain locked in a medieval ...
關於文藝復興時期女性的本質和教育的人文主義論文，在提倡對女性，特別是貴族女性進行教育的同時，使她們成為更好的妻子和母親，成為基督教貞潔和服從理想的更有道德的典範，同時也提出了顯著不同的觀點。他們經常重申中世紀基督教小冊子的偏見，這些小冊子既反映了夏娃和瑪麗的教義對立，也反映了厭惡女性的女性寫作的悠久歷史。新男人的行動和自給自足的生活代表著與封建世界僵化等級制度的明顯決裂，但女性仍然被鎖在中世紀…
model which still stresses chastity, purity, and obedience. Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus (1355-59), a collection of 104 biographies of real and mythical women drawn from Greek and Roman sources such as Plutarch's Moralia, was the first Italian humanist work to concern itself entirely with the improvement of women's minds and the first of many Renaissance treatises that reinforce woman's subordinate position. Plutarch, challenging Thucydides's remark that the best woman is the one about whom there is least to say, had argued that only by placing women's lives beside those of men was it possible to understand the similarities and the differences between the virtues of men and women and had concluded by suggesting that paintings by men and women might very well exhibit the same characteristics. Boccaccio opened his treatise by recalling these women. "By emulating the deeds of ancient women," he began, “you spur your spirit to loftier things.” Among the ancient women proposed as models by Boccaccio are three women painters of antiquity: Thamyris, Irene, and Marcia. "I thought that these achievements were worthy of some praise," he notes, "for art is very much alien to the mind of woman, and these things cannot be accomplished without ...
仍然強調貞潔、純潔和服從的模式。薄伽丘的《De Claris Mulieribus》（1355-59 年）收集了104 部真實和神話的女性傳記，取材於希臘和羅馬的資料，例如普魯塔克的《道德經》，是第一部完全關注女性思想進步的意大利人文主義著作，也是第一部完全關注女性思想進步的意大利人文主義著作。普魯塔克對修昔底德關於最好的女人是最不值得說的女人的說法提出質疑，認為只有將女人的生活與男人的生活放在一起，才有可能理解男人和女人的美德之間的異同。薄伽丘透過回憶這些女人來開始他的論文。 “通過效仿古代女性的行為，”他開始說道，“你可以激勵自己的精神追求更崇高的事物。”在薄伽丘提出的古代女性模特兒中，有三位古代女畫家：塔米里斯（Thamyris）、艾琳（Irene）和瑪西婭（Marcia）。 「我認為這些成就值得讚揚，」他指出，「因為藝術對女性來說是非常陌生的，如果沒有......，這些事情就無法完成。
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40 Introduction ...
40 簡介...
a great deal of talent, which in women is usually very scarce." Boccaccio departs from his antique model in articulating a specific set of character traits for the ideal woman. She must be gentle, modest, honest, dignified, elegant in speech, pious, generous in soul, chaste, and skilled in household management. By the time Vasari's Vite appeared, Boccaccio's model was well in place in works such as Fra Filippo da Bergamo's De Claris Selectibus Mulieribus of 1497, but it had also provoked rebuttals by women writers, the most famous of whom was Christine de Pisan. ...
薄伽丘在闡述理想女性的一系列特定性格特徵時，背離了他的古老模式。的模式已經在弗拉·菲利波·達·貝加莫1497 年的《德·克拉麗斯·穆利里布斯》等作品中得到了很好的體現，但也引起了女作家的反駁。
In the Cité des Dames (1405), Christine de Pisan, a French writer born in Italy and the first professional woman writer in Western history, responded to Boccaccio by constructing an allegorical city 'in which great and independent women lived safe from slanders of men. Pisan belonged to the transitional period between the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The daughter of an Italian-born doctor and astrologer at the court of King Charles V of France, she took up writing after the death of her husband and became a respected writer on moral questions, education, the art of government, the conduct of war, and the life and times of Charles V. She was also a renowned poet and the author of two major works on the lives and training of women at the end of the Middle Ages. Pisan's attack on Jean de Meun, the author of the second part of the Roman de la Rose, that great medieval tribute to courtly love with its vicious denunciation of women and marriage, is remarkable for the age. She cannot understand, she says, why men write so scathingly about women when they owe their very existence to them. And she asks, in a question rephrased throughout history, how can women's lives be known when men write all the books? ...
在《貴婦城》（Cité des Dames，1405）中，出生於義大利的法國作家、西方歷史上第一位職業女作家克莉絲汀‧德皮桑（Christine de Pisan）回應薄伽丘的說法，建構了一座寓言城市，「偉大而獨立的女性在其中安全地生活，免受男性的誹謗」 。比桑屬於中世紀晚期和文藝復興時期的過渡時期。她的父親是義大利出生的法國國王查理五世宮廷醫生和占星家，她在丈夫去世後開始寫作，並成為道德問題、教育、政府藝術和戰爭行為方面受人尊敬的作家。生活和時代。皮桑對讓·德·梅恩（Jean de Meun）的攻擊在當時是引人注目的，他是《玫瑰羅馬》第二部分的作者，這部中世紀偉大的作品透過對女性和婚姻的惡毒譴責，向宮廷愛情致敬。她說，她無法理解，為什麼男人要如此嚴厲地描寫女人，而男人的存在全歸功於她們。她問道，在一個歷史上被重新表述的問題中，當男人寫下所有的書時，如何才能了解女人的生活？ …
Pisan's allegorical city includes female saints and contemporary women, as well as the women of antiquity collected by Boccaccio. She offers evidence of women's great achievements in place of his disdainful references to women's "inherent inferiority" and she includes examples to prove her points. Among those she lists is a contemporary Parisian painter of miniatures named Anastaise, whose work has not yet been identified by modern scholars. ...
比桑的寓言之城包括女性聖人和當代女性，以及薄伽丘收集的古代女性。她提供了女性偉大成就的證據，而不是他輕蔑地提到女性“天生的自卑”，並舉了例子來證明她的觀點。她列出的其中包括一位名叫阿納斯塔斯（Anastaise）的當代巴黎細密畫畫家，他的作品尚未被現代學者鑑定。 …
The Cité des Dames has been called the first "feminist" text of the French canon for its courageous defense of women in the face of centuries of misogynist writings. De Pisan also raises all the ambiguities about what form of expression a female voice might take (alternating between metaphors of masculinity and femininity like "penetration" and "germination") that are later theorized by French postmodern critics from Hélène Cixous to Luce Irigaray. ...
《Cité des Dames》被稱為法國經典中第一本「女權主義」文本，因為它在幾個世紀以來的厭女主義著作面前勇敢地捍衛了女性。德皮桑也提出了關於女性聲音可能採取何種表達形式的所有模糊性（在男性氣質和女性氣質的隱喻之間交替，如“滲透”和“萌芽”），這些模糊性後來被法國後現代批評家從埃萊娜·西蘇到盧斯·伊里加雷理論化。 …
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
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41
Little more than a hundred years later, Baldassare Castiglione reopened the debate between the medieval view of woman as a defect or mistake of nature and the Renaissance humanist vision of male and female as separate and complementary though not equal. Castiglione's influential work, Il Libro del Cortegiano, contains a fictionalized discussion about the characteristics of the perfect courtier at the court of Urbino in 1528 and devotes considerable space to a discussion of the role of woman in political and social life. On the one hand, Castiglione's Renaissance lady of the court is presented as the equivalent of the courtier with the same virtues of mind and education. On the other, education and culture are accomplishments only for the noblewoman. Her task is to charm; his is to prove himself in action. Again, it is beauty and moral qualities that constitute perfection for the Renaissance woman. ...
一百多年後，巴爾達薩·郎世寧重新開啟了中世紀的女性觀點與文藝復興時期的人文主義觀點之間的爭論，中世紀的觀點認為女性是自然的缺陷或錯誤，而文藝復興時期的人文主義觀點認為男性和女性是獨立且互補的，但並不平等。郎世寧頗具影響力的作品《科爾特吉亞諾書》包含了關於 1528 年烏爾比諾宮廷完美朝臣特徵的虛構討論，並用大量篇幅討論了女性在政治和社會生活中的角色。一方面，郎世寧筆下的文藝復興時期的宮廷貴婦被描繪成與朝臣相當的人，具有同樣的思想和教育美德。另一方面，教育和文化只是貴族女性的成就。她的任務是魅力；他的目的就是用行動證明自己。同樣，美麗和道德品質構成了文藝復興時期女性的完美。 …
Apets tenient aute qu fitt de barron bierge perpitad, For has bx. by Rubache Arc pretu elle vierge a comme ind pca & r non li fut nounce.com renoies de oud non was ne ...
Apets tenient aute qu fitt de barron bierge perpitad, For has bx.作者： Rubache Arc pretu elle vierge a comme ind pca & r non li fut nounce.com renoies de oud non was ne ...
11 "Thamar" from Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus, 1355-59 ...
11 薄伽丘 (Boccaccio) 的《De Claris Mulieribus》中的“塔馬爾”，1355-59 ...
42 Introduction ...
42 簡介...
12 Christine de Pisan in her study, miniature. from The Works of Christine de Pisan, early fifteenth century ...
12 Christine de Pisan 在她的書房裡，微型。摘自十五世紀初克里斯蒂娜·德·皮桑的作品...
་cmm་བ་ཁད་é ོགntསཋཀ ...
Vasari's Vite, while it was an important model for later chroniclers of art and initiated a tradition in which exceptional women artists did have a place in art history, reflected the multiple discourses shaping an ideal of femininity for the Renaissance woman. Moreover, it initiated a model for "reading" the achievements of women artists which was quickly adapted by subsequent generations of commentators. Women artists appear in Vasari's Vite in ways that would come to characterize their relationship to painting and sculpture in the literature of art from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries: as exceptions; as the authors of works small in scale and modest in conception at historical moments which equated size with profundity, importance, and “authority”; as evidence of the modern world's right to the mantle of antiquity; as signs of talent legitimized for women by combination with other, "feminine" virtues; as defining and affirming "essential" ...
瓦薩裡的《維特》雖然是後來藝術編年史家的重要典範，並開創了傑出女性藝術家在藝術史上佔有一席之地的傳統，但它反映了塑造文藝復興時期女性女性氣質理想的多種話語。此外，它還開創了「解讀」女性藝術家成就的模式，並很快被後世評論家所採用。女性藝術家在瓦薩裡的《Vite》中出現的方式將逐漸描述她們與十六世紀至二十世紀藝術文獻中的繪畫和雕塑的關係：作為例外；作為歷史時刻作品規模小、構思謙虛的作者，將尺度與深刻性、重要性和「權威」等同起來；作為現代世界繼承古代衣缽的權利的證據；透過與其他「女性」美德結合，作為女性合法才能的標誌；作為定義和肯定“必要的”......
Art History and the Woman Artist. ...
藝術史和女藝術家。 …
43
differences between men and women in choice of subject and manner of execution; and ultimately, at least implicitly, as the proof of masculine dominance and superiority in the visual arts. ...
男女在選擇對象和執行方式上有差異；最終，至少隱含地，作為男性在視覺藝術中的統治地位和優越性的證明。 …
Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the literature of art continued to record the presence of exceptional women artists. In Italy, Ridolfi and other seventeenth-century commentators followed Vasari's model, listing the women artists of antiquity before turning to the present. Ridolfi's Meraviglie dell'Arte, published in 1648, contains only Spilimbergo and the contemporary painters Lavinia Fontana, Chiara Varotari, and Giovanna Garzoni, beginning a tradition whereby the names of women artists appear in, and disappear from, the literature with astonishing arbitrariness. ...
在整個十六世紀和十七世紀，藝術文獻不斷記錄著傑出女性藝術家的存在。在義大利，裡多爾菲和其他十七世紀的評論家追隨瓦薩裡的模式，先列出古代的女性藝術家，然後再轉向現代。裡多爾菲(Ridolfi) 於1648 年出版的《美麗的藝術》(Meraviglie dell'Arte) 只收錄了斯皮林貝戈(Spilimbergo) 和當代畫家拉維尼婭·豐塔納(Lavinia Fontana)、奇亞拉·瓦羅塔里(Chiara Varotari) 和喬凡娜·加爾佐尼(Giovanna Garzoni)，開創了女性藝術家的名字以驚人的隨意性出現在文獻中或從文獻中消失的傳統。 …
During those two centuries, Italian writing on art became increasingly partisan as the work of women artists, like that of their male contemporaries, was annexed to the desires of male writers to glorify specific cities and their artists. The achievements of women artists are cited to prove the range of artistic talent in uniquely cultured and creative cities. Thus Count Malvasia, director of the Accademia del Nudo and an influential nobleman and discriminating collector in seventeenth-century Bologna, opened his Felsina Pittrice of 1678 with an attack on Vasari and his bias toward Florentine painters: "I will not fight here over the origins of painting, that is over how, when and from whom it was born. I will not record the different learned opinions of ancient writers. I am not writing on art, but on artists, or rather only the artists of my native city." He then took personal credit for the development of the painter Elisabetta Sirani whose fame was used to prove the uniqueness of Bologna. Anguissola, Fontana, and Fede Galizia are isolated at the bottom of a list of male portraitists, but Malvasia's praise of Sirani, which continues the tradition of confounding person and painter, is part of a larger celebration of Bologna's newly won status as a producer of artists who rival those of Rome: "I lived in adoration of that merit, which in her was of extreme quality, and of that virtue, which was far from ordinary, and of that incomparable humility, indescribable modesty, inimitable goodness." ...
在這兩個世紀中，義大利的藝術寫作變得越來越偏袒，因為女性藝術家的作品，就像她們同時代的男性藝術家的作品一樣，被附屬於男性作家頌揚特定城市及其藝術家的願望。女性藝術家的成就被引用來證明獨特文化和創意城市的藝術天賦。因此，努多學院院長、17 世紀博洛尼亞一位有影響力的貴族和挑剔的收藏家馬爾瓦西亞伯爵(Count Malvasia) 在其1678 年的《費爾西娜·皮特里斯》(Felsina Pittrice) 開篇就攻擊了瓦薩里和他對佛羅倫薩畫家的偏見：「我不會在這裡為起源而爭論我不會記錄古代作家的不同學術觀點，而是寫關於藝術家，或者更確切地說，只寫我家鄉的藝術家。隨後，他將畫家伊麗莎白·西拉尼 (Elisabetta Sirani) 的發展歸功於個人，後者的名聲被用來證明博洛尼亞的獨特性。安吉索拉、豐塔納和費德·加利齊亞在男性肖像畫家名單中被孤立在最後，但馬爾瓦西亞對西拉尼的讚揚延續了混淆個人和畫家的傳統，是對博洛尼亞新贏得的肖像畫生產者地位的更大慶祝的一部分。非普通，還有那種無與倫比的謙遜，難以形容的謙虛，無與倫比的善良。 …
Although northern European commentaries followed the Italian model, they are generally more moderate in tone. The earliest northern European commentary, Karel van Mander's Het Schilder Boeck, published in 1604, omitted the five Netherlandish women mentioned by Vasari, but the works of subsequent Dutch and Flemish authors acknowledge the significant numbers of women artists active in the Northern ...
儘管北歐的評論遵循義大利模式，但整體語氣較為溫和。最早的北歐評論，卡雷爾·範·曼德(Karel van Mander) 於1604 年出版的《Het Schilder Boeck》，省略了瓦薩裡提到的五位荷蘭女性，但後來的荷蘭和佛蘭芒作家的作品承認活躍在北歐的女性藝術家數量相當可觀。
44 Introduction ...
44 簡介...
Renaissance. The third edition of Arnold Houbraken's Groote Schouburgh (1721) listed eleven women painters. Yet despite a flurry of interest in women artists in seventeenth- century Holland, where the Protestant Reformation had liberalized attitudes toward women, by the eighteenth century. commentators had begun to shift the emphasis toward what became a primary aesthetic concern of that age: the identifying and defining of a "feminine sensibility" in the arts. Lairesse, writing on flower painting in his Het Groot Schilderboeck (1707), commented that "it is remarkable that amidst the various choices in art, none is more feminine or proper for a woman than this." ...
復興。阿諾德·胡布拉肯 (Arnold Houbraken) 的《Groote Schouburgh》（1721 年）第三版列出了十一位女畫家。然而，儘管十七世紀的荷蘭對女性藝術家產生了濃厚的興趣，但到了十八世紀，新教改革已經放寬了對女性的態度。評論家開始將重點轉向那個時代的主要美學關注點：識別和定義藝術中的「女性情感」。 Lairesse 在他的《Het Groot Schilderboeck》（1707 年）中評論花卉畫時評論道：“值得注意的是，在藝術的各種選擇中，沒有比這更女性化或更適合女性的了。” …
Women were isolated from the theoretical and intellectual debates that dominated the arts because in most cases they were barred from membership of the academies in Rome and Paris, the major centers of art education during the eighteenth century. Excluded from life drawing classes, they were insufficiently trained to work in prestigious genres like history painting. The birth of modern art criticism during this period renewed interest in a hierarchy of genres in which history painting reigned supreme. ...
女性被排除在主導藝術的理論和知識辯論之外，因為在大多數情況下，她們被禁止成為十八世紀藝術教育主要中心羅馬和巴黎的學院會員。他們被排除在寫生課程之外，沒有接受足夠的培訓來從事歷史繪畫等著名流派的工作。這段時期現代藝術批評的誕生重新激發了人們對歷史繪畫占主導地位的流派等級的興趣。 …
The eighteenth century opened with the Rococo period and a courtly, elegant style in which artifice, sentiment, and pleasure dominated the concerns of aristocratic men and women. By the second half of the century, philosophical inquiries into the nature of sexual difference had begun to reshape gender identity. A transition took place from older forms of public life to the modern division between public and private that underlies the formation of the modern family. In parallel, a modern notion of gender was built around the opposition between a public sphere of male activity and a private and female domestic realm. ...
十八世紀以洛可可時期為開端，出現了一種宮廷優雅的風格，其中技巧、情感和享樂主導了貴族男女的關注點。到本世紀下半葉，性別差異本質的哲學探究開始重塑性別認同。從舊的公共生活形式到現代公共和私人之間的劃分發生了轉變，這是現代家庭形成的基礎。同時，現代性別概念是圍繞著男性活動的公共領域與私人和女性家庭領域之間的對立而建立的。 …
Although seventeenth-century French writers celebrated "feminine reason," and writers from Corneille to Descartes admired female intelligence and perception, during the eighteenth century a critique of women became the basis for aesthetic judgments. Jean de la Bruyere, following the lead of classical authors like Quintilian who had contrasted "made up" emasculated rhetoric with the healthy eloquence of the virile orator, drew an analogy between a critique of women and a condemnation of make-up. Carried over to representation, such analogies became the basis for denouncing overly refined brushwork and immoderate pleasure in color. Charles Cochin, writing during the reign of Louis XV, warned artists against applying color as if they were women putting on make-up. Artists working in the newly fashionable medium of pastel ...
儘管17世紀的法國作家頌揚“女性理性”，從高乃依到笛卡爾的作家都欽佩女性的智慧和感知力，但在18世紀，對女性的批判成為審美判斷的基礎。讓·德拉布魯耶爾效仿昆體良等古典作家，將「虛構的」閹割修辭與陽剛演說家的健康口才進行對比，在對女性的批評和對化妝的譴責之間進行了類比。延伸到表現方面，這樣的類比成為譴責過於精緻的筆觸和過度的色彩享受的基礎。查爾斯·科欽（Charles Cochin）在路易十五統治時期寫作，警告藝術家不要像女人化妝一樣塗抹色彩。藝術家們使用新流行的粉彩媒材進行創作...
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
45
used many of the same ground pigments that found their way- onto women's faces. Casting art in the forms of femininity has persisted to the present. Writing about the Rococo style ir 1964, Jean Starobinski cautioned that it "could be defined as a flamboyant Baroque in miniature: it crackles and scintillates, making the mythological images of authority childlike and effeminate. It is the perfect illustration of a form of art in whic a weakening of underlying meaningful values is combined wit ...
使用了許多與女性臉上相同的底色。以女性氣質的形式塑造藝術一直持續至今。讓·斯塔羅賓斯基（Jean Starobinski）在1964 年撰寫關於洛可可風格的文章時警告說，它“可以被定義為華麗的巴洛克風格的縮影：它劈啪作響，閃爍著光芒，使神話中的權威形象變得幼稚而女性化。
an expansion of elegant, ingenuous, facile, smiling forms." Aesthetic debates between nature and artifice took place in the context of Enlightenment attempts to apply scientific models to the study of human nature. Central to these was the attempt to determine which characteristics and qualities of human existence stem from nature, and thus from unchangin natural law, and which aspects of our lives result from custom and man-made laws. Voltaire, Antoine Thomas, Montesquieu, and others contributed to a natural law theory of equality, but a significant group of other thinkers explicitly denied the equality of men and women on grounds of law or nature. It is Jean-Jacques Rousseau's ideas on the proper place of women in the social and political order that became identified with the new, modern world. His argument is important both because it supported the separation of workplace and home which underlay the development of modern capitalism and because it is consistent with a lengthy Western tradition which has rationalized the separation and oppression of women in patriarchal culture. Rousseau not only believed women to be naturally inferior and submissive, but he also put great emphasis on the notion that the sexes should be separated. Believing that women lacked the intellectual capacities of men, he argued that they had no ability to contribute to art and the work of civilization apart from their domestic roles. The influence of Rousseau lay behind an increasing identification of femininity with nature in the second half of the eighteenth century. Although his position can be seen as a response to the very real political and artistic power held by a number of women earlier in the century, and part of the complex dialogue explored here in Chapter 5, by the end of the century it dominated the popular imagination. In the novel Emile, published in 1762, Rousseau presents a lengthy list of feminine qualities which he considers innate, among them shame, modesty, love of embellishment, and the desire to please. "I would have you remember, my dear," Samuel Richardson wrote in a letter to his daughter in 1741, "that as sure as anything intrepid, free, and in a prudent degree bold, becomes a man, so whatever is soft, tender, and modest, renders your ...
優雅、純真、輕鬆、微笑形式的擴展。本質源自於自然，因此也源自於不變的自然法，而我們生活的哪些面向源自於習俗和人為法，伏爾泰、安托萬·托馬斯、孟德斯鳩和其他人對平等的自然法理論做出了貢獻，但卻是一個重要的理論。世界一致。合理化。盧梭不只認為女性生來自卑、順從，也非常強調兩性應該分開的觀念。他認為女性缺乏男性的智力，認為除了家庭角色之外，她們沒有能力為藝術和文明事業做出貢獻。盧梭的影響推動了十八世紀下半葉女性氣質與自然日益增長的認同。 儘管他的立場可以被視為對本世紀早期許多女性所擁有的非常真實的政治和藝術權力的回應，也是第五章中探討的複雜對話的一部分，但到本世紀末，它主導了流行的政治和藝術權力。在 1762 年出版的小說《艾米爾》中，盧梭列出了一長串他認為與生俱來的女性特質，其中包括羞恥、謙虛、愛裝飾和取悅他人的慾望。 「我希望你記住，親愛的，」塞繆爾·理查森在1741 年給女兒的一封信中寫道，「正如任何無畏、自由和在謹慎的程度上大膽的事物一樣，成為一個男人，所以任何柔軟、溫柔的事物都可以成為一個男人。
46 Introduction ...
46 簡介...
sex amiable. In this one instance we do not prefer our own likeness; and the less you resemble us the more you are sure to charm...." The rigid polarizing and "naturalizing" of sexual difference came to dominate discussions of women's role in the arts. Not only was women's work evaluated in terms of what it revealed of its maker's "femininity," it was also consigned to media and subjects now considered appropriate and "natural" to women. "To model well in clay," notes George Paston in his Little Memoirs of the Eighteenth Century, "is considered as strong minded and anti-feminine but to model badly in wax or bread is quite a feminine occupation." ...
性和和藹可親。在這一個例子中，我們並不喜歡自己的肖像；我們更喜歡與自己相似的人。你越不像我們，你就越有魅力…」性別差異的嚴格兩極化和「自然化」開始主導關於女性在藝術中的角色的討論。喬治·帕斯頓（George Paston）在他的《十八世紀小回憶錄中指出，“用粘土做模特”，“被認為是適合女性的”。 …
As the division between the Man of Reason and the charming but submissive woman widened, women had less access to the public sphere which governed the production of art. The characterization of women's art as biologically determined or as an extension of their domestic and refining role in society reached its apogee in the nineteenth century. It was most clearly expressed in a bourgeois ideology which defined separate spheres for activity by men and women, including the practice of art. John Ruskin's "angel in the house" presided over a world in which class and gender were strictly defined, female labor devalued, and the family increasingly privatized. "Male genius has nothing to fear from female taste," wrote Léon Legrange in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts in 1860, "Let men conceive of great architectural projects, monumental sculpture, and the most elevated forms of painting, as well as those forms of the graphic arts which demand a lofty and ideal conception of art. In a word, let men busy themselves with all that has to do with great art. Let women occupy themselves with those types of art which they have always preferred, such as pastels, portraits, and miniatures. Or the painting of flowers, those prodigies of grace and freshness which alone can compete with the grace and freshness of women themselves." ...
隨著理性男性與迷人但順從的女性之間的差距擴大，女性進入支配藝術生產的公共領域的機會越來越少。將女性藝術描述為由生物學決定或作為其家庭和社會精緻角色的延伸在十九世紀達到了頂峰。它最清楚地表達在資產階級意識形態中，它定義了男性和女性不同的活動領域，包括藝術實踐。約翰·羅斯金筆下的「家裡的天使」統治著一個階級和性別被嚴格界定、女性勞動力貶值、家庭日益私有化的世界。 「男性天才無需擔心女性品味，」萊昂·勒格朗日(Léon Legrange) 在1860 年的《美術公報》中寫道，「讓男性構想偉大的建築項目、紀念性雕塑和最高尚的繪畫形式，以及那些形式總之，讓男人忙於一切與偉大藝術有關的事情，讓女人忙於他們一直喜歡的藝術類型，比如粉彩。與女性本身的優雅和清新相媲美。 …
The demand that women artists restrict their activities to what was perceived as naturally feminine intensified during the second half of the century, particularly in England and America. The growing numbers of women pursuing advanced training in art in these countries led many women to negotiate new relationships with prevailing ideologies of femininity. A few, such as Elizabeth Thompson and Rosa Bonheur, were isolated as "exceptional" and freed from the constraints of their femininity, but critics continued to evaluate the work of most women in terms of gender. The novelist and critic J. K. Huysmans located Mary Cassatt's ability to paint children in her womanhood rather than in her artistic skill: "Woman alone is capable of painting childhood...." he declared. Remarks ...
在本世紀下半葉，特別是在英國和美國，要求女性藝術家將她們的活動限制在被認為是自然女性化的範圍內的要求有所加強。在這些國家，越來越多的女性接受高級藝術培訓，導致許多女性與流行的女性意識形態建立新的關係。伊麗莎白·湯普森（Elizabeth Thompson）和羅莎·博納爾（Rosa Bonheur）等少數人被視為“例外”，並擺脫了女性氣質的束縛，但批評者繼續從性別角度評估大多數女性的工作。小說家兼評論家JK 休斯曼斯(JK Huysmans) 將瑪麗·卡薩特(Mary Cassatt) 描繪兒童的能力歸因於她的女性氣質，而不是她的藝術技巧：「只有女人才有能力描繪童年......」他宣稱。評論 ...
Art History and the Woman Artist ...
藝術史與女藝術家......
47
such as these advance ahistorical and unchanging views of "feminine" nature. And they ignore the commitment, hard work, and sacrifices which many women artists have made in order to contribute to the shaping of visual culture. ...
這些都提出了關於「女性」本質的非歷史的、不變的觀點。他們忽略了許多女性藝術家為塑造視覺文化所做的承諾、辛勤工作和犧牲。 …
It is also to nineteenth-century art history that we must look for the origin of the categories "woman artist" and "female school." The wholesale rewriting of the history of art as separate and distinct lineages for men and women laid the groundwork for twentieth-century accounts in which, once separated, women and their art could easily be omitted altogether. Ruskin's was the dominant voice of the period, but it was Anna Jameson who was the first writer to define herself as a specialist in the history of art. Jameson also believed in the existence of a specific and separate female art, equal to that of men but different from it: "I wish to combat in every way that oft-repeated but most false compliment unthinkingly paid to women, that genius has no sex; there may be equality of power, but in its quality and application there will be and must be, difference and distinction." ...
我們也必須在十九世紀的藝術史中尋找「女藝術家」和「女學派」範疇的起源。藝術史被全面重寫為男性和女性獨立且獨特的血統，為二十世紀的敘述奠定了基礎，在這些敘述中，一旦分離，女性及其藝術很容易被完全忽略。拉斯金是這段時期的主導聲音，但安娜·詹姆森是第一個將自己定義為藝術史專家的作家。詹姆森也相信存在一種特定且獨立的女性藝術，與男性藝術平等但又有所不同：「我希望以各種方式與那些經常重複但不假思索地給予女性的錯誤讚美作鬥爭，即天才沒有性別” ; 權力可能是平等的，但在其品質和運用上，將會而且必須存在差異和區別。” …
Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art (1848) outlined woman's not inconsiderable place within the Christian tradition and its art. Her association of charity and purity with a female point of view and her emphasis on character, emotion, and moral purpose as feminine virtues were quickly adopted by her Victorian audience. A number of books about women soon followed, with most authors declaring themselves in favor of what women had done, often expressing a belief in the inevitability of equality as an historical certainty, and quick to assume and articulate a biologically determined sphere of activity for women. The first of these were Ernst Guhl's Die Frauen in der Kunstgeschichte (1858) and Elizabeth Ellet's Women Artists in All Ages and All Countries (1859). They were followed by Ellen Clayton's English Female Artists (1876), Marius Vachon's La Femme dans l'Art (1893), Clara Clement's encyclopedic Women in the Fine Arts from the 7th Century BC to the 20th Century (1904), Walter Sparrow's Women Painters of the World (1905), and Laura Ragg's Women Artists of Bologna (1907). Their arguments serve as a caution that we must look at art historical and critical evaluations of art produced by women with a healthy skepticism, and they reveal why it is that much contemporary feminist art has chosen language as the site of the struggle over content and meaning in art. ...
詹姆森的《神聖與傳奇藝術》（1848）概述了女性在基督教傳統及其藝術中不可忽視的地位。她將慈善和純潔與女性觀點聯繫起來，以及她對性格、情感和道德目標作為女性美德的強調，很快就被維多利亞時代的觀眾所接受。很快就出現了許多有關女性的書籍，大多數作者都宣稱自己支持女性所做的事情，經常表達對平等作為歷史必然性的必然性的信念，並迅速假設並闡明了由生物學決定的女性活動範圍。其中第一部是恩斯特·古爾（Ernst Guhl）的《藝術史中的女人》（Die Frauen in der Kunstgeschichte）（1858年）和伊麗莎白·埃萊特（Elizabeth Ellet）的《所有時代和所有國家的女性藝術家》（1859年）。接下來是艾倫·克萊頓的《英國女性藝術家》（1876年）、馬呂斯·瓦瓊的《藝術中的女人》（1893年）、克拉拉·克萊門特的百科全書式《從公元前7世紀到20世紀的美術界女性》（1904年）、沃爾特·斯帕羅的《女畫家》 《世界》 (1905) 和勞拉·拉格(Laura Ragg) 的《博洛尼亞女藝術家》 (1907)。她們的論點提醒我們必須以健康的懷疑態度看待藝術史和對女性創作的藝術的批判性評價，她們揭示了為什麼許多當代女權主義藝術選擇語言作為內容和意義鬥爭的場所在藝術中。 …
48 Introduction ...
48 簡介...
Chapter 1 The Middle Ages ...
第1章 中世紀…
The contemporary practice of distinguishing between the fine arts and the crafts originated in the reclassifying of painting, sculpture, and architecture as liberal arts during the Renaissance. The general exclusion of women from highly professionalized forms of art production like painting and sculpture, and the involvement of large numbers of women in craft production since the Renaissance, have solidified a hierarchical ordering of the visual arts. Feminism in the arts has protested against the distinction between "art" and "craft" grounded in their different materials, technical training, and education (see Chapter 12). It has also rejected inscriptions of "feminine" sensibility on craft processes and materials, while pointing out the dangers of sanctifying an artisanal tradition by renaming it "art." A contemporary return to pre-Renaissance values and a feudal division of labor is not possible, but we can look to the Middle Ages for models of artistic production that are not based on modern notions of artistic individuality. ...
當代區分美術和手工藝的做法起源於文藝復興時期將繪畫、雕塑和建築重新歸類為文科。女性普遍被排除在繪畫和雕塑等高度專業化的藝術生產形式之外，以及自文藝復興以來大量女性參與手工藝生產，鞏固了視覺藝術的等級秩序。藝術領域的女性主義抗議「藝術」和「工藝」之間基於不同材料、技術培訓和教育的區別（見第十二章）。它還拒絕在工藝流程和材料上刻上「女性」情感，同時指出透過將手工藝傳統重新命名為「藝術」來神聖化它的危險。當代回到文藝復興前的價值觀和封建勞動分工是不可能的，但我們可以向中世紀尋找不基於現代藝術個性概念的藝術生產模式。 …
Our knowledge about the daily lives and customs of women in the Middle Ages owes much to representations emphasizing their labor, as in a thirteenth-century manuscript illumination of a woman milking a cow. Similar scenes-carved onto the capitals of Romanesque and Gothic churches, embroidered into tapestries, and painted with jewel-like precision in the borders of manuscripts-offer a diurnal counterpart to the sacred imagery of the Virgin Mary and Child that dominates medieval visual culture. Whether laboring in the service of God or for daily subsistence, the lives of most medieval men and women were organized around work. Although the names of a number of powerful women who were the patrons and benefactors of such representations are known today, we know little of the authors, for few of them signed their names and the ...
我們對中世紀婦女日常生活和習俗的了解很大程度上歸功於對她們勞動的強調，例如十三世紀手稿中描繪的婦女擠奶的情景。類似的場景——雕刻在羅馬式和哥德式教堂的柱頂上，繡在掛毯上，並在手稿的邊框上以寶石般的精度繪製——與主導中世紀視覺文化的聖母瑪利亞和聖嬰的神聖圖像形成了晝夜對應。無論是為上帝服務還是為了日常生活而勞動，大多數中世紀男人和女人的生活都是圍繞著工作組織的。儘管如今許多有權勢的女性的名字都為人所知，她們是此類代表的讚助人和捐助人，但我們對作者知之甚少，因為很少有人籤上自己的名字，而且..... .
49 ...
13
preservation of their individual biographies had no role to play in their productions. ...
保存他們的個人傳記在他們的作品中沒有發揮任何作用。 …
The Christian Church, as the dominant force in Western medieval life, organized communication and culture, as well as religion and education. Assuming what Foucault called "the privileges of knowledge," the Church exercised the religious and moral power which gave shape to human expression: "The need to take a direct part in spiritual life, in the work of salvation, in the truth which lies in the Book-all that was a struggle for a new subjectivity." The Church's hierarchical organization reinforced the class distinctions in society; its patriarchal dogma included a full set of theories on the natural inferiority of women which can be traced back to ancient Greece and the Old Testament. While medieval writers and thinkers discussed at length issues concerning women and their proper status in society, Christian representation was focused on the opposition of Eve and Mary, seducer and saint.
基督教會作為西方中世紀生活的主導力量，組織了通訊與文化，以及宗教與教育。教會擁有福柯所謂的「知識特權」，行使宗教與道德的權力，使人類的表達方式得以成形：「需要直接參與精神生活、救贖的工作、書籍中的真理--所有這些都是為了新的主體性而奮鬥」。教會的階級組織強化了社會的階級差別；其父權教條包括一整套有關女性天生低人一等的理論，這些理論可以追溯到古希臘和《舊約》。中世紀的作家和思想家長篇大論地討論關於婦女及其在社會中的適當地位的問題，而基督教的表達則集中在夏娃與瑪麗、誘惑者與聖人的對立。
基督教會作為西方中世紀生活的主導力量，組織傳播和文化，以及宗教和教育。假設福柯所說的“知識的特權”，教會行使了形成人類表達的宗教和道德權力：“需要直接參與精神生活，參與救贖工作，參與存在於其中的真理”這本書——所有這一切都是為了新的主體性而進行的鬥爭。教會的階級組織強化了社會的階級區別。其父權教條包括一整套關於女性天然劣等的理論，這些理論可以追溯到古希臘和舊約。雖然中世紀的作家和思想家詳細討論了有關婦女及其在社會中的適當地位的問題，但基督教的代表卻集中在夏娃和瑪麗、誘惑者和聖人的對立上。 基督教會作為基督教生活的主導力量，組織了通訊與文化，以及宗教與西方教育。 教會擁有福柯所謂的「知識特權」，無罪宗教與道德的權力，使人類的表達方式得以形成：「需要「教會的階級組織強化了社會的階級差別；其父權教條包括一整套有關女性天生低人一等的內容。了關於婦女及其在社會中適當的地位的問題，而基督教的表達則集中在夏娃與瑪麗、誘惑者與聖人的對立。
Recent careful work by social historians has illuminated the ambiguous situation of women between the fourth and the fourteenth centuries. Scholars have demonstrated significant differences in men's and women's rights to possess and inherit property, in their duties to pay homage and taxes, their civil and legal rights, and their rights to present evidence or serve as judges or priests. The confusion of sovereignty with personal property (the fief) contributed to the emergence of a number of powerful upper-class women at a time when most other women were restricted to the home and economically dependent on fathers, husbands, brothers, or sovereigns. The rigidity of social divisions, and the gulf that separated upper and lower classes, meant that upper-class women had more in common with the men of their class than with peasant women.
最近社會歷史學家的細心研究，闡明了婦女在第四世紀到第十四世紀之間的曖昧處境。學者們證明了男性和女性在擁有和繼承財產的權利、致敬和納稅的義務、民事和法律權利，以及提出證據或擔任法官或牧師的權利等方面的顯著差異。主權與個人財產（封地）的混淆促成了一些有權勢的上層階級婦女的出現，而當時其他大多數婦女都被限制在家中，在經濟上依賴父親、丈夫、兄弟或主權。社會分工的僵化以及上層階級與下層階級之間的鴻溝，意味著上層階級婦女與她們階級的男性比與農村婦女有更多的共通點。
社會歷史學家最近的細緻工作闡明了四世紀至十四世紀婦女的模糊處境。學者們已經證明，男性和女性在擁有和繼承財產的權利、繳納敬意和納稅的義務、公民和法律權利以及出示證據或擔任法官或牧師的權利方面存在顯著差異。當大多數其他婦女被限制在家庭中並在經濟上依賴父親、丈夫、兄弟或君主時，主權與個人財產（封地）的混淆導致了許多有權勢的上層階級婦女的出現。社會分化的僵化，以及上層階級和下層階級之間的鴻溝，意味著上層階級婦女與同階級男性的共同點比與農民婦女的共同點更多。 最近社會歷史學家的細心研究，闡明了婦女在第四世紀到第十四世紀之間的曖昧狀態。 ，以及提出證據或任命法官或牧師的權利等方面的顯著差異。依賴父親、丈夫、兄弟或主權。
While women's social roles remained circumscribed by a Christian ethic that stressed obedience and chastity, by the demands of maternal and domestic responsibility, and by the feudal legal system organized around the control of property, there is evidence that their lives, as those of men, were also shaped by economic and social forces outside ecclesiastic control, at least during the period of the early Middle Ages. Women's lives do not appear to have been privatized and their social functions subordinated to, or defined by, their sexual capacities. Symbiotic modes of production and reproduction, no clearly defined physical boundaries between domestic life and public and economic activity, and the physical rigors of medieval life, encouraged women to take significant part in the management of family property and in general economic life. And there is evidence that they participated in all forms
儘管婦女的社會角色仍然受到強調服從與貞潔的基督教倫理、母親與家庭責任的要求，以及以財產控制為中心的封建法律制度的限制，但有證據顯示，至少在中世紀早期，婦女的生活與男性一樣，也受到教會控制以外的經濟與社會力量的影響。婦女的生活似乎沒有被私有化，她們的社會功能也沒有從屬於她們的性能力，或由她們的性能力所定義。共生的生產與再生產模式、家庭生活與公共及經濟活動之間沒有明確的實質界限，以及中世紀生活的體力勞動，都鼓勵婦女在家庭財產管理及一般經濟生活中扮演重要的角色。有證據顯示，婦女參與了各種形式的經濟活動。
雖然婦女的社會角色仍然受到強調服從和貞潔的基督教倫理、母親和家庭責任的要求以及圍繞財產控制組織的封建法律制度的限制，但有證據表明，她們的生活與男人一樣，至少在中世紀早期，也受到教會控制之外的經濟和社會力量的影響。婦女的生活似乎並沒有被私有化，她們的社會功能服從於她們的性能力，或由她們的性能力決定。生產和再生產的共生模式、家庭生活與公共和經濟活動之間沒有明確界定的物理界限以及中世紀生活的嚴酷條件，鼓勵婦女在家庭財產管理和一般經濟生活中發揮重要作用。並且有證據表明，他們以各種形式參與婦女的社會角色仍然受到強調服從與貞潔的基督教倫理、母親與家庭責任的要求，以及以財產控制為中心的封建法律制度的限制，但有證據表明，至少在古羅馬早期，婦女的生活與男性一樣，也受到教會控制以外的經濟與社會力量的影響。她們共生的生產與再生產模式、家庭生活與公共及經濟活動之間沒有明確的實質界限，以及中世紀生活的體力勞動，都鼓勵婦女在家庭財產管理及一般經濟生活中發揮作用重要的角色。表明，婦女參與了各種形式的經濟活動。
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of cultural production from masonry and building to manuscript illuminating and embroidery.
從石工和建築到手稿印刷和刺繡的文化生產。
從磚石和建築到手稿插圖和刺繡的文化生產。 從石工和建築到手稿印刷和幼兒的文化生產。
Most art during this period was produced in monasteries. Access to education and the convent, the center of women's intellectual and artistic life from the sixth to the sixteenth centuries, was often determined by noble birth. Historians of the medieval Church divide its history into two periods separated by the late eleventh-century reforms of Pope Gregory VII (1073-85). The division is important: not only did the Gregorian Reform, which coincided with the development of feudal society, lead to a dramatically restricted role for women in the church and to the emergence of a new tradition of female mysticism, it also emphasized an ideology of divine womanhood which reached its apogee in the twelfth-century cult of the Virgin Mary. As most medieval painter nuns discussed in feminist art histories belong, in fact, to twelfth- century Germany and the particular political and social forces that defined an expanded place for educated women in that culture, it is necessary to distinguish between early and late medieval production.
這個時期的大部分藝術作品都是在修道院中創作的。修道院是六世紀至十六世紀婦女知識與藝術生活的中心，接受教育與進入修道院的機會往往取決於高貴的出身。中世紀教會的歷史學家將其歷史分為兩個時期，以十一世紀末教宗格列高利七世 (Gregory VII, 1073-85) 的改革為分界。這一劃分非常重要：格列高利七世改革恰逢封建社會的發展，不僅導致女性在教會中的角色受到極大限制，並出現了女性神秘主義的新傳統，還強調了神聖女性的意識形態，這種意識形態在十二世紀的聖母瑪利亞崇拜中達到了頂峰。由於女性主義藝術史所討論的大部分中世紀修女畫家，實際上都屬於十二世紀的德國，以及在該文化中為受過教育的婦女擴大地位的特殊政治與社會力量，因此有必要區分早期與晚期的中世紀作品。
這一時期的大多數藝術作品都是在修道院中創作的。接受教育和進入修道院是六世紀至十六世紀婦女知識和藝術生活的中心，這往往取決於貴族出身。中世紀教會的歷史學家將其歷史分為兩個時期，以十一世紀末教皇格列高利七世 (1073-85) 的改革為界。這種劃分很重要：與封建社會發展同時發生的格列高利改革不僅導致婦女在教會中的作用受到極大限制，並導致女性神秘主義新傳統的出現，而且還強調了一種「女性神秘主義」的意識形態。神聖的女性氣質在十二世紀對聖母瑪利亞的崇拜中達到了頂峰。由於女性主義藝術史中討論的大多數中世紀畫家修女實際上屬於十二世紀的德國，以及特定的政治和社會力量為受過教育的女性在該文化中擴大了地位，因此有必要區分中世紀早期和晚期的創作。 這個時期的藝術作品大多是在晚期中創作的。家將其歷史分為兩個時期，以十世紀末教宗格列高利七世（格列高利七世，1073-85）的改革為分界。封建社會的發展，不僅導致女性在教會中的角色受到極大限制，並出現了女性神秘主義的新傳統，也凸顯了神聖女性的革命，這種變革在十二世紀的聖母瑪利亞崇拜中由於女性主義藝術史所討論的大部分古羅馬修女畫家，實際上都屬於十二世紀的德國，以及在該文化中為受過教育的婦女擴大地位的特殊政治與社會力量，因此，有必要區分早期與晚期的中世紀作品。
The origins of female monasticism can be traced to the solitary ascetic Christian lives first led by male and female hermits in the third century. Antony is usually credited as the first of these hermits, but before he withdrew into the Egyptian desert, he placed his sister with a community of nuns
女性修道的起源可追溯至第三世紀時，男女隱士首次過著獨居的禁慾基督徒生活。安東尼 (Antony) 通常被認為是這些隱士中的第一人，但在他遁入埃及沙漠之前，他將他的妹妹安置在一個尼姑團體中。
女性修道主義的起源可以追溯到公元三世紀由男女隱士首先過的孤獨禁慾的基督教生活。安東尼通常被認為是這些隱士中的第一個，但在他撤退到埃及沙漠之前，他將妹妹安置在一個修女社區裡。在他遁入埃及沙漠之前，他把他的妹妹安置在一個尼姑群體中。
13 Illustration in a Bodleian Library manuscript, Ms 764, f. 41v.
13 Bodleian 圖書館手稿中的插圖，Ms 764，f. 41v。
13 博德利圖書館手稿中的插圖，Ms 764，f。 41v。 13 Bodleian 圖書館手稿中的插圖，Ms 764，f. 41v。
cca dicta qi boacca. Eft enim eq
cca dicta qi boacca.(iii)、(iii)、(iii)
cca dicta qi boacca。 Eft enim eq cca dicta qi boacca.(iii)、(iii)、(iii)
in Alexandria. In AD 512 Bishop Caesarius of Aries founded a convent to be headed by his sister, Caesaria, and ordered that "Between psalms and fasts, vigils and readings, let the virgins of Christ copy holy books beautifully." The foundation initiated a tradition of nuns as learned women, even as monasticism continued to convey in its writings a repugnance for sexuality and a distaste for women.
位於亞歷山大。公元 512 年，白羊座的主教 Caesarius 創立了一所修道院，由他的妹妹 Caesaria 擔任院長，並下令「在詩歌與齋戒、守夜與讀書之間，讓基督的處女們美麗地抄寫聖書」。該基金會開啟了修女作為博學婦女的傳統，即使修道主義繼續在其著作中傳達對性的厭惡和對女性的厭惡。
在亞歷山大。西元512年，白羊座的凱撒留主教建立了一座修道院，由他的妹妹凱撒利亞領導，並下令「在唱詩篇和禁食、守夜和閱讀之間，讓基督的童女們優美地抄寫聖書。 」該基金會開創了將修女視為有學識的女性的傳統，儘管修道主義在其著作中繼續表達了對性的反感和對女性的厭惡。 位於亞歷山大。抄寫聖書」。基金會開啟了修女博學作為婦女的傳統，即使修道主義繼續在其著作中傳播對性的吉祥和對女性的吉祥。
Within the convent women had access to learning even though they were prohibited from teaching by St. Paul's caution that "a woman must be a learner, listening quietly and with due submission. I do not permit a woman to be a teacher, nor must a woman domineer over a man; she should be quiet." From the sixth century on, Benedictine Rule (written by Benedict of Nursia [c. 480-547] shaped the community life of both men and women with two contradictory attitudes defining gender in religious life. While on the one hand, women were suspect as sexual threats to male chastity, on the other, spiritual commonality rather than gender differentiation was the ideal of the Benedictine Rule and hence of monasticism. During the Middle Ages the convent provided an alternative to marriage, offering a haven for nonconformists and female intellectuals. Although women shared equally with men in conversion to the faith and the learning that accompanied it, they were barred from the forms of power by which the Church exercised control: preaching, officiating in church, and becoming priests. Nevertheless, the Rule of Saint Benedict, sanctioned the founding of double monasteries in which monks and nuns lived communal lives and often worked side by side. Before their abolition by the Second Council of Nice in 787, many of these monasteries were run by abbesses famous for their learning, among them Anstrude of Laon, Gertrude of Nivelle, Bertille of Chelles, and Hilda of Hartlepool.
在修道院內，婦女有機會學習，儘管聖保羅告誡她們「婦女必須是一個學習者，安靜地聆聽，並適當地順服」，禁止她們教學。我不允許女人做老師，女人也不得支配男人，她應該安靜"。從六世紀開始，本篤會規（由諾西亞的本篤[Benedict of Nursia][約480-547]所撰寫）以兩種相互矛盾的態度界定宗教生活中的性別，塑造了男性與女性的團體生活。一方面，女性被懷疑對男性的貞潔構成性威脅；另一方面，靈性上的共通性而非性別區別，是本篤教規的理想，因此也是修道的理想。在中世紀，修道院提供了婚姻以外的另一種選擇，為非主流人士和女性知識份子提供了避難所。儘管女性與男性同樣皈依信仰並學習，但她們卻被禁止參與教會控制的權力形式：傳道、在教堂主持儀式以及成為神父。儘管如此，聖本篤(Saint Benedict)的規條贊成建立雙修道院，讓修道士與修女過著共同的生活，並經常並肩工作。在 787 年尼斯第二次會議廢除之前，許多這些修道院都是由以學識聞名的女修道士管理的，其中包括拉昂的安斯特魯德 (Anstrude of Laon)、尼維勒的格特魯德 (Gertrude of Nivelle)、切萊的貝蒂爾 (Bertille of Chelles) 以及哈特爾普爾的希爾達 (Hilda of Hartlepool)。
在修道院內，婦女有機會學習，儘管聖保羅的告誡禁止她們教學，「婦女必須是學習者，安靜地傾聽並適當服從。我不允許婦女擔任教師，也不允許婦女擔任教師」。 ，她應該安靜。從六世紀開始，本篤會規則（由努爾西亞的本篤十六世撰寫[c. 480-547]）用兩種矛盾的態度塑造了男性和女性的社區生活，定義了宗教生活中的性別。和女性知識分子提供了避風港。和修女在其中共同生活，並經常並肩工作。 )。 在寬度內，婦女有機會學習，雖然聖保羅告誡她們「婦女必須是一個學習者，安靜地彼此，並適當地順服」，她們禁止教學。安靜」。從六世紀開始，本篤會規（由諾西亞的本篤[Benedict of Nursia][約480-547]所著）以兩種相互矛盾的態度思維宗教生活中的性別，塑造了男性與女性的群體生活 一方面，女性被懷疑對男性的貞潔構成性威脅；另外，靈性上的共通性非性別區別，是本篤教規的理想，因此也是修道的理想。外的另一個選擇，為非主流人士和女性知識分子提供了避難所。儘管女性與男性同樣皈依崇拜並學習，但她們卻被禁止參與教會控制的權力形式：傳道、在教堂主持儀式以及成為神父。讓修道士與修女過著共同的生活，並經常並肩工作。特魯德(Anstrude of Laon)、尼維勒的格特魯德(Gertrude of Nivelle)、切萊的貝蒂爾(Bertille of Chelles) 以及哈特爾普爾的希爾達(Hilda of Hartlepool)。
Although traditional art history has omitted women from discussions of the productions of the double monasteries, there is considerable evidence that by the eighth century powerful and learned abbesses from noble families ran scriptoria in which manuscripts were copied and illuminated. Little evidence remains as to how they were produced and it is impossible to identify whether the authors or scribes were male or female, yet we can assume from the existence of the double monasteries that both monks and nuns were involved in composing, copying, and illuminating manuscripts. Documents from the period reveal impressive lists of women's names attached to manuscripts after AD 800 when the Convent of Chelles, under the direction of Charlemagne's sister Gisela, produced thirteen volumes of manuscripts including a three-
儘管傳統藝術史在討論雙修道院的製作時遺漏了女性，但有相當多的證據顯示，到了八世紀，來自貴族家庭的有權勢、有學問的女修道士經營著抄寫和彩繪手稿的 scriptoria。關於這些手稿是如何製作的證據所剩無幾，也無法確定作者或抄寫員是男性還是女性，但我們可以從雙僧院的存在推測，僧侶和修女都參與了手稿的創作、抄寫和點綴。公元 800 年以後，Chelles 修道院在查理曼大帝的妹妹吉澤拉 (Gisela) 的指導下，製作了十三卷手稿，其中包括一本三卷本的手稿。
儘管傳統藝術史在討論雙修道院的作品時忽略了女性，但有大量證據表明，到了八世紀，來自貴族家庭的有權勢且博學的女修道院院長經營著抄寫室，在其中抄寫和裝飾手稿。關於它們是如何製作的證據很少，也無法確定作者或抄寫員是男性還是女性，但我們可以從雙寺院的存在推測，僧侶和尼姑都參與了創作、抄寫和插圖工作。這一時期的文獻揭示了公元800 年之後的手稿中附有令人印象深刻的女性名字清單，當時謝勒斯修道院在查理曼大帝的妹妹吉塞拉的指導下，製作了十三卷手稿，其中包括一部三卷傳統藝術史，正在討論雙文物的製作時遺漏了女性，但有相當多的證據顯示，到了八世紀，來自貴族家庭的能力、有學問的女修道士經營抄寫和彩繪手稿的劇本。 。
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volume commentary on the Psalms signed by nine women scribes. Early medieval saints' lives contain references to female illuminators and a letter written in 735 by St. Boniface to Eadberg, the abbess of Minster in Thanet, thanks her for sending him gifts of spiritual books, and requests that she "copy out for me in gold the epistles of my Lord Saint Peter...."
由九位女性文士簽署的詩篇註釋卷。中世紀早期的聖人生平中都有提到女性插圖師，而聖 Boniface 在 735 年寫給 Thanet 的 Minster 女修道院院長 Eadberg 的一封信中，感謝她送給他靈性書籍的禮物，並請她 「為我用黃金抄寫我主 Saint Peter 的書信....」。
九位女抄寫員簽署的詩篇註釋卷。中世紀早期聖徒的傳記中提到了女性啟蒙者，以及聖博尼費斯於735 年寫給薩尼特大教堂女修道院院長埃德伯格的一封信，感謝她送給他精神書籍的禮物，並請她「為我抄寫」我主聖彼得的金子書信......」由九位女性文士簽署的詩篇註釋卷。中世紀早期的聖人生平中都有提到女性插圖師，而聖博尼法斯在735年寫給塔尼特的大教堂女子去年給埃德伯格的一封信，感謝她送給他靈性書籍的禮物，並請她「為我用黃金抄寫我主聖彼得的書信......」。
Despite the evidence of women active in British and Carolingian scriptoria, the first documented example of an extended cycle of miniatures worked on by a woman is Spanish. The most remarkable visionary manuscripts of the tenth and eleventh centuries depict the Apocalyptic vision of St. John the Divine in the Book of Revelation. They include a group of manuscripts (there are about twenty-four known copies with illustrations) containing Commentaries on the Apocalypse compiled around 786 by the Spanish monk Beatus of Liebana (c. 730-798). Their paintings are executed in the distinctive Mozarabic style of Spanish illumination produced by Christian artists strongly influenced by the Moslem formal and decorative tradition. The monk Emetrius worked on the so-called Beatus Apocalypse of Gerona. This manuscript was written and illuminated in a monastery in the mountains of Léon in northwest Spain by a priest called Senior, who may have been assisted in the painting by Emetrius, whose hand has been identified from an earlier manuscript, and by a woman called Ende. Ende titles herself DEPINTRIX (paintress) and DEI AIUTRIX (helper of God), following the custom of noblewomen of the time. She has been identified with a school of illuminators and limners in medieval Spain which also
儘管有證據顯示婦女活躍於英國和卡洛林王朝的手稿(scriptoria)，但第一個有文獻記載的由女性完成的長週期微型畫的例子是西班牙的。第十和第十一世紀最傑出的異象手稿描繪了《啟示錄》中神聖約翰的世界末日異象。這些手稿包括西班牙修道士 Beatus of Liebana（約 730-798 年）在 786 年左右編寫的一組手稿（已知有插圖的副本約 24 份），其中包含《啟示錄注釋》。這些繪畫是以獨特的莫扎拉比式西班牙繪畫風格繪製，由深受回教形式與裝飾傳統影響的基督教藝術家製作。修道士 Emetrius 負責所謂的 Beatus Apocalypse of Gerona。這份手稿是在西班牙西北部萊昂 (Léon) 山區的一座修道院中，由一位名叫西尼爾 (Senior) 的神父所撰寫和彩繪的，西尼爾在彩繪過程中可能得到了艾美特里奧斯 (Emetrius) 和一位名叫恩德 (Ende) 的女子的協助，艾美特里奧斯的手已從較早前的一份手稿中鑒定出來。Ende 依循當時貴族婦女的習慣，將自己稱為 DEPINTRIX（女繪畫師）和 DEI AIUTRIX（神的幫助者）。她被認定為中世紀西班牙的一個插圖師和繪圖師流派的成員。
儘管有證據表明女性活躍在英國和加洛林時期的抄寫室中，但第一個有記錄的由女性創作的細密畫週期較長的例子是西班牙的。十世紀和十一世紀最引人注目的異象手稿描繪了《啟示錄》中聖約翰的世界末日願景。其中包括一組手稿（已知約有24 份帶有插圖的副本），其中包含西班牙僧侶列巴納的貝阿圖斯（Beatus of Liebana，約730-798 年）於786 年左右編撰的《啟示錄註釋》。他們的畫作採用獨特的西班牙莫扎拉布風格的插圖，由基督教藝術家創作，深受穆斯林形式和裝飾傳統的影響。修道士埃米特里烏斯 (Emetrius) 創作了所謂的《赫羅納貝阿圖斯啟示錄》(Beatus Apocalypse of Gerona)。這份手稿是在西班牙西北部萊昂山區的一座修道院中由一位名叫西尼爾(Senior) 的牧師撰寫和繪製的，該牧師可能得到了埃米特里烏斯(Emetrius) 和一位名叫恩德(Ende) 的女士的協助，埃米特里烏斯的手稿已從早期手稿中得以確認。恩德依照當時貴族女性的習俗，為自己取了「DEPINTRIX」（女畫家）和「DEI AIUTRIX」（上帝的幫助者）的稱號。她被認為是中世紀西班牙的一所照明家和照明家，該學校也有證據表明婦女活躍於英國和卡洛林王朝的手稿（scriptoria），但第一個有文獻記載的由女性完成的長微型週期畫作的例子是西班牙的。 （約730-798） ）於786 年左右編寫的一組手稿（已知有插圖的副本約24 份），其中包含《啟示錄註釋》。風格相似，由深度回教形式與傳統裝飾影響的基督教藝術家製作。爾(Senior) 的人創作）的神父所創作和彩繪的，西尼爾在彩繪過程中可能得到了艾美特里奧斯（Emetrius）和一位名叫恩德（Ende）的女子的幫助，艾美特里奧斯的手已經從較早開始前的一份手稿中鑑定出來。她被認定為古西班牙的插圖師和繪畫師流派的成員。
included the poetess Leodegundia.
包括女詩人 Leodegundia。
其中包括女詩人萊奧德貢迪亞。 包括女詩人Leodegundia。
The Beatus Apocalypse mingles the fierce visionary and fantastic imagery of St. John's vision with pure ornament and a careful attention to naturalistic detail. Most of the illustrations are in the flat decorative style characteristic of Mozarabic illumination with stylized figures set against broad bands of colors. In other places, rich colors and ornamented grounds are set off by delicate tones and subtle plays of line.
Beatus Apocalypse 將 St.大部分插圖都是莫扎拉比式照明特有的平面裝飾風格，造型人物與寬闊的色帶相映成趣。在其他地方，豐富的色彩和裝飾性的底色被細膩的色調和微妙的線條所襯托。
Beatus Apocalypse 將聖約翰的強烈幻想和奇妙意象與純粹的裝飾和對自然主義細節的仔細關注融為一體。大多數插圖都採用莫札拉布照明的平面裝飾風格，風格化的人物與寬色帶形成鮮明對比。在其他地方，豐富的色彩和裝飾性的地面被精緻的色調和微妙的線條所襯托。 Beatus Apocalypse 將 St. 大多數插圖都是莫扎拉比式照明特有的平面裝飾風格，造型人物與寬闊的顏色帶相映成趣。精緻的線條所襯托。
Although we shall perhaps never know the precise role played by Ende and her contemporaries in early medieval illuminations, the modern assumption that only monks worked in the scriptoria is clearly erroneous. By the tenth and eleventh centuries the development of feudalism and the effects of Church reform had begun to deprive women of powers they had exercised during the earlier Middle Ages. Only in Germany, where the Ottoman Empire fostered an unprecedented flowering of female intellectual and artistic culture, are we able to trace the work of individual women.
儘管我們或許永遠不會知道 Ende 和她的同代人在中世紀早期的繪畫中所扮演的精確角色，但現代人認為只有僧侶才會在經堂工作的假設顯然是錯誤的。到了第十和第十一世紀，封建主義的發展和教會改革的影響開始剝奪婦女在早期中世紀行使的權力。只有在德國，鄂圖曼帝國孕育了前所未有的女性知識與藝術文化之花，我們才得以追溯個別女性的工作。
儘管我們也許永遠不會知道恩德和她的同時代人在中世紀早期的插圖中所扮演的確切角色，但認為只有僧侶在抄寫室工作的現代假設顯然是錯誤的。到了十世紀和十一世紀，封建主義的發展和教會改革的影響力已經開始剝奪婦女在中世紀早期行使的權力。只有在鄂圖曼帝國培育了女性知識和藝術文化空前繁榮的德國，我們才能追蹤女性個體的作品。 儘管我們可能永遠不會知道恩德和她的同代人在羅馬早期的繪畫中所扮演的準確角色，但現代人認為只有僧侶才會在經堂工作的假設顯然是錯誤的。主義的發展和教會改革的影響開始擴大在早期天主教無限制的權力。 只有在德國，奧斯曼帝國孕育了境外的女性知識與藝術文化之花，我們才得以反思普遍女性的工作。
The Middle Ages
中世紀
中世紀 羅馬
14
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Despite the liabilities of feudalism elsewhere, under it women did not lose all legal rights, status, and economic power. Often they managed large estates while men were at war or occupied elsewhere on business; by the thirteenth century the rapid growth of commerce and city life had even produced a class of urban working women.
儘管封建制度在其他地方有其負面影響，但在封建制度下，婦女並未失去所有合法權利、地位和經濟權力。通常，當男性在戰爭中或在其他地方做生意時，她們會管理大莊園；到了十三世紀，商業和城市生活的快速發展甚至產生了一個城市職業婦女的階級。
儘管其他地方還有封建主義的負擔，但在封建主義統治下，婦女並沒有失去所有合法權利、地位和經濟權力。通常，當人們處於戰爭狀態或在其他地方做生意時，她們管理著大片莊園。到了十三世紀，商業和城市生活的快速發展甚至產生了一個城市職業婦女階級。 儘管封建制度在其他地方有其負面影響，但在封建制度下，婦女剝奪了所有合法權利、地位和經濟權力。到了十三世紀，商業和城市生活的快速發展甚至產生了一個城市職業婦女的階級。
The decline of the monastery as a place of female culture and learning in the British Isles can be traced directly to the monastic reforms of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Tenth- century reform in England placed the king as guardian of the rule in monasteries and his queen as guardian and protector of the nunneries. No new abbacies for women were created. Instead, prioresses were placed in charge of smaller and less important priories subordinated to male abbots. The disappearance of the double monastery, often under the rule of a powerful abbess, gradually led to a diminished tradition of learning for women and a subsidiary role for the convent.
在不列顛三島，修道院作為女性文化和學習場所的衰落，可以直接追溯到十世紀和十一世紀的修道院改革。十世紀的英格蘭改革將國王置於修道院的守護者地位，並將王后置於尼姑庵的守護者地位。沒有為女性設立新的修道院。取而代之的是，女修道院院長被安排負責從屬於男修道院院長的較小且不太重要的修道院。雙修道院的消失，通常是在一位有權勢的女修道士統治下，逐漸導致女性學習傳統的式微，以及女修道院的附屬角色。
修道院作為不列顛群島女性文化和學術場所的衰落可以直接追溯到十世紀和十一世紀的修道院改革。英國十世紀的改革將國王作為修道院統治的守護者，將王后視為修道院的守護者和保護者。沒有為女性設立新的修道院。相反，女修道院院長被安排負責隸屬於男性方丈的規模較小且不太重要的修道院。雙修道院的消失，通常是在一位有權勢的女修道院院長的統治下，逐漸導致婦女學習傳統的減弱和修道院的輔助作用。 在不列顛三島，晚年作為女性文化和學習場所的衰落，直接可以追溯到十世紀和十一世紀的晚間改革。守護者地位。在士統治下，逐漸導致女性學習傳統的式微，以及女底層的附屬角色。
The Norman Conquest of 1066 introduced the feudal system into England. The events leading up to the Norman invasion, culminating in the defeat of Harold at the Battle of Hastings are the subject of the Bayeux Tapestry. Produced around 1086, it is not a tapestry at all but a silk on linen embroidery twenty inches high and more than two hundred feet long. The "tapestry" contains a sequence of separate scenes, each of them dominated by a few images organized to be read horizontally and identified by a running text in simple Latin. The friezelike figures are stiff and simplified, but there is drama and energy in the story of the journey across the sea, the preparations for battle and, finally, Harold's defeat. It is dominated by three figures-Edward the Confessor, Harold who succeeded him, and William Duke of Normandy. The emphasis is on battles, bloodshed, and feasting. A wealth of naturalistic detail in the picturing of carts, boats, costumes, armor, and everyday life infuses the work with a convincing energy and has made the tapestry a rich source of information about the military aspects of medieval life.
1066 年的諾曼征服將封建制度引入英格蘭。諾曼人入侵的前因後果，以及哈羅德在黑斯廷斯戰役中的慘敗，就是貝葉掛錦的主題。這幅掛毯製作於 1086 年左右，它根本不是一幅掛毯，而是一幅高 20 英吋、長 200 多英尺的麻布絲綢刺繡。這幅「掛毯」包含一連串獨立的場景，每一個場景都由幾個圖像主宰，這些圖像可以橫向閱讀，並由簡單的拉丁文行文識別。楣板式的人物造型僵硬而簡化，但在跨海旅程、戰鬥準備以及最後哈羅德戰敗的故事中，卻充滿了戲劇性和活力。這幅畫主要由三個人物組成 - 懺悔者愛德華、繼承他的哈羅德和諾曼第公爵威廉。重點在於戰爭、流血和宴會。在描繪車、船、服飾、盔甲和日常生活時，大量的自然細節為作品注入了令人信服的活力，並使掛毯成為中世紀生活中關於軍事方面的豐富資訊來源。
1066年諾曼征服將封建制度引入英格蘭。導致諾曼入侵並最終導致哈羅德在黑斯廷斯戰役中失敗的事件是貝葉掛毯的主題。它製作於 1086 年左右，根本不是掛毯，而是二十英寸高、兩百多英尺長的絲綢亞麻刺繡。 「掛毯」包含一系列獨立的場景，每個場景都由一些圖像主導，這些圖像被組織成水平閱讀並由簡單的拉丁文運行文本識別。楣板般的人物僵硬而簡單，但在跨海之旅、戰鬥準備以及最終哈羅德失敗的故事中卻充滿了戲劇性和活力。它由三個角色主導：懺悔者愛德華、繼任者哈羅德和諾曼底公爵威廉。重點是戰鬥、流血和宴會。車、船、服裝、盔甲和日常生活的大量自然主義細節為作品注入了令人信服的能量，並使掛毯成為有關中世紀生活軍事的豐富資訊來源。 1066年的諾曼征服將封建制度引入英格蘭。它根本不是一條掛毯，而是一條高20吋、長200多英尺的麻布絲綢辮。閱讀，並由簡單的拉丁文行文式識別。組成- 懺悔者愛德華、繼承他的哈羅德和諾曼第一公爵威廉。人信服的活力作品，平靜的杭州成為羅馬生活中有關軍事的豐富資訊來源。
The only surviving example of Romanesque political embroidery of the eleventh century, the Bayeux Tapestry has been called the "most important monument of secular art of the Middle Ages." Yet its origins remain obscure, and the history of its production has been distorted by modern assumptions that medieval embroidery was an exclusively female occupation. A tradition identifying Queen Mathilda as the work's main embroiderer can be traced at least to the early eighteenth century, even though there is absolutely no evidence for identifying her with the tapestry. In the nineteenth
貝葉掛毯是 11 世紀羅馬式政治刺繡的唯一遺跡，被稱為「中世紀最重要的世俗藝術紀念碑」。然而，它的起源仍然模糊不清，其製作歷史也因為現代人認為中世紀刺繡是專屬女性的職業而被扭曲。瑪蒂爾達女王 (Queen Mathilda) 是這幅作品的主要刺繡人，這個傳統至少可以追溯到十八世紀初，儘管沒有任何證據證明她與這幅掛毯有關。在十九世紀
貝葉掛毯是十一世紀羅馬式政治刺繡唯一倖存的例子，被稱為「中世紀世俗藝術最重要的紀念碑」。然而，它的起源仍然撲朔迷離，它的生產歷史也被現代的假設所扭曲，即中世紀的刺繡是女性獨有的職業。認為瑪蒂爾達女王是該作品的主要刺繡者的傳統至少可以追溯到十八世紀初，儘管絕對沒有證據表明她是這幅掛毯的製作者。十九世紀的貝葉掛毯是十一世紀羅馬式政治遺蹟的唯一遺跡，被稱為「羅馬最重要的世俗藝術紀念碑」。少年是唯一女性的職業而被扭曲。九世紀
Chapter 1
第一章
第一章 第一章
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century, as Roszika Parker has shown, the legend of Queen Mathilda's labor became the cornerstone of attempts by writers to confer aristocratic status on the art of needlework practiced by thousands of middle-class women. Recasting embroidery as an aristocratic pursuit, they presented Mathilda as a source of inspiration for women isolated in the home by nineteenth- century ideologies of bourgeois femininity. Parker is alone, however, in suggesting that the tapestry was produced in a professional embroidery workshop by male and female labor; most other historians believe that it was made at an estate or nunnery, possibly in Canterbury or Winchester where embroiderers had long enjoyed royal patronage, and probably by women, as contemporary documents include no mention of male needleworkers.
正如 Roszika Parker 所示，瑪蒂爾達女王的勞動傳奇成為作家嘗試賦予成千上萬中產階級婦女所從事的針織藝術貴族地位的基石。他們把刺繡重新塑造成一種貴族的追求，並把 Mathilda 呈現為被 19 世紀資產階級女性意識形態孤立在家中的婦女的靈感來源。然而，只有 Parker 認為這幅掛毯是在專業的刺繡作坊中由男性和女性勞動者製作的；其他大多數的歷史學家都認為這幅掛毯是在莊園或修女院製作的，可能是在坎特伯雷或溫徹斯特，那裡的刺繡師長久以來都享有皇室的贊助，而且很可能是由女性製作的，因為當代的文獻並沒有提到男性針線工人。
正如羅西卡·帕克（Roszika Parker）所表明的那樣，20世紀，瑪蒂爾達女王的勞動傳奇成為作家們試圖賦予成千上萬中產階級婦女從事的針線活藝術貴族地位的基石。他們將刺繡重塑為一種貴族追求，將瑪蒂爾達視為受十九世紀資產階級女性意識形態孤立在家中的女性的靈感來源。然而，帕克獨自認為掛毯是由男性和女性勞動力在專業刺繡車間製作的。大多數其他歷史學家認為，它是在莊園或女修道院製作的，可能是在坎特伯雷或溫徹斯特，那裡的刺繡師長期以來一直受到皇室的讚助，而且很可能是由女性製作的，因為當代文獻中並沒有提到男性刺繡工。 正如Roszika Parker所示，瑪蒂達的勞動傳奇成為作家，試圖將萬千女王中產階級婦女所從事的針織藝術貴族地位的基石。 他們把辮子重新塑造成一種貴族的追求，並把瑪蒂爾達承載起來為被19世紀資產階層女性隔離在家中的婦女的靈感來源。家都認為這幅掛毯是在莊園或修女院製作的，可能是在坎特伯雷或溫徹斯特，那裡的少年師長期以來都享受皇家的讚助，而且很可能是由女性製作的，因為當代的文獻並沒有前述男性針線工人。
The Bayeux Tapestry's narrative structure is close to that of the chansons de geste. Its actors are military heroes, its subtexts concern loyalty, bravery, treachery, and male bonding through oath-taking and military action. Its organization into registers of words and images affirms a consolidation of power, but it is worth noting that the work's structure and language displace women from power. Among the scores of male figures, there are only three women in the central register. One appears as a mourner in the scene of King Edward on his deathbed, another holds a boy by the hand as they flee from a burning house. The third figure represents the only break in the work's narrative. Although the scene of Ælfgyva and the Cleric must have been familiar to eleventh-century audiences, its meaning has been lost in the course of centuries of rewriting history so that it details only the exploits of men. The incident depicted was probably scandalous-the presence of a nude male priapic figure in the margin below may indicate a sexual content-but our inability to identify it today and the general lack of female figures situate women outside the medieval discourse of political power under feudalism.
Bayeux Tapestry 的敘事結構與 Chansons de geste 相似。它的演員是軍事英雄，其潛台詞關於忠誠、勇敢、背叛，以及男性透過宣誓和軍事行動而建立的關係。它的文字和圖像的組織方式肯定了權力的鞏固，但值得注意的是，作品的結構和語言將女性置於權力之外。在數十個男性形象中，只有三個女性出現在中央區域。其中一位在愛德華國王臨終的場景中以哀悼者的身份出現，另一位則在他們逃離著火的房子時拉著男孩的手。第三個人物是作品敘事的唯一突破點。Ælfgyva和教士的場景對十一世紀的觀眾來說一定很熟悉，但在幾個世紀的歷史改寫過程中，它的意義已經不見了，因為歷史只詳述了人類的壯舉。所描述的事件很可能是醜聞--下方空白處有一個裸體男性奸夫的形象，這可能顯示了性方面的內容--但是我們今天無法辨認它，而且普遍缺乏女性形象，這使得女性處於封建政治權力的中世紀論述之外。
《貝葉掛毯》的敘事結構與《權力之歌》的敘事結構很接近。它的演員都是軍事英雄，它的潛台詞涉及忠誠、勇敢、背叛以及透過宣誓和軍事行動建立的男性聯繫。它對文字和圖像的組織肯定了權力的鞏固，但值得注意的是，作品的結構和語言取代了女性的權力。在數十名男性人物中，中央登記冊上只有三名女性。在愛德華國王臨終的場景中，其中一個人以哀悼者的身份出現，另一個人牽著一個男孩的手逃離著火的房子。第三個人物代表了作品敘事中唯一的中斷。儘管埃爾夫吉瓦和牧師的場景對於十一世紀的觀眾來說一定很熟悉，但它的意義在幾個世紀改寫歷史的過程中已經消失了，以至於它只詳細描述了人類的功績。所描繪的事件可能是可恥的——下面空白處出現的裸體男性陰莖勃起者形象可能表明了性內容——但我們今天無法識別它，而且普遍缺乏女性形象，使婦女處於封建制度下中世紀政治權力話語之外。 Bayeux Tapestry的敘事結構與Chansons de geste 相似。權力的鞏固，但重要的是，作品的結構和語言將女性置於權力之外。哀悼悼念者的身份出現，另一個則在他們著火的房子時拉著男孩的手。熟悉，但在幾個世紀的歷史改寫過程中，它的意義已經不見了，因為歷史只詳細描述了人類的壯舉。的形象，這可能顯示了性方面的內容——但是我們今天無法識別它，而且普遍存在的缺乏女性形象，這使得女性一個封建政治權力的話語論述之外。
Even as the status of women was beginning to decline in other parts of Europe, and as cultural production was becoming both professionalized and secularized, great convents continued to flourish as places of learning in Germany, the first area in Europe to reestablish a stable government after the death of Charlemagne in 814 and the disintegration of his empire. By the middle of the tenth century, the German kingdom of Otto I was the most secure power in Europe. Otto's marriage to Adelaide of Burgundy strengthened ties between Germany and Italy; her appearance on coins and her signature on diplomas testify to her political power and prestige. She was a staunch protectress of the Abbey of
即使在歐洲其他地區婦女的地位開始下降，文化製作趨於專業化和世俗化的同時，德意志的大修道院作為學習的場所仍繼續蓬勃發展，德意志是在查理曼大帝於814年去世及其帝國解體後，歐洲第一個重新建立穩定政府的地區。到了十世紀中葉，奧托一世 (Otto I) 的德意志王國成為歐洲最安全的國家。奧托與勃艮第的阿德萊德結婚，加強了德意志與意大利之間的聯繫；她在錢幣上的出現和在文憑上的簽名，證明了她的政治權力和威望。她是勃艮第修道院堅定的保護者。
儘管歐洲其他地區的婦女地位開始下降，文化生產變得專業化和世俗化，但德國的大修道院作為學習場所繼續蓬勃發展，德國是歐洲第一個在戰後重建穩定政府的地區。曼大帝去世，他的帝國解體。到十世紀中葉，奧託一世的德意志王國是歐洲最安全的勢力。奧託與勃根地的阿德萊德的婚姻加強了德國和義大利之間的聯繫。她在硬幣上的出現和她在文憑上的簽名證明了她的政治權力和威望。她是修道院的堅定保護者，即使在歐洲其他地區婦女的地位開始下降，文化產生趨向於專業化和世俗化的同時，德意志的大修道院作為學習的場所仍繼續蓬勃發展，德意志在查理曼大帝於814年去世其帝國解體後，歐洲第一個重新建立穩定政府的地區。萊德的婚姻，加強了德意志與義大利之間的聯繫；她在錢幣上的出現和外交上的簽名，證明了她的政治權力和威望。
The Middle Ages
中世紀
中世紀 羅馬
15
55
Cluny and commissioned many books for use in her various foundations. There were other powerful women in Ottonian Germany, including Otto's sister Mathilda, the Abbess of Quedlinburg, who ruled in his name during his absences.
克魯尼，並委託她在各個基金會中使用許多書籍。在奧托時代的德意志，還有其他權勢熏天的女性，包括奧托的妹妹瑪蒂爾達 (Mathilda)，她是奎德林堡 (Quedlinburg) 的女修道院長，在奧托不在時以他的名義執政。
克隆尼並委託了許多書籍供她的各個基金會使用。奧托德國還有其他有權勢的女性，包括奧託的妹妹、奎德林堡女修道院院長瑪蒂爾達，她在奧托缺席期間以他的名義統治。 克隆尼，並委託她在各個基金會中使用許多書籍。 （奎德林堡）的女新娘長，在奧託不在時以他的窪地公園。
In 947 Otto had invested with supreme authority the Abbess of Gandersheim, a house founded in 852 and led by a series of abbesses drawn from the reigning families. Such women could legally keep and control landed property and became, in effect, the rulers of a small, autonomous principality with its own courts, army, coinage, and papal protection. Despite these powers, monastic women remained bound by the Church's demand for humility and obedience from women. Thus Hrotsvit of Gandersceim (c. 935-975), the first poet of Saxony and the first German dramatist and historian, was among those who used the diminutive and expressed herself with self-deprecation in an exaggerated convention of female humility. This contrasts with her female characters who
947 年，奧托 (Otto) 授權甘德斯海姆 (Gandersheim) 的女修道院院長擁有最高權力，該修道院成立於 852 年，由一系列來自在位家族的女修道院院長領導。這些婦女可以合法地保留和控制土地財產，並實際上成為一個自治小公國的統治者，擁有自己的法院、軍隊、貨幣和教皇保護。儘管擁有這些權力，婦女修道士仍然受到教會要求婦女謙卑和服從的約束。因此，薩克森第一位詩人、德國第一位戲劇家和歷史學家甘德西姆的赫羅茨維特 (Hrotsvit of Gandersceim，約 935-975 年)，是使用縮寫詞的詩人之一，她以誇張的女性謙卑慣例自嘲地表達自己。這與她筆下的女性角色形成對比
947 年，奧托授予甘德斯海姆女修道院院長最高權力，修道院成立於 852 年，由一系列來自統治家族的女修道院院長領導。這些婦女可以合法地保留和控制土地財產，並實際上成為一個小型自治公國的統治者，擁有自己的法院、軍隊、鑄幣和教皇的保護。儘管擁有這些權力，修道院婦女仍然受到教會對婦女謙卑和服從的要求的約束。因此，薩克森第一位詩人、第一位德國戲劇家和歷史學家甘德塞姆的赫洛茨維特（Hrotsvit of Gandersceim，約935-975）就是使用這個小詞並以誇張的女性謙遜慣例來表達自我的人之一。這與她的女性角色形成鮮明對比，947年，奧托（Otto）授權甘德斯海姆（Gandersheim）的女甜點倉庫擁有權力，該甜點成立於852年，由一系列來自於位家族的女甜點倉庫組成領導。教會要求婦女謙卑和服從的約束。一，她以誇張的女性卑鄙姿態自嘲地表達自己。
Chapter 1
第一章
第一章 第一章
14 Illustration from The Beatus Apocalypse of Gerona, 975
14 《傑羅納的比阿圖斯啟示錄》插圖，975 年
14 Illustration from The Beatus Apocalypse of Gerona, 975 14 《傑羅納的比阿圖斯啟示錄》插圖，975年
56
VBVNVS: CLERICVS:ETHIC ALFGY VA
VBVNVS：牧師：道德阿爾弗吉弗吉尼亞州
WESTOWNE
西鎮
15 Ælfgyva and the Cleric, from the Bayeux Tapestry, c. 1086
15 Ælfgyva 與教士，出自約 1086 年的 Bayeux 掛毯
15 埃爾夫吉瓦和牧師，來自貝葉掛毯，c. 1086 15 Ælfgyva 與教士，出自約1086年的Bayeux 掛毯
conquer male oppressors intellectually as well as spiritually. The independence of cloistered royal women may also have suited the political needs of the Ottonian dynasty; giving unmarried women of royal blood religious power and intellectual authority was one way of lessening the chances that they would marry potential rivals outside the family.
在智力和精神上征服男性壓迫者。皇室婦女的獨立也可能符合奧頓王朝的政治需要；賦予未婚的皇室婦女宗教權力和知識權威，是減少她們與家族外的潛在競爭對手結婚機會的方法之一。
在智力上和精神上征服男性壓迫者。與世隔絕的王室女性的獨立也可能適合奧托王朝的政治需求。賦予具有皇室血統的未婚女性宗教權力和知識權威是減少她們與家庭以外的潛在競爭對手結婚的機會的一種方式。 皇家婦女的獨立也可能符合奧頓王朝的政治需求；賦予未婚的皇家婦女宗教權力和知識權威，是減少她們與家族外的潛在競爭對手結婚機會的方法之一。
Debate continues among historians about whether women in the later Middle Ages founded and entered communities because of religious desires or because of family lineage and marriage strategies. Nevertheless, the presence of well-endowed convents during the eleventh and twelfth centuries encouraged large numbers of women to take up religious lives; cults of female saints proliferated alongside the cult of the Blessed Virgin. In western France the desire to free the institution from lay control led to calls for a return to the evangelical purity of the early Church. There is considerable evidence of women's
歷史學家對於中世紀後期的婦女究竟是因為宗教慾望，還是因為家族血統和婚姻策略而建立和進入團體，仍有爭論。儘管如此，在十一世紀和十二世紀，財力雄厚的修道院鼓勵了大量婦女投身宗教生活；對女性聖人的崇拜與對聖母的崇拜同時激增。在法國西部，婦女渴求從非教友的控制中解脫出來，因而要求回歸早期教會的福音純潔性。有大量證據顯示婦女
歷史學家一直在爭論中世紀後期的女性是因為宗教願望還是因為家庭血統和婚姻策略而建立並進入社區。然而，十一世紀和十二世紀時期資源豐富的修道院的存在鼓勵了大量婦女從事宗教生活。對女性聖人的崇拜與對聖母的崇拜一起激增。在法國西部，希望將該機構從世俗控制中解放出來的願望導致人們呼籲回歸早期教會的福音派純潔性。有相當多的證據表明，婦女的歷史學家對於中世紀晚期的婦女到底是因為宗教信仰，還是因為家族血統和婚姻策略而建立和進入團體，拉丁爭論。 ，財力初期的早期鼓勵婦女投身宗教生活；對女性聖人的崇拜與對聖母的崇拜同時激增。信仰傳播。
The Middle Ages
中世紀
中世紀 羅馬
57
ufmanshul nochmidtalat a nobifte pelle proprauf salta nofomprens mtferies tenf: interueniente piv nobel
ufmanshul nochmidtalat a nobifte pelle proprauf salta nofomprens mtferies tenf：interueniente piv Nobel
glonon femperq; unyine der gen tre maria cum omnis fris: lucem no bil concede perpniam. paremmin notre focete wub; nof digual famulds af hon dugdate custodi. Der dr
我的孩子，我的孩子，我的孩子，我的孩子。驅動程式
glonon femperq； Unyine der gen tre maria cum omnis fris：lucem no bil concede perpniam。帕雷明·諾特·福塞特·烏布； nof digital famulds af hon dugdate custodi。 Der dr 我的孩子，我的孩子，我的孩子，我的孩子。
unnit (in
不在
unnit (在 裡
thin xpin fi lt mil q
薄型 xpin fi lt mil q
薄型 xpin fi lt mil q 薄型 xpin fi lt mil q
unicae fpe aspora Leta fetay a indicated
unicae fpe aspora Leta fetay a 表示
unicae fpe aspora Leta fetay a 表示 unicae fpe aspora Leta fetay a 表示
Ono og vigile lel moza 婦女與兒童的關係
flext qu
韌體
靈活的韌體
mariemi antone
瑪莉艾米‧安託內
Maric
馬里奇
16 Office of the dead pas de page, Saints Mary the Egyptian and Mary Magdalene, c. 1300-10
16 死人辦公室 pas de page，埃及聖母瑪利亞和抹大拉聖母瑪利亞，約 1300-10 年
16 死者辦公室，埃及聖瑪麗和抹大拉的瑪麗，c. 1300-10 16 死人辦公室頁面，埃及聖母瑪利亞和抹大拉聖母瑪利亞，約1300-10年
participation in this spiritual revival. It was accompanied by the cultivation of early desert saints such as Pelagia, Mary the Egyptian, and Mary Magdalene, who served as models for later female saints of the Merovingian period. Their lives were believed to emulate those of the women Judith Oliver has called "the early Christian Desert Mothers."
參與這場精神復興。與此相伴的是早期沙漠聖人的培育，例如佩拉吉亞 (Pelagia)、埃及瑪利亞 (Mary the Egyptian) 和抹大拉的瑪利亞 (Mary Magdalene)，她們成為後來墨洛温時期女性聖人的典範。她們的生活被認為是在模仿那些被 Judith Oliver 稱為「早期基督教沙漠之母」的女性。
參與這場精神復興。伴隨著對早期沙漠聖人的培養，如佩拉吉亞、埃及人瑪麗和抹大拉的瑪麗，她們成為後來墨洛溫王朝時期女性聖人的典範。人們相信她們的生活與朱迪思·奧利弗（Judith Oliver）稱為“早期基督教沙漠母親”的女性的生活相似。 參與守護精神復興。亞），她們成為後來墨洛溫時期女性聖人的女性。
The output of Ottonian scriptoria was voluminous, and the majority of women illuminators of the Middle Ages were active as part of this cultural flowering. Among them is Diemud of the Cloister of Wessobrunn in Bavaria. A sixteenth-century text lists forty-five books by her hand which are distinguished by ornate initial letters. Another nun, named Guda, tells us that she wrote and painted a Homiliary of Saint Bartholomew. The contributions of these women to the history of the illustrated book are well documented. They range from a richly illuminated astronomical treatise from Alsace, which includes a dedication miniature showing the Virgin flanked by the scribe Guta and the illuminator Sintram, and a representation
Ottonian scriptoria 的產量非常龐大，中世紀的大部分女性插圖藝術家都活躍於這場文化盛會。其中包括巴伐利亞 Wessobrunn 迴廊的 Diemud。一份 16 世紀的文獻列出了出自她手的 45 本書籍，這些書籍以華麗的首字母識別。另一位名叫古達 (Guda) 的修女告訴我們，她撰寫並繪畫了聖巴塞洛繆 (Saint Bartholomew) 的銅像。這些婦女對圖畫書歷史的貢獻是有據可考的。這些繪本包括來自阿爾薩斯 (Alsace) 繪有豐富插圖的天文學論文，其中包括一幅獻詞縮影，顯示聖母在抄寫員古達 (Guda) 和插圖師辛特拉姆 (Sintram) 的身旁，以及一幅表現聖母的繪本。
奧托王朝的著作數量龐大，中世紀大多數的女性插畫家都活躍在這文化繁榮的過程中。其中包括巴伐利亞韋索布倫修道院的迪穆德。一本十六世紀的文本列出了她親手寫的四十五本書，這些書以華麗的首字母區分。另一位名叫古達的修女告訴我們，她寫並畫了一本聖巴塞洛繆講道書。這些女性對圖畫書歷史的貢獻有據可查。它們的範圍包括來自阿爾薩斯的一幅插圖豐富的天文論文，其中包括一幅奉獻微型畫，展示了聖母兩側是抄寫員古塔和照明師辛特拉姆，以及一幅代表奧托尼亞手稿的作品，產量非常龐大，中世紀的大部分女性藝術家插圖都活躍於維護文化盛會。 ，這些書籍以華麗的首字母識別。是有據可考的。姆(Sintram) 的身旁顯示聖母，以及一幅描繪聖母的繪本。
Chapter 1
第一章
第一章 第一章
16
58
18
of the Abbess Hitda offering her Gospel Book to the cloister's patron, St. Walburga (c. 1020), to a charming self-portrait by one Claricia, who dangles with joyous abandon as the tail of the Q in a psalter from Augsburg (c. 1200). Claricia's hand is just one of several in this manuscript, leading Dorothy Miner to conclude on the basis of her dress-uncovered head, braided hair, and a close-fitting tunic under a long-waisted dress with long tapering points hanging from the sleeves-that she was probably a lay student at the convent.
約 1020 年），以及一位名叫 Claricia 的迷人自畫像，她在奧格斯堡（Augsburg，約 1200 年）的詩篇中歡愉地懸掛著 Q 的尾巴。Claricia 的手在這份手稿中只是其中之一，這讓 Dorothy Miner 根據她的衣著推斷出她很可能是女修道院的平信徒學生。
修道院院長希達(Hitda) 向修道院的贊助人聖沃爾布加(St. Walburga，約1020 年) 贈送她的福音書，以及克拉里西亞(Claricia) 的一幅迷人自畫像，克拉里西亞(Claricia ) 快樂地搖晃著，就像一首來自奧格斯堡的詩篇中Q 的尾巴(約1020 年)。克拉麗西亞的手只是這份手稿中的幾隻手之一，多蘿西·邁納根據她的裙子——裸露的頭、編成辮子的頭髮，以及長腰連衣裙下的貼身外衣，袖子上掛著長錐形尖頭——得出結論——她可能是修道院的普通學生。 約1020年），以及一位名叫Claricia的迷人自畫像，她在奧格斯堡（奧格斯堡，約1200年）的詩篇中歡愉地懸掛著Q的尾巴。中只是其中，這讓多蘿西·邁納（Dorothy Miner）根據她的衣服推斷出她很可能是女高中生的平信徒。
17
A new type of Christian illuminated encyclopedia emerged during the twelfth century. Lambert's Liber Floridus, written in Flanders in 1120 and based on the work of the ancient encyclopedist Isidorus, is one of the earliest examples of the new interest in cosmological, ethical, and eschatological aspects of the world which found its fullest expression in the work of Herrad of Landsberg and Hildegard of Bingen. Herrad's illustrated encyclopedia, the Hortus Deliciarum, or Garden of Delights, written between 1160 and 1170, and Hildegard of Bingen's visionary book of knowledge, the Scivias, begun in 1142 and completed ten years later, are two of the most
12 世紀出現了一種新型的基督教彩繪百科全書。蘭伯特 (Lambert) 於 1120 年在佛蘭德 (Flanders) 寫成的 Liber Floridus，以古代百科全書家 Isidorus 的作品為基礎，是最早的例子之一，顯示出對世界的宇宙學、倫理學和末世論方面的新興興趣，而這種興趣在蘭茨貝格的赫拉德 (Herrad of Landsberg) 和賓根的希爾德加德 (Hildegard of Bingen) 的作品中得到了最充分的表達。赫拉德在 1160 到 1170 年間寫成的圖文並茂的百科全書《Hortus Deliciarum》（或稱《歡樂花園》），以及賓根的希爾德加德在 1142 年開始並在十年後完成的富有遠見的知識之書《Scivias》，是其中兩部最具代表性的作品。
十二世紀出現了一種新型態的基督教插畫百科全書。蘭伯特的《弗蘭德斯之書》於1120 年在佛蘭德斯寫成，以古代百科全書作家伊西多羅斯的著作為基礎，是對世界論、倫理學和末世論方面產生新興趣的最早例子之一，這種興趣在蘭伯特的著作中得到了最充分的表達。赫拉德(Herrad) 的插圖百科全書《Hortus Deliciarum》（或稱《歡樂花園》）寫於1160 年至1170 年間，而賓根的希爾德加德(Hildegard) 的富有遠見的知識書《西維亞斯》 (Scivias) 始於1142 年，十年後完成，是12 世紀出現的兩本歷史最悠久的百科全書。德(佛蘭德斯) 所寫的《Liber Floridus》，以古代百科全書家伊西多羅斯(Isidorus) 的作品為基礎，是最早的例子之一，向世界展示宇宙學、倫理學和末世論方面的新興興趣，而這種興趣在蘭茨貝格的赫拉德(Herrad of Landsberg) 和賓根的希爾德加德(Hildegard of Bingen) 的作品中得到赫拉德在1160年到1170年間寫成的圖文並茂的百科全書《Hortus Deliciarum》（或稱《歡樂花園》），以及賓根的希爾德加德在1142年開始並十年在隨後完成的富有遠見的知識之書《Scivias》，是其中兩本部最具代表性的作品。
20,21
OAVID U.ID glarts
OAVID U.ID 玻璃
uuma
烏馬
qui potent er uniq
淬火劑
qui effective er uniq 淬火劑
19
0000
тате. То
тате。То
塔塔特。 То тате。
muuth
慕斯
慕斯
clam cogitauit
蛤蜊
蛤蜊
tadie
塔迪
lingua
語言
語言
Tua ficut Houacu
圖阿·菲庫特·瓦庫
Ja acura fecih dolim.
Ja acura fecih dolim。
terih maliciam fitp beingntrattem muquran magis quam loqui quu arem: Oilesh cinta uerba perpi tanorufungua dolofa: Proprerea de deftruer re utinem eueller w
terih maliciam fitp beingntrattem muquran magis quam loqui quu arem：Oilesh cinta uerba perpi tanorufungua dolofa：Proprerea de deftruer re utinem eueller w
terih maliciam fitp bentrattem muquran magis quam loqui quu arem: Oilesh cinta uerba perpi tanorufungua dolofa: Proprerea de deftruer re utinem eueller w terih maliciam cin cinqum tramk stramhem armm s mperkk mperkk km tanorufungua dolofa：Proprerea de deftruer烏蒂內姆·尤勒
17 LEFT German psalter from Augsburg, c. 1200 18 RIGHT Gospel Book of the Abbess Hitda showing the Abbess offering her Gospel Book to the cloister's patron, St. Walburga, c. 1020
17 左圖 奧格斯堡德國詩篇，約 1200 年 18 右圖 Hitda 女修道院院長的福音書，顯示女修道院院長將其福音書獻給迴廊的贊助人 St.
17 左德語詩篇，來自奧格斯堡，c. 1200 18 右邊《希達修道院院長的福音書》，顯示修道院院長將她的福音書提供給修道院的贊助人聖沃爾布加，c. 1200 1020 17 左圖奧格斯堡德國詩篇，約 1200 年 18 右圖 Hitda 女晚間的福音書，顯示女晚間將其福音書獻給迴廊的讚助人聖奧格斯堡
59
remarkable religious compilations by women in Western history. Although neither book was necessarily illustrated by its author, and questions remain as to the specifics of production in both cases, the illustrations and texts are so closely integrated that the works' visual contents cannot be separated from their authors' conceptions. Pioneers of visual autobiography, both women were part of the twelfth-century move toward a more personal spirituality. Yet both were also able administrators and active in the political and social life of their
西方歷史上由女性所編纂的傑出宗教作品。儘管這兩本書的插圖都不一定是由作者所繪製，而且對於兩本書的製作細節仍有許多疑問，但插圖與正文是如此緊密地結合在一起，以致於作品的視覺內容與作者的構想無法分離。這兩位女性都是視覺自傳的先驅，是 12 世紀趨向更個人化靈性的一部分。然而，這兩位女性也都是能幹的行政人員，並積極參與當地的政治與社會生活。
西方歷史上女性所寫的非凡宗教著作。儘管這兩本書都不一定由作者繪製插圖，而且兩本書的製作細節仍然存在問題，但插圖和文本緊密結合，作品的視覺內容無法與作者的構思分開。兩位女性都是視覺自傳的先驅，都是十二世紀邁向更個人化的靈性運動的一部分。然而，兩人都是能幹的管理者，並積極參與西方歷史上由女性所編纂的傑出宗教作品的政治和社會生活。本書的細節製作的無數願望，但幻象與正文極其緊密地結合在一起，導致作品的生活內容與作者的絕想無法分離。靈性的一部分。
day. In 1167 Herrad was elected Abbess of Hohenburg near Strasbourg. The Hortus Deliciarum, a massive folio of 324 sheets of parchment, had 636 miniatures which were probably executed in a professional workshop in Strasbourg shortly after her death in 1195. Both an anthology and a religious encyclopedia, it includes nearly 1200 texts by various authors, as well as several poems which appear to be in Herrad's hand. In addition to her literary and editorial work, she almost certainly supervised the scheme of the illustrations and she may have contributed to the outline drawings. The manuscript remained in the Abbey of Hohenburg throughout the Middle Ages. Tragically, the bombing of Strasbourg in 1870 destroyed the original and we are left with only a small number of illustrations reproduced in engravings during the nineteenth century and a few fragments with pictures later acquired by the British Museum.
天。1167 年，Herrad 獲選為史特拉斯堡附近 Hohenburg 的修道院長。Hortus Deliciarum 是一本由 324 張羊皮紙張組成的巨型對開本，共有 636 幅微型圖畫，可能是在她於 1195 年去世後不久，在斯特拉斯堡的專業作坊中完成的。它既是一部文集，也是一部宗教百科全書，收錄了近 1200 篇不同作者的文章，以及幾首看起來是 Herrad 手寫的詩歌。除了她的文學和編輯工作外，她幾乎肯定監督了插圖的方案，她也可能參與了大綱的繪畫。手稿在整個中世紀都保存在霍恩堡修道院。可悲的是，1870 年斯特拉斯堡的轟炸摧毀了原稿，我們只剩下 19 世紀以雕版印刷方式複製的少量插圖，以及大英博物館後來購入的幾個帶圖片的片段。
天。 1167 年，赫拉德被選為斯特拉斯堡附近霍恩堡的女修道院院長。 《Hortus Deliciarum》是一本由324 張羊皮紙組成的大型對開本，有636 個微型圖，這些微型圖可能是在她於1195 年去世後不久在斯特拉斯堡的一個專業工作室中製作的。除了她的文學和編輯工作之外，她幾乎肯定還監督了插圖的設計，並且她可能對輪廓圖做出了貢獻。該手稿在整個中世紀一直保存在霍恩堡修道院。可悲的是，1870 年斯特拉斯堡的轟炸摧毀了原件，我們只留下了少量 19 世紀以版畫形式複製的插圖，以及後來大英博物館獲得的一些附有圖片的碎片。 天。於1195年去世的它既是一本文集，也是一本宗教百科全書，收錄了近 1200 篇不同作者的文章，以及幾首看起來是赫拉德手寫的詩歌。 ，她幾乎肯定監督了插圖的方案，她也可能參與了大綱的繪畫。極限下19世紀以雕刻版印刷方式複製的少量插圖，以及大英博物館後來購買的幾張帶圖片的片段。
The fullest description of the work comes to us from Engelhardt, a nineteenth-century commentator who remarked on the brilliant smoothness and finish of the original manuscript. The style of the miniatures rests between the conventions of Byzantine illumination and the greater realism of Gothic art, and Engelhardt also pointed out the similarity between certain images and those of Greek ninth-century manuscripts.
恩格哈特 (Engelhardt) 是十九世紀的評論家，他對這部作品最詳盡的描述來自他對原稿光滑亮麗的評論。微型繪畫的風格介乎拜占庭繪畫與哥德藝術的寫實風格之間，Engelhardt 也指出某些圖像與希臘九世紀手稿的圖像很相似。
十九世紀的評論家恩格爾哈特對這部作品進行了最全面的描述，他對原稿的流暢性和完成度做出了評價。細密畫的風格介於拜占庭照明的傳統和哥德式藝術的更大現實主義之間，恩格爾哈特也指出了某些圖像與希臘九世紀手稿的相似之處。 恩格哈特（Engelhardt）是十九世紀的評論家，他對這部作品最受好評的描述來自他對原稿光滑亮麗的評論。間，恩格爾哈特也指出了某些圖像與希臘九世紀手稿的圖像相似。
Herrad dedicated the Hortus Deliciarum to the nuns of her convent: "Herrad, who through the grace of God is abbess of the church on the Hohenburg, here addresses the sweet maidens of Christ.... I was thinking of your happiness when like a bee guided by the inspiring God I drew from many flowers of sacred and philosophic writing this book called the Garden of Delights; and I have put it together to the praise of Christ and the Church, and to your enjoyment, as though into a sweet honeycomb...." The work opens with a miniature showing six rows of female heads and includes the name of each nun and novice. Among them are the names of the area's landed gentry, suggesting that Hohenburg, like most medieval convents,
Herrad 將 Hortus Deliciarum 獻給修道院的修女："Herrad 因著上帝的恩典成為霍恩堡教堂的女修道院院長，在此向 Christ.... 的甜美少女們致意當我像一隻蜜蜂一樣，在上帝的引導下，從許多神聖和哲學的花朵中，汲取這本名為《快樂花園》的書時，我正為您們的幸福著想；為了讚美基督和教會，也為了您們的享受，我將這本書拼湊起來，猶如裝進一個甜美的蜂巢...."。這部作品以一幅顯示六排女性頭像的微縮圖開場，並包括每位修女和新修會員的名字。其中包括該地區地主紳士的名字，這表明霍恩堡和大多數中世紀修道院一樣、
赫拉德將美味佳餚獻給修道院的修女們：「赫拉德，靠著上帝的恩典，成為了霍恩堡教堂的女修道院院長，在這裡向基督的甜蜜少女們講話……我在想著你們的幸福，就像一個在鼓舞人心的上帝的指引下，我從神聖和哲學著作的許多花朵中汲取了這本書，稱為《歡樂花園》，我把它放在一起，以讚美基督和教會，並讓您享受，就像進入一個甜蜜的蜂巢一樣； ....」這幅作品以一幅微型圖開始，展示了六排女性頭像，並包括每位修女和新手的名字。其中有該地區地主貴族的名字，表明霍恩堡像大多數中世紀修道院一樣，赫拉德將Hortus Deliciarum 獻給了曼哈頓的修女：「赫拉德因著上帝恩典的成為霍恩堡教堂的女地下，在此向基督……美麗的少女們致意當我像一隻蜜蜂一樣，在上帝的引導下，從眾多神聖和哲學的花朵中，汲取這本名為《快樂花園》的書時，我正為您服務為了大家的幸福著想；為了讚美基督和教會，也為了大家的享受，我將這本書拼湊起來，大象裝進一個漂亮的蜂巢....」。這幅作品以一幅描繪六排女性的頭像微縮圖開場，包括最底層修女和新修會員的名字。
Chapter 1
第一章
第一章 第一章
drew its members from the upper class. Herrad intended the Hortus Deliciarum as a compendium of desirable knowledge in religious and secular subjects for the education of the young girls in the convent. Her inclusion on the last page of Relindis, her teacher and predecessor as abbess, offers tangible evidence of the transmission of learning between women in medieval Germany.
Hortus Deliciarum》的目的是為修道院的少女們提供宗教和世俗科目的理想知識彙編。Herrad 打算將《Hortus Deliciarum》作為宗教和世俗學科的理想知識彙編，用來教育修道院中的年輕女孩。她被列入 Relindis（她的老師和前任女修道院院長）的最後一頁，為中世紀德國婦女之間的學問傳承提供了具體的證據。
其成員來自上層階級。赫拉德希望將《Hortus Deliciarum》作為宗教和世俗學科理想知識的綱要，用於修道院年輕女孩的教育。她的老師和前女院長雷林迪斯（Relindis）的最後一頁收錄了她的內容，為中世紀德國婦女之間的知識傳播提供了切實的證據。 Hortus Deliciarum》的目的是為晚禮服的少女們提供宗教和世俗學科的理想知識套裝。被列入Relindis（她的老師和前任女研究生）的最後一頁，為中世紀德國婦女之間的學問傳承提供了具體的證據。
19 Herrad of Landsberg, Hortus Deliciarum fol. 323r, after 1170 IU XI Congregatio religiola wmporib, Paludis peradi abbay id ferues Thohenbure can ad Sevture Mahro Gardrut Duroba Hatchba กลาก
19 蘭茨貝格的赫拉德 (Herrad of Landsberg)，Hortus Deliciarum 下頁。 323r，1170 IU XI Congregatio religiola wmporib 之後，Paludis perradi abbay id ferues Thohenbure can ad Sevture Mahro Gardrut Duroba Hatchba กลาก
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The Hortus Deliciarum includes a comprehensive history of humankind, as well as a natural history of the world quoted from the variety of authors mentioned in the introduction. Its illuminations number monumental representations of figures like Philosophy, wearing the garland characteristic of the seven Liberal Arts, narrative pictures from the Old Testament, Gospels, and Acts, scenes from Judgment Day, and allegories of the Virtues and Vices, as well as gardening hints, and scenes from contemporary life. The miniatures which illustrate the Creation are introduced by diagrams and digressions on astronomy and geography.
Hortus Deliciarum 包括一部全面的人類歷史，以及引言中提到的各種作者所引述的世界自然史。這本書的插圖包括具有紀念意義的人物圖像，例如哲學、戴著七種文學藝術特色花環的哲學、來自《舊約》、《福音書》和《使徒行傳》的敘事圖像、審判日的場景、美德和惡習的寓言，以及園藝提示和當代生活的場景。說明《創世記》的微型畫由圖表和有關天文地理的題外話引出。
《Hortus Deliciarum》包括一部全面的人類歷史，以及引言中提到的多位作者所引用的世界自然史。它的插圖包括哲學等人物的紀念性表現，戴著七種文科特有的花環，舊約、福音書和使徒行傳的敘事圖片，審查日的場景，美德和惡行的寓言，以及園藝提示，以及當代生活的場景。透過圖表和天文學和地理的題外話介紹了說明創造的微型圖。 Hortus Deliciarum 包括一套全面的人類歷史，以及引言中提到的各種作者所引述的世界自然史。哲學、來自《舊約》、《福音書》和《使徒行傳》的敘述圖像、審判日的場景、美德和惡習的寓言，以及園藝提示和當代生活的場景。由圖表和天文地理的題外話引出。
The subjects of the Hortus Deliciarum come from a long tradition in Western and Byzantine art, but their fresh and spontaneous treatment, and the author's close attention to the costumes, life, and manners of her age, have made the work a unique and valuable source for our understanding of life at the time. Herrad's decision to add to each picture the name of every person or implement in Latin or German, or sometimes both, has greatly assisted modern research into medieval terms and their usage.
Hortus Deliciarum》的主題來自西方和拜占庭藝術的悠久傳統，但其清新自發的處理方式，以及作者對其時代的服裝、生活和禮儀的密切關注，使這部作品成為我們瞭解當時生活的獨特而寶貴的資料來源。Herrad 決定在每張圖片上加上每個人或器具的拉丁文或德文名稱，有時甚至兩者皆有，這對於現代人研究中世紀的詞彙及其用法大有幫助。
《Hortus Deliciarum》的主題來自西方和拜占庭藝術的悠久傳統，但其新鮮而自然的處理方式，以及作者對她那個時代的服裝、生活和禮儀的密切關注，使該作品成為獨特而有價值的來源為了我們對當時生活的理解。赫拉德決定在每張圖片上添加拉丁語或德語或有時兩者的每個人或工具的名字，這極大地幫助了現代對中世紀術語及其用法的研究。 Hortus Deliciarum》的主題來自西方和拜占庭藝術的悠久傳統，但其清新自發的處理方式，以及其作者時代的服裝、生活和禮儀的密切關注，使這部作品成為我們了解當時生活的獨特而寶貴的Herrad 決定在每張圖片上加上每個人或器具的拉丁文或德文名稱，有時甚至都有，這對於現代人研究漢語的詞彙及其用法有很大幫助。
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20 LEFT Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, f. 1r, 1142-52 21 OPPOSITE Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, 1142-52
20 左側 Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, f. 1r, 1142-52 21 對面 Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, 1142-52
20 左邊賓根的希爾德加德，Scivias，f。 1r, 1142-52 21 對面 Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, 1142-52 20 側邊 Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, f。 1r, 1142-52 21 對面 Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias, 1142-52
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Late eleventh-century Church reform had focused new attention on prohibitions against clerical marriage. Increasing restrictions against ecclesiastical women, including cloistering as a form of social control, had accompanied the rigid imposition of rules of clerical celibacy. During the same period medieval scholars, particularly Thomas Aquinas, were rediscovering Aristotelian thought, as well as that of
十一世紀晚期的教會改革將新的注意力集中在禁止神職人員結婚上。對教會婦女越來越多的限制，包括作為一種社會控制形式的閉關，伴隨著教士獨身規定的嚴格實施。在同一時期，中世紀的學者，特別是托馬斯‧阿奎納，重新發現了亞里斯多德的思想，以及倫理學的思想。
十一世紀末的教會改革將新的注意力集中在禁止神職人員婚姻。對教會婦女的限制越來越多，包括作為一種社會控制形式的隱居，伴隨著嚴格實行的神職人員獨身規則。在同一時期，中世紀學者，特別是托馬斯·阿奎那，正在重新發現亞里斯多德思想，以及十一世紀晚期的教會改革將新的焦點集中在禁止神職人員結婚上。越多的限制，包括作為一種社會控制形式的閉關，伴隨著教士獨身規定的嚴格實施。以及倫理學的思想。
The Middle Ages
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Hippocrates and Galen with their insistence on the natural inferiority of women. Women made no contribution to the scholastic philosophy and dominant theology which grew out of these debates. They were excluded from the intellectual life of cathedral schools and universities in which students were legally clerics, a rank not open to women. Instead, they turned increasingly to mysticism and, through vivid imagery and inspired commentaries, were influential in an alternative discourse, though one certainly not unique to women.
希波克拉底（Hippocrates）和蓋倫（Galen）堅持婦女天生低人一等。婦女對這些爭論所產生的學術哲學和主流神學沒有任何貢獻。她們被排除在大教堂學校和大學的知識生活之外，在這些學校和大學裡，學生在法律上是神職人員，而這個職級是不開放給女性的。相反，她們越來越多地轉向神秘主義，並通過生動的圖像和靈感的評論，在另一種論述中發揮影響力，儘管這種論述並非女性所獨有。
希波克拉底和蓋倫堅持女性天生的劣勢。女性對這些辯論中產生的經院哲學和主流神學並沒有做出任何貢獻。她們被排除在大教堂學校和大學的知識分子生活之外，在這些學校和大學裡，學生是合法的神職人員，這一職位不對女性開放。相反，她們越來越多地轉向神秘主義，並透過生動的圖像和啟發性的評論，在另一種話語中產生了影響力，儘管這種話語肯定不是女性獨有的。 希波克拉底（Hippocrates）和蓋倫（Galen）堅持婦女天生低人一等。和大學裡，學生在法律上是神職人員，而這個職級是不開放給女性的。發揮影響力，儘管這種論述並非女性所強調。
Hildegard of Bingen left a body of work unparalleled in its range. The texts in which she describes her religious experiences form only a small fraction of her literary output, but they are of particular interest to art historians because of their visionary imagery. Scholars have noted strong similarities in the drawings in Hildegard's prayerbook and Herrad's Hortus Deliciarum as further evidence of the strength and endurance of the female tradition of learned women. Yet Hildegard's sphere of influence was not confined to the cloistered world of women and she played a significant public role as one of many voices raised in support of the Gregorian Reform.
賓根的希爾德加德 (Hildegard of Bingen) 留下了一系列無與倫比的作品。賓根的希爾德加德 (Hildegard of Bingen) 的作品範圍之廣是無與倫比的，她描述自己宗教經歷的文字只佔其文學作品的一小部分，但由於這些作品中的幻象，藝術史學家對這些作品特別感興趣。學者們注意到希爾德加德的祈禱書和赫拉德的《Hortus Deliciarum》中的圖畫有很強的相似性，這進一步證明了博學婦女傳統的力量和耐力。然而，希爾德加德的影響範圍並不局限於隱閉的婦女世界，她扮演了一個重要的公共角色，是眾多支持格列高利改革的聲音之一。
賓根的希爾德加德留下了一系列在其範圍內無與倫比的作品。她描述宗教經驗的文本僅佔她文學作品的一小部分，但由於其富有遠見的意象而引起了藝術史學家的特別興趣。學者們注意到希爾德加德的祈禱書和赫拉德的《Hortus Deliciarum》中的圖畫有很強的相似性，這進一步證明了博學女性的女性傳統的力量和耐力。然而希爾德加德的影響範圍並不局限於與世隔絕的婦女世界，她作為支持格里高利改革的眾多聲音之一發揮了重要的公共作用。 賓根的希爾德加德（賓根的希爾德加德）留下了一系列無與倫比的作品。是無與倫比的，她描述了自己的宗教經驗文字只佔其文學作品的一部分，但由於這些作品中的幻象，藝術史學家對這些作品特別感興趣。和赫拉德的《Hortus Deliciarum》中的圖畫有極其的相似性，這進一步證明了博學婦女傳統的力量和耐力。扮演了一個重要的公共角色，是全民支持格列高利改革的聲音之一。
A great contemplative nun, as well as a politically active woman who corresponded with Henry II of England, Queen Eleanor, the Greek Emperor and Empress, and Bernard of Clairvaux, to mention a few, Hildegard was born in 1098 to well- to-do parents in a Rhineland village. Her father was a knight attached to the court of the Count of Spanheim. Hildegard's childhood visions of shimmering lights and circling stars may have influenced her family's decision to enroll her as a novice in the convent at Disibodenberg at the age of seven or eight. The four-hundred-year-old Benedictine Abbey there had only recently added a community of women under the rule of Jutta, the Count of Spanheim's sister, who took charge of the education of Hildegard, training her in scripture, Latin, and music. She took the vows of a Benedictine nun in 1117 and was elected abbess in 1136.
希爾德加德 (Hildegard) 是一位偉大的沉思修女，同時也是一位政治活躍的女性，她曾與英格蘭的亨利二世 (Henry II)、希臘皇帝和皇后埃莉諾 (Queen Eleanor) 以及克萊爾沃的伯納德 (Bernard of Clairvaux) 等人通信。她的父親是一位隸屬於斯潘海姆伯爵 (Count of Spanheim) 宮廷的騎士。希爾德加德童年時對閃爍的燈光和盤旋的星星的幻想，可能影響了她的家人在她七、八歲時讓她到迪斯博登堡 (Disibodenberg) 的修道院當修女的決定。那裡有四百年歷史的本篤會修道院最近才增設了一個女子團體，由斯班海姆伯爵的妹妹尤塔 (Jutta) 治理，尤塔負責希爾德加德的教育，訓練她學習經文、拉丁文和音樂。她於 1117 年宣誓成為本篤會的修女，並於 1136 年當選為修道院院長。
希爾德加德出生於1098 年，是一位偉大的沉思修女，也是一位活躍於政治的女性，曾與英國亨利二世、埃莉諾女王、希臘皇帝和皇后以及克萊爾沃的伯納德等人通信。她的父親是斯潘海姆伯爵宮廷的騎士。希爾德加德童年時看到的閃爍的燈光和環繞的星星可能影響了她的家人在她七八歲的時候讓她進入迪西博登貝格修道院當新手的決定。那裡有四百年歷史的本篤會修道院最近才在斯潘海姆伯爵的妹妹朱塔的統治下增加了一個婦女社區，朱塔負責希爾德加德的教育，對她進行聖經、拉丁語和音樂方面的訓練。她於1117 年宣誓成為本篤會修女，並於1136 年當選為女修道院院長。曾與英格蘭的亨利二世（亨利二世）、希臘皇帝和皇后埃莉諾（Queen Eleanor）以及克萊爾沃的伯納德（Bernard of Clairvaux）等人通信。海姆伯爵（Count of Spanheim）宮廷的騎士。晚間當修女的那裡有四百年歷史的本篤會最近才增設了一個女子團體，由斯班海姆伯爵的妹妹尤塔（Jutta）治理，尤塔負責希爾德加德的教育，訓練她的學習經文、拉丁文和音樂。
Hildegard confided the existence of her troubling visions to Bernard of Clairvaux, whose desire to raise the Church above worldly concerns through renewed faith and deep mystical contemplation set the moral tone for the period. Recognizing in her a new ally for his efforts to rejuvenate spiritual life, he urged the pope that he "should not suffer so obvious a light to be obscured by silence, but should confirm it by authority." Papal recognition established Hildegard's reputation as a prophetic voice within the Church. In addition to the Scivias (begun 1142), The Divine Works of a Simple Man (begun 1163), and the Meritorious Life (1158), Hildegard wrote sixty-three hymns,
希爾德加德向克萊爾沃（Clairvaux）的伯爾納（Bernard of Clairvaux）傾訴了她所遇到的困擾，伯爾納希望通過更新信仰和深入的神秘沉思來提升教會，使其超越世俗的煩惱，這為這段時期奠定了道德基調。伯納德認為希爾德加德是他重振靈性生活的新盟友，他敦促教皇 「不要讓如此明顯的光線因沉默而被遮蔽，而應該以權威來確認它」。教皇的認可奠定了希爾德加德作為教會先知的聲譽。除了《Scivias》（始於 1142 年）、《一個普通人的神聖作品》（始於 1163 年）和《功德人生》（1158 年）之外，希爾德加德還寫了 63 首讚美詩、
希爾德加德向克萊爾沃的伯納德吐露了她令人不安的幻象的存在，伯納德希望透過更新的信仰和深刻的神秘沉思使教會超越世俗的關注，為這一時期奠定了道德基調。他認識到她是他振興精神生活的新盟友，他敦促教皇「不應該讓如此明顯的光芒被沉默所掩蓋，而應該透過權威來確認這一點」。教宗的認可確立了希爾德加德在教會中作為預言家的聲譽。除了《西維亞斯》（1142年開始）、《一個簡單人的神聖作品》（1163年開始）和《功績人生》（1158年）之外，希爾德加德還寫了六十三首讚美詩，希爾德加德向克萊爾沃（Clairvaux）的伯爾納（克萊爾沃的伯納德）傾訴了她所遇到的困擾，伯爾納希望透過更新信仰和深入的神秘沉思來提升教會，超越世俗的煩惱，這可能是伯爾鞏固了道德基調的原因。 ，而應該以權威來確認它」。加德也寫了63首讚美詩、
Chapter 1
第一章
第一章 第一章
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a miracle play, and a long treatise of nine books on the different natures of trees, plants, animals, birds, fish, minerals, metals, and other substances. Her visions encompass much of the scientific and religious knowledge of her time and she has the distinction of being the only woman who has a volume of the Church "fathers"" official Patriologia Latina devoted entirely to her works. ...
這是一部奇蹟劇，也是一部由九本書組成的長篇論文，內容涉及樹木、植物、動物、鳥類、魚類、礦物質、金屬和其他物質的不同性質。她的願景涵蓋了她那個時代的大部分科學和宗教知識，並且她是唯一一位擁有一本完全致力於她的作品的教會“教父”卷的女性。
The Scivias (Know the Ways of the Lord) consists of thirty-five visions relating and illustrating the history of salvation. The earliest copy, made before her death in 1179, apparently under her direction, though probably not by the nuns of her cloister, has been missing from the Wiesbaden library since the Second World War. The book opens with the words: "And behold! In my forty-third year I had a heavenly vision.... I saw a great light from which a heavenly voice said to me: 'O puny creature, ashes of ashes and dust of dust, tell and write what you see and hear."" The persona adopted by Hildegard for the expression of her visionary theology is, like those of many other twelfth-century mystics, that of a weak person, a passive vessel into which is poured the word of God. She herself claimed to be nothing more than a receptor, "a feather on the breath of God." A gift from God to a weak but chosen woman, the vision circumvents the medieval Church's denial of power or authority to women. It disrupts masculine control over knowledge by separating the body of woman from thought. Conservative by temperament, background, and upbringing, Hildegard did not challenge the Church's views on the subjection of women. Her conception of the religious role of woman derived from a strong sense of female otherness in relation to male authority and a vision of woman as complementary to man. ...
Scivias（了解主的道路）由三十五個異象組成，涉及和說明救贖的歷史。最早的副本是在她於1179 年去世之前製作的，顯然是在她的指導下製作的，儘管可能不是由她修道院的修女們製作的，但自第二次世界大戰以來，威斯巴登圖書館就一直失蹤。這本書的開頭這樣寫道：「看哪！在我四十三年的時候，我看到了天堂般的異象……我看到一道偉大的光，從那裡有一個天堂般的聲音對我說：『啊，微不足道的生物，灰燼和灰塵希爾德加德為表達她的異像神學而採用的角色，就像許多其他十二世紀的神秘主義者一樣，是一個軟弱的人，一個被動的容器，在其中她自己聲稱自己只不過是一個接收器，“上帝呼吸中的一根羽毛”，這是上帝送給一個軟弱但被選中的女人的禮物，這一願景規避了中世紀教會對權力或權威的否認。強烈的差異感以及女性與男性互補的願景。 …
Hildegard's Scivias appears to be the first medieval manuscript, apart from the Beatus Apocalypse, in which the artist uses line and color to reveal the images of a supernatural contemplation. The paintings, while stylistically remote from other contemporary northern European manuscript illuminations, have a freshness and energy despite their almost naive drawing. They are characterized by a highly individualized sensibility, and it is reasonable to assume Hildegard's close supervision in their making. The first miniature depicts Hildegard and the monk Volmar in the monastery at Bingen to which Hildegard had moved her nuns in 1147. Two small rooms with red cupolas and gilded dormer windows frame a larger room. Hildegard wears a cowl clasped at the waist and a veil, which the artist has given the look of a black wool shawl, the dress of courtly women of the time. As the vision descends in a great flash of light from heaven, piercing ...
希爾德加德的《西維亞斯》似乎是《貝阿圖斯啟示錄》之外的第一部中世紀手稿，其中藝術家使用線條和色彩來揭示超自然沉思的圖像。這些畫作雖然在風格上與其他當代北歐手稿插圖相去甚遠，但儘管其繪畫近乎天真，但仍具有新鮮感和活力。它們的特徵是高度個人化的情感，可以合理地假設希爾德加德在它們的製作過程中進行了密切監督。第一幅微型畫描繪了希爾德加德和修道士沃爾瑪在賓根修道院中的情景，希爾德加德於1147 年將她的修女們搬到了該修道院。鍍金老虎窗的小房間構成了一間較大的房間。希爾德加德戴著腰間扣緊的斗篷和麵紗，藝術家將其賦予了黑色羊毛披肩的外觀，這是當時宮廷女性的服裝。當一道巨大的閃光從天而降時，視線從天而降，刺眼…
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The Middle Ages
中世紀
中世紀 羅馬
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Hildegard's eyes and head, both she and Volmar prepare to record it on a wax tablet. ...
希爾德加德的眼睛和頭部，她和沃爾瑪都準備將其記錄在蠟板上。 …
The illustrations for the Scivias range from representations of the Church in human form, or as a city, to fallen angels, the Antichrist, the struggles of the soul, and the battles of the Virtues and Vices. In her excellent study of Hildegard of Bingen, Barbara Newman identifies her as the first Christian thinker to deal seriously and positively with the idea of the feminine, shown as Eve, Mary, and Ecclesia, or Mother Church. At the heart of her spiritual world are the images of Sapientia and Caritas, visionary and female forms of Holy Wisdom and Love Divine, and she is the first of the female theologians to personify love as a consummately beautiful woman. ...
西維亞斯的插圖範圍廣泛，從人類形式的教會或一座城市的代表，到墮落天使、敵基督、靈魂的鬥爭以及美德與惡行的鬥爭。芭芭拉紐曼（Barbara Newman）在對賓根的希爾德加德（Hildegard of Bingen）的出色研究中，將她視為第一位認真、積極地對待女性觀念的基督教思想家，這些女性表現為夏娃、瑪麗和埃克萊西亞（Ecclesia）或母教會。她精神世界的核心是智慧和明愛的形象，神聖智慧和神聖之愛的幻想和女性形式，她是第一位將愛人格化為完美美麗女性的女性神學家。 …
Churchmen who wrote about female mystics tended to emphasize their inspiration and minimize their education. Vincent of Beauvais confirmed that Hildegard had dictated her visions in Latin, but claimed that she had done so in a dream as she was otherwise illiterate. More recently, scholars have pointed out that, although expressed in terms of vision and revelation, her ideas unmistakably indicate her familiarity with the works of St. Augustine and Boethius as well as contemporary scientific writers and Neoplatonic thinkers. ...
描寫女性神秘主義者的牧師往往強調她們的靈感，而淡化她們的教育。博韋的文森特證實希爾德加德用拉丁語口述了她的幻象，但聲稱她是在夢中這樣做的，因為她在其他方面是文盲。最近，學者指出，儘管她的想法以願景和啟示的形式表達，但毫無疑問地表明她對聖奧古斯丁和波愛提烏斯以及當代科學作家和新柏拉圖思想家的作品的熟悉。 …
Hildegard's place in the spiritual life of the twelfth century is gradually being clarified. Although in 1928 Charles Singer advanced the view that her visions were only the auras of chronic migraine, others have pointed out that such glib views fail to distinguish between the pathological basis of the visions and their intellectual content and spiritual import. Barbara Newman has placed her firmly within a school of Christian thought that centers on the discovery and adoration of divine wisdom in the works of creation and redemption expressed through images of the feminine aspect of God, Church, and Cosmos. She has been credited with embracing the full breadth of the Christian revelation in a fresh and original way, with seeking to integrate all aspects of life, and with presenting female authority as a restitution of the natural order, not a threat or challenge to it. ...
希爾德加德在十二世紀精神生活中的地位正在逐漸明確。儘管查爾斯辛格在 1928 年提出了她的幻像只是慢性偏頭痛的先兆這一觀點，但其他人指出，這種油嘴滑舌的觀點未能區分幻象的病理基礎及其智力內容和精神意義。芭芭拉紐曼將她堅定地置於基督教思想流派之中，該流派的中心是透過上帝、教會和宇宙的女性形象來表達創造和救贖作品中的神聖智慧的發現和崇拜。她被認為以一種新鮮而原創的方式全面擁抱基督教啟示，尋求整合生活的各個方面，並將女性權威視為自然秩序的恢復，而不是對自然秩序的威脅或挑戰。 …
In an age ripe for prophetic literature, Hildegard's writings not only seemed to anticipate events later associated with the Protestant revolt, but her appeal to free the Church from corruption and worldliness had a profound impact on the feminine religious movement of the thirteenth century known as the Beguines. As a prophetic voice chosen by God, she was able to assume many sacerdotal functions which the Church saw as male prerogatives. This aspect of female mysticism with its imagery of confused consciousness, loss ...
在預言文學成熟的時代，希爾德加德的著作似乎不僅預見了後來與新教叛亂相關的事件，而且她呼籲將教會從腐敗和世俗中解放出來，對十三世紀被稱為「女性宗教運動」的女性宗教運動產生了深遠的影響。貝吉尼斯。作為上帝選擇的先知之聲，她能夠承擔許多教會認為男性特權的祭司職能。女性神秘主義的這一面向及其意識混亂、迷失的意象......
Chapter 1
第一章
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of subject-hood, and divine flames that transform the soul into a fluid stream dissolving all notions of difference—has led contemporary theorists such as Luce Irigaray, one of a group of French women who broke away from Lacan's teaching, to view mysticism as the one important break with the medieval polarities that placed women in a subordinate position. Irigaray has argued that in patriarchal cultures that deny "subjectivity" to women, the mystical experience is the one that dissolves the subject/object opposition, and the one area of high spiritual endeavor in which women have excelled. Thus it has become an important area of inquiry in feminist attempts to explore the positions from which women have spoken and interrupted male control over language and institutional life. ...
主體性的本質，以及將靈魂轉化為流動的流動，溶解所有差異概念的神聖火焰－導致當代理論家，如盧斯·伊里加雷（Luce Irigaray），一群脫離拉康教義的法國女性之一，將神秘主義視為這是對中世紀將婦女置於從屬地位的兩極分化的重要突破。伊里加雷認為，在否定女性「主體性」的父權文化中，神祕體驗是消除主體/客體對立的一種經驗，也是女性擅長的高度精神努力的領域。因此，它已成為女性主義者試圖探索女性發言立場併中斷男性對語言和製度生活的控制的一個重要研究領域。 …
However important individual women like Hildegard and Herrad were to the cultural and spiritual life of the later Middle Ages a period in which anonymity was the norm, if not the rule-a full examination requires that we consider patronage as well as production, exploring both the reception of works of art and their function in institutions in which women played prominent roles. Hildegard of Bingen's letters, among other sources, point to a strong tradition of female patronage in Ottoman Germany that included aristocratic women such as Agnes of Prague, Hedwig of Silesia, and Elisabeth of Thuringia as the benefactors of monasteries built by and for them. ...
無論像希爾德加德和赫拉德這樣的女性個體對中世紀晚期的文化和精神生活有多麼重要，在這個時期，匿名即使不是規則，也是常態——全面的審視要求我們考慮贊助和生產，探索藝術作品的接受及其在婦女發揮重要作用的機構中的作用。賓根的希爾德加德的信件以及其他來源指出了奧斯曼德國女性贊助的強大傳統，其中包括布拉格的阿格尼絲、西里西亞的海德薇和圖林根的伊麗莎白等貴族婦女，她們都是她們所建造的修道院的捐助者。 …
Around 1100, another social shift occurred as an outgrowth of the Crusades. The establishment of new trade routes helped encourage a gradual shift from an agrarian to a more urban civilization in which many women benefited from expanded roles in guild production. Nevertheless, guild treatment of women varied widely and women were often concentrated in "women's industries" such as work in silk, embroidery, millinery, and special garment crafts. ...
1100 年左右，十字軍東徵的產物又發生了一次社會轉變。新貿易路線的建立有助於鼓勵從農業文明逐漸轉向城市文明，許多婦女從行會生產中的角色擴大中受益。然而，行會對婦女的待遇差異很大，婦女往往集中在“婦女行業”，如絲綢、刺繡、女帽和特殊服裝工藝等工作。 …
The growth of towns during the thirteenth century created a new class of women—urban working women whose managerial skills were in great demand due to a high degree of mobility among men. Deep-seated changes in the social position of women—their acquisition of the right of inheritance and the feudal privileges normally associated with it-integrated them more firmly into the economic structure of the later Middle Ages. Henry Kraus has convincingly related the newly humanized image of the Virgin Mary that culminates in Gothic art to social changes which had to accommodate the new status of women active in trade, particularly the femmes soles, or unmarried and widowed women. ...
十三世紀城鎮的發展創造了一個新的女性階層——城市職業女性，由於男性之間的高度流動性，對她們的管理技能的需求量很大。婦女社會地位的深刻變化——她們獲得了繼承權以及通常與之相關的封建特權——使她們更加牢固地融入了中世紀後期的經濟結構。亨利·克勞斯令人信服地將在哥德式藝術中達到頂峰的聖母瑪利亞的新人性化形象與社會變革聯繫起來，社會變革必須適應活躍在貿易中的女性的新地位，特別是女性鞋底，或未婚和喪偶的女性。 …
The importance of women for the medieval economy won them a place in the guilds, despite restrictions, and the right ...
婦女對中世紀經濟的重要性為她們贏得了在行會中的一席之地，儘管有限制，而且權利......
The Middle Ages
中世紀
中世紀 羅馬
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to carry on family businesses after the death of a husband or father. The woman merchant, as the Wife of Bath tells us in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, had full civic status. Women are shown working at several occupations in the sculptural series called the "Active Life" on the north porch of Chartres Cathedral, and in Etienne Boileau's Book of Trades, written in the thirteenth century, which lists a hundred occupations in Paris, six of them were governed solely by female guilds. Eighty other occupations, from cloth production to dairying, included women. The margins of Gothic manuscripts often show images of women holding distaffs and spindles, and women were active in the textile industries in Flanders, northern France, Champagne, and Normandy. It is important once again to recognize that few trades were exclusively practised by either men or women. The division of labor according to sex is a modern invention, often manifested in attempts to identify female sexuality with activities like needlework. Throughout much of the Middle Ages, although noblewomen did indeed embroider in their homes and castles, and other women spun, combed, carded, and wove the cloth for the family's clothes, both women and men worked side by side in guild workshops and in workshops attached to noble households, monasteries, and convents. ...
丈夫或父親過世後繼續經營家族企業。正如巴斯的妻子在喬叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》中告訴我們的那樣，女商人擁有完全的公民地位。沙特爾大教堂北門廊的雕塑系列「積極生活」中展示了女性從事多種職業的情況，艾蒂安·布瓦洛(Etienne Boileau) 寫於13 世紀的《職業手冊》中列出了巴黎的100 種職業，其中有6 種完全由女性公會管理。從布料生產到乳製品生產，其他 80 個職業也有女性參與。哥德式手稿的頁邊經常顯示婦女手持紡錘和紡錘的圖像，婦女活躍在佛蘭德斯、法國北部、香檳和諾曼第的紡織工業中。重要的是要再次認識到很少有行業是專門由男性或女性從事的。根據性別進行勞動分工是一項現代發明，通常表現為試圖透過針線等活動來識別女性的性行為。在整個中世紀的大部分時間裡，儘管貴族婦女確實在自己的家中和城堡裡刺繡，而其他婦女則紡紗、梳理、梳理和編織家庭服裝的布料，但婦女和男子在行會作坊和作坊中並肩工作附屬於貴族家庭、寺院和修道院。 …
In England, an expanding international market for the kind of ecclesiastical embroidery known as Opus Anglicanum led to a shift from domestic production, often by women scattered widely around the country, to tightly organized, male-controled guild workshop in London. The Syon Cope is a late thirteenth- or early fourteenth-century example of this highly developed medieval art which equaled painting and sculpture in status. Technically intricate and wonderfully expressive, Opus Anglicanum incorporated silk and metal threads, pearls, jewels, and beaten gold on a ground of linen or velvet, working the materials into shimmering scenes of everyday life and Biblical events. As the demand for Opus Anglicanum spread throughout Europe, letters from Pope Innocent IV to the abbots of England requested large quantities. The richly worked vestments of Opus Anglicanum identified the riches of earthly power-signified by precious materials and superb craftsmanship-with divine rule, as the movement of the body under the cope transformed its surface into a transcendent blaze of light. After the middle of the thirteenth century, women seem to disappear from professional production and modern accounts identifying this form of needlework with individual feminine achievement have greatly obscured the means of its production. ...
在英國，被稱為 Opus Anglicanum 的教會刺繡的國際市場不斷擴大，導致國內生產（通常由分散在全國各地的婦女進行）轉向組織嚴密、由男性控制的倫敦行會作坊。 Syon Cope 是十三世紀末或十四世紀初這種高度發達的中世紀藝術的典範，其地位與繪畫和雕塑相當。 Opus Anglicanum 技術複雜，表現力極強，在亞麻或天鵝絨的地面上融入了絲綢和金屬線、珍珠、珠寶和打金，將這些材料融入日常生活和聖經事件的閃閃發光的場景中。隨著對聖公會作品的需求遍布整個歐洲，教皇英諾森四世寫信給英格蘭修道院院長，要求大量購買。 Opus Anglicanum 精心製作的法衣將世間權力的財富（以珍貴的材料和精湛的工藝為標誌）與神聖的統治等同起來，因為上衣下身體的運動將其表面變成了超凡的光芒。十三世紀中葉之後，女性似乎從專業生產中消失了，現代的記錄將這種形式的針線活與個人女性成就等同起來，極大地掩蓋了其生產手段。 …
Chapter 1
第一章
第一章 第一章
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22 The Syon Cope, late thirteenth/early fourteenth century ...
22 Syon Cope，十三世紀末/十四世紀初......
The thirteenth century also witnessed the rise of secular scriptoria as the production and illustration of books moved outside the monastery. Book making, now a luxury industry, was carried out close to urban centers of money and power. The term imagier, which appears in the tax rolls of Paris, may refer to a painter, illuminator, sculptor, or even architect, making it difficult to determine specific activities of women. Nevertheless, analysis of the tax rolls of Paris between 1292 and 1313 reveals that the percentage of women in these trades is considerably lower than in other fields. Robert Branner, investigating manuscript makers in mid-thirteenth-century Paris, discovered the records of a parchmenter named Martha who worked with her husband; Françoise Baron, in an examination of tax records in various parishes of Paris from the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, found references to eight female illuminators though we have no examples of their work. We know that Maitre Honoré, the founder of the great Parisian school of illuminators at the end of the thirteenth century, was assisted by his daughter and her husband, but the work was executed anonymously, within the strict conventions of a style, and nothing survives that can be firmly identified with her hand. Millard Meiss has attributed a number of the finest miniatures in the collection of the Duc de Berry to Bourgot, the most famous of the professional female ...
十三世紀也見證了世俗抄寫室的興起，因為書籍的製作和插圖轉移到了修道院之外。圖書製作現在已成為奢侈品行業，是在靠近金錢和權力的城市中心進行的。巴黎稅單中出現的「想像者」一詞可能指畫家、插畫家、雕塑家，甚至建築師，因此很難確定女性的特定活動。然而，對 1292 年至 1313 年巴黎稅單的分析表明，這些行業中女性的比例遠低於其他領域。羅伯特布蘭納 (Robert Branner) 在調查 13 世紀中葉巴黎的手稿製作者時，發現了一位名叫瑪莎 (Martha) 的羊皮紙製作者與她丈夫一起工作的記錄。弗朗索瓦絲·巴倫（Françoise Baron）在檢視十三世紀末和十四世紀初巴黎各個教區的稅務記錄時，發現了八位女性插畫家的提及，儘管我們沒有她們的作品實例。我們知道，十三世紀末偉大的巴黎插畫學派的創始人奧諾雷大師(Maitre Honoré) 在他的女兒和她的丈夫的協助下，但該作品是匿名完成的，遵循嚴格的風格慣例，沒有任何作品留存下來。米勒德·梅斯 (Millard Meiss) 將貝裡公爵 (Duc de Berry) 收藏中的許多最精美的細密畫歸功於布爾戈 (Bourgot)，她是最著名的職業女性…
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中世紀...
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illuminators of the fourteenth century, and her father, Jean le Noir. Shortly after the marriage of Yolande de Flandre in 1353 the pair executed a delicate Book of Hours which combines the elegant style of the illuminator Pucelle with a sturdier expressionism, but here again individual hands cannot, and should not, be identified. ...
十四世紀的照明家和她的父親讓·勒·諾瓦（Jean le Noir）。 1353 年約蘭德·德·弗蘭德(Yolande de Flandre) 結婚後不久，這對夫婦創作了一本精美的《時辰之書》，將插畫家普塞勒(Pucelle) 的優雅風格與更堅固的表現主義結合在一起，但這裡不能也不應該辨識個人的雙手。 …
These examples indicate the impossibility of fitting mediev visual productions in many media into art historical categorie that stress individual creativity and assume that the artist is a man. Recent studies by social historians have provided rich material that deserves careful scrutiny by art historians interested in tracing the changing circumstances of men's and women's participation in medieval cultural life. Further research is necessary into the nature of medieval collaboration and into the role of visual representation in structuring women's relationship to "the privileges of knowledge." ...
這些例子表明，不可能將許多媒體中的中世紀視覺作品歸類為強調個人創造力並假設藝術家是男性的藝術史範疇。社會歷史學家最近的研究提供了豐富的材料，值得那些對追蹤男性和女性參與中世紀文化生活的環境變化感興趣的藝術史學家仔細研究。有必要進一步研究中世紀合作的本質以及視覺表現在建構女性與「知識特權」關係中的作用。 …
madiutoz ...
馬迪烏托茲...
Chapter 1 ...
第1章...
23 Bourgot and le Book of Hours, c. 13 ...
23 布爾戈與《時辰之書》，c. 13 ...
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Chapter 2
第二章
第二章 第二章
The Renaissance Ideal
文藝復興的理想
文藝復興理想的理想
Jacob Burckhardt, the foremost European Renaissance historian of his day, asserted unequivocally in The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (1860) that: "To understand the higher forms of social intercourse in this period, we must keep before our minds the fact that women stood on a footing of perfect equality with men." Burckhardt's assumption that equality of the sexes followed the humanist rediscovery of the "freedom and dignity of man" dominated historical accounts of the Renaissance until it began to be repudiated by feminist scholars in the 1970s. In "Why Have There Been No Great Women Artists?" (1971) Linda Nochlin explored artistic talent and the institutions that have traditionally nurtured it. This essay inaugurated feminist challenges to the prevailing view of Renaissance art as a naturalistic reflection of reality rather than a set of constructed and gendered myths. A few years later, the historian Joan Kelly-Gadol elaborated the relationship between literary ideals of female equality and changing property relations, forms of institutional control, and cultural ideology as they affected women. Her conclusion was that the very developments opening up new possibilities for Renaissance men, particularly the consolidation of the state and the development of capitalism, adversely affected women by leaving them with less actual power than they had enjoyed under feudalism. Although this has been further qualified in excellent recent studies by historians such as Margaret King, David Herlihy, and Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, her essay has proved an important source of revisionist thinking. These and other studies can help us to understand why the history of art contains no female equivalents of Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, Raphael, and other "master" artists of the period, but they stop short of exploring women's relationship to the new Renaissance ideals of pictorial representation. ...
伯克哈特（Jacob Burckhardt）是當時歐洲最重要的文藝復興歷史學家，他在《義大利文藝復興文明》（1860）中明確斷言：「為了理解這一時期社會交往的高級形式，我們必須牢記這樣一個事實：女性站在與人類完全平等的基礎上。布克哈特的假設是，隨著人文主義對「人的自由和尊嚴」的重新發現，兩性平等隨之而來，這一假設主導了文藝復興時期的歷史記錄，直到20 世紀70 年代開始受到女性主義學者的否認。在《為什麼沒有偉大的女藝術家？ (1971) 琳達‧諾克林 (Linda Nochlin) 探索藝術天賦以及傳統上培養藝術天賦的機構。本文向女性主義發起了對文藝復興藝術盛行觀點的挑戰，即文藝復興藝術是對現實的自然主義反映，而不是一組建構的和性別化的神話。幾年後，歷史學家瓊·凱利-加多爾闡述了女性平等的文學理想與不斷變化的財產關係、制度控制形式以及影響女性的文化意識形態之間的關係。她的結論是，為文藝復興時期的男性開闢新可能性的發展，特別是國家的鞏固和資本主義的發展，對女性產生了不利影響，因為她們所享有的實際權力比封建主義時期要少。儘管這一點在瑪格麗特·金、大衛·赫利希和克里斯蒂安·克拉皮施-祖伯等歷史學家最近的優秀研究中得到了進一步的證實，但她的文章已被證明是修正主義思想的重要來源。 這些研究和其他研究可以幫助我們理解為什麼藝術史中沒有達文西、米開朗基羅、拉斐爾和這段時期其他「大師」藝術家的女性同等人物，但它們卻沒有探索女性與新文藝復興理想的關係的圖像表現。 …
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The development of capitalism and the emergence of the modern state transformed economic, social, and familial relationships in Renaissance Italy. Art historians continue to look to fifteenth-century Florence for the sources of the new ideals of artistic genius and individuality that distinguish the modern world from that of the Middle Ages. It is here that we find the origins of modern capitalism and the privatization of the family, as well as the beginning of the redefinition of painting and sculpture as liberal arts rather than crafts. And it is in Renaissance Florence that linear perspective developed a mathematical system that organized pictorial space illusionistically and defined the viewer's relationship to the picture surface in ways that dominated Western painting until the end of the nineteenth century. ...
資本主義的發展和現代國家的出現改變了文藝復興時期義大利的經濟、社會和家庭關係。藝術史學家繼續在十五世紀的佛羅倫薩尋找藝術天才和個性的新理想的來源，這些理想將現代世界與中世紀世界區分開來。正是在這裡，我們找到了現代資本主義和家庭私有化的起源，以及將繪畫和雕塑重新定義為文科藝術而不是手工藝的開始。正是在文藝復興時期的佛羅倫薩，線性透視發展出了一種數學系統，它以幻覺的方式組織畫面空間，並以一種直到十九世紀末主導西方繪畫的方式定義了觀看者與畫面表面的關係。 …
The absence of women's names from the lists of artists responsible for the "renaissance" of Western culture in fifteenth-century Florence deserves careful scrutiny. It is in the cultural ideology that supported women's exclusion from the arts of painting and sculpture that we find the roots of the subsequent shift of woman's role in visual culture from one of production to one of being represented. As the wealthiest, and perhaps most conservative of the Italian city-states, Florence is in some ways an extreme model to adopt. Yet Florence was also where individual power was relocated in the public rather than the private sphere. Looking at early Renaissance Florence helps to explain why the first well-known woman artist of the Renaissance, Sofonisba Anguissola, is found in the sixteenth rather than the fifteenth century, and why she is associated with the provincial city of Cremona rather than the artistic centers of Florence and Rome, and the court of Spain rather than the civic and papal patronage of Italy. ...
負責十五世紀佛羅倫斯西方文化「復興」的藝術家名單中沒有女性的名字，這點值得仔細檢視。正是在支持女性被排除在繪畫和雕塑藝術之外的文化意識形態中，我們找到了隨後女性在視覺文化中的角色從生產者轉變為被再現者的轉變的根源。身為義大利最富有、或許也是最保守的城邦，佛羅倫斯在某些方面是值得採用的極端模式。然而，佛羅倫斯也是個人權力被轉移到公共領域而不是私人領域的地方。研究早期文藝復興時期的佛羅倫薩有助於解釋為什麼文藝復興時期第一位著名的女藝術家索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉(Sofonisba Anguissola) 出現在十六世紀而不是十五世紀，以及為什麼她與省級城市克雷莫納而不是藝術中心聯繫在一起佛羅倫薩和羅馬以及西班牙宮廷的支持，而不是義大利公民和教宗的贊助。 …
The dialogue between past and present-between the ideals of classical antiquity and the realities of late medieval Italy- ushered in the Renaissance. Central to that debate, as revealed in the works of Boccaccio, Christine de Pisan, and others, were discussions about the lives and comportment of women. The intensity and complexity of these debates complicated later attempts to understand the relationship between prescriptive literature and historical fact, and between idealized depictions and lived realities. ...
過去與現在之間的對話——古典古代的理想與中世紀晚期義大利的現實之間的對話——迎來了文藝復興。正如薄伽丘（Boccaccio）、克里斯蒂娜·德皮桑（Christine de Pisan）等人的作品所揭示的那樣，這場辯論的核心是對婦女的生活和行為的討論。這些爭論的強度和複雜性使後來試圖理解規範性文學與歷史事實之間以及理想化描述與現實之間的關係變得複雜。 …
A tradition of educated and skilled women in religious orders persisted in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Italy despite an increasingly secularized society. Nuns actively commissioned works for foundations, such as, for example, the splendid polyptych ordered by the Benedictine nuns of San Pier Maggiore in Florence for their high altar. Outside ...
儘管社會日益世俗化，但在十四世紀和十五世紀的意大利，受過教育和有技能的女性在宗教團體中的傳統仍然存在。修女們積極委託基金會進行工程，例如佛羅倫薩聖皮埃爾馬焦雷的本篤會修女為她們的高壇訂購的華麗的多聯畫。外部 ...
Chapter 2
第二章
第二章 第二章
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the convent walls, however, women were barred from participating in the governmental patronage that created the public face of Renaissance Italy, and they played no part in guild commissions. Catherine King has shown that women participated only in restricted areas of patronage outside the convent: as middle-class widows commissioning funerary altarpieces and as the consorts of rulers, the most important of whom during the fifteenth century was Isabella d'Este of Mantua. The only women artists whose names have come down to us from fifteenth-century Florence were nuns such as Maria Ormani, who included her self-portrait in a breviary of 1453; the painter Paolo Uccello's daughter, Antonia, who was in the Carmelite Order in Florence, none of whose works have survived; and the miniaturist Francesca da Firenze. The few works that remain indicate that while convent life still made it possible for some women to paint, Church reform and the isolation of most convents from the major cities in which the guilds were assuming control over artistic production meant more insularity for religious women. It is to the cities and their guilds that we must look. ...
然而，在修道院的圍牆內，婦女被禁止參與政府的資助，而正是這些資助創造了文藝復興時期意大利的公眾形象，她們也沒有參與行會委員會。凱瑟琳·金（Catherine King）表明，婦女僅參與修道院之外的有限贊助領域：作為委託製作葬禮祭壇的中產階級寡婦和作為統治者的配偶，其中在十五世紀最重要的是曼圖亞的伊莎貝拉·德·埃斯特（Isabella d'Este）。唯一從 15 世紀佛羅倫薩流傳至今的女藝術家是修女，如瑪麗亞·奧瑪尼 (Maria Ormani)，她在 1453 年的一本祈禱書中收錄了自己的自畫像；畫家保羅·烏切洛 (Paolo Uccello) 的女兒安東尼婭 (Antonia)，曾是佛羅倫薩加爾默羅會會員，但她的作品均已無存；以及細密畫家弗朗西斯卡·達·佛羅倫薩（Francesca da Firenze）。現存的少數作品表明，雖然修道院生活仍然使一些婦女能夠進行繪畫，但教會改革以及大多數修道院與行會控製藝術生產的主要城市的隔離意味著宗教婦女更加孤立。我們必須關注城市及其行會。 …
Florence grew rich in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries from the silk and wool industries and from banking. Moralists then might have argued about whether education was a good thing for girls, but a literate wife was becoming essential to the mercantile families that formed the new Florentine middle class. The chronicler Giovanni Villani reported that by 1338 eight to ten thousand Florentine children, male and female, were attending elementary school to learn their letters: yet by the fifteenth century, women's roles in general economic life had become more circumscribed. ...
佛羅倫斯在十三和十四世紀透過絲綢、羊毛工業和銀行業致富。當時的道德家可能會爭論教育對女孩是否是一件好事，但有文化的妻子對於構成新佛羅倫薩中產階級的商業家庭來說變得至關重要。編年史家喬瓦尼·維拉尼(Giovanni Villani) 報道稱，到1338 年，有八到萬名佛羅倫薩兒童，無論男女，都在上小學學習字母：但到了15 世紀，女性在一般經濟生活中的角色變得更加有限。 …
By the middle of the fourteenth century the Guild of Linen Manufacturers was flourishing as one of the Seven Great Guilds which regulated cloth production. Noblewomen, as well as many regular workers in linen thread, took up the art of lace-making. Nuns were considered particularly proficient teachers of a skill practiced across class lines by both amateurs and professionals. The revision of guild regulations in 1340 reaffirmed the women's right to be admitted to full privileges and duties in the guild. At the same time, however, as revised statutes restricted membership to active entrepreneurs, women and less skilled workers were left almost entirely without rights. Most of the highly skilled artisans were now men; women were relegated to areas that required fewer skills, or skills of a kind that could be easily transferred to new households upon marriage. ...
到了十四世紀中葉，亞麻製造商行會作為規範布料生產的七大行會之一而蓬勃發展。貴族婦女以及許多亞麻線的普通工人都開始學習蕾絲製作藝術。修女被認為是業餘愛好者和專業人士跨階級實踐技能的特別熟練的老師。 1340年行會章程的修訂重申了婦女在行會中享有充分的特權和義務的權利。然而，同時，由於修訂後的章程將成員資格限制為活躍的企業家，因此婦女和技術水平較低的工人幾乎完全沒有權利。大多數技藝高超的工匠現在都是男性。婦女被轉移到需要較少技能或在結婚後可以輕鬆轉移到新家庭的技能的領域。 …
Florence produced a small quantity of simple woolen cloths alongside the more elaborate woolens and silks for which ...
佛羅倫薩生產少量簡單的羊毛布料以及更精緻的羊毛和絲綢...
The Renaissance Ideal
文藝復興的理想
文藝復興理想的理想
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the city became famous. Social historians have shown that a small number of women appear in the account books of the Florentine wool manufacturers as weavers of the plainer and coarser wools. None, however, worked as weavers in the silk industry, which was entirely devoted to luxury cloths and required a high degree of skill. With the evolution of a new constitution for the city in the fourteenth and early fifteenth century the guilds became agencies of communal authority rather than corporate interest groups. Women's relationship to the guilds became inseparable from their broader social role-a role which was being radically transformed by the city's new wealth and political power, and by the new opposition of public and private spheres. ...
這座城市變得出名。社會歷史學家表明，少數婦女作為普通和粗羊毛的織工出現在佛羅倫薩羊毛製造商的賬簿中。然而，沒有人在絲綢行業擔任織布工，該行業完全致力於奢華布料的生產，需要高超的技能。隨著十四世紀和十五世紀初城市新憲法的演變，行會成為公共權力機構而非企業利益集團。婦女與行會的關係與她們更廣泛的社會角色密不可分——這一角色正在因城市的新財富和政治權力以及公共和私人領域的新對立而發生根本性的轉變。 …
Women were relegated to unskilled activities in the guilds at an historical moment when the demand was growing for "designers" who could plan patterns for figured cloths and style the finished pieces. These skills were inseparable from the skills of artists who, still considered artisans, worked at a variety of tasks that ranged from painting altarpieces to decorating furniture and designing banners for heraldic events. As the social status of Florentine painters gradually improved during the fourteenth century, they broke away from the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries and, in 1349, formed the Confraternity of Saint Luke, also known as the Confraternity of Painters. Generally drawn from the artisan class, painters worked to the demands of their patrons in workshops in which they had served at least four-year apprenticeships. A master's signature on a work of art meant that the work met the standards of the workshop, not that it represented an individual production. ...
在一個歷史時刻，對能夠設計花布圖案並設計成品款式的「設計師」的需求不斷增長，婦女在行會中被降級到非技術性活動。這些技能與藝術家的技能密不可分，藝術家仍然被視為工匠，從事各種任務，從繪製祭壇畫到裝飾家具，再到為紋章活動設計橫幅。 14世紀，隨著佛羅倫斯畫家的社會地位逐漸提高，他們脫離了醫生和藥劑師行會，並於1349年成立了聖路加兄弟會，又稱畫家兄弟會。畫家通常來自工匠階層，他們在工坊裡按照顧客的要求工作，並在作坊中接受了至少四年的學徒期。大師在一件藝術品上的簽名意味著該作品符合工作室的標準，而不是代表它代表了個人的作品。 …
A statute of 1354 provided that: "those who inscribed themselves on the Roll of Membership-whether men or women-should be contrite and should confess their sins." Yet guild records of the second half of the fourteenth century reveal virtually no women's names, though it is possible that husbands signed for wives as their legal representatives. Women's names are also missing from the employment rosters of construction projects in Florence, a sharp departure from evidence of their participation in medieval building trades. ...
1354年的一項法令規定：“那些在會員名冊上登記的人，無論男女，都應該悔罪並承認自己的罪過。”然而，十四世紀下半葉的行會記錄實際上沒有透露任何女性的名字，儘管丈夫有可能作為妻子的法定代表人簽署。佛羅倫斯建築計畫的就業名冊上也沒有女性的名字，這與她們參與中世紀建築業的證據大相徑庭。 …
By the early decades of the fifteenth century, art was acquiring a bourgeois and secular character in an increasingly prosperous society. Many of its patrons were now mercantile and professional men, acting as members of confraternities or as individuals. Peasants, women, and the urban poor had almost no part to play in a cultural renaissance oriented toward ...
到了十五世紀初期，藝術在日益繁榮的社會中逐漸獲得了資產階級和世俗的特徵。現在，它的許多贊助人都是商人和專業人士，以兄弟會成員或個人身份行事。農民、婦女和城市貧民在旨在…的文化復興中幾乎沒有發揮作用。
Chapter 2
第二章
第二章 第二章
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bozem omipotisdir Ambic 狀態 famp 數位。 abe amplon pet panh bởi ân gulhny Tommy fco leatum Sincipit otobemaryfz fucmomem romane ame Gnpmo Fallo aduenty。 Wfieras 頭狀花序...
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ga boza eit am g fompno furge nic aur ppios et nia falus。暨 Creoidun Deo 草。卡普隆·托蒂·安尼 (Caplon Toti Ann) 等人正在等待此事。由 Londitoz alme Rozate cel refup.7 nubes pluant uftum.Apar tra germinet faluatozem。 Ad Qe nom dni uenita.at Tya ...
longinquoclantas ei repler cebem fra Dic cerda Nata Diato qfumi'onic poria tuam nenutab minchuby pros nothoz piculte meamur,p tegente eripute hibante faluai Demus. Abiltodic ufqad cctum cpbye. ac paf fione ufo ad actiz pent.non fitomo neaplis nccep Loco.nce te pace nec ifeftin tatly fa crucis anglor afe ftop duplianz.ncc ifra comis cop. Deoffo complerozy-zpe ac pr nous dumis.tam once fire, que ipfalmi fa.Dinca pmatronicu Ao matunnu Jnuitatoniz. Regem uentu dim beite a rozen peite.by-Merbum fupnus. In pmo nactio.ant. Beier ecce rex.cursimps Ye fron fee. Pini. Er ne. Ser liba Abfoluno.. audi die ybucje fres Fuoz tuoz mifere nb qcum pic tspn fourgat in fela felogam SCRIPSH ...
longinquoclantas ei repler cebem fra Dic cerda Nata Diato qfumi'onic 茯苓 tuam nenutab minchuby 優點 nothoz piculte meamur，p tegente eripute hibante faluai Demus。 Abiltodic ufqad cctum cpbye。 ac paf fione ufo ad actiz pent.non fitomo neaplis nccep Loco.nce tepace nec ifeftin tatly fa crucis anglo afe ftop duplianz.ncc ifra comis 警察。 Deoffo complerozy-zpe ac pr nous dumis.tam 一旦著火，que ipfalmi fa.Dinca pmatronicu Ao matunnu Jnuitatoniz。 Regem uentu dim beite a rozen peite.by-Merbum fupnus。在 pmo nactio.ant 中。貝爾 ecce rex.cursimps 葉費。皮尼。呃不。 Ser liba Abfoluno.. audi die ybucje fres Fuoz tuoz mifere nb qcum pic tspn fourgat in fela felogam SCRIPSH ...
ORMANC FILIA ...
奧曼克菲利亞 ...
24 Maria Ormani, Breviarium cum Calendario, 1453 ...
24 瑪麗亞‧奧瑪尼 (Maria Ormani)，Breviarium 暨 Calendario，1453 年…
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the growth and embellishment of the city as a matter of civic pride, and stressing a model of production in which man's creations paralleled those of God and carried with them the ...
城市的發展和美化是公民自豪感的問題，並強調一種生產模式，在這種模式中，人類的創造與上帝的創造平行，並帶有...
same implicit power over objects that wealth conferred. Fifteenth-century writers viewed artistic activity as a public affirmation of the artist's role as citizen and the new republic's stature. Wealthy individuals became private patrons of a magnificent public, civic art. Rucellai suggested that art (patronage) gave him contentment and pleasure, "because they [objects] serve the glory of God, the honor of the city, and the commemoration of myself." Leonardo Bruni and other "civic" humanists stressed that men must set aside their private concerns in order to assume public roles. But citizenship in fifteenth-century Florence was restricted to a small elite group of wealthy men who were set apart from women, even those of wealth and privilege. "Everyone seeks me out, honors me...." Bruni wrote of the city's adulation of him, "And not only the first citizens, but even the women of the highest rank." For Bruni, the central motif of Florentine history is the creation of a public space; the symbolic focal points of ecclesiastical and political power in the city soon became the great public assembly spaces of the Duomo and Baptistry and the Palazzo della Signoria, as well as the private palaces of wealthy Florentine families like the Medici, Strozzi, and Rucellai. ...
對財富賦予的物體同樣隱含的權力。十五世紀的作家將藝術活動視為對藝術家公民角色和新共和國地位的公開肯定。富有的人成為了宏偉的公共公民藝術的私人贊助者。魯塞萊認為藝術（贊助）給了他滿足和快樂，「因為它們[物品]服務於上帝的榮耀、城市的榮譽和我自己的紀念」。萊昂納多·布魯尼和其他「公民」人文主義者強調，男人必須拋開私人事務才能承擔公共角色。但十五世紀佛羅倫斯的公民身分僅限於一小群富有的男性菁英，他們與女性，甚至是那些擁有財富和特權的女性區分開來。 “每個人都在尋找我，尊敬我......”布魯尼在談到這座城市對他的崇拜時寫道，“不僅是第一批公民，甚至是最高級別的女性。”對布魯尼來說，佛羅倫斯歷史的中心主題是公共空間的創造；這座城市中教會和政治權力的象徵性焦點很快就成為大教堂、洗禮堂、領主宮的大型公共集會場所，以及美第奇家族、斯特羅齊家族和魯切萊家族等佛羅倫薩富裕家族的私人宮殿。 …
The division between public and private in Florence at that time restructured art as a public, primarily male, activity. This ideology was strengthened as the Republic and later the Medici princes organized Renaissance society as a culture in which male privilege and male lines of property and succession were strongly valued. The Florentine kinship system stressed patrilineal descent and patrilocal residence. Women's loyalty was often suspect; it was believed, for example, that the technical secrets of the Della Robbia family workshop were divulged by a disgruntled female relative. ...
當時佛羅倫斯的公共和私人之間的劃分將藝術重組為公共活動，主要是男性的活動。隨著共和國和後來的美第奇王子將文藝復興社會組織為一種高度重視男性特權、男性財產和繼承權的文化，這種意識形態得到了加強。佛羅倫斯的親屬制度強調父系血統和父系居住。女性的忠誠常常受到懷疑。例如，人們相信德拉·羅比亞家族工坊的技術秘密是由一位心懷不滿的女性親戚洩露的。 …
Although Leon Battista Alberti's treatise, On the Family (1435), is often cited as exemplary of the new humanist ideal, it is in fact the major Renaissance statement on the bourgeois domestication of women and an important indication of male anxiety in response to social change. Reworking Xenophon's Economics, Alberti transformed his source into a rigid prescription for women's lives. Women's virtues are chastity and motherhood; her domain is the private world of the family. Cautioning men not to confide affairs of business to women, but to look to their wives for family and comfort, Alberti, himself a life-long bachelor, advances the humanist model of modesty, purity, passivity, physical attractiveness, chastity ...
儘管萊昂·巴蒂斯塔·阿爾貝蒂的論文《論家庭》（1435）經常被引用為新人文主義理想的典範，但它實際上是文藝復興時期關於資產階級馴化女性的主要陳述，也是男性因應社會變革的焦慮的重要表現。阿爾貝蒂對色諾芬的《經濟學》進行了修改，將其來源轉化為對婦女生活的嚴格規定。婦女的美德是貞潔和母性；她的領域是家庭的私人世界。終生單身的阿爾貝蒂告誡男人不要向女人吐露商業事務，而是要向妻子尋求家庭和安慰，他提出了謙虛、純潔、被動、外表吸引力、貞潔的人文主義模式…
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before marriage, and fidelity ever after. "It would hardly win us respect," he cautions, "if our wife busied herself among the men in the marketplace, out in the public eye." ...
婚前，婚後忠誠。 「如果我們的妻子在市場上的男人中間、在公眾的視線中忙碌，那麼很難贏得我們的尊重，」他警告道。 …
Prescriptive literature contributed to shaping women's lives and participation in general economic and public life. Our view of the fifteenth century in Italy is being constantly revised as research brings new documents to light. We now know of a small group of women humanists, most of them from wealthy and prominent northern Italian families, whose writings specifically addressed the situation of women. They were extravagantly praised by male humanists, as were women artists in the following century, but were also urged to chastity and limited expectations. Often forced to choose between marriage and learning, a significant number of them entered cloisters or secluded themselves otherwise. It appears that the same attitudes worked to keep other women out of occupations that required mobility and public exposure, like the arts. And although modern historians have documented far more complex marriage patterns than those prescribed by Alberti, his ideal reinforces the polarization of Florentine society along strict gender lines. ...
規範性文獻有助於塑造婦女的生活以及參與一般經濟和公共生活。隨著研究揭示新的文獻，我們對十五世紀義大利的看法不斷修正。我們現在知道一小群女性人文主義者，其中大多數來自義大利北部富裕而顯赫的家庭，她們的著作專門討論了婦女的處境。正如下個世紀的女性藝術家一樣，她們受到男性人文主義者的過度讚揚，但也被敦促保持貞潔和有限的期望。他們中的許多人常常被迫在婚姻和學習之間做出選擇，因此進入修道院或以其他方式隱居。看來，同樣的態度也阻止了其他女性從事需要流動性和公眾曝光的職業，例如藝術。儘管現代歷史學家記錄的婚姻模式比阿爾貝蒂規定的婚姻模式複雜得多，但他的理想加劇了佛羅倫薩社會沿著嚴格的性別界限的兩極分化。 …
When the architect Filippo Brunelleschi was commissioned to make a maquette for the construction of the dome for Florence Cathedral in 1418, he and his collaborator, the sculptor Ghiberti, inaugurated a new artistic model. Brunelleschi was the first of a new type of architect, one who had not served an apprenticeship in a mason's lodge; instead he had received a liberal education as the son of a well-to-do Florentine notary. As humanist ideas with their stress on nature and the Antique began to influence the visual arts, education and erudition became prized qualities for artists, as well as scholars and poets. Filippo Villani's De Origine Florentiae et de eiusdem famosis civibus, written at the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century, includes an account of the principal Florentine artists of the day. Characterizing them individually, he points particularly to Giotto, whom he describes as a man of education and learning, for returning art to the study of nature and to the fundamental principles of antiquity. That the first artists separated from the mass of craftsmen active during this period are those-such as Masaccio, Donatello, Uccello, and Ghiberti-whose interests lay mainly in scientific and theoretical knowledge reveals the close links between humanist thought, science, and art at the time. Mathematics, and its teaching, was the connection, and mathematical ...
1418 年，當建築師菲利波·布魯內萊斯基(Filippo Brunelleschi) 受委託為佛羅倫薩大教堂的圓頂建造製作模型時，他和他的合作者雕塑家吉貝爾蒂(Ghiberti) 開創了一種新的藝術模式。布魯內萊斯基是第一個新型建築師，他沒有在泥瓦匠的小屋裡當學徒。相反，他作為一位富裕的佛羅倫薩公證人的兒子接受了自由教育。隨著強調自然和古董的人文主義思想開始影響視覺藝術，教育和博學成為藝術家、學者和詩人的寶貴品質。菲利波·維拉尼 (Filippo Villani) 的《佛羅倫薩起源與民間傳說》寫於十四世紀末或十五世紀初，其中包括對當時佛羅倫薩主要藝術家的描述。在分別描述他們的特徵時，他特別指出了喬托，他將喬托描述為一位受過教育和學問的人，將藝術回歸到對自然的研究和古代的基本原則。第一批從這段時期活躍的工匠群體中分離出來的藝術家——如馬薩喬、多納泰羅、烏切洛和吉貝爾蒂——他們的興趣主要集中在科學和理論知識上，這揭示了人文主義思想、科學和藝術之間的密切聯繫。數學及其教學是聯繫，而數學......
training was now organized by gender. ...
培訓現在按性別組織。 …
The Renaissance Ideal
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Although humanist thinkers advocated a certain equality of education for the daughters and sons of wealthy burghers and patricians, by the fifteenth century the practice of sending girls to public schools had apparently been discontinued. Girls received their education, which concentrated on Christian virtues and moral teachings, primarily at home or in the convent. Boys progressed from schooling at home to public education organized around the affairs of the community; girls were trained for marriage or the cloister. Public education consisted of reading, writing, and arithmetic, with mathematics taking precedence because of the business orientation of Florentine society. Skill in mathematics and an ability to draw were now required of the artisan-engineer. Commercial mathematics, adapted to the needs of a growing merchant class, used skills which were also deeply ingrained in the principles of representation underlying fifteenth-century painting. ...
儘管人文主義思想家主張富裕市民和貴族的子女享有一定程度的教育平等，但到了十五世紀，送女孩去公立學校的做法顯然已經停止。女孩主要在家裡或修道院接受教育，重點是基督教美德和道德教義。男孩從家庭教育發展到圍繞社區事務組織的公共教育；女孩接受婚姻或修道院的訓練。公共教育包括閱讀、寫作和算術，由於佛羅倫薩社會的商業導向，數學優先。現在，工匠兼工程師需要具備數學技能和繪畫能力。商業數學適應了日益增長的商人階級的需求，所使用的技能也深深植根於十五世紀繪畫的表現原則中。 …
The first fully developed adaptation of linear perspective to problems of artistic composition occurred in Masaccio's fresco, The Trinity (1425), at Santa Maria Novella in Florence. The treatment of the architectural setting gives the illusion that we are looking through an arch into a tunnel-vaulted chapel in the style of Brunelleschi. The vanishing point of the fictive architecture, which allows the viewer to experience the two- dimensional surface as if it were a three-dimensional space, is exactly five feet nine inches off the floor, the height of the ideal male Florentine viewer. Alberti, in his treatise on painting (1435-36), which stresses the mathematical sciences as a means of controling visible reality, relates the system of representation to the proportions of the male body; the Florentine unit of measurement, called a braccio, measured twenty-three inches, or the length of a male arm. An understanding of the principle of gauging (a way of establishing spatial relationships and measurements based on the regular dimensions of common objects like cisterns, columns, and paving stones) educated the spectator in seeing and understanding the spatial relationships in the new illusionistic painting. ...
線性透視對藝術構圖問題的第一次完全發展的適應出現在佛羅倫薩新聖母瑪利亞教堂的馬薩喬的壁畫《三位一體》（1425）中。建築環境的處理給人一種錯覺，就像我們正在透過拱門看到布魯內萊斯基風格的隧道拱形教堂。虛構建築的消失點使觀眾能夠體驗二維表面，就好像它是一個三維空間一樣，它距離地面正好五英尺九英寸，這是佛羅倫薩男性觀眾的理想高度。阿爾貝蒂在他的繪畫論文（1435-36）中強調數學科學作為控制可見現實的手段，將表現系統與男性身體的比例連結起來。佛羅倫薩的測量單位，稱為braccio，測量二十三英寸，即男性手臂的長度。對測量原理（一種根據水箱、柱子和鋪路石等常見物體的規則尺寸建立空間關係和測量的方法）的理解可以教育觀眾看到和理解新幻覺繪畫中的空間關係。 …
The close connections between the concerns of merchant and artist in fifteenth-century Florence can be seen in Piero della Francesca's treatises on geometric bodies and perspective, and in his mathematical handbook on the abacus for merchants with its rules for assessing the cubic capacity of barrels and similar objects. The practice of illusionism, through which the fifteenth-century viewer understood pictorial space, elides artist and viewer through the act of seeing-by organizing the pictorial surface so that the viewer takes up a position identical to that originally occupied by the ...
皮耶羅·德拉·弗朗西斯卡（Piero della Francesca）關於幾何體和透視的論文，以及他為商人提供的算盤數學手冊以及評估桶和桶的立方容量的規則，都可以看出十五世紀佛羅倫薩商人和藝術家所關心的問題之間的密切聯繫。十五世紀的觀眾透過幻覺主義的實踐來理解圖像空間，透過觀看的行為來消除藝術家和觀眾——透過組織圖像表面，使觀眾佔據與最初佔據的位置相同的位置。
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25 Masaccio, The Trinity, 1425 ...
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painter. It re-creates the spaces of public life, the piazza and the marketplace, and assumes a spectator used to measuring and quantifying space. The new ideal of the artistic masterpiece was based on Alberti's association of the antique use of perspective with istoria, a term which included monumentality and dramatic content and which gradually provided new criteria against which to measure the male artist's ambitions. ...
畫家。它重新創造了公共生活的空間、廣場和市場，並假設了一個習慣於測量和量化空間的觀眾。藝術傑作的新理想是基於阿爾貝蒂將古董透視法與 istoria 聯繫起來，這個術語包括紀念性和戲劇性內容，並逐漸提供了衡量男性藝術家雄心的新標準。 …
It would be simplistic to suggest that women were unable to understand the new painting, but it is true that as pictorial seeing established itself along learned and scientific principles taught only to men, it was increasingly organized according to male expectations and conventions. Painting became one of a growing list of activities in which women had intuitive, but not learned, knowledge and to whose laws they remained outsiders. The humanist encouragement of education for women did not include mathematics, rhetoric, or the sciences. Bruni specifically cautioned against the study of rhetoric, the one discipline with which a woman might participate publicly in intellectual debate: "To her neither the intricacies of debate nor the oratorial artifices of action and delivery are of the least practical use, if indeed they are not positively unbecoming. Rhetoric (and mathematics) in all its forms... lies absolutely outside the province of women." When Bruni and other humanists advanced their view of Florence as a microcosm of divine order and proportion or explained, as did Nicolaus Cusanus in his Idiota (c. 1450), that the ability to measure is God's greatest gift to man and therefore the root of all wisdom, they were reinforcing woman's removal to a place on the edge of the dominant discourses of Renaissance Florence. ...
如果認為女性無法理解這幅新繪畫，那就太簡單了，但確實，隨著繪畫視覺按照只教給男性的博學和科學原則建立起來，它越來越多地根據男性的期望和慣例進行組織。繪畫成為越來越多的活動之一，在這些活動中，女性擁有直覺的知識，但沒有經過學習，她們仍然是這些活動的局外人。對女性教育的人文主義鼓勵不包括數學、修辭或科學。布魯尼特別警告不要學習修辭學，修辭學是女性可以公開參與知識辯論的一門學科：「對她來說，無論是辯論的複雜性還是行動和表達的演講技巧都沒有實際用處，如果它們確實有用的話。當布魯尼和其他人文主義者將佛羅倫薩視為神聖秩序和比例的縮影時，正如尼古拉斯·庫薩努斯（Nicolaus Cusanus）在他的《Idiota》（約1450年）中所做的那樣，測量的能力是上帝賜給人類的最大禮物，因此是無論如何，他們都在強化女性在文藝復興時期佛羅倫薩主流話語邊緣的地位。 …
Woman's position on the fringes of the new system of representation mirrored her place in society generally. Not only was public space associated with the arts of painting, sculpture, and architecture, it also became the site of vision, of the looking and the visual contemplation associated with aesthetic experience. Scholars have traced the path by which the gaze became a metaphor for the worldliness and virility associated with public man and women became its object. While the display of material wealth through the lavish dresses worn by wealthy Florentine women provoked the archbishop of Florence in 1450 to inveigh against the "gratuitously elaborate costume" as "one of the things which do not serve to arouse devotion but laughter and vain thoughts," some women sought escape from the imbrication of vision and materiality. The Dominican Clare Gambacorta (d. 1419) hoped to avoid scrutiny by establishing a convent "beyond the gaze of men and free from worldly distraction." ...
婦女在新代表制度的邊緣的地位反映了她在社會中的整體地位。公共空間不僅與繪畫、雕塑和建築藝術相關，而且還成為與美學體驗相關的視覺、觀看和視覺沉思的場所。學者們追蹤了凝視如何成為與公共男女相關的世俗和男子氣概的隱喻的路徑。 1450年，佛羅倫薩富有女性通過穿著奢華的服裝來展示物質財富，這激怒了佛羅倫薩大主教，他猛烈抨擊這種“無端精緻的服裝”，稱其“除了引起笑聲和徒勞的思想外，不會引起虔誠， 「有些女性尋求逃離視覺和物質的交織。多明尼加人克萊爾·甘巴科塔（Clare Gambacorta，卒於 1419 年）希望透過建立一座「超越人類視線、不受世俗幹擾」的修道院來避免審查。 …
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It is not surprising that it was at precisely this moment that the "male" art of painting was elevated above the "female" art of embroidery. Under guild regulation painters did not distinguish between the designs produced for altarpieces, tapestries, banners, chests, etc. The painters Neri di Bicci, Sandro Botticelli, and Squarcione, as well as Antonio Pollaiuolo, all produced designs for professional embroiderers. Although Parker has shown how the technique called or nué, in which gold threads are laid horizontally and shaded by colored silk in couching stitches, enabled embroiderers to achieve the same perspectival effects as painters, and was used by painters like Pollaiuolo in his embroidery The Birth of John the Baptist, it was during this period that embroidery became the province of the woman amateur. Redefined as a domestic art requiring manual labor and collective activity rather than individual genius, mathematical reasoning, and divine inspiration, embroidery and needlework came to signify domesticity and "femininity." ...
毫不奇怪，正是在這個時刻，「男性」繪畫藝術被提升到「女性」刺繡藝術之上。根據行會規定，畫家並不區分為祭壇畫、掛毯、橫幅、箱子等製作的設計。奎爾西奧內（Squarcione）以及安東尼奧·波萊尤洛（Antonio Pollaiuolo）都為專業刺繡師製作設計。儘管帕克已經展示了一種稱為“nué”的技術，即金線水平放置，並在水平針跡中用彩色絲綢著色，使刺繡師能夠達到與畫家相同的透視效果，並被波拉尤洛等畫家在他的刺繡《誕生》中使用。刺繡和針線活被重新定義為一種需要體力勞動和集體活動而不是個人天才、數學推理和神聖靈感的家庭藝術，開始象徵家庭生活和「女性氣質」。 …
Although much of the art of fifteenth-century Florence remained religious in content and patronage, there was also a shift from the representation of secular figures as mere adjuncts to religious scenes to the emergence of the individual portrait. The appearance of the profile portrait in the middle of the century conflated subject and patron in images which described worldly position, identity, wealth, and social standing, and refocused attention on women's costume, demeanor, and material embellishment. ...
儘管十五世紀佛羅倫薩的大部分藝術在內容和贊助方面仍然是宗教性的，但也有一個轉變，即從僅僅作為宗教場景的附屬物的世俗人物的表現到個人肖像的出現。二十世紀中葉側臉肖像的出現，將主體與贊助人混為一談，描繪了世俗地位、身份、財富和社會地位，並重新將注意力集中在女性的服裝、舉止和物質裝飾上。 …
The transfer of property and the social realignments that accompanied marriage in Renaissance Florence isolate this as the key moment in the life of a young girl; one in which free choice and physical attractiveness played little or no part. The profile portrait, with its emphasis on linear design and two-dimensionality, and on “mapping" the surfaces of body and garments rather than realizing the figure volumetrically, results in an image that is closer to a schematic rendering of reality than a naturalistic portrayal. Its sources show that it was an affirmation of material reality. Influenced by the profile paintings of Gothic Italy, it originated around 1440 in cast medals by Pisanello which recall the coins of the Roman emperors but which now commemorated individuals of high achievement and/or patrician rank who wished to immortalize themselves. Art historians have generally examined profile portraits in relation to their stylistic sources, but these new representations of secular men and women became in the 1980s an important source for analyses of gender in the early Renaissance. ...
在文藝復興時期的佛羅倫薩，財產的轉移和伴隨婚姻而來的社會重組將這段時期隔離為年輕女孩一生中的關鍵時刻；在這種情況下，自由選擇和外表吸引力幾乎沒有發揮作用。側面肖像強調線性設計和二維性，以及「映射」身體和服裝的表面，而不是透過體積來實現人物形象，所產生的圖像更接近現實的示意性渲染，而不是自然主義的描繪它的來源表明，它是對物質現實的肯定，受到意大利哥特式人物畫的影響，它起源於1440 年左右由皮薩內洛鑄造的獎章，這些獎章讓人想起羅馬皇帝的硬幣，但現在是為了紀念傑出成就和/或個人。 ……
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Patricia Simons has convincingly demonstrated how female profile portraits by Pisanello, Piero della Francesca, Ghirlandaio, and others produce a version of femininity, wealth, and lineage through a careful cataloguing of the objects of the wealthy Florentine household: meticulously delineated gold and seed jewelry, brocades and silks, emblems and family crests. Through marriage and family alliances, women became signs for the honor and wealth which defined social prestige for Florentine citizens. Alberti himself suggested a careful visual inspection of the female goods which would bear the husband's inheritance, advising future grooms to act "as do wise heads of families before they acquire some property—they like to look it over several times before they actually sign a contract." At the same time, he urged men to seek moral and spiritual qualities in a bride; "a man must first seek beauty of mind, that is, good conduct and virtue." In these idealized portraits, material and spiritual qualities are elided, as if wealth were legitimized in the eyes of God through the spirituality conveyed by the remote gazes and severe poses of the female sitters. Their demeanor one of virtue, piety, and submission to the authority of husband, Church, and state, these female figures do not look; they are turned away and presented as surfaces to be gazed upon. The same convention holds for male profile portraits, but it is surely significant that by mid-century the profile view was largely abandoned in representations of male figures in favor of three-quarter views. Not until the 1470s do portraits of women follow this ...
帕特里夏·西蒙斯（Patricia Simons）令人信服地展示了皮薩內洛（Pisanello）、皮耶羅·德拉·弗朗西斯卡（Piero della Francesca）、基爾蘭達約（Ghirlandaio）等人的女性側面肖像如何透過對佛羅倫薩富裕家庭的物品進行仔細分類來產生女性氣質、財富和血統的版本：精心描繪的黃金和種子珠寶，錦緞和絲綢、徽章和家族徽章。透過婚姻和家庭聯盟，婦女成為榮譽和財富的標誌，這定義了佛羅倫薩公民的社會威望。阿爾貝蒂本人建議對將承擔丈夫遺產的女性物品進行仔細的目視檢查，並建議未來的新郎「像聰明的家長在獲得財產之前所做的那樣——他們喜歡在真正簽署合約之前仔細檢查幾次」 」。同時，他敦促男人在新娘身上尋求道德和精神品質； 「做人首先要求心靈美，即良好的品行和美德」。在這些理想化的肖像中，物質和精神品質被忽略，彷彿財富透過女性模特兒遙遠的目光和嚴肅的姿勢所傳達的靈性在上帝眼中合法化。她們的行為是美德、虔誠和服從丈夫、教會和國家的權威，這些女性人物看起來並不像；它們被轉開並呈現為可供凝視的表面。同樣的慣例也適用於男性側面肖像，但值得注意的是，到了本世紀中葉，側面肖像在男性人物的表現中基本上被放棄了，取而代之的是四分之三的視角。直到 1470 年代，女性肖像才遵循這種做法…
example. ...
例子。 …
Ghirlandaio's Giovanna Tornabuoni née Albizzi (1488) emphasizes Giovanna's role as a chaste, decorous piece of her husband's lineage. His initial L appears on her shoulder and his family's triangular emblem is embroidered onto her garment. The inscription behind the figure ("O art, if thou were able to depict the conduct and soul, no lovelier painting would exist on earth") commends virtuous conduct and spiritual quality. The portrait is commemorative for Tornabuoni died in 1488 during her pregnancy. Framed in front of a niche, she appears as a beautiful object of contemplation at a time when women were banned from displaying themselves at windows and when sumptuary laws barred ornate and lavish dress. ...
基爾蘭達約（Ghirlandaio）的《喬凡娜·托納博尼（Giovanna Tornabuoni née Albizzi）》（1488）強調了喬凡娜作為她丈夫血統中貞潔、高雅的一部分的角色。他的首字母 L 出現在她的肩膀上，他家族的三角形徽章繡在她的衣服上。人物背後的銘文（「藝術啊，如果你能描繪出行為和靈魂，地球上就沒有比這更可愛的畫了」）讚揚道德行為和精神品質。這幅肖像畫是為了紀念托爾納布奧尼於 1488 年在懷孕期間去世。在禁止婦女在櫥窗前展示自己以及奢侈法禁止華麗和奢華服裝的時代，她被框在一個壁龕前，成為一個美麗的沉思對象。 …
Not until the sixteenth century did a few women manage to turn the new Renaissance emphasis on virtue and gentility into positive attributes for the woman artist. Their careers were made possible by birth into artist families and the training that accompanied it, or into the upper class where the spread of Renaissance ideas about the desirability of education opened new possibilities for women. Many of them benefited from the ...
直到十六世紀，一些女性才成功地將新文藝復興時期對美德和溫柔的強調轉變為女性藝術家的正面特質。她們的職業生涯之所以成為可能，是因為她們出生在藝術家家庭並接受了隨之而來的培訓，或者進入了上層階級，文藝復興時期關於教育的渴望的思想的傳播為女性開闢了新的可能性。他們中的許多人受益於...
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26 Domenico Ghirlandaio, Giovanna Tornabuoni née Albizzi, 1488 ...
26 多梅尼科‧基爾蘭達約 (Domenico Ghirlandaio)，喬瓦娜‧托納博尼 (Giovanna Tornabuoni)，娘家姓阿爾比齊 (Albizzi)，1488 年...
Counter Reformation's emphasis on piety and accomplishment; for all of them, their social and professional accomplishments were conflated so that their success as artists was inseparable from their virtues as women. ...
反宗教改革強調虔誠和成就；對她們所有人來說，她們的社會和職業成就被融合在一起，因此她們作為藝術家的成功與她們作為女性的美德密不可分。 …
Sofonisba Anguissola's example opened up the possibility of painting to women as a socially acceptable profession, while her work established new conventions for self-portraiture by women and for Italian genre painting. Like many subsequent women artists, she has been subjected to wildly fluctuating critical evaluations: from Baldinucci's assertion in the seventeenth century that she was the equal of Titian in portraiture, to Sydney Freedberg's complete dismissal of her in 1971 for lacking skill in drawing. Her relative lack of training, compared with that of major male artists of her day (three years of private instruction in the studios of Bernardino Campi and Bernardino Gatti as opposed to the minimum four years of workshop training for male painters) is historical fact, yet she remains ...
索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉（Sofonisba Anguissola）的例子為女性開啟了繪畫作為一種社會可接受的職業的可能性，而她的作品為女性自畫像和意大利風俗畫建立了新的慣例。與後來的許多女性藝術家一樣，她也受到了劇烈波動的批評評價：從17 世紀巴爾迪努奇聲稱她在肖像畫方面與提香平起平坐，到1971 年西德尼·弗里德伯格因缺乏繪畫技巧而徹底駁回她。與她那個時代的主要男性藝術家相比，她相對缺乏培訓（在貝爾納迪諾·坎皮和貝爾納迪諾·加蒂的工作室接受三年的私人指導，而男性畫家至少接受四年的工作室培訓）是歷史事實，但她仍然...
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the only woman of her time credited with the ability to infuse an image with life; and her work was both appreciated and understood by her contemporaries. Although she may not rank with Titian, she is of considerable interest to anyone seeking to ...
她是那個時代唯一被認為有能力為形象注入生命的女性；她的作品受到同時代人的讚賞和理解。儘管她可能無法與提香並列，但任何尋求…的人都會對她產生相當大的興趣…
understand sixteenth-century portraiture and court patronage. The high regard in which Anguissola's work was held by seventeenth- and eighteenth-century collectors did not survive into the nineteenth century, an epoch that saw many of her paintings assigned to male artists, among them Alonso Sánchez Coello, Giovanni Moroni, and Titian. The publication of two monographs on Anguissola since 1987 and a major retrospective exhibition (her first) and catalogue in 1994, have done much to clarify her naturalism and inventiveness in a type of genre scene pioneered in Lombardy; her significance as a link between Italian and Spanish portraiture of the sixteenth century; and her influence on later Italian self-portraiture. She is, as Ann Sutherland Harris notes, unique in her astonishing variety of portraits, and in producing more self-portraits than any artist between Dürer and Rembrandt. At least one work by Anguissola, Bernardino Campi Painting Sofonisba Anguissola (probably late 1550s) suggests that not only was she aware of her own image as an exemplar of female achievement, but also that she understood the importance of the artistic lineage between pupil and master, and her unique role as a producer of images of women. Here she paints herself as if she were being painted, perhaps the first historical example of the woman artist articulating the complex relationship between female subjectivity and agency, its positioning within patriarchal structures of knowledge, and the role of woman as an object of representation. ...
了解十六世紀的肖像畫和宮廷贊助。安吉索拉的作品受到十七世紀和十八世紀收藏家的高度重視並沒有延續到十九世紀，在這個時代，她的許多畫作都被分配給男性藝術家，其中包括阿隆索·桑切斯·科埃略、喬凡尼·莫羅尼和提香。自1987 年以來出版了兩本關於安吉索拉的專著，以及1994 年舉辦的一次大型回顧展（她的第一次展覽）和目錄，這些都極大地闡明了她在倫巴第首創的流派場景中的自然主義和創造力；她作為連結十六世紀義大利和西班牙肖像畫的重要橋樑；以及她對後來義大利自畫像的影響。正如安·薩瑟蘭·哈里斯（Ann Sutherland Harris）所指出的那樣，她的肖像畫種類繁多，令人驚嘆，而且比丟勒和倫勃朗之間的任何藝術家都創作了更多的自畫像，這是她的獨特之處。至少安吉索拉的一件作品，貝爾納迪諾·坎皮(Bernardino Campi) 的《索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉》(Sofonisba Anguissola)（可能是1550 年代末）表明，她不僅意識到自己作為女性成就典範的形象，也了解學生和老師之間藝術血統的重要性，以及她作為女性形象製作人的獨特角色。在這裡，她把自己畫得好像她正在被畫一樣，這也許是女性藝術家闡明女性主體性和能動性之間複雜關係、其在父權知識結構中的定位以及女性作為再現對象的角色的第一個歷史例子。 …
The exact date of Anguissola's birth is unknown. Based on available facts concerning her early life, and self-portraits which can be firmly dated, most scholars place it around 1535, or perhaps slightly later. She was the daughter of Amilcare Anguissola, a widower and nobleman who apparently decided to educate his seven children according to the humanist ideals of the Renaissance in the belief that they would bring honor to their city. Among Amilcare Anguissola's friends was the prelate and humanist Marco Gerolamo Vida from Cremona who had taken up the career of another young woman, the poet and humanist Partenia Gallerati. Three of Anguissola's sisters also became painters and Amilcare Anguissola's ambitions for his daughter are expressed in two letters in which he solicited the support of Michelangelo. In the first of these, dated 1557, he thanked him for his advice: "We are much obliged to have perceived the honorable and affable affection that you have and show for Sofonisba; I speak of my daughter, the ...
安吉索拉的確切出生日期未知。根據有關她早年生活的現有事實以及可以確定年代的自畫像，大多數學者將其時間定為 1535 年左右，或者可能稍晚一些。她是阿米爾卡·安吉索拉（Amilcare Anguissola）的女兒，阿米爾卡·安吉索拉是一位鰥夫和貴族，他顯然決定按照文藝復興時期的人文主義理想教育他的七個孩子，相信他們將為自己的城市帶來榮譽。阿米爾卡·安吉索拉的朋友中有來自克雷莫納的主教和人文主義者馬可·傑羅拉莫·維達，她接替了另一位年輕女性詩人和人文主義者帕特尼亞·加勒拉蒂的事業。安吉索拉的三個姐妹也成為了畫家，阿米爾卡·安吉索拉對女兒的抱負在兩封信中得到了表達，他在信中尋求米開朗基羅的支持。在 1557 年的第一封信中，他感謝索福尼斯巴的建議：「我們非常感謝您對索福尼斯巴的尊敬和友善的感情；我說的是我的女兒，...
Chapter 2
第二章
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one whom I caused to begin to practice the most honorable virtue of painting.... I beg of you that... you will see fit to send her one of your drawings that she may color it in oil, with the obligation to return it to you faithfully finished by her own hand." Michelangelo, who is known to have helped a succession of young artists by sending them drawings, had requested from Anguissola a difficult subject-a weeping boy. She sent him a drawing of her brother, Asdrubale, titled Boy Bitten by a Crayfish (before 1559). A letter from Michelangelo's friend Tomaso Cavalieri, written to Cosimo de Medici on January 20, 1562, included the drawing as a gift along with another drawing by Michelangelo. The drawing situates Anguissola firmly within traditions of artistic experimentation in Lombardy that followed Leonardo da Vinci's studies of physiognomy. An early painting, the charming Three Sisters Playing Chess (1555), with its genre-like theme and emotional directness and intimacy, initiated a new direction in Italian painting. ...
我讓她開始實踐最光榮的繪畫美德……我求你……你認為適合將你的一幅畫寄給她，讓她用油畫給它上色，並有義務歸還米開朗基羅以幫助一大批年輕藝術家寄畫而聞名，她向安吉索拉提出了一個困難的主題——一個哭泣的男孩。咬傷的男孩》（1559 年之前）是米開朗基羅的朋友托馬索·卡瓦列裡(Tomaso Cavalieri) 於1562 年1 月20 日寫給科西莫·德·美第奇(Cosimo de Medici) 的一封信，其中包含了這幅畫作為禮物以及米開朗基羅的另一幅畫作。 《下棋的三姊妹》（1555）以其流派般的主題和情感的直接和親密，開創了義大利繪畫的新方向。 …
It was the Duke of Alba, advised by the governor of Milan, who called the attention of the Spanish Court to her work. She was escorted to Spain with great ceremony in 1559, where she served as Court painter and lady-in-waiting to the successive Queens, Isabel of Valois and Anne of Austria, until 1573. While there she was paid in the customary manner with a salary as a lady-in-waiting and in 1561 she was given a lifelong pension of 200 ducats payable to her father. Her status at Court is indicated by the fact that, before she left Spain, the King arranged her marriage to a wealthy Italian and provided a dowry. ...
阿爾巴公爵在米蘭總督的建議下，引起了西班牙宮廷對她工作的關注。 1559 年，她被隆重地護送至西班牙，在那裡，她擔任歷任女王瓦盧瓦的伊莎貝爾和奧地利的安妮的宮廷畫家和侍女，直到 1573 年。獲得了向父親支付的200杜卡特的終身退休金。在她離開西班牙之前，國王安排她與一位富有的意大利人結婚並提供嫁妝，這一事實表明了她在宮廷中的地位。 …
27 Sofonisba Anguissola, Boy Bitten by a Crayfish, before 1559 ...
27 Sofonisba Anguissola，被小龍蝦咬傷的男孩，1559 年之前…
The Renaissance Ideal
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Anguissola's social status prohibited her from selling w and her paintings circulated within elevated social circles which they were given as gifts. Thus the first woman paint- achieve fame and respect did so within a set of constraints removed her from competing for commissions with her ma contemporaries and that effectively placed her within a crit category of her own. Compounding the attribution problem surrounding her work of the Spanish period, is the fact tha Court could order multiple copies of a completed painting any of its portraitists. When Anguissola's portrait of Don Ca pleased the prince in 1568, he ordered thirteen copies of it fr the King's court painter Alfonso Sanchez Coello. ...
安吉索拉的社會地位禁止她出售作品，她的繪畫在上流社會圈子內流通，並被作為禮物贈送。因此，第一位獲得名聲和尊重的女性繪畫是在一系列限制條件下實現的，這使她無法與她同時代的人競爭佣金，這實際上將她置於她自己的批判類別中。使圍繞她西班牙時期作品的歸屬問題變得更加複雜的是，法院可以訂購其任何肖像畫家完成的畫作的多份副本。 1568 年，當安吉索拉為唐·卡繪製的肖像令王子滿意時，他向國王宮廷畫家阿方索·桑切斯·科埃洛訂購了十三幅這幅肖像畫。 …
Among the small group of documented self-portraits from the Spanish period is a Self-Portrait of 1561, depicting the artist as a serious, conservatively dressed young woman at ti keyboard of a spinet. She is accompanied by an old woman, perhaps a chaperone who went with her to Spain. Anguissola presentation of herself as a modest young woman of refinem and culture places the work in a tradition of self-portraits wh articulate the Renaissance ideal of the artist as gentleman/ woman rather than artisan. The presence of the musical instrument may show Anguissola's skills as a member of a cultured noble family at a time when musical accomplishme long recognized as desirable for noblemen and women, was becoming a mark of culture for artists of both sexes. ...
在西班牙時期記錄的一小群自畫像中，有一幅 1561 年的自畫像，將藝術家描繪成一位嚴肅、衣著保守的年輕女子，坐在一架豎琴鍵盤前。陪伴她的是一位老婦人，可能是一位陪她去西班牙的陪伴者。安吉索拉將自己描繪成一位謙虛、優雅、有文化的年輕女性，這使得作品融入了自畫像的傳統，闡明了文藝復興時期藝術家作為紳士/女人而不是工匠的理想。這種樂器的存在可能顯示了安吉索拉作為有教養的貴族家庭成員的技能，當時音樂成就長期以來被認為是貴族和婦女所嚮往的，而音樂成就正成為男女藝術家的文化標誌。 …
The self-portrait relates to a group of works executed in northern Italy where Spanish influence had been strong sinc the early part of the sixteenth century when Milan had come under direct Spanish rule. Anguissola's portraits, like the late portraits of Giovanni Battista Moroni (who was born during t 1520s in Bergamo, not far from Cremona), were executed unde the shadow of Titian, the influence of the Counter Reformatic and the conservatism of Philip II's Spain. ...
這幅自畫像與在義大利北部創作的一組作品有關，自十六世紀初米蘭受到西班牙直接統治以來，西班牙的影響就一直在那裡。安吉索拉的肖像畫，就像喬瓦尼·巴蒂斯塔·莫羅尼（Giovanni Battista Moroni，1520年代出生於距離克雷莫納不遠的貝加莫）的晚期肖像畫一樣，都是在提在香的陰影、反宗教改革派和菲利普二世統治下的西班牙保守主義的影響下創作的。 …
Moroni's Portrait of a Man (The Tailor) (c. 1570) reveals a similar treatment of the figure and the simplified dark wall. in Anguissola's Self-Portrait, the figures make eye contact with the spectator; in both, attention is drawn to the face and hanc The portrait tradition introduced into Spain by Moroni and Coello during Philip II's reign clearly influenced Anguissola's painting. Yet her self-portrait may also be read as indicating h position at the Spanish Court and her awareness of Philip II's cultural aspirations. Its date, 1561, corresponds to the date when Philip moved his court from Toledo to Madrid, where the Prado Palace provided a regal setting for the artists who worke for him. Philip modeled his court on the lavish Burgundians and he cultivated musicians as well as artists. His own love of ...
莫羅尼的《男人肖像》（裁縫）（約 1570 年）揭示了對人物和簡化的暗牆的類似處理。在安吉索拉的《自畫像》中，人物與觀眾有眼神接觸；在這兩幅作品中，人們的注意力都集中在臉部和手部。然而，她的自畫像也可以被解讀為表明她在西班牙宮廷中的立場以及她對腓力二世文化抱負的認識。它的日期是 1561 年，與菲利普將宮廷從托萊多遷至馬德里的日期相對應，普拉多宮為為他工作的藝術家提供了一個富麗堂皇的環境。菲利普以奢侈的勃艮地人為藍本建立了他的宮廷，他培養了音樂家和藝術家。他自己的愛...
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music is well documented, and it is not surprising that in one of her first self-portraits from Spain Anguissola should choose to emphasize the qualities that ensured her position in the royal household. ...
音樂有據可查，毫不奇怪，在她來自西班牙的第一幅自畫像中，安吉索拉選擇強調確保她在王室地位的品質。 …
Anguissola's complex relationship to the traditions of northern Italian and Spanish portraiture has led to her work being confused not only with that of Titian, da Vinci, and Moroni, but also Van Dyck, Sustermans, Coello, and Zurbaran. Paintings such as the Portrait of Isabel of Valois (1561), Philip II (c. 1565), and Portrait of Queen Anne of Austria (c. 1570) reveal her familiarity with the formal conventions of portraiture at the Spanish Court. They also differ from similar depictions by Coello and other (male) painters employed by the Spanish Court. Anguissola's social standing and her status as a lady-in- waiting mediated her relationship to the royal family in ways not necessarily shared by all court painters, allowing her more consistent access to the female members of the Court than might otherwise have been the case. Her portrait of Anne of Austria, Philip II's fourth wife, for example, concentrates on the half-figure rather than the more usual full-length treatment, ...
安吉索拉與義大利北部和西班牙肖像畫傳統的複雜關係導致她的作品不僅與提香、達文西和莫羅尼的作品相混淆，而且還與範戴克、蘇斯特曼斯、科埃洛和祖巴蘭的作品混淆。 《瓦盧瓦的伊莎貝爾肖像》（1561 年）、《腓力二世肖像》（約1565 年）和《奧地利安妮女王肖像》（約1570 年）等畫作顯示出她對西班牙宮廷肖像畫正式慣例的熟悉。它們也不同於科埃洛和西班牙宮廷僱用的其他（男性）畫家的類似描繪。安吉索拉的社會地位和宮女身份以並非所有宮廷畫家都認同的方式調解了她與王室的關係，這使她能夠比其他情況更一致地接觸宮廷女性成員。例如，她對腓力二世的第四任妻子奧地利的安妮的肖像集中於半身像，而不是更常見的全身處理，...
28 ABOVE LEFT Sofonisba Anguissola, Self-Portrait, 1561 29 BELOW RIGHT Giovanni Moroni, Portrait of a Man (The Tailor), c. 1570 ...
28 左上 Sofonisba Anguissola，自畫像，1561 年 29 右下 Giovanni Moroni，一個男人的肖像（裁縫），c. 1570 ...
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30 Sofonisb Portrait of Q of Austria, c. ...
30 Sofonisb 奧地利 Q 肖像，c. …
an example of which can be seen in Coello's well-known portrait of the queen now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum Vienna. The half-length format encourages a more immedia and intimate rendering of the queen, while Anguissola's interactions with the royal family must have encouraged the subtle intimacies of expression captured here and in many other of her portraits. ...
科埃洛著名的女王肖像畫就是一個例子，現藏於維也納藝術史博物館。半身畫幅鼓勵對女王更加直接和親密的描繪，而安吉索拉與王室成員的互動肯定鼓勵了這裡和她的許多其他肖像中捕捉到的微妙的親密表情。 …
As long as she stressed her status as a gentlewoman, Anguissola's actions as a professional painter did not conflic with the ideology of Renaissance womanhood outlined in Castiglione's Courtier. At the same time, she worked in a peri when the discourses of representation, sexuality, and morali were beginning to meet in representations of the female nud A glorification of erotic and aesthetic experience underlies th Neoplatonic influence on sixteenth-century painting. In his Theologia Platonica, Marsilio Ficino had argued that physical beauty excites the soul to the contemplation of spiritual or ...
只要強調自己淑女的身份，安吉索拉作為職業畫家的行為就不會與郎世寧《朝臣》中概述的文藝復興時期女性意識形態相衝突。同時，她的創作處於後期，當時再現、性和道德的話語開始在女性裸體的再現中相遇。馬西利奧·菲奇諾 (Marsilio Ficino) 在他的《柏拉圖神學》中指出，身體之美會激發靈魂對精神或…的沉思。
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divine beauty. As painting began to record a more sensuous ideal of beauty, writers like Agnolo Firenzuola, author of the most complete Renaissance treatise on beauty, published in 1548, described the preferred attributes of female beauty. The description of the noblewoman with fair skin, curling hair, dark eyes and perfectly curved brows, and rounded flesh recalls a number of paintings of the period, including many by Titian. ...
神聖的美麗。隨著繪畫開始記錄更感性的美理想，阿尼奧洛·菲倫佐拉(Agnolo Firenzuola) 等作家描述了女性美的首選屬性。首選屬性。這位擁有白皙皮膚、捲曲頭髮、黑眼睛、完美彎曲的眉毛和圓潤肌膚的貴族女子的描述讓人想起了那個時期的許多畫作，其中包括提香的許多畫作。 …
Anguissola's self-portrait is posed much like Titian's painting called La Bella (c. 1536), but there the resemblance ends. Though recognized as a portrait, Titian's painting is the first well-documented case of a portrait sold as a work of art rather than a description of a specific person. Under the influence of Neoplatonism, beauty became associated with idealized womanhood. In poetry, ideal personifications dwelled on specific anatomical features. Although La Bella is an ideal portrait, Titian treats his sitter-who looks out of the frame with candid gaze, the curves of her flesh visible under the rich brocade of her bodice-with the reserve appropriate to a highborn lady. Elizabeth Cropper has described the portrayal of her physical beauty as a synecdoche for the beauty of painting itself because it transposes the material world into spiritual value. Paintings such as this led to a long and complex tradition in which anonymous female beauty was identified with sexuality, often with the sexual availability of the artist's model or ...
安吉索拉的自畫像的姿勢很像提香的畫作《美麗的女人》（La Bella，約 1536 年），但相似之處僅止於此。儘管提香的畫作被認為是一幅肖像畫，但它是第一個有據可查的肖像畫作為藝術品而不是對特定人物的描述出售的案例。在新柏拉圖主義的影響下，美麗與理想化的女性氣質連結在一起。在詩歌中，理想的擬人化體現在特定的解剖特徵上。儘管《拉貝拉》是一幅理想的肖像畫，提香卻以一位出身高貴的女士所特有的矜持態度對待他的模特——她以坦誠的目光看著畫外，她的肉體曲線在她華麗的錦緞緊身胸衣下清晰可見。伊麗莎白·克羅珀（Elizabeth Cropper）將她對身體美的描繪描述為繪畫本身之美的提喻，因為它將物質世界轉化為精神價值。諸如此類的繪畫導致了一個漫長而複雜的傳統，其中匿名的女性美被認為與性有關，通常與藝術家模特兒或......的性可用性有關。
31 Titian, La Bella, c. 1536 ...
31 提香，拉貝拉，c。 1536 ...
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mistress. Identifying the painting of female beauty with the artist's sexual access to the women who modeled for him, t poet Pietro Aretino wrote around 1542 that Titian's brushes were equivalent to Love's "arrow." ...
情婦。詩人彼得羅·阿雷蒂諾 (Pietro Aretino) 在 1542 年左右寫道，提香的畫筆相當於愛的“箭”，他將女性美的繪畫等同於藝術家對為他建模的女性的性接觸。 …
Sofonisba Anguissola's age and sex prevented her from engaging in an aesthetic dialogue which revolved around Neoplatonic concepts of the metaphoric relationship betwe paint and beauty, the earthly and the sublime, the material the celestial. That Vasari and other male writers responded Anguissola and her sisters as prodigies of nature rather tha artists is even more understandable in the context of aesthe dialogues which identify the act of painting with the male artist's sexual prowess. Anguissola could not use paint as a metaphor for possessible beauty without violating the socia role that made possible her life as a painter. As an artist, she participated in a world of sensation and pleasure; to do so a: an unmarried woman would exceed and violate nature. It is her virtue which both Anguissola and her biographers stress Her self-portraits return the focus of painting to the persona which cannot be read as heroic, or larger than life, or divine Instead they reveal the inner attributes of modesty, patience and virtue. ...
索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉（Sofonisba Anguissola）的年齡和性別使她無法參與圍繞新柏拉圖主義概念的美學對話，即繪畫與美、塵世與崇高、物質與天體之間的隱喻關係。瓦薩里和其他男性作家將安吉索拉和她的姐妹們視為自然奇才而不是藝術家，在將繪畫行為與男性藝術家的性能力等同起來的美學對話背景下，這一點就更容易理解了。安吉索拉不能用繪畫來比喻可佔有的美，而不違背使她成為畫家的社會角色。作為一名藝術家，她參與了一個充滿感覺和快樂的世界；這樣做a：未婚女子就會超越和違背自然。安吉索拉和她的傳記作者都強調她的美德。的內在屬性。 …
Among the major works believed to be by Anguissola is th largest of the Tudor portraits in the National Portrait Galler London, a full-length portrait of Philip II long believed to ha been painted by Coello. It has been reattributed to Anguisso though the attribution remains questionable. Although the pose apparently derives from Titian's full-length Philip as a Young Man (1550-51) in the Prado, the composition is reversed Broad surfaces of scumbled pigment, combined with the candour of the representation, strip the work of the artifice associated with much contemporary formal portraiture. A portrait of a Cremonese doctor, also in the Prado, and signed by Sofonisba's sister, Lucia, reveals a similar dignity and humanity. Other works by Anguissola, like the late Virgin with Child, reveal her closeness to Correggio and Luca Cambia as well as the circle of the Campi. ...
被認為是安吉索拉創作的主要作品之一是倫敦國家肖像畫廊中最大的都鐸肖像畫，這是一幅菲利普二世的全身肖像，長期以來被認為是由科埃洛繪製的。儘管歸屬仍存疑問，但它已被重新歸因於安吉索。雖然這個姿勢顯然源自提香在普拉多的全長《年輕的菲利普》（1550-51），但構圖卻相反。技巧。普拉多博物館裡還有一幅克雷莫納醫生的肖像，上面有索福尼斯巴的妹妹露西婭的簽名，也展現了類似的尊嚴和人性。安吉索拉的其他作品，如已故的《聖母與孩子》，揭示了她與科雷喬和盧卡·坎比亞以及坎皮圈子的親密關係。 …
Amilcare Anguissola's decision to dedicate his daughter to art set a precedent. Other Italian artists took on female pupil and the introduction to a collection of poems assembled on the occasion of the death of Titian's pupil, Irene di Spilimbergo, records that, "having been shown a portrait by Sofonisba Anguissola, made by her own hand, presented to King Philip of Spain, and hearing wondrous praise of her in the art of painting, moved by generous emulation, she was fired with a warm desire to equal that noble and talented ...
阿米爾卡·安吉索拉 (Amilcare Anguissola) 決定將女兒奉獻給藝術，開創了先例。其他義大利藝術家也以女學生為對象，在提香的學生艾琳·迪·斯皮林貝戈去世之際收集的一本詩集的介紹中寫道，「在向索福尼斯巴·安吉索拉在展示了一幅由她親手製作的肖像後，呈現了她拜訪了西班牙國王菲利普，聽到了對她繪畫藝術的讚譽，被慷慨的效仿所感動，她燃起了一種與這位高貴而才華橫溢的人相媲美的強烈願望…
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32 Lucia Anguissola, Portrait of Pietro Maria, Doctor of Cremona, c. 1560 ...
32 露西亞‧安吉索拉 (Lucia Anguissola)，克雷莫納醫生彼得羅‧瑪麗亞 (Pietro Maria) 的肖像，c. 1560 ...
damsel." Anguissola's invitation to the court of Philip II was the precedent for many other women artists who, excluded from institutional help-academic training, papal and civic patronage, guilds and workshops-found support in the courts of Europe between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries. Her work also directly influenced that of Lavinia Fontana, one of a group of important women artists produced by the city of Bologna in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. ...
安吉索拉對腓力二世宮廷的邀請是許多其他女性藝術家的先例，她們被排除在機構幫助之外——學術培訓、教皇和公民贊助、行會和講習班——在十六世紀到二在十世紀的歐洲宮廷中找到了支持。的一批重要的女性藝術家。
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Art history's conception of the Renaissance as an historica geographically, and culturally unique period is based on the lives and achievements of men. The history of women' contributions to visual culture does not necessarily fit nea into categories produced by and around men's activities, a accepting the concept of the Renaissance as a frame carrie with it inherent risks for a feminist history. There is, on th hand, a danger of rewriting women's production in ways th "fit them into" preexisting categories; and on the other, th of trivializing women's achievements by seeing them throu the lens of sexual difference. Women artists such as Prope de' Rossi, Lavinia Fontana, Elisabetta Sirani, Diana Mantu (also called Diana Scultori), and Artemisia Gentileschi achi a remarkable degree of public visibility and renown during lifetimes. Their achievements were cited as evidence of wh= woman could do, but male writers often followed Boccaccic example and asserted that famous women were miraculous endowed with the qualities that enabled them to succeed a thus could not serve as models for ordinary women. ...
藝術史將文藝復興視為地理上和文化上獨特的時期的概念是基於人類的生活和成就。女性對視覺文化的貢獻的歷史並不一定適合於男性活動所產生的類別，接受文藝復興作為框架的概念會為女性主義歷史帶來固有的風險。另一方面，有以「適應」預先存在的類別的方式重寫婦女生產的危險。另一方面，透過性別差異的視角來看待女性的成就，從而貶低她們的成就。 Prope de' Rossi、Lavinia Fontana、Elisabetta Sirani、Diana Mantu（也稱為 Diana Scultori）和 Artemisia Gentileschi 等女藝術家一生中都獲得了極高的公眾知名度和聲譽。她們的成就被引用為女性能做什麼的證據，但男性作家經常效仿薄伽丘的例子，斷言著名女性神奇地擁有使她們成功的品質，因此不能成為普通女性的榜樣。 …
Without exception, the artists mentioned above are identified with the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries rat. than the fifteenth. And with the exception of Anguissola (discussed in the previous chapter) and Gentileschi-whose fortunes are identified with Rome, Naples, and Florence in the seventeenth century-all were part of the intellectual and artistic flowering that took place in Bologna, a city geographically displaced from the centers of early Renaissa culture. Our knowledge of their careers is far from complete and although they are but a few of the many names scattere through the literature of this period, their achievements deserve serious study. ...
毫無例外，上述藝術家都被視為十六、十七世紀的老鼠。比十五。除了安吉索拉（在前一章中討論過）和真蒂萊斯基（他們的命運與17 世紀的羅馬、那不勒斯和佛羅倫薩等同）之外，所有這些都是發生在博洛尼亞這個地理上的城市的知識和藝術繁榮的一部分。我們對他們的職業生涯的了解還很不全面，儘管他們只是散佈在這一時期文獻中的眾多名字中的一小部分，但他們的成就值得認真研究。 …
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Bologna was unique among Italian cities for having both a university which had educated women since the Middle Ages and a female saint who painted. By the fifteenth century the organization of the guilds under the spiritual protection of specific saints had established St. Luke, who was believed to have painted miracle-working icons including one of the Virgin Mary, as the patron saint of painters. Painters in Bologna, where the guilds remained powerful long after they had lost political and economic effectiveness in the rest of Italy, had their own saint. ...
波隆那在義大利城市中是獨一無二的，因為它既擁有一所自中世紀以來就教育女性的大學，又擁有一位繪畫的女聖人。到了十五世紀，在特定聖人的精神保護下的行會組織確立了聖路加作為畫家的守護神，據信他畫過創造奇蹟的聖像，其中包括聖母瑪利亞之一。波隆那的畫家們擁有自己的聖人，儘管他們的行會在義大利其他地區失去了政治和經濟效力很久之後仍然保持著強大的影響力。 …
Caterina dei Vigri (St. Catherine of Bologna, canonized 1707), whose cult flourished in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, is another example of the transmission of learning and culture by women in convents. Born into a noble Bolognese family in 1413 and educated at the court of Ferrara, she entered the Convent of the Poor Clares there after her father's death in 1427. She was known for her Latin and skill in music, painting, and illumination. Elected abbess soon after the Poor Clares moved to Bologna in 1456, her reputation as a painter grew swiftly. According to accounts by her friend and biographer, Sister Illuminata Bembo, she "loved to paint the Divine Word as a babe in swaddling bands, and for many monasteries in Ferrara and for books she painted him thus in miniature." The best known of her writings, The Seven Weapons, recounts the spiritual battles of a religious woman who saw her intellect and will in conflict with the submission and obedience demanded by the Church. ...
Caterina dei Vigri（博洛尼亞的聖凱瑟琳，1707 年被封聖）的崇拜在十六和十七世紀盛行，是修道院婦女傳播學問和文化的另一個例子。 1413 年，她出生於博洛尼亞的一個貴族家庭，在費拉拉宮廷接受教育，1427 年父親去世後，她進入貧困克萊爾修道院。 她以拉丁語以及音樂、繪畫和插畫方面的技能而聞名。 1456 年，可憐的克萊爾搬到博洛尼亞後不久，她就被選為女修道院院長，作為畫家的聲譽迅速提高。根據她的朋友兼傳記作者伊利納塔·本博修女的說法，她“喜歡將聖言畫成襁褓中的嬰兒，在費拉拉的許多修道院和書籍中，她都將他畫成微型的” 。她最著名的著作《七種武器》講述了一位宗教婦女的精神鬥爭，她看到自己的智力和意志與教會要求的屈服和服從發生衝突。 …
Although references to Caterina dei Vigri's painting enter the literature in the sixteenth century, attempts by feminist scholars to assemble an oeuvre for her have proved disappointing. The small group of works preserved in the Convent Church, the Corpus Domini of the Order of Santa Caterina dei Vigri in Bologna, show a naive and untrained hand, or hands, at work. X-rays taken in 1941 of the most famous of her paintings, a St. Ursula now in Venice, reveal an indecipherable inscription underneath her signature. Nevertheless, although we know all too little about her achievements, the significance of a woman painter, saint, and patron of painters to sixteenth-century Bologna, whose civic pride and ecclesiastical authority then reached new heights, should not be underestimated. ...
儘管卡特琳娜·德·維格里的畫作在十六世紀的文獻中出現過，但女性主義學者為她整理作品的嘗試卻令人失望。博洛尼亞聖卡特琳娜德維格里修道院教堂中保存的一小群作品展示了一隻天真的、未經訓練的手在工作。 1941 年，她最著名的畫作《聖厄休拉》（現藏於威尼斯）經過 X 光檢查，發現她的簽名下方有一段難以辨認的銘文。然而，儘管我們對她的成就知之甚少，但一位女畫家、聖人、畫家的贊助人對十六世紀博洛尼亞的重要性不容低估，當時博洛尼亞的公民自豪感和教會權威達到了新的高度。 …
St. Catherine of Bologna's cult, stimulated by her miracles and her mystical autobiographical writings, dates from the exhumation of her perfectly preserved body (now enshrined in the church of the Corpus Domini) shortly after her death in 1463. Pope Clement VII formally authorized her cult in 1524 ...
波隆那的聖凱瑟琳在她的奇蹟和神秘的自傳體著作的刺激下，於1463 年去世後不久，從她保存完好的屍體（現供奉在主聖體教堂中）被挖掘出來開始受到崇拜。萊門特七世正式授權她1524年邪教...
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and in 1592 the title Beata was conferred on her. The c enormous and ideally suited to the pietistic temper of Reformation Italy, flourished through the seventeenth along with her reputation as a painter. Malvasia menti- among a group of painters active in Bologna between and 1500 and a representation of her playing her violin assembled Heavenly Host of musical angels and plump appears in a preparatory drawing by Marcantonio Fran for his fresco cycle illustrating events from her life in th Corpus Domini. ...
1592年，她被授予貝阿塔（Beata）稱號。她的畫作規模龐大，非常適合義大利宗教改革的虔誠氣質，在整個十七世紀與她作為畫家的聲譽一起蓬勃發展。 Malvasia 是活躍於1500 年間博洛尼亞的一群畫家中的一員，她拉小提琴的畫面聚集了音樂天使和豐滿的天軍，出現在Marcantonio Fran 為他的壁畫系列準備的繪畫中，該壁畫描繪了她在波隆那的生活事件多明尼. …
The presence of St. Catherine's cult in Bologna was o one of a number of factors that worked to create an unu supportive context for educated and skilled women in ti After the Church, the most important institution in Bol was the university, founded in the eleventh century. By t it began admitting women in the thirteenth century, it w Italy's most famous center of legal studies and was also known as a school of the liberal arts. The city prided itse women learned in philosophy and law-Bettisia Gozzadi Novella d'Andrea, Bettina Calderini, Melanzia dall' Ospe Dorotea Bocchi, Maddalena Bonsignori, Barbara Ariente Giovanna Banchetti, who all wrote, taught, and publishe- ...
聖凱瑟琳邪教在博洛尼亞的存在是為受過教育和技術熟練的女性創造聯合國大學支持環境的眾多因素之一。它從十三世紀開始招收女性，成為義大利最著名的法律研究中心，也被稱為文理學院。這座城市以擁有哲學和法律知識的女性為榮——Bettisia Gozzadi Novella d'Andrea、Bettina Calderini、Melanzia dall' Ospe Dorotea Bocchi、Maddalena Bonsignori、Barbara Ariente Giovanna Banchetti，她們都撰寫、教授和出版了…
The connections between the university and the arts in Bologna need to be documented, but we do know that the publishing houses that grew up around the university encouraged the rise of a group of miniaturists during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries that, in addition to wc lay miniaturists, included a Carmelite nun, Sister Allegra, another woman identified only as "Domina Donella minia Diana Mantuana (c. 1547–1612), later given the name Diana Scultori by art historians and mentioned by Vasari in the 15 edition of his Lives, was-as far as we know—the only fema engraver of the sixteenth century to sign her prints with her own name. Shortly after moving to Rome in 1575, she obtair papal privilege that protected her rights to produce images brought from Mantua and gave her the right to print and se works under the name Diana Mantuana (or Mantovana). Th signature identified her with the Mantuan court and a print tradition begun with Mantegna and continued through her family. The names of Diana Mantuana and Veronica Fontan famous seventeenth-century maker of woodcuts who illustra Malvasia's Felsina Pittrice in Bologna, point to a still unwritte history of women in the publishing trade in Renaissance Ital Social historians have noted that in Bologna at the beginnin_ of the fifteenth century women outnumbered men, a fact wh may well have encouraged their participation in trades like ...
大學和博洛尼亞藝術之間的聯繫需要記錄下來，但我們確實知道，在大學周圍成長起來的出版社鼓勵了十三世紀和十四世紀的一群細密畫家的崛起，除了廁所之外，微型畫家，其中包括一位加爾默羅會修女阿萊格拉修女，另一位僅被稱為“多米娜·多內拉·米尼亞·戴安娜·曼圖阿納（Domina Donella minia Diana Mantuana，約1547-1612年）」的女性，後來被藝術史學家命名為戴安娜·斯庫托里（Diana Scultori），瓦薩裡在他的《傳記》第15 版中也提到過，據我們所知，她是16 世紀唯一一位在版畫上簽名的女性雕刻家。阿納（或曼托瓦娜）的名字印刷和出版作品的權利表明她屬於曼圖亞宮廷，印刷傳統始於曼特尼亞，並在她的家族中延續。薩(Malvasia) 的費爾西娜·皮特里斯(Felsina Pittrice) 繪製插圖，指出了文藝復興時期意大利出版業中婦女參與的一段尚未成文的歷史。
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33 RIGHT Giovanni Benedetti, "Sr. Caterina de Vigri," Libro devoto, 1502 34 BELOW Diana Scultori, Christ and the Woman Taken in Adultery, 1575 ...
33 右喬瓦尼·貝內代蒂，“卡特琳娜·德·維格里先生”，奉獻書，1502 年34 下面戴安娜·斯庫托里，《基督與通姦中的女人》，1575 年……
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painting and printing which remained under guild control until at least 1600. Luigi Crespi's Vite de Pittori Bolognesi (17F lists twenty-three women active as painters in Bologna in th sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at least two of them- Lavinia Fontana and Elisabetta Sirani-achieved internatio stature. ...
繪畫和印刷至少在1600 年之前一直處於行會控制之下。和Elisabetta Sirani -達到國際地位...
Women artists in Bologna benefited from the civic and ecclesiastical patronage that accompanied the naming of the Emilian region around Bologna as a papal state in 1512 (culminating in the election of the Bolognese Ugo Buoncompagni as Pope Gregory VIII in 1572); the artistic competition that developed between Rome and Bologna; a the fact that the Renaissance ideology of exceptional wome ...
博洛尼亞的女性藝術家受益於民間和教會的贊助，伴隨著1512 年博洛尼亞周圍的艾米利亞地區被命名為教皇國（最終於1572 年選舉博洛涅人烏戈·布翁孔帕尼為教皇格列高利八世）；羅馬和波隆那之間開展的藝術競賽；事實上，文藝復興時期傑出女性的意識形態...
could be used to claim unique status for the city and its wo Bolognese art of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was an art of elegance and sensibility produced for learned aristocratic patrons and imbued with the sentiments and m imperatives of the Counter-Reformation attempt to reform Catholic Church. The abundance of work available for artist must have eased women's access to commissions, despite th incidents of male jealousy and spiteful accusations that dog the careers of de' Rossi and others. The Church served as an active patron throughout the sixteenth century and noble families, desiring to demonstrate their wealth and refineme ordered frescoes and wall decorations for their palaces and furnished them and churches with chapels complete with elegant and tasteful altarpieces. Encouraged to combine wea with intellectual and cultural pursuits, members of Bologna richest families joined literary and scientific academies; a self-portrait of the 1570s by the painter Lavinia Fontana placc the artist firmly in the context of this learned and cultivated citizenry. She depicts herself as prosperous and scholarly, in the act of writing and surrounded by antique bronzes and plaster casts from her private collection. Although Fontana h no claim to noble birth, Vasari identifies her family with the educated elite of Bologna and her early self-portraits present the image of an educated woman. A Self-Portrait of 1578 repea the conventions of Anguissola's Self-Portrait of 1561, showing Fontana at the keyboard of a clavichord with a female servant barely visible in the background, holding her music. An empty easel stands in front of the window and an inscription identifies her as LAVINIA VIRGO PROSPERI FONTANAE. ...
可以用來宣稱這座城市及其十六和十七世紀的博洛尼亞藝術是一種優雅和感性的藝術，是為博學的貴族贊助人創作的，並且充滿了改革天主教的反宗教改革嘗試的情感和要求。儘管男性嫉妒和惡意指控的事件困擾著德羅西和其他人的職業生涯，但藝術家的大量工作肯定使女性更容易獲得委託。教會在整個十六世紀都是積極的讚助人，渴望展示自己的財富和精緻的貴族家庭為他們的宮殿訂購了壁畫和牆壁裝飾，並為宮殿和教堂配備了配有優雅而有品味的祭壇畫的小教堂。為了鼓勵將WEA與知識和文化追求結合起來，博洛尼亞最富有的家庭成員加入了文學和科學學院；畫家 Lavinia Fontana placc 於 1570 年代創作的自畫像將這位藝術家牢牢地置於這個博學而有教養的公民的背景下。她把自己描繪成一個繁榮而有學問的人，正在寫作，周圍是她私人收藏的古董青銅器和石膏模型。儘管豐塔納沒有出身高貴，但瓦薩裡將她的家庭視為博洛尼亞受過教育的精英，她早期的自畫像呈現出一個受過教育的女性形象。 1578 年的《自畫像》重複了安吉索拉1561 年《自畫像》的慣例，畫中豐塔納坐在擊弦古鋼琴的鍵盤上，背景中幾乎看不見一位女僕，手裡拿著她的樂譜。窗前立著一個空畫架，上面寫著她的名字：LAVINIA VIRGO PROSPERI FONTANAE。 …
That the women artists of Bologna were exceptional is without question. While their work relates more directly to the of their male contemporaries than to that of other women, and confirms the dominant artistic and social ideologies of its tim ...
毫無疑問，博洛尼亞的女藝術家是傑出的。雖然她們的作品與男性同時代人的聯繫比與其他女性的聯繫更直接，並且證實了當時占主導地位的藝術和社會意識形態…
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and place, the extent to which Fontana and Sirani at least were integrated into the cultural life of Bologna deserves far more study. They are exceptions in a history of artistic production by women which forces us to confront women's tangential relationships to artistic institutions and systems of patronage. It remained for Artemisia Gentileschi in the seventeenth century to negotiate a new relationship to dominant cultural ideologies and her case is considered at the end of this chapter. ...
豐塔納和西拉尼至少在多大程度上融入了博洛尼亞的文化生活，值得更多研究。她們是女性藝術創作史上的例外，迫使我們正視女性與藝術機構和贊助體系的切線關係。 17 世紀，阿爾泰米西婭·真蒂萊斯基 (Artemisia Gentileschi) 仍然需要與主流文化意識形態協商建立新的關係，本章末尾將討論她的案例。 …
The building campaign intended to make the Bologna municipal church of San Petronio the largest in Italy after St. Peter's brought forward Properzia de' Rossi, Renaissance Italy's only woman sculptor in marble. A drawing pupil of Marcantonio Raimondi, de' Rossi first achieved recognition for her miniature carvings on fruit stones. Her ambitious shift from these to public commissions in the 1520s apparently brought her close to overstepping the bounds of "femininity" and Vasari, while assuring his readers of her beauty, musical accomplishment, and household skills, also relates that she was persecuted by a jealous painter until she was finally paid a very low price for her work and, discouraged, turned to engraving on copper. ...
該建築活動旨在將波隆那聖彼得羅尼奧市政教堂打造為義大利最大的教堂，繼聖彼得教堂引進文藝復興時期義大利唯一的女大理石雕塑家普羅佩齊亞·德·羅西(Properzia de' Rossi ) 後。德·羅西是馬坎托尼奧·雷蒙迪 (Marcantonio Raimondi) 的繪畫學生，她首先因其果核上的微型雕刻而獲得認可。 1520 年代，她雄心勃勃地從這些作品轉向公共委託，顯然使她幾乎超越了「女性氣質」的界限，而瓦薩裡在向讀者保證她的美麗、音樂成就和家庭技能的同時，也提到她受到嫉妒的迫害。 …
De' Rossi was first commissioned to decorate the canopy of the altar of the newly restored church of S. Maria del Baraccano. She then submitted a portrait of Count Guido Pepoli as a sample of her work for the rebuilding at San Petronio and was commissioned for several pieces. Records of payment indicate that she completed three sibyls, two angels, and "two pictures" before abandoning the work. The "pictures" probably refer to bas- reliefs of the Visit of the Queen of Sheba to Solomon and a Joseph and Potiphar's Wife (c. 1520), now in the museum of San Petronio. ...
德羅西首先受委託裝飾新修復的聖瑪麗亞德爾巴拉卡諾教堂祭壇的華蓋。然後，她提交了一幅吉多·佩波利伯爵的肖像，作為她為聖彼得羅尼奧重建工作的作品樣本，並受委託創作了幾幅作品。付款記錄顯示，她在放棄作品之前完成了三個女預言家、兩個天使和「兩張圖片」。這些「圖畫」可能指的是示巴女王拜訪所羅門以及約瑟夫和波提乏的妻子（約 1520 年）的淺浮雕，現藏於聖彼得羅尼奧博物館。 …
Joseph and Potiphar's Wife perfectly expresses the persistence of the classical ideal in sixteenth-century Bologna, combining it with a notion of elegance derived from the work of the major figures of Emilian art of the period: Correggio and Parmigianino. The Biblical story of Joseph fleeing from his seductress was a popular one in the early days of the Counter Reformation. The balanced and muscular bodies, as well as their classical dress, reveal de' Rossi's familiarity with antique sources, while the energy of the figure in motion points toward Correggio's exuberant figural groups. De' Rossi died in 1530, still a young woman, four years after the last recorded payment for her work at San Petronio. The city of Bologna continued to pride itself on having produced her, but it remained for her followers to develop the anti-Mannerist tendencies of Bolognese art under the spiritual influence of the Counter Reformation and the artistic influence of the Carracci and Guido Reni. ...
《約瑟與波提乏的妻子》完美地表達了十六世紀博洛尼亞古典理想的持久性，並將其與源自當時艾米利亞藝術主要人物科雷喬和帕瑪強尼諾作品的優雅概念相結合。聖經中約瑟夫逃離誘惑者的故事在反宗教改革初期很受歡迎。平衡而肌肉發達的身體，以及他們的古典服飾，揭示了德羅西對古董來源的熟悉，而動態人物的能量則指向科雷喬充滿活力的人物群體。德羅西於 1530 年去世，當時她還是個年輕女子，距離她在聖彼得羅尼奧的最後一次有記錄的工作報酬已經過去了四年。博洛尼亞市繼續為產生她而感到自豪，但她的追隨者仍然在反宗教改革的精神影響以及卡拉奇和吉多·雷尼的藝術影響下發展了博洛尼亞藝術的反矯飾主義傾向。 …
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Lavinia Fontana began painting around 1570 in of her father and teacher, Prospero Fontana, whos combined Counter-Reformation pietism, Flemish detail, and a growing northern Italian interest in The diverse strands of classicism, naturalism, and were united in Prospero Fontana's desire to produc art that was clear and persuasive in accordance wit teachings of Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti, Bishop and Archbishop of Bologna, whose influence was widely arts. Prospero Fontana's pupils-Lavinia Fontana, Carracci, and Gian Paolo Zappi-inherited these ter ...
拉維尼亞·豐塔納(Lavinia Fontana) 於1570 年左右開始為她的父親兼老師普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納(Prospero Fontana) 繪畫，普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納(Prospero Fontana) 結合了反宗教改革虔誠主義、佛蘭德斯細節以及義大利北部對古典主義、自然主義的不同流派日益增長的興趣，並結合了普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納(Prospero Fontana) 創作的願望。大主教加布里埃萊·帕萊蒂紅衣主教的教義是清晰而有說服力的藝術，他的影響廣泛。普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納的學生——拉維尼婭·豐塔納、卡拉奇和吉安·保羅·扎皮——繼承了這些...
Fontana's early self-portraits, and the small pane. as private devotional pieces, combine the influence father with the naturalism of the late Raphael and th of Correggio and Parmigianino. Although Fontana b known as a portraitist, she also executed numerous and historical paintings, many of them large altarpie Paintings like Saint Francis Receiving the Stigmata (157 Noli Me Tangere (1581) adhere closely to the religious in spiritual and social reform expressed through prayer, and contemplation. "Popularized" religious paintings as Fontana's Birth of the Virgin (1580s) and her Consecr the Virgin (1599) often incorporate domestic motifs or pieties, reinforcing Paleotti's desire to extend pastoral individual families through prayer and instruction. ...
豐塔納早期的自畫像和小窗格。作為私人靈修作品，將父親的影響力與已故拉斐爾以及科雷喬和帕瑪強尼諾的自然主義結合起來。儘管豐塔納被稱為肖像畫家，但她也創作了許多歷史畫作，其中許多是大型祭壇畫，例如聖方濟接受聖痕（157 Noli Me Tangere，1581），緊密地堅持透過祈禱表達的精神和社會改革的宗教， 「流行的」宗教繪畫，如豐塔納的《聖母的誕生》（1580 年代）和她的《聖母獻祭》（1599 年）經常融入家庭主題或虔誠，強化了帕萊奧蒂透過祈禱和教導來擴展田園個人家庭的願望…
The Birth of the Virgin is closer to a genre scene of fa life in Bologna than to its Biblical source, despite its o setting and nocturnal illumination. It balances a sens monumentality and decorum with a naturalism close of the Cremonese school, and was influenced by Angui whose work Fontana knew and admired and who no do provided an important artistic model for her. Fontana's Consecration to the Virgin (1599), originally intended for Gnetti Chapel in S. Maria dei Servi in Bologna, combine figures elongated according to Mannerist conventions greater naturalism in the treatment of the children's fig Prospero Fontana's influence continued to be felt in For later religious paintings, as did that of Paleotti, for links between the Bishop and the painter's family remained s ...
《聖母的誕生》更接近博洛尼亞的生活場景，而不是其聖經來源，儘管它的背景和夜間照明。它平衡了紀念性和禮儀與克雷莫內斯學派的自然主義，並受到安吉的影響，豐塔納知道並欽佩安吉的作品，但安吉卻沒有為她提供重要的藝術典範。豐塔納的《獻給聖母》（1599）最初是為博洛尼亞聖瑪麗亞德塞爾維的格內蒂教堂設計的，結合了根據風格主義慣例拉長的人物，在處理兒童無花果時更自然主義普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納的影響繼續存在於後來的宗教中畫作，就像帕萊奧蒂的畫作一樣，因為主教和畫家家人之間的聯繫仍然存在...
By the late 1570s, Fontana's fame as a portraitist was firmly established. Despite her adherence to the princip naturalism advocated by the Carracci family, she was pre from joining the Carracci academy, founded in the 1580s, because of its emphasis on drawing from the nude mode Portrait of a Gentleman and His Son (1570s) recalls Anguiss Portrait of a Young Nobleman (1550s) in its straightforward ...
到了 1570 年代末，豐塔納作為肖像畫家的聲譽已經牢固確立。儘管她堅持卡拉奇家族倡導的自然主義原則，但她還是提前加入了成立於1580 年代的卡拉奇學院，因為該學院強調從裸體模式進行繪畫《紳士和兒子的肖像》（1570 年代）讓人想起安吉斯肖像一位年輕貴族（1550 年代）的直截了當的...
Chapter 3
第三章
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pose and in the quiet dignity of the figures. At the same time. the painting reveals the calculated mix of moderate social responsibility espoused by Paleotti and the worldly pretensions of the Bolognese aristocracy which insured Fontana's success as a portraitist. The elegant, elongated fingers and the brilliance of the rich detail on the sitter's garments oppose their monumentality and social rank to the sober space they inhabit. ...
姿勢和人物的安靜尊嚴。同時。這幅畫揭示了帕萊奧蒂所倡導的適度社會責任和博洛尼亞貴族世俗的虛榮心的精心組合，這確保了豐塔納作為肖像畫家的成功。畫中人優雅、修長的手指和服裝上豐富的細節，與他們所居住的清醒空間形成了鮮明的對比，使他們的紀念性和社會地位形成了鮮明的對比。 …
Fontana's marriage to Gian Paolo Zappi in 1577 was contracted with a provision that the couple remain part of her father's household; her husband subsequently assisted her and cared for their large family. When the Bolognese Cardinal Buoncompagni succeeded to the papacy in 1572 papal patronage for Bolognese artists increased. Prospero Fontana had enjoyed the patronage of three previous popes; Fontana received her first papal commission and a summons to Rome from the local branch of the Pope's family. It is a sign of her status as a painter that she was able to postpone moving to Rome until the papacy of Clement VIII, which did not occur until after her father died. She left for Rome around 1603, preceded by her husband and son and a painting, a Virgin and St. Giacinto, commissioned by Cardinal Ascoli. The painting created a demand for her work in Rome. Working in the palace of Cardinal d'Este, she painted a Martyrdom of St. Stephen for the basilica of San Paolo Fuori le Mura. The painting, destroyed in a fire in 1823, is known today only through an engraving of 1611 by Callot. Baglione reports that the work was a failure with the Roman public and that Fontana, in despair, renounced public commissions and returned to portrait painting. ...
1577 年，豐塔納與吉安·保羅·扎皮 (Gian Paolo Zappi) 結婚，合約中規定這對夫婦仍屬於她父親的家庭。她的丈夫隨後協助她並照顧他們的大家庭。 1572 年，博洛涅紅衣主教布翁孔帕尼 (Buoncompagni) 繼任教皇后，教宗對博洛涅藝術家的贊助增加。普洛斯彼羅·豐塔納曾受到前三任教宗的贊助。豐塔納收到了她的第一個教皇任命和教皇家族當地分支前往羅馬的傳票。她能夠推遲搬到羅馬直到克萊門特八世擔任教皇，這是她作為畫家地位的標誌，直到她父親去世後才搬到羅馬。 1603 年左右，她在丈夫和兒子的陪同下前往羅馬，並跟隨紅衣主教阿斯科利委託創作了一幅《聖母與聖賈辛托》畫作。這幅畫在羅馬引起了對她作品的需求。她在埃斯特紅衣主教的宮殿工作，為聖保羅福里勒穆拉大教堂畫了一幅聖斯蒂芬的殉難畫。這幅畫在 1823 年的一場大火中被摧毀，如今人們只能透過卡洛特 1611 年的版畫來了解這幅畫。巴廖內報道說，這幅作品在羅馬公眾中失敗了，豐塔納在絕望中放棄了公共委託，回到了肖像畫領域。 …
Late portraits, like the Portrait of a Lady with a Lap Dog (c. 1598) are worldly and sophisticated. The exquisite details of costume and furnishings isolate the sitters against a space rendered in a broad and simplified manner. Prices for Fontana's portraits soared with her election to the old Roman Academy, allowing her to pursue her interest in collecting art and antiquities. Contemporaries report that she executed portraits of Pope Paul V, as well as those of ambassadors, princes, and cardinals, a testament to the continuing patronage of women artists by aristocrats and ecclesiastics. Her reputation continued to grow and in 1611, shortly before her death, a portrait medal was struck in her honor by the Bolognese medallist Felice Antonio Casoni. The face contains a dignified portrait and an inscription identifying her as a painter. On the reverse, an allegorical female figure in a divine frenzy of creation sits surrounded by compasses and a square, as an earlier Renaissance emphasis on mathematics and inspired ...
晚期肖像畫，如《一位帶著哈巴狗的女士肖像畫》（約 1598 年），既世俗又精緻。服裝和家具的精緻細節將坐者與以廣泛而簡化的方式呈現的空間隔離開來。隨著豐塔納當選為舊羅馬學院院士，她的肖像畫價格飆升，這讓她能夠追求自己收藏藝術品和古董的興趣。根據同時代人報道，她創作了教宗保祿五世以及大使、王子和紅衣主教的肖像，這證明了貴族和神職人員對女性藝術家的持續贊助。她的聲譽不斷提高，1611 年，就在她去世前不久，博洛尼亞獎章得主菲利斯·安東尼奧·卡索尼 (Felice Antonio Casoni) 為她鑄造了一枚肖像獎章。臉上有一幅莊嚴的肖像和一段銘文，表明她是一位畫家。反面，一個寓言中的女性人物正處於神聖的創造狂潮中，坐在圓規和正方形的周圍，作為早期文藝復興時期對數學的強調和啟發......
The Other Renaissance
另一種文藝復興
另一種文藝復興另一種平台
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35 Lavinia Fontana, Consecration to ...
35 拉維妮亞‧豐塔納，奉獻給......
genius belatedly modifies the ideal of the Renaissance woman artist. ...
天才遲來地改變了文藝復興時期女藝術家的理想。 …
Women artists like de' Rossi and Fontana set an important precedent for women of seventeenth-century Italy, particularly in the area around Bologna. Yet the work of the two best known of those women-Artemisia Gentileschi (c. 1593–1652), born in Rome but active in Florence, Naples and London, and Elisabetta Sirani (1638-1665), whose short life was spent entirely in Bologna-was even more powerfully shaped by the pervasive influences of Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio and Guido Reni. Caravaggio's insistent naturalism, shallow pictorial space, and dramatic use of light generated among his followers a large body of paintings characterized by unidealized, boldly illuminated figures placed against dark, mysterious backgrounds. Guido Reni, who inherited the mantle of the Bolognese school from the Carracci at whose academy he was trained, blended elegant refinement and naturalistic expression. In character and personality, these two influential figures could not have been more different: Reni, educated and cultured, perpetuated the image of the gentleman artist; Caravaggio, rebel and outlaw, epitomized a new role for the artist as bohemian. ...
像德羅西和豐塔納這樣的女性藝術家為十七世紀義大利的女性，特別是波隆那週邊地區的女性樹立了重要的先例。然而，其中最著名的兩位女性的作品是阿爾泰米西婭·真蒂萊斯基（Artemisia Gentileschi，約1593-1652 年）和伊麗莎白·西拉尼（Elisabetta Sirani，1638-1665 年），前者出生於羅馬，但活躍於佛羅倫薩、那不勒斯和倫敦，後者短暫的一生完全在博洛尼亞受到米開朗基羅·梅里西·達·卡拉瓦喬和吉多·雷尼的普遍影響。卡拉瓦喬堅持的自然主義、淺薄的繪畫空間和對光線的戲劇性運用在他的追隨者中產生了大量的畫作，其特點是在黑暗、神秘的背景下放置了不理想的、大膽照亮的人物。吉多·雷尼 (Guido Reni) 從卡拉奇 (Carracci) 學院繼承了博洛尼亞學派的衣缽，融合了優雅的精緻和自然主義的表達。在性格和個性上，這兩位有影響力的人物截然不同：雷尼受過教育，有教養，延續了紳士藝術家的形象；卡拉瓦喬，叛逆者和亡命之徒，體現了這位藝術家的波西米亞新角色。 …
Like many women artists of the time, Gentileschi and Sirani were the daughters of painters. Orazio Gentileschi was one of the most important of Caravaggio's followers; Giovanni Andrea Sirani a pupil and follower of Reni, and an artist of considerably less interest than his daughter. Gentileschi is the first woman artist in the history of Western art whose historical significance is unquestionable. In the case of Sirani, her early ...
和當時許多女藝術家一樣，真蒂萊斯基和西拉尼都是畫家的女兒。奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基是卡拉瓦喬最重要的追隨者之一。喬瓦尼·安德里亞·西拉尼 (Giovanni Andrea Sirani) 是雷尼 (Reni) 的學生和追隨者，也是一位不如雷尼 (Reni) 女兒感興趣的藝術家。真蒂萊斯基是西方藝術史上第一位女性藝術家，其歷史意義是毋庸置疑的。就西拉尼而言，她早期...
36 Felice Casoni, Lavinia Fontana, 1611 ...
36 菲利斯·卡索尼，拉維尼亞·豐塔納，1611 ...
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37 LEFT Elisabetta Sirani, The Holy Family With a Kneeling Monastic Saint c. 1660 ...
37 左 Elisabetta Sirani，神聖家庭與跪著的修道院聖人 c. 1660 ...
38 BELOW Sofonisba Anguissola, Bernardino Campi Painting Sofonisba Anguissola, late 1550s ...
38 下面 Sofonisba Anguissola，Bernardino Campi 畫 Sofonisba Anguissola，1550 年代末......
death has prevented a full evaluation of her career despite her evident fame during her life. Sirani's father took all her income from a body of work which she herself, following a custom gaining favor during the seventeenth century, catalogued at 150 paintings, a figure now considered too low. Despite her catalogue, only one monograph exists and her reputation has suffered from an over-attribution of inferior works in Reni's style to her. As Otto Kurz notes: "The list of paintings to be found under her name in museums and private collections and the list of those paintings which she herself considered as her own work, coincide only in rare instances." ...
儘管她生前名聲顯赫，但死亡阻止了對她職業生涯的全面評估。西拉尼的父親從她的一系列作品中獲取了所有收入，而她本人則遵循 17 世紀流行的習俗，將這些作品編入了 150 幅作品的目錄，這個數字現在被認為太低了。儘管有她的目錄，但只有一本專著存在，而且她的聲譽因過度歸因於雷尼風格的劣質作品而受到損害。正如奧托·庫爾茲（Otto Kurz）所指出的：「在博物館和私人收藏中以她的名字找到的畫作清單與她自己認為是自己作品的畫作清單只有在極少數情況下才會重合。 」 …
Sirani has frequently been dismissed as one of several insignificant followers of Reni in Bologna, and a painter of sentimental madonnas. But the subtlety of her pictorial style, and the graceful elegance of her touch, have prompted recent reevaluations of her significance in relation to that of contemporaries in Bologna like Lorenzo Pasinelli, Flaminio Torre, and the Fleming Michele Desubleo. Sirani's Portrait of Anna Maria Ranuzzi as Charity (1665) is an outstanding example of Bolognese portraiture in the second half of the seventeenth century. ...
西拉尼經常被斥為博洛尼亞雷尼的幾個無足輕重的追隨者之一，以及一位多愁善感的聖母畫家。但她微妙的繪畫風格和優雅的筆觸，促使人們最近重新評估她相對於博洛尼亞同時代畫家洛倫佐·帕西內利、弗拉米尼奧·托雷和弗萊明·米歇爾·德蘇布萊奧的重要性。西拉尼的《安娜·瑪麗亞·拉努齊慈善肖像》（1665）是十七世紀下半葉博洛涅肖像畫的傑出典範。 …
39 Elisabetta Sirani, Portrait of Anna Maria Ranuzzi as Charity, 1665 ...
39 Elisabetta Sirani，安娜·瑪麗亞·拉努齊作為慈善機構的肖像，1665 年...
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The proud gaze of Madame Ranuzzi, the younger sister of Count Annibale Ranuzzi, who commissioned the painting, and the wife of Carlo Marsigli by whom she had two sons, is intensified by concentrated brushwork. Lively touches of red and blue illuminate the overall color scheme of grays, lilacs, and browns and set off the rich purples in garments and background which envelop the figures. Despite the virtuoso brushwork and richness, the emphasis in the work is on Ranuzzi's maternity rather than her social rank. ...
拉努齊夫人是這幅畫的委託人安尼巴萊·拉努齊伯爵的妹妹，也是卡洛·馬爾西利的妻子，她與她生了兩個兒子，集中的筆觸強化了拉努齊夫人的驕傲目光。活潑的紅色和藍色點綴了灰色、淡紫色和棕色的整體配色方案，並襯託了人物服裝和背景中濃鬱的紫色。儘管筆法精湛且內容豐富，但作品的重點是拉努齊的母性而不是她的社會地位。 …
Sirani's Judith with the Head of Holofernes (Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore) is perfectly in keeping with the grace, elegance, and pictorial refinement which secularized the subject for wealthy Bolognese patrons. Yet it also suggests that Sirani shared the seventeenth century's interest in female heroines; Sirani and Gentileschi produced numerous paintings on the theme of the heroic woman who triumphs by her virtue. In addition to several Judiths, both women painted penitent Magdalenes and monumental sibyls. In addition, Gentileschi offered several allegorical female figures, St. Catherine, a Cleopatra, and a Lucretia, among others, while Sirani supplied a Timoclea (1659), unusual in its depiction of the defiant heroine, and a Portia Wounding Her Thigh (1664). The latter was commissioned by Signore Simone Tassi and intended for an overdoor in a private apartment. The subject belongs with a group of themes, including the rape of Lucretia, which explore the relationship between public, political and private, often sexual behavior. ...
西拉尼的《朱迪思與何樂弗尼的頭》（巴爾的摩沃爾特斯美術館）完美地符合了博洛尼亞富有顧客世俗化這一主題的優雅、優雅和圖像精緻。然而，這也顯示西拉尼與 17 世紀的女英雄有著同樣的興趣。西拉尼和真蒂萊斯基創作了許多以憑藉美德取得勝利的英雄女性為主題的畫作。除了幾位朱迪思之外，兩位女性還畫了懺悔的瑪格達琳和不朽的女預言家。此外，真蒂萊斯基還提供了幾個寓言性的女性人物，例如聖凱瑟琳、克莉奧佩特拉和盧克麗霞等，而西拉尼則提供了一個蒂莫克利雕像（1659年），這在對挑釁女英雄的描繪中不尋常，以及一個受傷大腿的鮑西亞雕像（1664年） ）。後者是由 Simone Tassi 先生委託設計的，用於私人公寓的戶外。這個主題屬於一組主題，包括盧克麗霞強暴案，探討公共、政治和私人行為（通常是性行為）之間的關係。 …
Sirani chose the moment at which Portia wounded herself to test her strength of character before asking Brutus to confide in her. The work's sexualized content is evoked through the titillating image of female wounding and the figure's almost voluptuous disarray, but its other meanings are more complicated and return us to the issue of how sexual difference is produced and reinforced. Stabbing herself deeply in the thigh, Portia has to prove herself virtuous and worthy of political trust by separating herself from the rest of her sex-in Plutarch's words: "I confesse, that a woman's wit commonly is too weake to keepe a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education, and the company of vertuous men, have some power to reforme the defect of nature. And for my Selfe, I have this benefit moreover: that I am the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus." ...
西拉尼選擇波西亞受傷的時刻來測試她的性格力量，然後要求布魯圖向她吐露心聲。作品的性內容是透過女性受傷的挑逗形象和近乎性感的混亂形象來喚起的，但它的其他含義更為複雜，讓我們回到性別差異如何產生和強化的問題。波西亞深深地刺進了自己的大腿，她必須透過將自己與其他性別分開來證明自己的道德和值得政治信任——用普魯塔克的話說：「我承認，女人的智慧通常太弱而無法安全地保守秘密：然而，布魯圖斯，良好的教育和善良的人的陪伴，有一定的力量來改變本性的缺陷，而且對於我自己來說，我還有這個好處：我是加圖的女兒，布魯圖斯的妻子。 …
The composition reinforces Portia's removal from the world of women. She is physically separated from the women who spin and gossip in another room, betraying their sex by talk. Presenting woman as a "defect" of nature, Christian ...
這種構圖強化了波西亞與女性世界的隔離。她與在另一個房間裡旋轉和閒聊的女性隔離開來，透過談話背叛了她們的性別。基督教將女性視為自然的「缺陷」...
Chapter 3
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40 Elisabetta Sirani, Portia Wounding Her Thigh, 1664 ...
40 伊莉莎白‧西拉尼 (Elisabetta Sirani)，波西亞受傷的大腿，1664 年…
doctrine often used the volubility of woman as a metaphor for her uncontrolled desires. Removed from the private world of women to the public world of men, Portia must assert her control over speech before she can claim exceptional status. She demonstrates, finally, that women who prove their virtue through individual acts of bravery can come to be recognized as almost like men. Yet the emphasis on bared flesh and self-mutilation eroticizes the act of valor. The signs of female sexuality are reconfigured within the conventions of representations of the threatening femme fatale in a manner no doubt designed to appeal to the tastes of a new class of secular private collectors. The rich colors and the confident brushwork displayed by the hand of a woman established Sirani's reputation in Bologna as a phenomenon. ...
教義常用女人的滔滔不絕來比喻她不受控制的慾望。從女性的私人世界轉移到男性的公共世界，波西亞必須先維護自己對言論的控制權，然後才能獲得特殊的地位。最後，她證明，透過個人勇敢行為證明自己美德的女性可以像男性一樣獲得認可。然而，對裸露肉體和自殘的強調卻使英勇行為色情化。女性性慾的標誌在具有威脅性的蛇蠍美人的表現慣例中被重新配置，其方式無疑是為了迎合新一類世俗私人收藏家的品味。女性之手所展現的豐富色彩和自信的筆觸奠定了西拉尼在博洛尼亞的聲譽。 …
Sirani's skill and the speed with which she worked led to gossip that her father was claiming her work as his own in order to exploit the publicity value of a female prodigy in the workshop. In order to repudiate the all too familiar allegation that her work was not her own, she became accustomed to ...
西拉尼的技巧和工作速度引發了流言蜚語，稱她的父親將她的工作據為己有，以利用一位女神童在工作室中的宣傳價值。為了否認她的作品不是她自己的這項再熟悉不過的指控，她開始習慣…
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working in public. Around 1652, she opened a school for women artists in Bologna. There she trained a number of younger women artists who, for the first time, were not exclusively from families of painters, as well as her two younger sisters, Anna Maria and Barbara, who eventually produced their own altarpieces for local churches. ...
在公共場合工作。 1652 年左右，她在博洛尼亞開設了一所女性藝術家學校。在那裡，她培養了一些年輕的女性藝術家，這些藝術家第一次不完全來自畫家家庭，還有她的兩個妹妹安娜·瑪麗亞和芭芭拉，她們最終為當地教堂製作了自己的祭壇畫。 …
Sirani's death in 1665 was followed, on November 14, by a massive public funeral in the Dominican church attended by a large and distinguished crowd of mourners. The funeral announcement described her as PITTRICE FAMOSISSIMA and the lavish scheme of decoration for the ceremony was supervised by the artist Matteo Borbone. A catafalque, intended to represent the Temple of Fame, was erected in the middle of the nave. The octagonal structure of imitation marble, its cupola-shaped roof supported by eight columns of pseudo- porphyry, had a base decorated with figures, mottoes, and emblematic pictures and, on a platform, a life-size figure of the dead artist painting. ...
1665 年西拉尼去世後，11 月 14 日，在多明尼加教堂舉行了一場盛大的公開葬禮，大批尊貴的哀悼者參加了葬禮。葬禮公告將她描述為 PITTRICE FAMOSISSIMA，儀式的奢華裝飾方案由藝術家 Matteo Borbone 監督。中殿中央豎立了一座象徵名人堂的聖殿。仿大理石的八角形結構，其圓頂形屋頂由八根假斑岩柱支撐，底座上裝飾有人物、格言和象徵性圖片，平台上有一個已故藝術家畫作的真人大小的人物。 …
Sirani was eulogized in a funeral oration which was also a rhapsody of civic pride in the city of Bologna. Her funeral, the final identification of her fame with that of the city which had produced her, was comparable to the funerals of other well- known sixteenth-and seventeenth-century artists in that they were accorded the privileges of other distinguished citizens. In the fifteenth century, Ghiberti had requested that his body be interred in Florence's Santa Croce in the company of the noblemen to whose position he aspired as an artist. Less than a hundred years later, Michelangelo's body was transported from Rome back to his native Florence in 1564, where a sumptuous catafalque was erected in the Medici family basilica of San Lorenzo. In Bologna, Reni's funeral in 1642 was also treated as a public event with masses offered for him in towns surrounding Bologna, and as far away as Rome. His body was carried to San Domenico with great pomp and honor past huge crowds in the streets. Upon Sirani's death, Bologna's two most famous artists of the seventeenth century were laid to rest side by side in the ancestral tomb of the wealthy Bolognese, Signor Saulo Guidotti. A testament to their public civic status as artists, the internment was also deeply ironic; during his life, the eccentric Reni had refused to have anything to do with women, barring them from his house in fear of poison or witchcraft at their hands. ...
西拉尼在葬禮演說中受到歌頌，也是博洛尼亞市公民自豪感的狂想曲。她的葬禮是她的名聲與孕育她的城市名聲的最終確認，與其他十六、十七世紀著名藝術家的葬禮相媲美，因為他們被賦予了其他傑出公民的特權。十五世紀，吉貝爾蒂要求將他的遺體安葬在佛羅倫斯的聖十字教堂，與他渴望成為藝術家的貴族們一起安葬。不到一百年後，米開朗基羅的遺體於 1564 年從羅馬運回他的祖國佛羅倫薩，並在美第奇家族的聖洛倫索大教堂中豎立了一座華麗的棺材。在波隆那，雷尼 1642 年的葬禮也被視為公開活動，波隆那週邊城鎮甚至遠至羅馬都會為他舉行彌撒。他的遺體在街道上的人群中以盛大的儀式和榮譽被運往聖多梅尼科。西拉尼去世後，博洛尼亞兩位十七世紀最著名的藝術家並排安葬在富有的博洛尼亞人紹洛·吉多蒂先生的祖墓中。這次拘留證明了他們身為藝術家的公共公民地位，同時也極具諷刺意味。在他的一生中，古怪的雷尼拒絕與女性有任何關係，禁止她們進入他的家，因為擔心她們會下毒或巫術。 …
The fame of Sirani in Bologna during her lifetime was rivalled by only one other woman artist in Italy: Artemisia Gentileschi, a painter whose life and work are a challenge to humanist constructions of feminine education and ...
西拉尼生前在博洛尼亞的名氣只有另一位意大利女藝術家可以與之媲美：阿爾泰米西婭·真蒂萊斯基（Artemisia Gentileschi），一位畫家，她的生活和工作是對女性教育和人文主義建構的挑戰。
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deportment. In May 1606, Caravaggio fled Rome, accused of stabbing a young man to death. Among his followers in Rome were Orazio Gentileschi, a founder of the style that came to be known throughout Europe as Caravaggism, and his daughter Artemisia, whom Ward Bissell has identified as one of the two most important Caravaggisti to reach maturity between 1610 and 1620. Caravaggio and the Gentileschi family (which included a son as well as the daughter born in 1593) were far removed in lifestyle and temperament from the learned painters of the Bolognese school with their emphasis on piety and refinement. Historical accounts of the lawless bohemian artist, whose hands were as skilled with the dagger as with the paintbrush, and in whom a revolutionary style of painting commingled with unrestrained passions, usually begin with Caravaggio, though Rudolph and Margaret Wittkower have skilfully traced its prototype to the sixteenth century. Archival research on the Gentileschi family has produced a history rich in court orders and libels, as well as the famous trial in 1612 of Orazio's assistant and Gentileschi's teacher, Agostino Tassi, on charges that he had raped the nineteen-year-old girl, withdrawn a promise of marriage, and taken away from the Gentileschi house paintings that included a large Judith. The truth of the matter remains buried under conflicting seventeenth-century documents and modern readings of those documents which have often imposed anachronistic attitudes on seventeenth- century sexual and matrimonial mores. At its heart, the trial had less to do with Artemisia Gentileschi's virtue than with Tassi's relationship to Orazio Gentileschi's legal property, which included his daughter. Germaine Greer's argument, that the trial, and the publicity which accompanied it, removed the remaining traditional obstacles to the development of Gentileschi's professional life, is convincing up to a point. But it ignores the equally favorable confluence of Orazio Gentileschi's defiant reputation and his unswerving support of his talented daughter. Mary Garrard's monograph on the artist, which also brought together for the first time in English all the documents relating to the artist, as well as the complete transcripts of the rape trial, has convincingly shown how this public scrutiny of female sexuality reshaped those issues of gender and class relevant to Gentileschi's subsequent emergence as a major artist. ...
儀態。 1606 年 5 月，卡拉瓦喬逃離羅馬，被指控刺死一名年輕人。他在羅馬的追隨者包括奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基（Orazio Gentileschi）和他的女兒阿爾泰米西婭（Artemisia），奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基（Orazio Gentileschi）是整個歐洲被稱為卡拉華格主義的風格的創始人，沃德·比塞爾（Ward Bissell）將她視為1610 年至1620 年間成熟的兩位最重要的卡拉瓦吉斯蒂之一。斯基家族（包括一對夫婦出生於1593 年的兒子和女兒）在生活方式和氣質上與強調虔誠和精緻的博洛尼亞畫派博學的畫家相去甚遠。無法無天的波西米亞藝術家的歷史記錄通常始於卡拉瓦喬，儘管魯道夫和瑪格麗特·維特考爾巧妙地將其原型追溯到十六世紀。對真蒂萊斯基家族的檔案研究產生了一段充滿法庭命令和誹謗的歷史，以及1612 年對奧拉齊奧的助手、真蒂萊斯基的老師阿戈斯蒂諾·塔西（Agostino Tassi）著名的審判，他被指控強姦了這位19 歲的女孩。問題的真相仍然被埋藏在相互矛盾的十七世紀文獻和對這些文獻的現代解讀中，這些文獻常常對十七世紀的性和婚姻習俗強加了不合時宜的態度。從本質上講，審判與阿爾泰米西婭·真蒂萊斯基的美德關係不大，而與塔西與奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基合法財產（包括他的女兒）的關係有關。 傑曼·格里爾的論點是，審判以及隨之而來的宣傳消除了真蒂萊斯基職業生涯發展中剩餘的傳統障礙，這一論點在一定程度上是令人信服的。但它忽視了奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基的挑釁聲譽和他對才華橫溢的女兒堅定不移的支持之間的同樣有利的結合。瑪麗·加勒德（Mary Garrard）關於這位藝術家的專著，首次以英文匯集了與該藝術家有關的所有文件，以及強奸案審判的完整筆錄，令人信服地展示了對女性性行為的公眾回顧如何重塑了這些問題。 …
The growth of naturalism in the seventeenth century led to a new emphasis on the depiction of courage and physical prowess in representation. Images of heroic womanhood, qualified by the moralistic rhetoric of the Counter Reformation and well suited to the demands of Baroque drama, replaced earlier ...
十七世紀自然主義的發展導致了對勇氣和體力表現的新強調。英雄女性形象，受到反宗教改革的道德修辭的限制，非常適合巴洛克戲劇的要求，取代了早期的…
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and more passive ideals of female beauty. This new idea traceable in the work of the Carracci and Reni circles as in the followers of Caravaggio, coincided with expandin for the artist which admitted a wider range of behavior a attitudes, and assured even the unconventional Caravag the continuing patronage of the powerful cardinal, Scip Borghese. However colorful Gentileschi's life, and accou widely, it was marked by a sustained artistic production the fact that she married and had at least one child) equa few women artists. ...
以及更被動的女性美理想。這種新想法可以追溯到卡拉奇和雷尼圈子以及卡拉瓦喬追隨者的作品中，與藝術家的擴張相一致，藝術家承認更廣泛的行為和態度，並確保即使是非常規的卡拉瓦格也能得到強大的紅衣主教的持續贊助，西普·博爾蓋塞.無論真蒂萊斯基的生活多麼豐富多彩，也受到廣泛關注，她的標誌是持續不斷的藝術創作（她結婚並育有至少一個孩子），這是為數不多的女藝術家。 …
Among Gentileschi's earliest works is a Susanna and the Elders, inscribed ARTE GENTILESCHI 1610, which already displays precocious evidence of her later development. Th opportunity to examine the work (long inaccessible in a collection) when it appeared in the exhibition, Women Art 1550-1950, in 1977 led to its attribution to Artemisia rather than Orazio, despite a formal and coloristic debt to the ol Gentileschi. The painting's inclusion in the 1991 exhibition of Gentileschi's work held at the Casa Buonarroti in Florer moved at least one art historian to argue for the work as a collaboration between the daughter and a father, “who, in an understandable reversal of workshop tradition, proudly encouraged his daughter-assistant to take the credit." Issu of content as well as attribution continue to surround the painting, and Mary Garrard's feminist readings have been challenged by other Renaissance and Baroque scholars, an them Richard Spear and Francis Haskell. ...
真蒂萊斯基最早的作品之一是《蘇珊娜和長老》，題為“ARTE GENTILESCHI 1610”，這已經顯示了她後來發展的早熟證據。當這件作品出現在1977 年的《女性藝術1550-1950》展覽中時，有機會對其進行審視，結果將其歸屬於阿爾泰米西婭而不是奧拉齊奧，儘管在形式和色彩上都受到了真蒂萊斯基的影響。這幅畫被納入1991 年在弗洛勒的Casa Buonarroti 舉行的真蒂萊斯基作品展中，至少感動了一位藝術史學家，認為這幅作品是女兒和父親之間的合作，」他以一種可以理解的方式逆轉了工作坊的傳統，自豪地認為這幅作品是女兒和父親之間的合作」。鼓勵他的女兒助理承擔這份功勞。」內容和歸屬問題繼續圍繞著這幅畫，瑪麗·加勒德的女性主義解讀受到了其他文藝復興和巴洛克學者的挑戰，其中包括理查德·斯皮爾和弗朗西斯·哈斯克爾…
The painting, executed in Rome only a year after she beg her career (if we are to believe Orazio's testimony at the tria has sources in similar representations by members of the Carracci circle, as well as a David and Goliath (c. 1605-10) by Orazio. The Apocryphal story of the attempted seduction by two Elders of Joachim's wife, Susanna, was extremely popul Italy by the late sixteenth century. Garrard points out the m interpretative traditions within which the theme has figure▪ The figure of Susanna has symbolized the Church, conspire against by Elders representing pagans and other opponents. She can also signify deliverance (the young Daniel cleared h name and saved her life), or a female chastity that would rath die than bring dishonor on a husband. During the Renaissan focus on a single dramatic moment that emphasized the mo violent and voyeuristic aspects of the theme, replaced broade narrative themes. This focus also served to provide a BiblicaL ...
這幅畫是在她乞求職業生涯一年後在羅馬完成的（如果我們相信奧拉齊奧在審判中的證詞有卡拉奇圈子成員以及大衛和歌利亞（約 1605-10 年）的類似描繪的來源） ）奧拉齊奧所著的關於約阿希姆妻子蘇珊娜的兩位長老試圖誘惑的偽經故事在十六世紀末在意大利非常流行。了她的生命），或者是在文藝復興時期寧願死去也不願給丈夫帶來恥辱的女性貞操。助於提供聖經......
41 OPPOSITE ABOVE Artemisia Gentileschi, Susanna and the Elders, 1610 42 OPPOSITE BELOW Tintoretto, Susanna and the Elders, 1555-56 ...
41 上方對面 阿爾泰米西婭·真蒂萊斯基，《蘇珊娜和長老們》，1610 年 42 下方對面 丁托列托，《蘇珊娜和長老們》，1555-56 ...
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occasion for the painting of an erotic nude. The drama is played out in terms of the sexual dynamics of looking, an the interplay of male aggression and female resistance. M possession of the female body is initiated through a look surprises the unsuspecting and defenseless woman at her "The nude's erotic appeal could be heightened," Garrard a in an important article on the painting, "by the presence o lecherous old men, whose inclusion was both iconographic justified and pornographically effective." The frequency wĹ which Susanna is assigned a complicitous role in this dram of sexualized looking, as we see in Tintoretto's version of 1555-56, points to the theme as reinforcing social ideologies ...
繪畫色情裸體的場合。這部戲劇是透過觀看的性動態、男性侵略性和女性抵抗的相互作用來上演的。對女性身體的佔有是透過一個讓毫無戒心、手無寸鐵的女人驚訝的眼神開始的。的存在而增強，他們的包容性既具有圖像合理性，又具有色情效果。正如我們在丁托列托版本的 1555-56 中看到的那樣，蘇珊娜在這部充滿性慾的戲劇中被賦予同謀角色的頻率 wĹ 指出了強化社會意識形態的主題......
masculine dominance and female subordination. Gentileschi's version departs from this tradition in significant ways. Removing Susanna from the garden, a traditional metaphor for the bounteous femininity of natur Gentileschi isolates the figure against a rigid architectonic frieze which contains the body in a shallow and restricted space. The awkward twist and thrust of the body with its outflung arms, transforms the image into one of distress, resistance, and awkward physicality very much at odds with representations by Tintoretto, Guido Reni, and others who choose to position the female figure within attitudes of graceful display. Other representations of the subject in Itali painting, including those by the Carracci circle and Sisto Badalocchio (c. 1609) reinforce the masculine gaze by directi both looks toward the female body. The conspiratorial glanc of one Elder toward the viewer in Gentileschi's painting may be unique. It also produces a more disturbing psychological content, as the triangle inscribed by the three heads, and the positioning of the arms, not only focuses Susanna as the object of the conspiracy, but also implicates a third witness, a spectator who receives the silencing gesture of the older male as surely as if "he" were part of the painting's space. The figure of Susanna is fixed like a butterfly on a pin between these gazes, two within the frame of the painting, the other outside it, but implicitly incorporated into the composition. Abandoning more traditional compositions in which Susanna figure is off-center, along a diagonal or orthogonal line which allows the spectator to move freely in relation to the image, Gentileschi moves the figure close to the center of the composition and uses the spectator's position in front of the canvas to fix her rigidly in place. ...
男性主導和女性從屬。真蒂萊斯基的版本在很大程度上背離了這個傳統。將蘇珊娜從花園中移走，對自然豐沛女性氣質的傳統隱喻真蒂萊斯基將人物與僵硬的建築飾帶隔離開來，該飾帶將身體限制在淺而有限的空間中。手臂張開的身體笨拙的扭轉和推力，將這一形象轉變為一種痛苦、抵抗和笨拙的身體特徵，這與丁托列托、吉多·雷尼和其他選擇將女性形象定位在態度中的人的表現非常不一致。義大利繪畫中對此主題的其他表現，包括卡拉奇圈子和西斯托·巴達洛基奧（Sisto Badalocchio，約1609年）的作品，透過將目光轉向女性身體來強化男性凝視。在真蒂萊斯基的畫作中，長老對觀眾的陰謀眼神可能是獨一無二的。它也產生了更令人不安的心理內容，因為三個頭所刻的三角形以及手臂的位置，不僅將蘇珊娜作為陰謀的對象，而且還暗示了第三個證人，即接受沉默手勢的旁觀者那個年長男性的形象就好像「他」是畫作空間的一部分。蘇珊娜的形象像一隻蝴蝶一樣固定在這對目光之間，其中兩個在畫框內，另一個在畫框外，但又隱含地融入了構圖。 真蒂萊斯基放棄了更傳統的構圖，其中蘇珊娜的人物偏離中心，沿著對角線或正交線，允許觀眾相對於圖像自由移動，真蒂萊斯基將人物移動到靠近構圖中心的位置，並利用觀眾在前面的位置畫布將她牢牢地固定在適當的位置。 …
Gentileschi's biography has often been read in her representations. More remarkable for her development as a painter, however, is the sophistication of this early intuitive ...
真蒂萊斯基的傳記經常在她的陳述中被閱讀。然而，對於她作為畫家的發展來說，更引人注目的是這種早期直覺的複雜性…
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and empathetic response to a familiar subject. Susanna and the Elders offers striking evidence of Gentileschi's ability to transform the conventions of seventeenth-century painting in ways that would ultimately give new content to the imagery of the female figure. ...
對熟悉的話題做出同理心的反應。 《蘇珊娜與長老們》提供了驚人的證據，證明真蒂萊斯基有能力改變 17 世紀繪畫的傳統，最終為女性形象賦予新的內容。 …
Tassi's eventual acquittal at the celebrated trial in Rome, which included Gentileschi's torture by thumbscrew in an attempt to ascertain the truth of her statements, and Gentileschi's subsequent marriage to a wealthy Florentine were followed by several years in Florence where she enjoyed an excellent reputation as a painter, executed several of her most important works, and joined the Accademia del Disegno, the archives of which include several references to her between 1616 and 1619. The Florentine period, which ended with her return to Rome in 1620 according to Bissell's chronology, seems to have included the Judith With Her Maidservant, the Judith Decapitating Holofernes, and an Allegory of the Inclination commissioned in 1617 for the salon ceiling in the Casa Buonarroti in Florence. ...
塔西在羅馬著名的審判中最終被無罪釋放，其中包括真蒂萊斯基為了查明她的陳述的真實性而遭受指旋螺釘的酷刑，真蒂萊斯基隨後與一位富有的佛羅倫薩人結婚，隨後在佛羅倫薩生活了幾年，在那裡她享有作為畫家，創作了幾幅她最重要的作品，並加入了美術學院，該學院的檔案中包括1616 年至1619 年間對她的多次提及。之家沙龍天花板創作的《傾向寓言》。 …
Gentileschi's Judith With Her Maidservant is the first of six known variations on the popular theme from the Old Testament Apocrypha which relates the story of the slaughter of the Assyrian general, Holofernes, by the Jewish widow, Judith, who crept through enemy lines to seduce and then decapitate the sleeping general. The monumental composition, naturalistic rendering and strong contrasts of light and shadow, and use of contemporary models, are all indicators of Gentileschi's adherence to the principles of a fully developed Caravaggism. In this painting, as in the earlier Susanna and the Elders, she emphasizes the psychological complicity of the two figures by squeezing them into the same space, mirroring their bodies, and repeating the direction of the two, in this case female, gazes. The focused intensity of Judith's action, reinforced by the clenched hand that clutches the sword hilt, is a radical departure from Orazio Gentileschi's version of the same subject (c. 1610-12). In the latter, the stability of the pyramidal composition created by the positioning of the bodies of the two women emphasizes the figures' passivity, while the directing of their gazes outward in different directions works to defuse their intensity and commitment to a shared goal-the death of the enemy leader. In yet another version of the same subject, Giovan Gioseffo dal Sole's Portrait of a Woman as Judith, executed at the end of the century, the presence of Holofernes's head lends a merely anecdotal touch to the languid figure of Judith, an image of sensual pleasure who, with breasts bared, turns toward the spectator. ...
真蒂萊斯基的《朱迪絲與她的女僕》是《舊約次經》流行主題的六種已知變體中的第一個，它講述了猶太寡婦朱迪思屠殺亞述將軍霍洛弗尼的故事，茱蒂絲潛入敵人的防線，引誘並誘騙亞述人。不朽的構圖、自然主義的渲染、光影的強烈對比以及當代模型的使用，都表明真蒂萊斯基堅持充分發展的卡拉瓦格主義原則。在這幅畫中，就像早期的蘇珊娜和長老們一樣，她透過將兩個人物擠進同一個空間，鏡像他們的身體，並重複兩個人（在本例中為女性）凝視的方向，強調了兩個人物的心理共謀。朱迪思動作的集中強度，加上緊握劍柄的手，與奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基對同一主題的版本（約1610-12）截然不同。在後者中，兩個女人的身體定位所創造的金字塔構圖的穩定性強調了人物的被動性，而她們的目光向外不同的方向則緩解了她們對共同目標的強烈和承諾——敵方首領死亡。在同一主題的另一個版本中，在喬萬·焦塞福·達爾·索爾（Giovan Gioseffo dal Sole）於本世紀末創作的《朱迪思的女人肖像》中，霍洛弗尼頭部的存在僅給朱迪思慵懶的形象增添了一種軼事的感覺，這是一個感官愉悅的形像他赤裸著乳房，轉向觀眾。 …
The Other Renaissance
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43 Artemisia Gentileschi, Judith with Her Maidservant, c. 1618 ...
43 阿泰米西亞‧真蒂萊斯基，茱蒂絲與她的女僕，c. 1618...
Yael Evan has traced the prototype of the female he approximates a triumphant man in stature to Mantegi followers') drawing of Judith (1491), one of the earliest to invoke the textual portrayal of the original Vulgate J who is said to have "behaved like a man." Tracing the image of Judith through the Renaissance and Baroque Evan and others have shown how the iconography of Ju ...
耶爾·埃文(Yael Evan) 在曼特吉(Mantegi) 追隨者的朱迪思(Judith)（1491 年）畫作中追踪到了他近似勝利者身材的女性原型，這是最早援引原始通俗通俗聖經J 文本描繪的畫作之一，據說朱迪思“表現得像一個男人。”追溯朱迪思的形象貫穿文藝復興和巴洛克風格的埃文和其他人已經展示了朱迪思的圖像學如何...
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gradually transformed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and have pointed out Gentileschi's considerable role in constructing a female hero who transcends the female norm by displaying a capacity for moral behavior in the public realm that is normally denied to women. ...
16世紀和17世紀逐漸轉變，並指出真蒂萊斯基在塑造一個超越女性規範的女性英雄方面發揮了重要作用，她在公共領域表現出了通常女性所不具備的道德行為能力。 …
The most insistent feature of Gentileschi's Judith Decapitating Holofernes-the ferocious energy and sustained violence of the scene has attracted extensive critical commentary, often by writers who have found intimations of Gentileschi's personal experience as the recipient of Tassi's sexual advances in the scene. Yet the naturalistic details-the choice of the moment of the decapitation and the blood which jets from the severed arteries are present in several other seventeenth-century versions, including those of Caravaggio and Johann Liss, whose Judith in the Tent of Holofernes (c. 1620) rivals Gentileschi's in lurid detail. A more relevant source for Gentileschi's representation may be a lost work by Rubens, known today only through an engraving by Cornelius Galle I (1576-1650), which sheds light on the painting's iconography as well as its ...
真蒂萊斯基的《朱迪絲斬首何樂弗尼》最鮮明的特點是場景中兇猛的能量和持續的暴力，引起了廣泛的批評評論，這些評論通常是由那些在場景中發現真蒂萊斯基作為塔西性侵犯接受者的個人經驗的暗示的作家。然而，自然主義的細節——斬首時刻的選擇和從被切斷的動脈中噴出的血液也出現在其他幾個十七世紀的版本中，包括卡拉瓦喬和約翰·利斯的版本，他們的《朱迪絲在霍洛弗尼的帳篷裡》(c. 1620）在可怕的細節上與真蒂萊斯基的作品相媲美。與真蒂萊斯基的表現更相關的來源可能是魯本斯的一件失傳的作品，如今人們只能透過科尼利厄斯·加勒一世（Cornelius Galle I，1576-1650）的雕刻來了解這幅畫，這揭示了這幅畫的圖像及其...
44 Orazio Gentileschi, Judith with Her Maidservant, c. 1610-12 ...
44 奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基（Orazio Gentileschi），《朱迪思和她的女僕》，c. 1610-12 ...
The Other Renaissance
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45 Artemisia Gentileschi, Judith Le ...
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gruesome nature. Rubens's work provides a possible source for the powerful female figure with its muscular arms, neck, and upper torso, but is significantly different from Gentileschi's rendering in its attention to the graceful and revealing swirl of drapery around the female body. Despite pictorial sources in Caravaggio, Rubens, and Orazio Gentileschi, there is nothing in the history of Western painting to prepare us for Gentileschi's expression of female physical power, brilliantly captured in the use of a pin wheel composition in which the interlocking, diagonally thrusting arms converge at Holofernes's head. It is not the physicality of the female figures alone, however, which makes it unusual, but its combination with restructured gazes. The coy glances and averted gazes of Western painting's female figures are missing here. The result is a direct confrontation which disrupts the conventional relationship between an "active" male spectator and a passive female recipient. Although Gentileschi's work shares subjects and female heroines with that of a great many other seventeenth-century painters from Francesco del Cairo and Valerio Castello to Guercino, Carlo Saraceni, and Guido Reni, and active, muscular male figures appear in works like Bartolomeo Manfredi's Mars Punishing Amor (c. 1610), its celebration of female energy expressed in direct rather than arrested action was profoundly alien to the prevailing artistic temper. ...
可怕的性質。魯本斯的作品為具有肌肉發達的手臂、頸部和上半身的強大女性形象提供了可能的來源，但與真蒂萊斯基的渲染明顯不同，它關注女性身體周圍優雅而暴露的窗簾漩渦。儘管有卡拉瓦喬、魯本斯和奧拉齊奧·真蒂萊斯基的圖畫來源，但西方繪畫史上並沒有任何東西可以讓我們為真蒂萊斯基對女性體力的表達做好準備，她透過使用風車構圖出色地捕捉到了真蒂萊斯基對女性體力的表達，其中互鎖的、對角推力的手臂匯聚到何樂弗尼的頭上。然而，使其與眾不同的不僅是女性形象的身體特徵，而是與重組目光的結合。西方繪畫中女性人物的靦腆的眼神和迴避的目光在這裡消失了。結果是一場直接的對抗，打破了「主動」的男性觀眾和被動的女性接受者之間的傳統關係。儘管真蒂萊斯基的作品與弗朗切斯科·德爾·開羅、瓦萊裡奧·卡斯特羅、蓋爾西諾、卡洛·薩拉切尼和吉多·雷尼等許多其他十七世紀畫家的主題和女主角相同，但活躍、肌肉發達的男性人物也出現在巴托洛梅奧·曼弗雷迪的《火星懲罰》等作品中。 1610年），其對女性能量的頌揚以直接而不是拘束的行動來表達，這與當時流行的藝術氣質格格不入。 …
The theme of Judith and Holofernes is repeated in the work of other seventeenth-century women artists, but theirs contain none of the characteristics that distinguish Gentileschi's. A Judith and Her Handmaiden painted by Fede Galizia, the daughter of a miniaturist from Trento, at the end of the sixteenth century, reiterates the conventions of refined female portraiture in combination with the stern, moral message of the severed head. Sirani's Judith, despite following Gentileschi's chronologically, is closer to the mannered elegance of Bolognese painting than to the new pictorial ideals of the Gentileschi family. ...
朱迪思和霍洛弗尼的主題在其他十七世紀女性藝術家的作品中得到重複，但她們的作品中沒有任何與真蒂萊斯基不同的特徵。十六世紀末，特倫托細密畫家的女兒費德·加利齊亞 (Fede Galizia) 創作的《朱迪絲和她的侍女》重申了精緻女性肖像畫的傳統，並結合了斬首的嚴肅道德信息。西拉尼的《朱迪思》儘管在時間順序上遵循真蒂萊斯基的風格，但更接近博洛尼亞繪畫的舉止優雅，而不是真蒂萊斯基家族的新繪畫理想。 …
By the time Artemisia Gentileschi arrived in Naples in 1630 she was a celebrity, living magnificently and enjoying the patronage and protection of the nobility. An allegorical figure of Fame, dated 1632, and a Self-Portrait as the Allegory of Painting (1630s) are important works which signal her transition to a more refined later style. Self-Portrait as the Allegory of Painting has been thoroughly analysed as a sophisticated commentary on a central philosophical issue of later Renaissance art theory, and an audacious challenge to the core of artistic tradition in its creation of an image unavailable to any male artist an allegorical figure which is at the same time a self- ...
1630 年，阿爾泰米西婭·真蒂萊斯基 (Artemisia Gentileschi) 抵達那不勒斯時，她已是名人，生活富麗堂皇，享受貴族的贊助和保護。 1632 年的《名譽寓言人物》和《作為繪畫寓言的自畫像》（1630 年代）是標誌著她向更精緻的後期風格過渡的重要作品。 《自畫像作為繪畫的寓言》已被徹底分析為對文藝復興後期藝術理論的一個中心哲學問題的複雜評論，也是對藝術傳統核心的大膽挑戰，因為它創造了任何男性藝術家都無法獲得的寓言形象。這個人物同時也是一個自我......
The Other Renaissance
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image. Following Ripa's description of the image of Pittura, Gentileschi has given herself the attributes of the female personification of Painting: the gold chain, the pendant mask standing for imitation, the unruly locks of hair that signify the divine frenzy of artistic creation, and the garments of changing colors which allude to the painter's skill. The richly modulated colors-red-browns, dark green, blue velvet-are repeated in the five patches of color on the palette. The work belongs to a tradition in which painting is identified as one of the liberal arts, but here artist and allegory are one. Unlike the self- portraits of Anguissola discussed in the previous chapter, here, for the first time, a woman artist does not present herself as a gentlewoman, but as the act of painting itself. ...
圖像。繼裡帕對皮圖拉形象的描述之後，真蒂萊斯基賦予了自己繪畫中女性化身的屬性：金鍊子、代表模仿的吊墜面具、象徵著藝術創作的神聖狂熱的不規則的髮綹以及服裝。調色盤中的五個色塊中重複著豐富的調製顏色——紅棕色、深綠色、藍色天鵝絨。該作品屬於一種傳統，繪畫被認為是文科藝術之一，但在這裡，藝術家和寓言是其中之一。與前一章討論的安吉索拉的自畫像不同，在這裡，一位女藝術家第一次不將自己呈現為一位淑女，而是將自己呈現為繪畫行為本身。 …
46 Artemisia Gentileschi, Self-Portrait as the Allegory of Painting, 1630s ...
46 阿泰米西亞‧真蒂萊斯基，《作為繪畫寓言的自畫像》，1630 年代…
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Chapter 4 Domestic Genres and Women Painters in Northern Europe ...
第四章北歐的國內流派和女畫家…
The conditions that made possible the participation of relatively large numbers of women in the art of Northern Europe predate the seventeenth century. Women in the North appear to have enjoyed greater freedom and mobility in the professions than their contemporaries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although substantial documentation is missing, women's names already appear in fifteenth-century archives in Flanders. Archives of the studio of Guillaume Vrelant, which produced many volumes of illuminated manuscripts in Bruges, mention an Elisabeth Scepens who was Vrelant's student in 1476 and did some work for the court of Burgundy (as did Margaretha van Eyck earlier in the century with her brothers Jan and Hubert). After Vrelant's death, Scepens ran the business with his widow (who, like many women of the time, inherited the business on the death of her husband) and she is listed as a member of the artist's guild from 1476 to 1489. In 1482, Agnes van den Bossche secured an important commission to paint the Maid of Ghent on a banner for her hometown; in 1520, a group of marching widows in a procession of the city guilds caught Dürer's eye when he visited Antwerp and he noted their presence in his journal. ...
使相對大量的女性參與北歐藝術的條件早在十七世紀就已經形成。與 15 世紀和 16 世紀的同時代人相比，北方婦女似乎在職業中享有更大的自由和流動性。儘管缺少大量文獻，但女性的名字已經出現在佛蘭德斯十五世紀的檔案中。紀堯姆·弗雷蘭特(Guillaume Vrelant) 工作室在布魯日製作了多卷插圖手稿，該工作室的檔案中提到了1476 年弗雷蘭特(Vrelant) 的學生伊麗莎白·斯塞彭斯(Elisabeth Scepens)，她曾為勃艮地宮廷做過一些工作（本世紀初瑪格麗特·凡·艾克(Margaretha van Eyck) 與她的兄弟們也曾做過一些工作）揚和休伯特）。弗雷蘭特去世後，斯塞彭斯與他的遺孀一起經營生意（她和當時的許多女性一樣，在丈夫去世後繼承了生意），她在1476 年至1489 年間被列為藝術家行會的成員。 1520年，當丟勒訪問安特衛普時，一群在城市行會遊行中行進的寡婦引起了他的注意，他在日記中註意到了她們的存在。 …
Like Anguissola in Italy, the two best-known northern women painters of the sixteenth century were supported by royal families: Caterina van Hemessen as painter to Mary of Hungary, the sister of Charles V of Spain (after she abdicated her regency of the Low Countries and returned to Spain); Levina Teerline at the English court of Henry VIII. Van Hemessen, the daughter of the prominent Antwerp painter Jan Sanders van Hemessen, was trained by her father and may be the so-called Brunswick Monogrammist identified with him. Her religious paintings include a Rest on the Flight into Egypt (1555) and a ...
與義大利的安吉索拉一樣，十六世紀兩位最著名的北方女畫家也得到了王室的支持：卡特琳娜·範·赫梅森(Caterina van Hemessen) 是匈牙利瑪麗的畫家，她是西班牙查理五世的妹妹（在她放棄對低地國家的攝政權後）並返回西班牙）；萊維娜·蒂爾林在亨利八世的英國宮廷。範·赫梅森(Van Hemessen) 是安特衛普著名畫家揚·桑德斯·範·赫梅森(Jan Sanders van Hemessen) 的女兒，曾受其父親訓練，可能就是與他父親相一致的所謂不倫瑞克字母組合畫家(Brunswick Monogrammist)。她的宗教畫作包括《飛往埃及的途中休息》（1555 年）和 ...
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47 Caterina van Hemesse Portrait of a Man, c. 1550 ...
47 Caterina van Hemesse 《男人肖像》，c. 1550 ...
Christ and Veronica, as well as several paintings by her father on which she appears to have worked. ...
基督和維羅妮卡，以及她父親的幾幅畫作，似乎都是她創作的。 …
A pair of signed portraits, executed in 1551 and 1552, depict a stylish couple against a dark ground in three-quarter views with the direct and sensitive realism characteristic of her work. Van Hemessen married Christian de Morien, the organist at Antwerp Cathedral, in 1554 and the pair were taken to Spain by Mary. Although she provided for the couple for life, no work remains from the Spanish period. ...
一對簽名肖像畫創作於 1551 年和 1552 年，以四分之三視角描繪了黑暗背景下的一對時尚情侶，展現了她作品中直接而敏感的現實主義特徵。 1554 年，範·赫梅森 (Van Hemessen) 與安特衛普大教堂的管風琴師克里斯蒂安·德·莫里恩 (Christian de Morien) 結婚，兩人被瑪麗帶到西班牙。儘管她供養了這對夫婦一生，但西班牙時期的工作卻沒有留下來。 …
Levina Teerline, who was invited to England by Henry VIII and retained as court painter by his three successors― Edward VI, Mary I, and Elizabeth I-was one of a number of Flemish women artists, among them Katherine Maynors, Alice Carmellion, Ann Smiter, and the Hornebout family, who were active in England in the production of miniatures, then extremely popular as articles of dress. Teerline was the eldest of five daughters of the miniaturist Simon Bening and was ...
列維娜·蒂爾林(Levina Teerline) 應亨利八世之邀前往英國，並被他的三位繼承者——愛德華六世、瑪麗一世和伊麗莎白一世——保留為宮廷畫家，她是眾多佛蘭德斯女性藝術家之一，包括凱瑟琳·梅諾斯、愛麗絲·卡梅利恩、安史密特和霍尼波特家族活躍在英格蘭製作細密畫，當時這些細密畫作為服飾非常受歡迎。蒂爾林是細密畫家西蒙·貝寧 (Simon Bening) 五個女兒中的長女，...
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the only portrait miniature painter of Flemish origin known to have been employed at court between the death of Hans Holbein the Younger in 1543 and the emergence in 1570 of Nicholas Hilliard (the first native-born miniaturist in English history and the man whose subsequent career almost entirely eclipsed hers). She married a painter named George Teerlinc and by January 1546 her name appears in court account books as "king's paintrix." Not until 1599 was Hilliard granted an annuity equal to hers, forty pounds a year, and hers was higher than that granted to Holbein. Comparisons such as these can be misleading, however, as court painters were customarily paid with gifts as well as money. ...
已知的唯一一位佛蘭德裔細密畫畫家，在1543 年小漢斯·霍爾拜因(Hans Holbein the Younger) 去世和1570 年尼古拉斯·希利亞德(Nicholas Hilliard)（英國歷史上第一位土生土長的細密畫畫家，他後來的職業生涯幾乎與他的事業有關）出現期間受聘於宮廷。她與一位名叫喬治·蒂爾林克 (George Teerlinc) 的畫家結婚，到 1546 年 1 月，她的名字作為“國王的畫家”出現在宮廷帳簿中。直到1599年，希利亞德才獲得與她同等的年金，每年四十英鎊，而且她的年金比霍爾拜因的還要高。然而，此類比較可能會產生誤導，因為宮廷畫家通常會收到禮物和金錢。 …
Although Teerline's life at court, where she was Gentlewoman of the Privy Chamber, is well documented, little work has been firmly attributed to her. As gentlewoman to Queen Elizabeth, Teerline had to present her with a New Year's gift each year. They begin in 1559 with a small picture of the Trinity and include annual gifts of miniatures. Teerlinc is probably the first painter for whom the Queen sat and Roy Strong identifies these images as important documentary evidence of the appearance of the young Elizabeth before her cult transformed her into an iconic image. Elizabethan state portraiture played an important role in the vast struggle concerning images which divided the reformed and Roman churches in sixteenth-century England and Teerlinc's part in establishing the conventions which led to an imperial iconography of the Elizabethan court deserves further study. Strong has attributed the first frontal majestic images of the Queen, the image on the Great Seal and numerous documents, to drawings by Teerline and the origins of the representation of Elizabeth Virgo must be sought in her images. ...
儘管蒂爾琳在宮廷中的生活（她是樞密院的貴婦）有據可查，但很少有人明確認為她做過什麼工作。身為伊莉莎白女王的貴婦，蒂爾琳每年都必須送給她一份新年禮物。它們始於 1559 年，以一幅三位一體的小圖片開始，並包括每年贈送的微型畫禮物。蒂爾林克可能是第一位為女王坐像的畫家，羅伊·斯特朗認為這些圖像是年輕伊麗莎白在邪教將她變成標誌性形象之前出現的重要文獻證據。伊麗莎白時代的國家肖像畫在關於圖像的巨大鬥爭中發揮了重要作用，這場鬥爭將十六世紀英格蘭的改革宗教堂和羅馬教堂分開，而特爾林克在建立導致伊麗莎白時代宮廷帝國肖像畫的慣例方面所發揮的作用值得進一步研究。斯特朗將女王的第一幅雄偉正面圖像、國璽上的圖像和大量文件歸功於蒂爾林的繪畫，而伊麗莎白·處女座形象的起源必須在她的圖像中尋找。 …
48 First Great Seal of Elizabeth I. 1559, probably after a design by Levina Teerlinc ...
48 伊莉莎白一世的第一枚國璽，1559 年，可能是由 Levina Teerlinc 設計的…
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Van Hemessen and Teerlinc were part of a strong tradition of court patronage for women from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Court appointments exempted women from guild regulation during the Renaissance and they provided women artists with an important alternative to academies and other institutions which increasingly restricted or prohibited their participation. As gentlewomen and painters, women's social and professional lives were elided; their presence at court both affirmed the breadth of court patronage and ensured that educated and skilled women were available as teachers and attendants. ...
範·赫梅森和蒂爾林克是十六世紀至十八世紀宮廷贊助女性的強大傳統的一部分。在文藝復興時期，法院的任命使婦女免受行會監管，並為女性藝術家提供了一個重要的選擇，以取代學院和其他機構，這些機構越來越限製或禁止她們的參與。身為淑女和畫家，女性的社交和職業生活被忽略了。她們出現在法庭上既證實了法庭贊助的廣泛性，又確保了受過教育和有技能的婦女可以擔任教師和服務員。 …
During the second half of the sixteenth century northern artists continued to travel to Italy for training; after that, they increasingly received their professional training in Holland where the guild system remained firmly in place. Although we know of no women painters engaged in landscape and history painting during this period, the spread of humanism and the educational and domestic ideology of the Protestant Reformation increased literacy among women in the North and their participation in the visual arts. By the seventeenth century, Northern European art was dominated by new, middle-class ideals reflecting the growth of commerce and the Protestant Church. A domestic ideology shifted attention from the church to the home, particularly after the iconoclastic fury of the mid-century restricted art to that produced for the home. The themes that characterize Dutch seventeenth- century painting-still-life, genre scenes, flower painting, and topographical landscape-reflect the prosperity of the middle class and the emergence of painting as a secure investment for a non-aristocratic clientele seeking art for their homes. ...
十六世紀下半葉，北方藝術家繼續前往義大利接受訓練。此後，他們越來越多地在行會制度仍然牢固的荷蘭接受專業培訓。儘管據我們所知，這段時期沒有女畫家從事風景畫和歷史畫，但人文主義的傳播以及新教改革的教育和家庭意識形態提高了北方婦女的識字率和對視覺藝術的參與。到了十七世紀，北歐藝術被新的中產階級理想所主導，反映了商業和新教教會的發展。家庭意識形態將注意力從教會轉移到家庭，特別是在中世紀的反傳統狂潮將藝術限制在為家庭創作的藝術之後。荷蘭十七世紀繪畫的主題——靜物、風俗場景、花卉畫和地形景觀——反映了中產階級的繁榮，以及繪畫作為非貴族客戶尋求藝術的安全投資的出現。 …
Dutch seventeenth-century painting continues to challenge art history's emphasis on Italian Renaissance art as a model. When artists-whether because of Protestant interdictions against religious images in seventeenth-century Holland, or the later focus on leisure by a growing middle class in nineteenth- century France-have turned to everyday life for subjects, the results have often diverged sharply from the conventions of Italian painting. Yet those conventions continue to color our ideas about spectatorship, content, and patronage. To paint everyday life is to paint the activities of women and children, as well as those of men; and to record the realities of domestic spaces, as well as to aggrandize public, historical, religious, and mythological events. ...
荷蘭十七世紀的繪畫繼續挑戰藝術史對義大利文藝復興藝術作為典範的強調。當藝術家——無論是因為十七世紀荷蘭新教對宗教圖像的禁令，還是後來十九世紀法國不斷壯大的中產階級對休閒的關注——轉向日常生活作為題材時，結果往往與原著大相徑庭。的慣例。然而，這些慣例繼續影響著我們對觀眾、內容和贊助的看法。畫日常生活就是畫婦女兒童的活動，也畫男人的活動；記錄家庭空間的現實，以及強化公共、歷史、宗教和神話事件。 …
The art that developed in Holland (the term commonly used in English for the seven United Provinces that formed the Dutch Republic) in the seventeenth century reflects the ...
十七世紀在荷蘭（英語中常用的術語，指組成荷蘭共和國的七個聯合省）發展的藝術反映了...
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antihumanism of Dutch Calvinism, the rapid growth and spread of the natural sciences, and the wide-ranging changes in family life and urban living that grew out of this prosperous, literate, Protestant culture. Although an official hierarchy of subject-matter reflected in theory that of Italian painting (with historical subjects at the top and still-life at the bottom), in fact, painters of flower pieces were among the highest paid artists of the time. And although Calvinism recapitulated the medieval call for chastity and obedience for women, the realities of Dutch life encouraged a diversity of activity for women and a level of self-development that enabled a number of them to become professional painters. The variety of subjects in Dutch painting is far greater than indicated here, and the relationship of Dutch artists to Italian art far more complex, but an examination of two areas of Dutch painting-genre and flower painting-reveals new aspects of the intersection of gender and representation. ...
荷蘭加爾文主義的反人文主義、自然科學的快速發展和傳播，以及這種繁榮、有文化的新教文化所產生的家庭生活和城市生活的廣泛變化。儘管理論上反映了義大利繪畫的官方主題等級（歷史主題位於頂部，靜物位於底部），但事實上，花卉畫家是當時收入最高的藝術家之一。儘管加爾文主義重述了中世紀對女性貞潔和服從的呼籲，但荷蘭生活的現實鼓勵女性從事多樣化的活動和一定程度的自我發展，使她們中的一些人成為職業畫家。荷蘭繪畫的主題種類遠比這裡所顯示的要多，荷蘭藝術家與義大利藝術的關係也複雜得多，但是對荷蘭繪畫的兩個領域——流派和花卉畫的考察——揭示了性別交叉的新方面和代表性。 …
A famous critique of northern art attributed by Francisco de Hollanda to Michelangelo is among the first accounts to weigh the differences between Italian and northern painting in terms of gender. "Flemish painting... will... please the devout better than any painting of Italy," Michelangelo is recorded to have said. "It will appeal to women, especially to the very old and the very young, and also to monks and nuns and to certain noblemen who have no sense of true harmony. In Flanders they paint with a view to external exactness or such things as may cheer you and of which you cannot speak ill, as for example saints and prophets. They paint stuffs and masonry, the green grass of the fields, the shadow of trees, and rivers and bridges, which they call landscapes, with many figures on this side and many figures on that. And all this, though it pleases some persons, is done without reason or art, without symmetry or proportion, without skilful choice or boldness and, finally, without substance or vision.” This criticism of northern painting as lacking symmetry and harmony (that is, mathematical proportion and ideal form), and as therefore inferior to Italian painting and worthy of the admiration only of women, the pious, and the uneducated, draws striking distinctions between the painting of northern and southern Europe. If, as Svetlana Alpers has argued, Italian Renaissance art elaborates the viewer's measured relationship to objects in space, praises mastery in mathematics and literature, and asserts a process of art-making aimed at the intellectual possession of the world, then Dutch art functions very differently. In Dutch painting, pictures serve as descriptions of the seen world and as moralizing commentaries on life ...
弗朗西斯科·德·奧蘭達（Francisco de Hollanda）對米開朗基羅所作的對北方藝術的著名評論是最早衡量意大利和北方繪畫在性別方面差異的記述之一。據記載，米開朗基羅曾說過：“佛蘭德斯繪畫……將……比意大利的任何繪畫都更能取悅虔誠的信徒。” 「它會吸引女性，尤其是老年人和年輕人，也會吸引僧侶和修女以及某些沒有真正和諧感的貴族。在佛蘭德斯，他們繪畫時著眼於外在的精確性或諸如此類的事情。有些人感到高興，但卻是在沒有理性或藝術的情況下完成的，沒有對稱或比例，沒有巧妙的選擇或大膽，最後，沒有實質內容或願景。這種對北方繪畫缺乏對稱與和諧（即數學比例和理想形式）的批評，認為其不如意大利繪畫，只值得女性、虔誠者和未受過教育的人欽佩，這與北方繪畫之間存在著顯著的區別。旨在對世界進行智力佔有的藝術創作過程。
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rather than as reconstructions of human figures engaged significant actions. In "Art History and Its Exclusions: The Example of Dutch Art," Alpers convincingly demonstrates implications of this distinction for the representation of w in Dutch art and for transforming the relationship betwee artist as male observer and the woman observed: "The att toward women in [Italian] art-toward the central image the nude in particular-is part and parcel of a commandi attitude taken towards the possession of the world." By contrast, Dutch genre painting details women's occupatio the activities of everyday life, while paintings of single fem figures in interiors, like Vermeer's many works on the ther of women reading or sewing which begin in the middle of seventeenth century, use the absorption of these activities to draw attention to the elusiveness of women as subjects. No longer emphasizing the tension between a male viewer and woman as the object of sight, available for male viewir pleasure, Vermeer and other northern artists allowed wom her own self-possession, her own unavailability to control by another's gaze. Instead, the gaze of the artist/spectator lingers over the surfaces of objects, enjoying the play of lig on rich fabrics, the subtlety of color and the fineness of det that make up the painting's surface. What Alpers has called "mapping" of the surfaces of objects, with its close attentio materiality and detail, has important implications for femi readings. Elevating grandiose conception over intimate observation, writers on art from Michelangelo to Sir Joshua Reynolds have identified the detail with the "feminine." "T focus on the detail," Naomi Schor suggests in Reading in De “and more particularly on the detail as negativity is to becom aware... of its participation in a larger semantic network, bounded on the one side by the ornamental, with its traditic connotations of effeminacy and decadence, and on the othe by the everyday, whose 'prosiness' is rooted in the domestic- sphere of life presided over by women." ...
而不是對人物的重建採取重大行動。在《藝術史及其排除：荷蘭藝術的例子》一書中，阿爾珀斯令人信服地論證了這種區別對於荷蘭藝術中w 的表現以及作為男性觀察者和女性觀察者之間藝術家之間關係的轉變的影響：“對女性的態度在[意大利]藝術中——尤其是裸體的中心形象——是對世界佔有的指揮態度的重要組成部分。”相較之下，荷蘭風俗畫詳細描述了女性在日常生活中的活動，而室內裝飾中的單一女性人物畫，就像維米爾從十七世紀中葉開始的許多關於女性讀書或縫紉的作品一樣，吸收了這些女性的元素。維梅爾和其他北方藝術家不再強調男性觀眾和女性作為視覺對象之間的緊張關係，而是讓女性擁有自己的自製力，讓女性不受他人目光的控制。相反，藝術家/觀眾的目光徘徊在物體的表面，欣賞色彩在豐富的織物上的發揮，色彩的微妙和構成繪畫表面的細節的精緻。阿爾珀斯所謂的物體表面“映射”，及其對物質性和細節的密切關注，對女性解讀具有重要意義。從米開朗基羅到約書亞·雷諾茲爵士，藝術作家們將宏偉的構想置於親密的觀察之上，他們將細節視為「女性化」。 「不要注意細節，」內奧米·肖爾在《閱讀德》中建議道，「尤其要注意細節，因為消極性是要意識到的... 它參與了一個更大的語義網絡，一方面受到裝飾性的限制，具有女性化和頹廢的傳統內涵，另一方面受到日常生活的限制，其「平庸」植根於所主持的家庭生活領域。是女性所為。
Much Dutch genre painting of this period does indeed lovingly catalogue the images and objects of the Dutch household, and its middle-class and Protestant orientation contributed to new social roles for the artist and new kinds of content. The relatively low prices paid by a large public interested in paintings as embellishment for the home encouraged the recruiting of artists primarily from middle- and lower-class families, and a continuing lack of distinction between painting and other craft traditions which provided furnishing for the home. The role of women as spectators in seventeenth-century Holland, actively making decisions abo- ...
這段時期的許多荷蘭風俗畫確實親切地記錄了荷蘭家庭的圖像和物品，其中產階級和新教取向為藝術家提供了新的社會角色和新的內容類型。大批公眾對繪畫作為家居裝飾感興趣，支付的價格相對較低，這鼓勵了主要從中下層家庭招募藝術家，並且繪畫和其他為家居提供裝飾的工藝傳統之間持續缺乏區別。十七世紀荷蘭婦女作為旁觀者的角色，積極做出有關...
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the circulation and consumption of images, remains to be analysed and theorized. ...
影像的流通和消費，還有待分析和理論化。 …
The use of the term "genre" to describe paintings of everyday life is relatively recent. In the seventeenth century paintings were identified by subject; scenes of daily life ranged from banquet and brothel paintings to interiors, family groups, and women and servants engaged in domestic activities. There is evidence to suggest that over the century the content of these paintings, whose numbers increase steadily up to the 1660s and then grow sharply in the 1670s, moved from allegorical or emblematic to more descriptive. The debate about whether to read these images as symbolic or realist continues, but it appears that many paintings both describe actual scenes and have pictorial sources in popular emblematic literature like Jacob Cats's emblem books (in which a motto, a picture, and a commentary elicit a moral injunction). ...
使用“流派”一詞來描述日常生活的繪畫是相對較新的事情。在十七世紀，繪畫是按主題來辨識的。日常生活場景從宴會和妓院繪畫到室內裝飾、家庭團體以及從事家務活動的婦女和僕人。有證據表明，在一個世紀中，這些畫作的數量在 1660 年代之前穩步增加，然後在 1670 年代急劇增長，從寓言或像徵性轉向更具描述性。關於這些圖像是像徵性的還是現實主義的爭論仍在繼續，但似乎許多畫作既描述了實際場景，又在流行的象徵性文學中擁有圖像來源，例如雅各布·貓的象徵性書籍（其中的座右銘、圖片和評論引發了人們的興趣）道德禁令）。 …
Seventeenth-century Holland also had a large and powerful group of non-professional practitioners of the arts. When Houbraken published his Groote Schouburgh der Nederlantsche Konstschilders en Schilderessen (The Story of Netherlandish Painters and Paintresses) in 1718, he placed next to a portrait of Rembrandt one of Anna Maria Schurman, an accomplished scholar and feminist who drew, painted, and etched as an amateur (and who was admitted to the Utrecht Guild of St. Luke in 1641). Although two self-portraits are the only works that exist today by Schurman's hand, the woman that Dutch poets called their "Sappho and their Corneille" was an important voice in the call for independent women in Dutch culture. ...
十七世紀的荷蘭也擁有一大批強大的非專業藝術從業人員群體。當胡布拉肯於1718 年出版他的《Groote Schouburgh der Nederlantsche Konstschilders en Schilderessen》（《荷蘭畫家和女畫家的故事》）時，他在倫勃朗的肖像旁邊放置了安娜·瑪麗亞·舒爾曼（Anna Maria Schurman）的一幅肖像。儘管舒曼手下現存的僅有兩幅自畫像，但這位被荷蘭詩人稱為「薩福和他們的高乃依」的女人是荷蘭文化中呼籲獨立女性的重要聲音。 …
The Protestantism of Dutch art eliminated the Blessed Virgin as a female model, while the lack of a strong Neoplatonic movement in the North prevented the identification of female form with ideal beauty in painting. Instead, the imagery of the home assumed a central place in Dutch iconography-as a microcosm of the properly governed commonwealth and as emblematic of education and the domestication of the senses. The well-ordered household, a condition for an orderly society, consisted of the family, their servants and belongings. Within the home, the primary emblem of the domestic virtue that ensured the smooth running of society was the image of a woman engaged in needlework, sewing, embroidery or lacemaking. ...
荷蘭藝術的新教取消了聖母作為女性模特，而北方缺乏強大的新柏拉圖主義運動阻礙了繪畫中女性形象與理想美的認同。相反，家庭的意像在荷蘭圖像學中佔據了中心地位——作為妥善治理的聯邦的縮影，作為教育和感官馴化的象徵。秩序井然的家庭是有序社會的條件，由家庭、僕人和財產所組成。在家庭中，確保社會順利運作的家庭美德的主要標誌是從事針線、縫紉、刺繡或花邊製作的婦女形象。 …
The imagery of the domestic interior provides a context in which to observe the increasing prosperity of the Dutch Republic through the material goods that fill the home. There are surprisingly few paintings that have as their subject the actual commerce and trade that underlie the seventeenth ...
家庭內部的意象提供了一個背景，讓我們可以透過家裡的物質商品來觀察荷蘭共和國日益繁榮的情況。令人驚訝的是，很少有繪畫以十七世紀基礎上的實際商業和貿易為主題…
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century's wealth, for such subjects could not easily be reconciled with Calvinist ambivalence toward the acquisi of money. The domestic interior, on the other hand, was a worldly embodiment of Christian principles and an appro setting for the display of goods. These paintings offer a m layered view of the realities of Dutch social and economic life at the time, including the gendered division of labor in key occupations like cloth production. They also warn of the dangers of unrestrained female sexuality (for exam the negative implications of men and women "exchangin- places in activities related to cloth production). ...
世紀的財富，因為這些主題很難與加爾文主義者對金錢獲取的矛盾心理相調和。另一方面，家庭內部則是基督教原則的世俗體現，也是展現商品的適當環境。這些畫作提供了當時荷蘭社會和經濟生活現實的分層視角，包括布料生產等關鍵職業中的性別分工。他們也警告女性性行為不受限制的危險（例如男性和女性「在與布料生產相關的活動中交換位置」的負面影響）。
During the course of the century, images of men and women weaving and spinning underwent significant char in response to shifts in domestic ideology, as well as in cloth production. In 1602, the governor of Leiden's guild of say-weaving (a cloth like serge) commissioned a series of eleven glass paintings depicting the process of say-clot ...
在這個世紀中，由於國內意識形態和布料生產的變化，紡織和紡紗的男女形象經歷了重大改變。 1602 年，萊頓 Say-weaving（類似嗶嘰的布料）行會的會長委託創作了一系列 11 幅玻璃畫，描繪了 Say-clot 的過程...
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manufacture in Leiden (along with Haarlem the major center of cloth production). All that remains are eleven preparatory drawings by Isaac Claesz van Swanenburg. Linda Stone has shown the drawings to depict the industry in a favorable and idealizing light. In Spinning and Weaving, men and women work together in a large room but, as in other depictions of labor, men do the actual weaving while women's activities are restricted to washing, spinning, winding, and carding the wool. Women were prohibited from certain aspects of making cloth in professional workshops and working conditions for women and children were far worse than those for men. Many children, especially orphans, worked fourteen-hour days for a couple of pennies a week. The organization of cloth production by entrepreneurs ("drapiers" wealthy enough to afford the purchase of raw materials which they then jobbed out to spinners and weavers) encouraged a strict division of labor and the use of women and children as a means of keeping wages low. ...
萊頓（以及主要的布料生產中心哈勒姆）製造。剩下的只有艾薩克·克萊茲·範·斯瓦嫩堡 (Isaac Claesz van Swanenburg) 繪製的十一幅預備圖。琳達·斯通（Linda Stone）展示了這些圖紙，以有利且理想化的角度描繪了該行業。在《紡紗與編織》中，男人和女人在一個大房間裡一起工作，但與其他勞動描述一樣，男人進行實際的編織，而女人的活動僅限於洗滌、紡紗、捲繞和梳理羊毛。婦女被禁止在專業作坊製作布料的某些環節，婦女和兒童的工作條件比男性差得多。許多孩子，尤其是孤兒，每天工作十四個小時，每週只賺幾分錢。企業家（「布料商」有足夠的錢購買原料，然後將原料分配給紡紗工和織布工）組織布料生產，鼓勵嚴格的勞動分工，並利用婦女和兒童作為保持低工資的手段。 …
By the 1630s, the pure woolen industry in Leiden was prominent enough for its guild to establish a guildhall (lakenhal) of its own. A local artist, Susanna van Steenwijck- Gaspoel, was commissioned in 1642 to execute a painting of the new building. The wife of the architectural painter, Hendrik van Steenwijck de Jonge, she was paid six hundred guilders for the painting (an astonishing sum at a time when most non- historical paintings sold on the open market for less than fifty guilders each). The building is rendered in a simplified, almost schematic, style which clearly emphasizes its architectural details, including five sculptured plaques on the facade showing the cloth production process. ...
到了 1630 年代，萊頓的純羊毛工業已經足夠突出，以至於其行會建立了自己的市政廳 (lakenhal)。 1642 年，當地藝術家 Susanna van Steenwijck-Gaspoel 受委託繪製一幅新建築的畫作。她是建築畫家Hendrik van Steenwijck de Jonge 的妻子，她為這幅畫獲得了600 荷蘭盾的報酬（當時大多數非歷史畫作在公開市場上的售價每幅不到50 荷蘭盾，這是一個驚人的數字）。該建築以簡化的、幾乎是示意性的風格呈現，明顯強調了其建築細節，包括立面上的五個雕刻牌匾，顯示了布料的生產過程。 …
By mid-century, paintings by Cornelis Decker, Thomas Wijck, Gilles Rombouts, and others had firmly established the conventions for depicting weaving as a cottage industry in which the weaving itself is always done by a man (though often a woman sews or spins nearby). Such paintings emphasize the accoutrements of weaving and the lower-class nature of the occupation, as opposed to the large-scale manufacture of wool and linen in Leiden and Haarlem. They reinforce a tradition of commending workers' industriousness which originates in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century emblem books and didactic tracts. In Jacob Cats's emblems, the weaver's shuttle is a memento mori, a reminder that life flies past as swiftly as the shuttle moves across the loom. There is evidence to suggest, however, that these depictions of industrious weavers replace earlier and more vulgar representations carried over from medieval times which equate the mechanical motion of the ...
到了本世紀中葉，科內利斯·德克爾(Cornelis Decker)、托馬斯·威傑克(Thomas Wijck)、吉爾斯·朗布茨(Gilles Rombouts) 等人的畫作已經牢固地確立了將編織描繪為家庭手工業的慣例，其中編織本身總是由男性完成（儘管通常是由女性在附近縫紉或紡織） ）。這些畫作強調了編織的裝備和職業的下層階級性質，而不是萊頓和哈勒姆的大規模羊毛和亞麻製造。它們強化了源自十六世紀和十七世紀徽章書籍和教育小冊子的讚揚工人勤奮的傳統。在 Jacob Cats 的標誌中，織工的梭子是一種死亡紀念品，提醒人們生命的流逝就像梭子穿過織布機一樣快。然而，有證據表明，這些對勤奮的織布工的描繪取代了中世紀時期遺留下來的早期和更粗俗的表現，這些表現等同於…的機械運動。
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loom with copulation. Linda Stone has located the shit this view to a new respect for a pious laity in the evolut Reformation thinking. In Biblical and mythological tal Virgin appears frequently as the spinner of life, a mode female virtue to be emulated by other women. Represe of women spinning in Dutch art increasingly refer not profession of cloth production, as do those of men wea but to the moral character of the spinner and the dome nature of the activity. ...
織布機與交配。琳達·斯通（Linda Stone）將這種觀點定位為對進化的宗教改革思想中虔誠的俗人的新尊重。在聖經和神話中，塔爾聖母經常以生命的旋轉者的形像出現，這是一種值得其他女性效仿的女性美德。荷蘭藝術中對女性紡紗的描繪越來越多地不再像男性那樣涉及布料生產的職業，而是指紡紗者的道德品質和活動的圓頂性質。 …
The Dutch translation of Cesare Ripa's well-known le in 1644 introduced a wide variety of allegorical female figures into northern art, many of which were subseque transformed into emblems of domestic bliss. Dr. Johan Beverwijck's Van de Winementheyt des Vrouwelicken Ges (On the Excellence of the Female Sex) appeared in 1643 win portrait of Schurman as a frontispiece and a representa of Dame World transformed into an ideal of the family "the fountain and source of republics." Martin Luther h demanded that women labor with distaff and spindle an the engraving illustrating van Beverwijck's essay, Adam in the fields while Eve spins within the house. The auth call for women's emancipation is carefully modulated b- continuing adherence to domestic models in which edu and the professions are legitimized for women only in t presence of domestic skills: "To those who say that wom fit for the household and no more, then I would answer with us many women, without forgetting their house, pr trade and commerce and even the arts and learning." Ca emblems, on the other hand, reinforced a more conserva and no doubt more widely held view: "The husband mus on the street to practice his trade; The wife must stay at to be in the kitchen." It was marriage and domesticity wh contained women's animal instincts according to both F and medical sources; it was under the sign of the distaff spindle that female virtue and domesticity were joined. ...
1644 年，切薩雷·裡帕 (Cesare Ripa) 著名的《le》的荷蘭語譯本將各種各樣的寓言女性形象引入北方藝術，其中許多後來轉變為家庭幸福的象徵。約翰·貝弗韋克(Johan Beverwijck) 博士的《論女性的卓越》(Van de Winementheyt des Vrouwelicken Ges) 於1643 年以舒爾曼的捲首插畫出現，代表了“聖母世界”轉變為“共和國的源泉和源泉”的家庭理想。 ”馬丁路德 (Martin Luther) 要求婦女使用紡錘和紡錘勞動，這幅版畫描繪了範貝弗韋克 (van Beverwijck) 的文章《亞當在田裡，而夏娃在屋子裡旋轉》。對婦女解放的真正呼籲是經過精心調整的——繼續堅持家庭模式，在這種模式中，只有在具備家庭技能的情況下，教育和職業才對婦女合法化：「對於那些說女性只適合家庭的人來說，那麼，我會和我們許多女性一起回答問題，同時不會忘記她們的房屋、公關貿易和商業，甚至藝術和學習。另一方面，Ca標誌則強化了一種更為保守、無疑更廣泛的觀點：“丈夫必須在街上從事生意；妻子必須留在廚房裡。”根據 F 和醫學資料，正是婚姻和家庭生活蘊含了女性的動物本能。正是在紡錘的標誌下，女性美德和家庭生活結合在一起。 …
One result of growing prosperity in Holland during th period was a focus on woman's sexuality as an object of exchange for money. Representations of women spinning embroidering, and making lace often conveyed ambiguo sexualized meanings. Judith Leyster's The Proposition (16 one of a number of paintings that imbricate the discours domestic virtue and sexuality. Here, the proposition is in ...
這段時期荷蘭日益繁榮的結果之一就是將女性的性行為作為金錢交換的對象。婦女紡紗、刺繡和製作蕾絲的作品常常傳達出模糊的性別意義。朱迪絲·萊斯特 (Judith Leyster) 的《命題》（16 幅疊瓦式討論家庭美德和性的畫作之一。在這裡，命題是...
50 OPPOSITE ABOVE Susanna van Steenwijck-Gaspoel, The Lakenhal, 1642 51 OPPOSITE BELOW Illustration from Johann van Beverwijck, Van de Winementheyt des Vrouwelicken Geslachts, 1643 ...
50 對面 Susanna van Steenwijck-Gaspoel，拉肯哈爾，1642 年 51 對面 插圖來自 Johann van Beverwijck，Van de Winementheyt des Vrouwelicken Geslachts，1643 ...
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by a man who leans over the shoulder of a woman deeply absorbed in her sewing. With one hand on her arm, he ho out the other hand, filled with coins. Refusing to look up engage in the transaction, she completely ignores his adva ...
一個男人靠在一個全神貫注於縫紉的女人的肩膀上。他一隻手放在她的手臂上，另一隻手裝滿了硬幣。她不肯抬頭從事交易，完全無視他的勸告…
Presented as an embarrassed victim rather than a sedu Leyster's female figure is depicted as an embodiment of domestic virtue at a time when the growth of Calvinism was accompanied by a resurgence of brothels. Themes of prostitution and propositions provided an opportunity for moralizing; paintings based on these themes often exploit the idea that women who reject their "natural" roles becom temptresses who lead men into sin. Leyster's treatment of theme is unprecedented in Dutch painting and its intimate and restrained mood does not reappear until some twenty- years later. It has been cited as a prototype for later version the theme, such as Gerard ter Borch's so-called Gallant Off (c. 1665) and Gabriel Metsu's An Offer of Wine (1650s), as well Vermeer's many paintings of men interrupting women at t work. ...
萊斯特的女性形像被描繪成一個尷尬的受害者而不是塞杜，被描繪成家庭美德的化身，當時加爾文主義的發展伴隨著妓院的復興。賣淫和提議的主題提供了道德說教的機會；基於這些主題的繪畫常常利用這樣一種觀念：拒絕自己「自然」角色的女性會成為引誘男性犯罪的誘惑者。萊斯特對主題的處理在荷蘭繪畫中是前所未有的，其親密而內斂的情緒直到二十多年後才重新出現。它被引用為後來版本主題的原型，例如傑拉德·特·博爾赫（Gerard ter Borch）的所謂《勇敢的離開》（Gallant Off，約1665年）和加布里埃爾·梅特蘇（Gabriel Metsu）的《一杯酒》（An Offer of Wine，1650年代），以及維梅爾（Vermeer）許多描繪男人在談話中打斷女人的畫作。 …
Two other paintings by Leyster are among the earliest representations in Dutch art of women sewing by candlelig A Woman Sewing by Candlelight (1633) is one of a pair of sma circular candlelight scenes with full-length figures showing influence of Hals and the Utrecht Caravaggisti. Although a history has been complicit in generalizing such representa into embodiments of domestic virtue, significant differenc in fact exist in the presentation of this type of female labor Dutch art, as well as in the class and material circumstanc■ of the women engaged in it. A series of engravings of dome work by Geertruyd Roghman, daughter of the engraver Her Lambertsz and sister of the painter and etcher Roelant Roghman, made about the middle of the century, emphasiz the labor of needlework rather than the leisure and reverie that it has come to signify in paintings like Vermeer's The Lacemaker (c. 1665-68). In Vermeer's painting, a stylish youn woman bends over her bobbins completely absorbed in her task. In contrast, Roghman's figures are often in strained with their heads bent uncomfortably close to their laps as i to stress the difficulty of doing fine work in the dim interio- of Dutch houses of the period. Surrounded by the impleme: necessary to their activities-spindles, combs, bundles of c and thread-they demonstrate the complexity and physical labor of the task. Woman Spinning (before 1650) is the fourth in a series of five engravings whose others are sewing, pleat fabric, cleaning, and cooking. Roghman's woman is withou moralizing inscription integral to emblematic representatio ...
萊斯特的另外兩幅畫是荷蘭燭光婦女縫紉藝術中最早的代表作之一。斯和烏得勒支卡拉瓦吉斯蒂的影響。儘管歷史一直在將這種表現概括為家庭美德的體現，但事實上，這種女性勞動荷蘭藝術的表現以及參與其中的婦女的階級和物質環境存在顯著差異。 Geertruyd Roghman 是雕刻家Her Lambertsz 的女兒，也是畫家和蝕刻師Roelant Roghman 的妹妹，她於本世紀中葉創作了一系列圓頂雕刻作品，強調了針線活的勞動，而不是隨之而來的休閒和遐想。 在維梅爾的《花邊女工》（約 1665-68 年）等畫作中表示。在維梅爾的畫作中，一位時尚的年輕女子彎下腰，完全專注於自己的工作。相較之下，羅格曼筆下的人物經常緊張地低著頭，不舒服地靠近膝蓋，以強調在當時荷蘭房屋昏暗的室內進行精細工作的困難。周圍環繞著工具：他們的活動所必需的——紡錘、梳子、一束布和線——他們展示了任務的複雜性和體力勞動。 《紡紗的女人》（1650 年之前）是五幅版畫系列中的第四幅，其他版畫包括縫紉、打褶織物、清潔和烹飪。羅格曼筆下的女人並沒有成為象徵性表現中不可或缺的說教銘文…
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and the emphasis on the woman's concentration, her sympathetic relationship to the watching child, and the careful description of objects evoke a mood of balance and order. ...
強調女人的專注、她與觀看的孩子的同情關係以及對物體的仔細描述喚起了一種平衡和秩序的情緒。 …
If Roghman's engravings express the utilitarian aspects of cloth production in the Dutch home, Vermeer's and Caspar Netscher's paintings of lacemakers rely on rich colors and fabrics to reinforce the intimacy and sensuality of women in repose. Vermeer's lacemaker is a woman making the bobbin lace then popular among prosperous Dutch women, not for profit, but as an indication that northern women were as accomplished at the production of luxury goods as their better- known French and Flemish contemporaries. ...
如果羅格曼的版畫表達了荷蘭家庭布料生產的實用性，那麼維梅爾和卡斯帕·內徹的蕾絲女工畫作則依靠豐富的色彩和麵料來增強休息時女性的親密感和性感。維梅爾筆下的花邊女工是一位製作梭芯花邊的婦女，當時，這種花邊在荷蘭富裕女性中很流行，目的不是為了盈利，而是為了表明北方女性在奢侈品生產方面與她們更為著名的法國和佛蘭德同時代女性一樣出色。 …
Needlework and lacemaking had very different roles in the lives of women of the upper and lower classes. The expansion of the Dutch market for lace exports, after France imposed high duties on its own products in 1667, renewed interest in the skill of lacemaking, long an occupation for upper-class women. The activity became identified with charity and the reeducation of wayward girls in domestic virtues, and provided suitable employment for orphans. The finest bobbin lace was done by professional linen seamstresses, but an ordinance issued by the Amsterdam town council in 1529 indicates that poor girls could earn a living from lacework. Bobbin lace of the kind shown in Vermeer's painting was also made in orphanages and charitable institutions. ...
針線和花邊製作在上層和下層婦女的生活中扮演著截然不同的角色。 1667 年法國對其本國產品徵收高額關稅後，荷蘭蕾絲出口市場的擴大，重新燃起了人們對長期以來一直是上層階級女性職業的蕾絲製作技藝的興趣。這項活動被認為是慈善事業和對任性女孩進行家庭美德的再教育，並為孤兒提供了合適的就業機會。最精美的梭芯花邊是由專業的亞麻女裁縫師製作的，但阿姆斯特丹市議會於 1529 年頒布的一項法令表明，貧窮的女孩可以靠花邊工作謀生。維梅爾畫作中所展示的那種梭芯花邊也是在孤兒院和慈善機構中製作的。 …
The association of needlework with feminine virtue focused attention on this aspect of female domestic life as the site of a growing struggle over conflicting roles for women. In his Christiani matrimoni institutio, Erasmus of Rotterdam, the leading Dutch humanist of the sixteenth century, had satirized the preoccupation with needlework at the expense of education for women of the nobility: "The distaff and spindle are in truth the tools of all women and suitable for avoiding idleness.... Even people of wealth and birth train their daughters to weave tapestries or silken cloths.... It would be better if they taught them to study, for study busies the whole soul." In The Learned Maid, or Whether a Maid may be a Scholar, Schurman argued that girls should be taught mathematics, music, and painting, rather than embroidery: "Some object that the needle and distaff supply women with all the scope they need. And I own that not a few are of this mind.... But I decline to accept this Lesbian rule, naturally preferring to listen to reason rather than custom." ...
針線與女性美德的聯繫將人們的注意力集中在女性家庭生活的這一方面，因為女性角色衝突的鬥爭日益激烈。十六世紀荷蘭著名人文主義者鹿特丹的伊拉斯謨在他的基督教婚姻研究所中諷刺了以犧牲貴族婦女教育為代價的對針線活的專注：「紡線和紡錘實際上是所有婦女的工具，適合避免懶惰……甚至富有和出身的人也訓練他們的女兒編織掛毯或絲布……如果他們教她們學習那就更好了，因為學習使整個靈魂忙碌。在《博學的女僕，或者女僕是否可以成為學者》一書中，舒爾曼認為女孩應該學習數學、音樂和繪畫，而不是刺繡：「有些人反對針和線桿為女性提供了她們所需的所有範圍。 …
Throughout the seventeenth century, painting served both domestic and scientific ends; that which was accurately observed pleased the eye and in turn confirmed the wisdom ...
在整個十七世紀，繪畫既服務於家庭目的，也服務於科學目的。被準確觀察到的事物使眼睛愉悅，進而證實了智慧......
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53 ABOVE Judith Leyster, A Woman Sewing by Candlelight, 1633 54 RIGHT Vermeer, The Lacemaker, c. 1665-68 ...
53 上圖朱迪絲‧萊斯特（Judith Leyster），《燭光縫紉的女人》，1633 年 54 右圖 維梅爾（Vermeer），《花邊女工》，約 1633 年1665-68 ...
and plan of God. Science and art met in this period in flower painting and botanical illustration. The task of describing minute nature required the same qualities of diligence, patience, and manual dexterity that are often used to denigrate "women's work." Women were, in fact, critical to the development of the floral still-life, a genre highly esteemed in the seventeenth century but, by the nineteenth, dismissed as an inferior one ideally suited to the limited talents of women amateurs. ...
和神的計劃。科學與藝術在這段時期在花卉畫和植物插圖中相遇。描述微小自然的任務需要勤奮、耐心和手工靈巧的品質，而這些品質常常被用來詆毀「女性的工作」。事實上，女性對於花卉靜物畫的發展至關重要，這一流派在 17 世紀備受推崇，但到了 19 世紀，被認為是一種低劣的畫派，非常適合女性業餘愛好者有限的才能。 …
Until well into the sixteenth century, the major source for plant illustrations in popular herbal guides was not nature but previous illustrations. Not until the publication of Otto Brunfels's Herbarium vivae eicones in 1530-32, with woodcuts by Hans Weidnitz, did illustrators begin working directly from nature. Many of these herbals were hand-painted and it is known that Christophe Plantin of Antwerp employed women illuminators to color the botanical books he produced. The herbals formed the basis of the development of systematic knowledge of flowering plants which took place in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Side by side with the study of medicinal herbs was knowledge through folk medicine largely handed down by country women. In his herbal Brunfels alluded to "highly expert old women." Slightly later, Euricius Cordus remarked that he had learned from "the lowliest women and husbandmen." The rapid growth of the natural sciences, stimulated by botanical and zoological knowledge brought back by European voyagers and explorers, transformed the sciences of botany and zoology. The microscope, invented in Holland in the late sixteenth century, was applied to the study of plants and animals, and systems of plant classification developed. The emergence of horticulture as a leisure-time activity for the wealthy led to the development of the flower book, the transition from the medicinal and practical model of the herbals to the appreciation for beauty alone that encouraged the practice of flower painting. ...
直到十六世紀，流行草藥指南中植物插圖的主要來源不是自然，而是以前的插圖。直到奧托·布倫費爾斯(Otto Brunfels) 於1530-32 年出版了帶有漢斯·韋德尼茨(Hans Weidnitz) 木刻版畫的《植物標本集》(Herbarium vivae eicones)，插畫家才開始直接從大自然創作。其中許多草藥都是手繪的，眾所周知，安特衛普的 Christophe Plantin 聘請了女性插畫家為他製作的植物書籍上色。這些草藥構成了十六和十七世紀開花植物系統知識發展的基礎。與草藥研究並存的是民間醫學知識，這些知識主要由鄉村婦女傳承下來。布倫費爾斯在他的草藥書中提到了「高度專業的老婦人」。不久之後，尤里修斯·科杜斯 (Euriciius Cordus) 表示，他從「最低賤的婦女和農夫」那裡學到了東西。在歐洲航海家和探險家帶回的植物學和動物學知識的刺激下，自然科學迅速發展，改變了植物學和動物學。顯微鏡於十六世紀末在荷蘭發明，應用於植物和動物的研究，並發展了植物分類系統。園藝作為富人的休閒活動的出現導致了花書的發展，從草藥的藥用和實用模式轉變為單純的美感欣賞，從而鼓勵了花卉繪畫的實踐。 …
Before 1560, most garden plants were European in origin; during the seventeenth century colonization and overseas exploration led to the importation of vast numbers of new species. According to Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738), "practically no captain, whether of a merchant ship or of a man-of-war, left our harbours without special instructions to collect everywhere seeds, roots, cuttings and shrubs and bring them back to Holland." The century's passionate interest in the cultivation and illustration of flowers proceeded hand-in-hand with a belief that all the world could be brought into the home for study. ...
1560 年以前，大多數園林植物原產於歐洲；十七世紀的殖民和海外探險導致大量新物種的輸入。根據赫爾曼·博爾哈夫（Herman Boerhaave，1668-1738）的說法，「實際上，無論是商船還是軍艦，船長都會在沒有特別指示的情況下離開我們的港口，收集各地的種子、根、插枝和灌木，並將它們帶回港口。本世紀對花卉栽培和插畫的熱情與一種信念齊頭並進，即世界上所有的東西都可以帶回家中進行研究。 …
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The laying out of gardens extended the idea of the kunstkamer (collections of rare objects and curiosities including shells, minerals, and fossils). Pattern books of floral designs, like Pierre Vallet's Lejardin du roy très chrestien Henry IV (1608). dedicated to Marie de Medici who later commissioned some expensive flower pieces, served as sources for embroidery designs. Crispijn van de Passe's Hortus floridus, published in Utrecht in 1614, and an immensely popular work, contained over two hundred plates in which the naturalism of the floral presentation was heightened by the addition of insects and butterflies to the plant stalks. Jacques de Gheyn was a pioneer among painters of flowers and a man who engraved, limned, and painted on glass as well as oils. During the century, many women also practised the ancillary arts of botanical illustration or flower painting for textile and porcelain manufacturers, but only two women, Maria van Oosterwyck and Rachel Ruysch (see below), appear to have had a steady and prestigious clientele for their flower paintings. ...
花園的佈置延伸了 kunstkamer（稀有物品和珍品的收藏，包括貝殼、礦物和化石）的概念。花卉設計圖案書，如 Pierre Vallet 的 Lejardin du roy très chrestien Henry IV (1608)。獻給瑪麗·德·美第奇，她後來委託製作了一些昂貴的花卉作品，作為刺繡設計的來源。 Crispijn van de Passe 的《Hortus floridus》於1614 年在烏得勒支出版，是一部非常受歡迎的作品，其中包含200 多個圖版，其中透過在植物莖上添加昆蟲和蝴蝶，增強了花卉表現的自然主義。雅克·德·蓋恩 (Jacques de Gheyn) 是花卉畫家的先驅，擅長在玻璃和油畫上雕刻、勾勒和繪畫。在本世紀，許多女性也為紡織品和瓷器製造商實踐植物插圖或花卉繪畫等輔助藝術，但只有瑪麗亞·範·奧斯特威克和雷切爾·魯伊施（見下文）這兩位女性似乎擁有穩定且享有盛譽的客戶群。 …
Between 1590 and 1650, Utrecht and Antwerp emerged as the major centers of flower painting in oils, perhaps influenced by Antwerp's prominent role in botanical publishing during the second half of the previous century. The first school of Netherlandish flower painting developed in Antwerp around Jan "Velvet" Breughel and his followers. The earliest group of painters of still-lifes and flowers included Clara Peeters, who was born in Antwerp in 1594 and who worked there with Hans van Essen and Jan Van der Beeck (called Torrentius). The term "still-life" did not appear in the Netherlands until about 1650 and these works were more commonly identified by type: "little banquet," "little breakfast," "flower piece," etc. Peeters signed and dated her first known work in 1608. Of the fifty or so paintings by her hand which have been identified, five represent Bouquets; the others are descriptive paintings featuring glasswares, precious vases, fruits and desserts, breads, fish, shells, and prawns, sometimes with flowers added. Harris and Nochlin have identified her work as earlier than almost all known dated examples of Flemish still-life painting of the type she made, commonly known as the "breakfast piece" because of its assembly of fruits and breads. Although she sometimes included flowers in her still-life compositions, pure flower paintings by her are rare and their arrangements are simple and natural in comparison with Breughel's and Beert's more formal and profuse compositions. ...
1590 年至 1650 年間，烏特勒支和安特衛普成為油畫花卉畫的主要中心，這或許是受到上世紀下半葉安特衛普在植物出版方面的突出作用的影響。第一個荷蘭花卉畫流派在安特衛普圍繞著揚·「天鵝絨」·勃魯蓋爾和他的追隨者發展起來。最早的靜物和花卉畫家群體包括克拉拉·皮特斯(Clara Peeters)，她於1594 年出生於安特衛普，並與漢斯·範·埃森(Hans van Essen) 和揚·范德貝克(Jan Van der Beeck)（稱為托倫蒂斯）一起工作。 「靜物畫」一詞直到1650 年左右才在荷蘭出現，這些作品更常見的是按類型來識別：「小宴會」、「小早餐」、「花片」等。已知作品上簽名並註明了日期這幅作品創作於 1608 年。其他則是描繪玻璃器皿、珍貴花瓶、水果和甜點、麵包、魚、貝殼和蝦的描述性繪畫，有時還添加鮮花。哈里斯和諾克林認為她的作品比幾乎所有已知的佛蘭芒靜物畫的早期作品都要早，這種靜物畫因其水果和麵包的組合而通常被稱為“早餐作品”。雖然她有時會在靜物作品中加入花卉，但與布勒蓋爾和比爾特更為正式和豐富的作品相比，她的純花卉畫很少見，而且其佈置簡單而自然。 …
Peeters's major contribution was in the formation of the banquet and breakfast piece; four paintings dating from 1611 include elaborate displays of flowers, chestnuts, bread ...
皮特斯的主要貢獻在於宴會和早餐的形成。四幅畫作可追溯至 1611 年，其中精心展示了鮮花、栗子、麵包…
Domestic Genres and Women Painters in Northern Europe
北歐的家庭風格與女性畫家
北歐的國內流派與女性畫家 北歐的家庭風格與女性畫家
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rolls, butter, and pretzels piled into pewter and delft dishes and presented against austere, almost black backgrounds. In one of them, multiple reflections of the artist's face and a window are just discernible in the bosses of an elaborately worked pewter pitcher. These paintings are among the most noteworthy of seventeenth-century still-life, a fact made all the more remarkable by the youth of the artist. Peeters's meticulous delineation of form and the imposing symmetry of her paintings, along with her virtuoso handling of reflective surfaces must have encouraged the spread of still-life painting later in the century, but little documentary material about her remarkable career or her patrons has yet surfaced.
在這些作品中，畫家將麵包卷、黃油和脆餅堆放在錫器和 delft 碟子中，並以樸素、近乎黑色的背景呈現。在其中一幅作品中，畫家的臉和窗戶的多重倒影在一個精心製作的紫銅壺的壺頸上清晰可見。這些畫作是十七世紀靜物畫中最值得注意的作品之一，因為畫家年輕，所以更顯珍貴。Peeters 對形態的細膩描繪、繪畫中強烈的對稱感，以及她對反光表面的精湛處理，肯定鼓勵了靜物畫在本世紀後期的發展，但有關她非凡的職業生涯或她的贊助者的文獻資料卻寥寥無幾。
麵包捲、奶油和椒鹽捲餅堆放在白鑞和代爾夫特盤子裡，在樸素、幾乎是黑色的背景下呈現。在其中一幅作品中，藝術家的臉部和窗戶的多重反射在一個精心製作的錫製水罐的凸台上清晰可見。這些畫作是十七世紀靜物畫中最引人注目的作品之一，這一事實在藝術家年輕時變得更加引人注目。皮特斯對形式的細緻描繪和繪畫中令人印象深刻的對稱性，再加上她對反光錶面的精湛處理，一定促進了本世紀後期靜物畫的傳播，但關於她非凡的職業生涯或她的贊助人的文獻資料還沒浮出水面。 在這些作品中，畫家將麵包卷、黃油和脆餅堆放在錫器和代爾夫特碟子中，並以樸素、近乎黑色的背景擺放。按鈕倒影在一個中這些畫作是十七世紀靜物畫中最有意義的作品之一，因為畫家年輕，所以更顯著。的工藝處理，肯定鼓勵了靜物畫在本世紀晚期的發展，但有關她的職業生涯或她的讚助者的文獻資料卻寥寥無幾。
The growing interest in botanical illustration, the emergend of the Dutch as Europe's leading horticulturalists in the seventeenth century, and the development of flower painting as an independent category all contributed to the passion for floral illustration of all kinds. Flowers were often included in vanitas and other kinds of moralizing representation as signs of the fleeting nature of life. Their emblematic and symbolic associations followed them into still-life and flower painting.
十七世紀，人們對植物插圖的興趣與日俱增，荷蘭人成為歐洲領先的園藝家，花卉繪畫也發展成為一個獨立的畫種，這些因素都促使人們熱衷於各種花卉插圖。花卉經常被納入凡尼塔（vanitas）和其他類型的道德化表現中，作為生命轉瞬即逝的標誌。其標誌性和象徵性的聯繫隨著靜物繪畫和花卉繪畫而出現。
人們對植物插畫的興趣日益濃厚，荷蘭人在十七世紀成為歐洲領先的園藝家，以及花卉繪畫作為一個獨立類別的發展，這些都促進了人們對各種花卉插畫的熱情。鮮花經常被包含在虛榮和其他類型的道德表徵中，作為生命轉瞬即逝的本質的標誌。他們的象徵性和象徵性聯想也隨之進入了靜物畫和花卉畫。 十七世紀，人們對植物插畫的興趣與日俱增，荷蘭人成為歐洲領先的園藝家，鮮花插畫也發展成為一個獨立的畫畫，這些因素都促使人們熱衷於各種鮮花插畫。塔（vanitas）和其他類型的道德化表現中，作為生命轉瞬即逝的標誌。
Clara Peeters, Still-life, 1611
Clara Peeters，靜物，1611 年
Clara Peeters，靜物，1611 Clara Peeters，靜物，1611 年
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During the 1630s the tulip, first brought from Turkey to England during the reign of Elizabeth I, came under intense speculation. Between 1634 and 1637 fortunes were won and lost and "tulipomania" dominated economic news with the most famous blooms selling for thousands of times more than any flower painting; by 1637 the craze had burned out. Although Judith Leyster is best known today for her genre scenes, she was a skilled watercolorist who made botanical illustrations that included prized striped tulips like the Yellow-Red of Leiden for "Tulip Books," sales catalogues commissioned by bulb dealers to enable them to display their wares to customers when the flowers were not in season.
1630 年代，鬱金香在伊麗莎白一世 (Elizabeth I) 統治期間首次從土耳其傳入英國，並受到熱烈炒賣。1634 年到 1637 年間，財富贏得又失去，「鬱金香狂熱 」主導了經濟新聞，最著名的鬱金香花的售價比任何花卉畫都要高出數千倍；到 1637 年，這股熱潮已經熄滅。雖然 Judith Leyster 今天最為人熟知的作品是風景畫，但她也是一位技藝精湛的水彩畫家，她為 「鬱金香書籍 」製作植物插圖，其中包括珍貴的條紋鬱金香，例如萊頓的黃紅鬱金香，鬱金香書籍是球莖經銷商委託製作的銷售目錄，讓他們能夠在花卉淡季時向顧客展示商品。
1630 年代，鬱金香首次在伊莉莎白一世統治時期從土耳其帶到英國，引發了激烈的猜測。 1634 年至 1637 年間，財富成敗，「鬱金香狂熱」佔據了經濟新聞的主導地位，最著名的花朵的售價比任何花卉畫都高出數千倍；到 1637 年，這種熱潮已經熄滅。儘管朱迪思·萊斯特(Judith Leyster) 今天因其風俗場景而聞名，但她是一位技藝精湛的水彩畫家，為“鬱金香圖書”製作了植物插圖，其中包括珍貴的條紋鬱金香，例如萊頓的黃紅鬱金香，這是燈泡經銷商委託製作的銷售目錄，以便他們展示他們在鮮花淡季時向顧客出售商品。 1630年代，鬱金香在伊莉莎白一世（伊莉莎白一世）統治期間首次從土耳其建立英國，並受到熱烈炒賣。的售價比任何鮮花畫都要高出幾千倍；到了1637年，這股熱潮已經相當了。水彩畫家，她為“鬱金香書籍”製作植物插圖，其中包括艾米的條紋鬱金香，例如萊頓的黃紅鬱金香，鬱金香書籍是球莖經銷商委託製作的銷售目錄，讓他們能夠在鮮花淡季時向顧客展示商品。
Commissions such as these were profitable for artists like Leyster, although the majority of these books were copies of originals made by unskilled artists. Women did, however, participate in the production of engravings for botanical works and a particularly fine and detailed example of the work of the many women active in illustrations for books can be seen in Jan Commelin's Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantamm Descriptio et Icones (1697-1701). The original paintings made for the illustration of this and other books by the two Commelins are mainly the work of Johan and María Moninckx.
像這樣的委託對 Leyster 這樣的藝術家來說是有利可圖的，儘管這些書籍中的大多數都是沒有技術的藝術家對原作的複製。然而，婦女也有參與植物作品的雕版製作，Jan Commelin 的 Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantamm Descriptio et Icones (1697-1701) 是許多活躍於書籍插圖的婦女工作的一個特別精緻和詳細的例子。兩位 Commelin 為這本書和其他書籍製作插圖的原畫，主要是 Johan 和 María Moninckx 的作品。
諸如此類的佣金對於萊斯特這樣的藝術家來說是有利可圖的，儘管這些書籍大部分都是由不熟練的藝術家製作的原作的副本。然而，女性確實參與了植物作品的版畫製作，Jan Commelin 的 Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantamm Descriptio et Icones（1697-第1701章）兩位科梅林為本書和其他書籍繪製的原畫主要是約翰和瑪麗亞·莫寧克斯的作品。 像這樣的委託對萊斯特這樣的藝術家來說是有利可圖的，儘管這些書籍中的大多數都是沒有技術的藝術家對原作的複製。 Jan Commelin 的Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantamm Descriptio et Icones (1697-1701) 是許多活躍於書籍插圖的婦女工作的一個特別精緻和詳細的例子。 Johan 和María Moninckx 的作品。
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The Dutch colonies in the East and West Indies, South America, India, and the Cape acted as a further stimulus to botanical and zoological illustration. Seven volumes of natural history drawings made in Brazil by Albert van der Eckhout, Zacharias Wagner and other artists are now in the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin. Other drawings from the Dutch East Indies are in Leiden. However, the most remarkable of these illustrations were by Maria Sybilla Merian, who transformed the field of scientific illustration. Primarily an entomologist, Merian has also been called one of the finest botanical artists of the period following the death of Nicholas Robert in 1680.
荷蘭在東印度和西印度群島、南美洲、印度和開普省的殖民地進一步刺激了植物學和動物學插圖的發展。Albert van der Eckhout、Zacharias Wagner 和其他藝術家在巴西所繪製的七卷自然歷史圖畫現藏於柏林的 Staatsbibliothek。其他來自荷蘭東印度的繪圖則收藏在萊頓。然而，這些插圖中最引人注目的是 Maria Sybilla Merian 的作品，她改變了科學插圖的領域。Merian 主要是一位昆蟲學家，在 1680 年 Nicholas Robert 去世後，她也被稱為當時最優秀的植物學藝術家之一。
東印度群島、西印度群島、南美洲、印度和開普敦的荷蘭殖民地進一步刺激了植物學和動物學插圖的發展。由阿爾伯特·范德埃克豪特 (Albert van der Eckhout)、扎卡里亞斯·瓦格納 (Zacharias Wagner) 和其他藝術家在巴西創作的七卷自然歷史圖畫現已收藏於柏林國家圖書館。來自荷屬東印度群島的其他圖畫位於萊頓。然而，這些插圖中最引人注目的是瑪麗亞·西比拉·梅里安 (Maria Sybilla Merian)，她改變了科學插圖領域。梅里安主要是昆蟲學家，也被稱為 1680 年尼古拉斯·羅伯特去世後時期最優秀的植物藝術家之一。所擁有的七卷自然史圖畫現藏於柏林的國家圖書館。她改變了科學插圖的領域。
Born in Germany of a Swiss father and a Dutch mother, Merian's art, nevertheless, derived almost entirely from the great flower painters of seventeenth-century Holland. Her father was an engraver of some note who contributed the illustrations to the florilegium of Johann Theodor de Bry. Shortly after his death, when Merian was an infant, her mother married the Dutch flower painter Jacob Marrell. Merian showed an early interest in insect life and as a youth began to work with Abraham Mignon. In 1664 she became a pupil of Johann Andreas Graff, and subsequently his wife. In 1675, her first publication, volume one of a three-part catalogue of flower engravings, titled Florum fasciculi tres, was issued in Nuremburg. The second volume followed in 1677, and both were
Merian 生於德國，父親是瑞士人，母親是荷蘭人，但她的藝術幾乎完全源自十七世紀荷蘭偉大的花卉畫家。她的父親是一位有名望的雕刻家，為 Johann Theodor de Bry 的花卉繪本提供插圖。在他去世後不久，梅里安還是個嬰兒時，她的母親與荷蘭花卉畫家 Jacob Marrell 結婚。梅里安很早就對昆蟲生活產生了濃厚的興趣，年輕時就開始與 Abraham Mignon 合作。1664 年，她成為 Johann Andreas Graff 的學生，隨後成為他的妻子。1675 年，她的第一本出版物在紐倫堡出版，這是一本由三個部分組成的花卉雕刻目錄的第一卷，名為 Florum fasciculi tres。第二卷於 1677 年出版，兩本書都在紐倫堡發行。
梅里安出生於德國，父親是瑞士人，母親是荷蘭人，但梅里安的藝術幾乎完全源自十七世紀荷蘭偉大的花卉畫家。她的父親是一位頗有名氣的雕刻家，為約翰·西奧多·德·布賴 (Johann Theodor de Bry) 的花卉作品提供了插圖。他去世後不久，當梅里安還是個嬰兒時，她的母親嫁給了荷蘭花卉畫家雅各布·馬雷爾。梅里安（Merian）很早就對昆蟲生活表現出了興趣，並在年輕時開始與亞伯拉罕·米尼翁（Abraham Mignon）一起工作。 1664 年，她成為約翰·安德烈亞斯·格拉夫 (Johann Andreas Graff) 的學生，隨後成為他的妻子。 1675 年，她的第一本出版物（由三部分組成的花卉雕刻目錄的第一卷，題為《Florum fasciculi tres》）在紐倫堡出版。第二卷出版於1677年，兩人都是梅里安出生於德國，父親是瑞士人，母親是荷蘭人，但她的藝術幾乎完全是十七世紀荷蘭偉大的裝飾品畫家。位有名望的人的雕刻家，為Johann Theodor de Bry 的預訂繪本提供插圖。昆蟲生活產生了法蘭克福出於興趣，年輕時就開始與亞伯拉罕·米尼翁合作。第一本圖書在紐倫堡出版社出版，這是一本由三個人合著的書部分組成的保存雕刻目錄的第一卷，名為Florum fasciculi tres。在紐倫堡發行。
Domestic Genres and Women Painters in Northern Europe
北歐的家庭風格與女性畫家
北歐的國內流派與女性畫家 北歐的家庭風格與女性畫家
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LALIO NARCISSUS AFRICAVVS PLATICAVA VILLA PRA
非洲拉利奧水仙VS 普拉蒂卡瓦別墅 普拉
reissued with a third in 1680. Together they were known as the Neues Blumenbuch (New Flower Book), a work which, although less well-known than her work on insects, contains delightful, hand-painted engravings of garden flowers, colored with great delicacy. The plates in several cases depend closely on her father's edition of de Bry's Florilegium of 1641 and on Robert's Variae ac multiformes florum species expressae..., published in Rome in 1665. Merian was also a skilled needlewoman and the book was intended to provide models for embroidery patterns, and perhaps also for paintings on silk and linen.
1680 年，她的第三本作品重新發行。這部作品雖然不如她的昆蟲作品那麼有名，但卻包含了令人愉悅的手繪花園花卉雕版畫，顏色非常精緻。其中有幾幅圖版是根據她父親 1641 年 de Bry 的 Florilegium 以及 Robert 於 1665 年在羅馬出版的 Variae ac multiformes florum species expressae... 所繪製的。梅里安也是一位技藝精湛的女針織師，這本書的目的是提供刺繡圖案的範本，也許還可以用來在絲綢和亞麻布上作畫。
1680 年重新發行了第三本。 它們一起被稱為Neues Blumenbuch（新花書），這本作品雖然不如她關於昆蟲的作品那麼出名，但包含令人愉悅的手繪花園花卉雕刻，並用偉大的色彩著色。在某些情況下，這些圖版與她父親1641 年德布賴(de Bry) 的Florilegium 版和1665 年在羅馬出版的羅伯特(Robert) 的Variae ac multiformes florumspeciesexpressae... 密切相關。熟練的女針師，這本書旨在提供模型用於刺繡圖案，也許還用於絲綢和亞麻上的繪畫。 1680年，她的第三本作品重新發行。 1641 年de Bry 的Florilegium 以及Robert 於1665 年在羅馬出版的Variae ac multiformes florumspeciesexpressae...所差不多的。也許也可以用來在絲綢和項鍊上作畫。
In 1679 Merian published the first of three volumes on European insects illustrated with her own engravings, Der Raupen wunderbare Verwandelung und sonderbare Blumennahrung (The Wonderful Transformation of Caterpillars and Their Singular Plant Nourishment), and the work was
1679 年，Merian 出版了三卷歐洲昆蟲作品中的第一卷，並附上了她自己的雕刻插圖，Der Raupen wunderbare Verwandelung und sonderbare Blumennahrung (The Wonderful Transformation of Caterpillars and Their Singular Plant Nourishment)，這部作品在 1679 年被出版。
1679年，梅里安出版了用她自己的版畫插圖的歐洲昆蟲三卷中的第一卷，Der Raupen wunderbare Verwandelung und sonderbare Blumennahrung（毛毛蟲的奇妙轉變及其單一植物營養），該作品於1679年，梅里安出版了三卷歐洲昆蟲作品中的第一卷，並附上了她自己的雕刻插圖，Der Raupen wunderbare Verwandelung und sonderbare Blumennahrung（毛毛蟲的奇妙轉變及其獨特的植物滋養），這部作品於1679年出版。
56 ABOVE LEFT Judith Leyster, Tulip, c. 1643 57 ABOVE RIGHT Lillo-Narcissus from Jan Commelin, Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantarum Descriptio et Icones, 1697-1701
56 左上圖 Judith Leyster，鬱金香，約 1643 57 右上圖 Lillo-Narcissus 來自 Jan Commelin, Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantarum Descriptio et Icones, 1697-1701
56 左上朱迪絲‧萊斯特 (Judith Leyster)，《鬱金香》，c. 1643 57 右上圖 Lillo-Narcissus 來自 Jan Commelin, Horti Medici Amstelodamensis Rariorum Plantarum Descriptio et Icones, 1697-1701 56 左上圖 Judith Leyster，鬱金香，約 1643 57 右聯網來自 Lillolins聖像，1697-1701 年
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enthusiastically received by the scientific community. "From my youth I have been interested in insects," she remarked, "first I started with the silkworms in my native Frankfurt-am- Main. After that... I started to collect all the caterpillars I could find to observe their changes... and painted them very carefully on parchment." The insects are shown in various stages of development, placed among the flowers and leaves with which they are associated. The second and third volumes appeared in 1683 and 1717 and together the works comprise a catalogue of 186 European moths, butterflies, and other insects based on her own research and drawings. The fact that the insects were observed directly, rather than drawn from preserved specimens in collectors' cabinets, revolutionized the sciences of zoology and botany and helped lay the foundations for the classification of plant and animal species made by Charles Linnaeus later in the eighteenth century. ...
受到科學界的熱烈歡迎。 「從我年輕時起，我就對昆蟲感興趣，」她說道，「首先我從家鄉美因河畔法蘭克福的蠶開始。之後……我開始收集所有能找到的毛毛蟲，觀察它們的變化.. ....並非常仔細地把它們畫在羊皮紙上。這些昆蟲處於不同的發育階段，被放置在與其相關的花和葉中。第二捲和第三卷出版於 1683 年和 1717 年，這些作品根據她自己的研究和繪圖，共同組成了 186 種歐洲飛蛾、蝴蝶和其他昆蟲的目錄。事實上，這些昆蟲是直接觀察到的，而不是從收藏家櫃子裡保存的標本中提取的，這一事實徹底改變了動物學和植物學，並為查爾斯·林奈(Charles Linnaeus) 在18 世紀後期提出的植物和動物物種分類奠定了基礎。 …
Merian left her husband in 1685 and converted to Labadism, a religious sect founded by the French ex-Jesuit, Jean de Labadie (who later married Anna Maria Schurman). The Labadists did not believe in formal marriage or worldly goods, rejected infant baptism, denied the presence of Christ in the Eucharist; they also established missions, including one in the Dutch colony of Surinam. Spending the winter with her two daughters in the Labadist community in the Dutch province of Friesland, Merian had access to a fine collection of tropical insects brought back from Surinam. Goethe relates that, determined to rival the exploits of the French naturalist Charles Plunder, she set sail for South America in 1699 with her daughter, Dorothea. They spent nearly two years collecting and painting the insects and flowers there; the result was the magnificent Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium which appeared in 1705 and was translated into several languages. Merian was also a skilled printmaker, but she did not undertake the engravings, as she had for her earlier works, and the sixty large plates were engraved by three Dutch artists who used the superb watercolor studies she had made. Although Merian's work continues to be of interest to art historians as well as naturalists, its impetus was always scientific inquiry. The book's finest plates are among the most
梅里安於 1685 年離開丈夫，改信拉巴迪教，這是法國前猶太會士讓-德-拉巴迪（Jean de Labadie，後來娶了安娜-瑪麗亞-舒爾曼 Anna Maria Schurman）所創立的宗教派別。拉巴迪派不相信正式的婚姻或世俗的物品，拒絕嬰兒洗禮，否認基督在聖體中的存在；他們還建立了傳教會，包括在荷蘭殖民地蘇里南（Surinam）的傳教會。梅里安與她的兩個女兒在荷蘭弗里斯蘭省的拉巴迪派社區過冬，她有機會接觸到從蘇里南帶回來的熱帶昆蟲精品。歌德記載，她決心要與法國博物學家查爾斯-普魯德 (Charles Plunder) 的成就一較高下，於是在 1699 年與女兒多洛西亞 (Dorothea) 一起啟程前往南美洲。她們花了將近兩年的時間收集和繪畫那裡的昆蟲和花卉；結果是在 1705 年出版了壯麗的《Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium》，並被翻譯成多國語言。梅里安也是一位技藝精湛的印刷師，但她沒有像之前的作品一樣進行雕版印刷，而是由三位荷蘭藝術家利用她所做的精湛水彩研究，雕刻了六十大版。儘管藝術史學家和博物學家仍對 Merian 的作品感興趣，但其推動力始終是科學探究。這本書中最精美的圖版是最
梅里安於1685 年離開了她的丈夫，皈依了拉巴德派，這是一個由法國前耶穌會士讓·德·拉巴迪（Jean de Labadie）（後來與安娜·瑪麗亞·舒爾曼(Anna Maria Schurman) 結婚）創立的宗教教派。拉巴多派不相信正式婚姻或世俗物品，拒絕嬰兒洗禮，否認基督在聖體聖事中的存在；他們還設立了傳教團，其中包括在荷蘭殖民地蘇利南設立的傳教團。梅里安和她的兩個女兒在荷蘭弗里斯蘭省的拉巴迪社區過冬，接觸到了從蘇利南帶回來的一系列精美的熱帶昆蟲。歌德稱，為了與法國博物學家查爾斯·普朗德 (Charles Plunder) 的功績相媲美，她於 1699 年與女兒多蘿西婭 (Dorothea) 啟航前往南美洲。他們花了近兩年的時間收集並畫出那裡的昆蟲和花卉；結果就是宏偉的《蘇裡那昆蟲變形記》於 1705 年面世，並翻譯成多種語言。梅里安也是一位熟練的版畫師，但她沒有像她早期的作品那樣承擔雕刻工作，這六十張大版畫是由三位荷蘭藝術家雕刻的，他們使用了她精湛的水彩研究。儘管梅里安的作品仍然引起藝術史學家和自然學家的興趣，但其動力始終是科學探究。梅里安於1685年離開丈夫，改信拉巴迪教，是法國前猶太會士讓-德-拉巴迪（Jean de Labadie，後來娶了安娜-瑪麗亞-舒爾曼）拉巴迪派不相信正式的婚姻或世俗的物品，拒絕嬰兒洗禮，否認基督在聖體中的存在；他們也建立了傳教教會，包括在荷蘭殖民地蘇利南（蘇利南） ）的傳教會。蘭省的拉巴迪派社區過冬，她有機會接觸從蘇利南帶回來的熱帶昆蟲精品。 1699 年與女兒多洛西亞(Dorothea) 一起啟程前往南美洲。被翻譯成多國語言。梅里安也是一位工藝精湛的印刷師，但她沒有像以前的作品一樣進行雕版印刷，而是由三位荷蘭藝術家利用她完成的工藝美術研究，雕刻了六十大版。梅里安的作品感興趣，但其推動力始終是科學探索。這本書中最精美的圖版是最
beautiful scientific illustrations of the period.
精美的科學插圖。
那個時期美麗的科學插圖。 精美的科學插圖。
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The latter half of the seventeenth century also witnessed the second major period of flower painting. Jan Davidsz de Heem, Maria van Oosterwyck, Willem van Aelst, and Rachel Ruysch achieved international stature as painters of floral pieces. Flower painters rarely if ever made their paintings directly from nature; instead they relied on drawings, studies, and botanical illustrations. The paintings often include blossoms with widely ...
十七世紀下半葉也見證了花卉畫的第二個主要時期。德希姆(Jan Davidsz de Heem)、瑪麗亞範奧斯特威克(Maria van Oosterwyck)、威廉範阿爾斯特(Willem van Aelst) 和雷切爾魯伊施(Rachel Ruysch) 作為花卉畫家取得了國際地位。花卉畫家很少直接從大自然創作畫作。相反，他們依賴繪畫、研究和植物插圖。這些畫作通常包括花朵，花朵廣泛......
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北歐的國內流派和女畫家...
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differing blooming seasons. Elaborate montages of colors and textures, they are spiritual responses to the world of nature, rich collages of blooms in an age when flowers were commonly grown in separate beds by species and combined only after they had been cut and were soon to die. ...
不同的花期。色彩和紋理的精心蒙太奇，它們是對自然世界的精神回應，是花朵的豐富拼貼畫，在那個時代，花朵通常按物種生長在單獨的花壇中，只有在被剪下並很快死亡後才組合在一起。 …
Maria van Oosterwyck, the daughter of a Dutch Reformed minister and one of a growing number of women painters who were not the daughters of artists, was sent to study with the prominent flower painter Jan Davidsz de Heem in Antwerp in 1658. She later worked at Delft, where she was the only female professional painter of the century (but does not seem to have been a member of the guild), Amsterdam, and The Hague. Her earliest dated work, a Vanitas of 1668, expresses a moral on the transience of worldly things and the vanity of earthly life. Oosterwyck included a great range of objects, ...
瑪麗亞·範·奧斯特威克(Maria van Oosterwyck) 是一位荷蘭歸正會牧師的女兒，也是越來越多非藝術家女兒的女畫家之一，她於1658 年被送往安特衛普跟隨著名花卉畫家揚·戴維茲·德·希姆(Jan Davidsz de Heem) 學習。她最早的作品是 1668 年的《虛榮》，表達了世俗事物的轉瞬即逝和塵世生活的虛榮的寓意。奧斯特威克（Oosterwyck）包括各種各樣的物品，...
58 Maria Merian. African Martago 1680 ...
58 瑪麗亞‧梅里安。非洲馬塔戈 1680 ...
Chapter 4
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59 Maria Merian, Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium, 1705 ...
59 瑪麗亞‧梅里安 (Maria Merian)，蘇利南昆蟲變形記，1705 年...
all lovingly painted, including pen and ink as symbols of the professional life, account book and coins pointing to worldly wealth and possessions, and musical instruments and a glass of liqueur as signs of worldly pleasures soon to pass away. The accompanying flowers, animals, and insects reinforce the theme of the transience of life and the constant presence of sorrow and death. ...
一切都經過精心繪製，包括象徵職業生活的鋼筆和墨水，指向世俗財富和財產的帳本和硬幣，以及象徵即將逝去的世俗享樂的樂器和一杯利口酒。伴隨的花卉、動物和昆蟲強化了生命的短暫以及悲傷和死亡的持續存在的主題。 …
Oosterwyck worked slowly, building up tight, complex compositions with marvellous surfaces. A Still-life with Flowers and Butterflies (1686) displays a glass of flowers resting on a ledge and containing several kinds of roses, iris, and two butterflies, the last perhaps symbols of life's transience. Louis XIV's purchase of one of her flower paintings was followed by the patronage of other royalty, including Emperor Leopold, William III of England, and the Elector of Saxony; this painting, one of her last still-lifes, was either commissioned or purchased ...
奧斯特威克工作緩慢，用奇妙的表面建構出緊密、複雜的構圖。 《花與蝴蝶的靜物畫》（1686）展示了一杯放在壁架上的花，裡面有幾種玫瑰、鳶尾花和兩隻蝴蝶，這也許是生命短暫的最後象徵。路易十四購買了她的一幅花卉畫後，其他皇室成員也開始贊助，包括利奧波德皇帝、英格蘭威廉三世和薩克森選帝侯。這幅畫是她最後的靜物畫之一，要么是委託製作的，要么是購買的…
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60 Rachel Ruysch, Flowerpiece, after 1700 ...
60 Rachel Ruysch，《Flowerpiece》，1700 年後...
by King William and Queen Mary from the artist, who visited England in the year after it was painted. ...
由威廉國王和瑪麗王后創作，藝術家在畫完這幅畫後的第二年訪問了英國。 …
Rachel Ruysch was born in 1664 to Frederick Ruysch, a professor of anatomy and botany in Amsterdam, and Maria Post, the daughter of an architect. Encouraged in her love of nature by her father's vast collection of minerals, animal skeletons, and rare snails, she was apprenticed at the age of fifteen to the celebrated flower painter, van Aelst, the originator ...
Rachel Ruysch 出生於 1664 年，父親 Frederick Ruysch 是阿姆斯特丹的解剖學和植物學教授，母親 Maria Post 是建築師的女兒。父親收藏的大量礦物、動物骨骼和稀有蝸牛激發了她對自然的熱愛，她在十五歲時就師從著名花卉畫家範阿爾斯特（van Aelst），他是...
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61 Rachel Ruysch, Flowers in a Vase, after 1700 ...
61 Rachel Ruysch，《瓶中之花》，1700 年後…
61 ...
of the asymmetrical spiralling composition which became Ruysch's hallmark. Compositions like Flowers in a Vase balance a swirl of twisting blossoms along a diagonal axis. The variety of blooms and colors, and the painter's subtle touch and impeccable surface treatment distinguish her work. In 1701, Ruysch and her husband, the portrait painter Juriaen Pool, became members of the painters' guild in The Hague. Between ...
不對稱的螺旋結構成為魯伊施的標誌。像《花瓶裡的花》這樣的作品沿著對角軸平衡了扭曲的花朵漩渦。花朵和顏色的多樣性、畫家微妙的筆觸和無可挑剔的表面處理使她的作品與眾不同。 1701 年，Ruysch 和她的丈夫、肖像畫家 Juriaen Pool 成為海牙畫家行會的成員。之間 ...
Domestic Genres and Women Painters in Northern Europe ...
北歐的國內流派和女畫家...
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1708 and 1713, she was court painter in Düsseldorf, but on the death of her patron, the Elector Palatine Johann Wilhelm, she returned to Amsterdam where she worked until her death in 1750 at the age of eighty-six. ...
1708 年和 1713 年，她在杜塞爾多夫擔任宮廷畫家，但在她的贊助人帕拉丁選帝侯約翰·威廉去世後，她回到阿姆斯特丹，在那裡工作直至 1750 年去世，享年 86 歲。 …
Ruysch's status and undeniable achievement encouraged many other Dutch women to become painters. Among those who went as painters to the courts of Germany in the eighteenth century were Katherina Treu (c. 1743-1811), Gertrude Metz (1746-after 1793), and Maria Helena Byss (1670-1726). Other women, like Catherina Backer (1689-1766), famous in her time as a painter of flower and fruit pieces, and Margaretha Haverman, a Dutch flower painter who enjoyed great success in Paris and who was unanimously elected to the Académie Royale in 1722, were instrumental in the spread of flower painting among women and a testament to the expanding roles for women in seventeenth-century Holland. ...
魯伊施的地位和無可否認的成就鼓勵許多其他荷蘭女性成為畫家。十八世紀以畫家身分進入德國宮廷的人包括凱瑟琳娜·特魯（Katherina Treu，約1743-1811 年）、格特魯德·梅茨（Gertrude Metz，1746 年-1793 年之後）和瑪麗亞·海倫娜比斯（Maria Helena Byss，1670-1726 年）。其他女性，如凱瑟琳娜·巴克（Catherina Backer，1689-1766），她在當時以花卉和水果畫家而聞名，還有瑪格麗特·哈弗曼（Margaretha Haverman），一位在巴黎取得巨大成功的荷蘭花卉畫家，並於1722 年被一致選為皇家學院院士。 …
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Chapter 5 Amateurs and Academics: A New Ideology of Femininity in France and England ...
第五章業餘愛好者和學者：法國和英國女性氣質的新意識形態...
If we are to believe the Goncourt brothers' account of life in eighteenth-century France, written a century later, "woman was the governing principle, the directing reason and the commanding voice of the eighteenth century." Never before in Western Europe had so many women achieved public prominence in the arts and intellectual life of a restricted aristocratic culture. Never had a culture been so immersed in the pursuit of qualities later derided as "feminine," namely artifice, sensation, and pleasure. It is not surprising that the fortunes of the best-known women artists of the century, among them Rosalba Carriera, Elisabeth-Louise Vigée- Lebrun, Adélaïde Labille-Guiard, and Angelica Kauffmann, are inextricably bound up in the changing ideologies of representation and sexual difference that accompany the shift from a courtly aristocratic culture to that of prosperous middle- class capitalist society. ...
如果我們相信一個世紀後龔古爾兄弟對十八世紀法國生活的描述，那麼「女人是十八世紀的統治原則、指導性理性和發號施令的聲音」。在西歐，從來沒有這麼多女性在受限制的貴族文化的藝術和知識生活中獲得公眾的關注。從來沒有一種文化如此熱衷於追求後來被嘲笑為「女性氣質」的品質，即技巧、感覺和快樂。毫不奇怪，本世紀最知名的女性藝術家，包括羅薩爾巴·卡里埃拉（Rosalba Carriera）、伊麗莎白·路易絲·維熱·勒布倫（Elisabeth-Louise Vigée-Lebrun）、阿德萊德·拉維爾·吉阿爾（Adélaïde Labille-Guiard）和安吉麗卡·考夫曼（Angelica Kauffmann），與不斷變化的再現和意識形態意識形態密不可分。的中產階級資本主義社會的轉變。 …
The emergence of professional women painters of the stature of Kauffmann in England, and Vigée-Lebrun, Labille- Guiard, and Anna Vallayer-Coster in France during the second half of the century is astonishing given the increasingly rigid construction of sexual difference that circumscribed women's access to public activity. Neither their position as exceptions nor later dismissals of them as pandering to the most insipid demands of their age for sentimental paintings account for their phenomenal success or their official status as court painters. They were able to negotiate between the taste of their aristocratic clients and the influence of Enlightenment ideas about woman's "natural" place in the bourgeois social order, and this fact deserves much closer attention than it has received. ...
鑑於限製女性權利的性別差異結構日益僵化，本世紀下半葉英國考夫曼、法國維吉-勒布倫、拉比爾-吉阿爾和安娜·瓦萊耶-科斯特等職業女性畫家的出現令人震驚。無論是他們作為例外的地位，還是後來因迎合他們那個時代對感傷繪畫最平淡的要求而被駁回，都不能解釋他們驚人的成功或他們作為宮廷畫家的官方地位。她們能夠在貴族客戶的品味和關於婦女在資產階級社會秩序中的「自然」地位的啟蒙思想的影響之間進行談判，這一事實值得比現在更密切的關注。 …
As long as the woman artist presented a self-image emphasizing beauty, gracefulness, and modesty, and as long ...
只要女藝術家呈現強調美麗、優雅、端莊的自我形象，只要...
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as her paintings appeared to confirm this construction, she could, albeit with difficulty, negotiate a role for herself in the world of public art. In this chapter, I will show, firstl that the reasons for the success of female Academicians in their own day became the cause of their dismissal by subsequent generations of art historians; secondly, that the ability of these artists to absorb into their persons the qualities which critics sought in representations of women became the most pervasive standard against which to judg their work; and finally, that women artists, professionals an amateurs, played a not insignificant role in constructing, manipulating, and reproducing new ideologies of feminini in representation. ...
由於她的畫作似乎證實了這種結構，儘管有困難，她仍可以在公共藝術世界中為自己爭取一個角色。在本章中，我將表明，首先，女院士在當時的成功原因成為了後來幾代藝術史學家駁斥她們的原因；其次，這些藝術家將批評家在描繪女性時所尋求的品質吸收到自己身上的能力，成為評判他們作品的最普遍的標準；最後，女性藝術家，無論是專業人士或業餘愛好者，在建構、操縱和再現新的女性意識形態的表現中發揮了不小的作用。 …
In the course of the eighteenth century, the court art of French monarchs from Louis XIV, the "Sun King," to Louis X was supplanted. This was at first due to the artistic tastes of wealthy urban elite identified with the interests of the king, also determined to use the visual arts to legitimize their own aristocratic pretensions and subsequently, consolidated by t republican demands of a growing, progressive middle class. In his Painters and Public Life, Thomas Crow has shown that revolutionary political discourse that emerged in France dur the second half of the century originated in the bourgeois public sphere of the city. Oriented around language and spee it evolved out of a complex dialogue with the discourse of an earlier, absolutist public sphere-that of the court of Louis X at Versailles with its resplendent visual imagery centered on bodily image of the father/king. ...
在十八世紀，從「太陽王」路易十四到路易十世的法國君主的宮廷藝術被取代。這首先是由於富有的城市精英的藝術品味與國王的利益一致，也決心利用視覺藝術來使自己的貴族主張合法化，隨後，由於不斷增長的、進步的中產階級的共和主義要求而得到鞏固。湯瑪斯克勞在他的《畫家與公共生活》中表明，本世紀下半葉法國出現的革命政治論述起源於城市的資產階級公共領域。它以語言和速度為導向，是從與早期專制主義公共領域話語的複雜對話中演變而來的——凡爾賽宮路易十世的宮廷，其絢麗的視覺圖像以父親/國王的身體形象為中心。 …
During the rule of Louis XIV (1643-1715), coins of the realm and engravings carried representations of the king as pater familias. Murals at Versailles, painted during his reign, incorporate symbolic images of his ministers as naked children, putti in extravagant painted scenarios confirming divine right of French kings. The Académie Royale de Peintur et de Sculpture, founded in 1648 under royal auspices as a wa of avoiding guild control over the visual arts, stressed the rol of the academicians as learned theorists rather than craftsm or amateur practitioners. Assuming control of artistic education, it controlled style. Establishing a hierarchy of gen with history painting at the top-followed by portraiture, genre, still-life, and landscape-it determined prestige. At the core of the Academy program was the course of instruction in life drawing. Closed to women, it provided the training for the multifigured historical and mythological paintings so important in reinforcing and reproducing the power of the court. ...
在路易十四統治期間（1643-1715），王國的硬幣和雕刻上刻有國王作為家族之父的形象。凡爾賽宮的壁畫是在他統治期間繪製的，其中融合了他的大臣們作為裸體兒童的象徵性圖像，在奢華的繪畫場景中確認了法國國王的神聖權利。皇家繪畫與雕塑學院於 1648 年在皇家贊助下成立，旨在避免行會對視覺藝術的控制，強調院士作為博學的理論家而不是工匠或業餘實踐者的作用。如果控制了藝術教育，它就控制了風格。建立了一個等級制度，以歷史畫為最高，其次是肖像畫、風俗畫、靜物畫和風景畫——它決定了聲望。學院課程的核心是人體素描教學課程。它不對女性開放，為多形象的歷史和神話繪畫提供了培訓，這對於加強和再現宮廷權力非常重要。 …
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Vast processions and theatrical court spectacles in Louis XIV's time reproduced an exclusively masculine dynamic of power in which the elevation of the king to divine status constructed a hierarchy under which all his subjects, male and female, were subordinated. "Domesticated" and "unmanned" were the charges later leveled by Enlightenment authors who came to despise the "effeminized" status of non-royal men under the absolutism of the ancien régime. In this hierarchical social structure, class was a more powerful determinant of status than gender; upper-class women were more closely identified with men of their class than with women of the lower classes and paintings emphasize and reinforce these class distinctions. ...
路易十四時代的大規模遊行和戲劇性的宮廷場面再現了一種完全男性化的權力動態，其中國王被提升為神聖地位，構建了一個等級制度，他的所有臣民，無論男性還是女性，都處於從屬地位。 「家化」和「無人」是啟蒙運動作者後來提出的指控，他們鄙視舊政權專制主義下非王室男性的「女性化」地位。在這種等級社會結構中，階級比性別更能決定地位。與下層階級的女性相比，上層階級的女性與同階級的男性的認同更為密切，而繪畫強調並強化了這些階級差異。 …
When the Venetian artist Rosalba Carriera (1675-1757), invited by the financier and art collector Pierre Crozat, arrived in Paris in 1720 with her mother, sister, and brother-in-law, the painter Gian Antonio Pellegrini (1675-1741)-Louis XIV had been dead for five years. Under his successor, the boy king Louis XV (1715-1774), the court was removed to Paris, where it remained for seven years. It was the artists of the Crozat circle (which briefly included Carriera as well as Antoine Watteau) who provided the new ruler with a visual imagery that completed the transition from the previous century's iconography of power to an aristocratic decorative style with international appeal. ...
1720 年，威尼斯藝術家 Rosalba Carriera（1675-1757 年）應金融家和藝術收藏家 Pierre Crozat 的邀請，與她的母親、姐姐和妹夫、畫家 Gian Antonio Pellegrini（1675-1741 年）一起抵達巴黎。十四已經過世五年了。在他的繼任者幼年國王路易十五（1715-1774）的領導下，宮廷被遷往巴黎，並在那裡停留了七年。正是克羅札特圈子的藝術家（其中包括卡里埃拉和安托萬·華托）為新統治者提供了視覺圖像，完成了從上個世紀的權力圖像到具有國際吸引力的貴族裝飾風格的轉變。 …
The return of a circle of wealthy aristocrats from Versailles to Paris led to a great demand for paintings to decorate elegant ...
一群富有的貴族從凡爾賽返回巴黎，導致對裝飾優雅的繪畫的巨大需求...
62 Engraving with Louis XIV as pater familias. late seventeenth century ...
62 刻有路易十四為家族之父。十七世紀末...
Amateurs and Academics. A New Ideology of Femininity in France and England ...
業餘愛好者和學者。法國和英國女性氣質的新意識形態...
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townhouses. Instead of an art revolving exclusively around the court, the decorative style later known as Rococo also incorporated the interests of the urban nobility, as well as important commercial groups. The sumptuous, pleasure-lovir art which resulted-with its curvilinear surface patterns, lavis gilding, dainty decorations of flowers and garlands, elaborate costumes, and stylized manners-gave visual form to feeling and sensation. Although the court returned to Versailles in 1722, Paris remained a major artistic center. Large commissio resulted in handsome incomes for favored painters. The Rococo style belonged to a world in which birth determined social status, adultery was accepted as a necessary antidote to loveless, arranged marriages, and servants and wet-nurses relieved upper-class women of many of the burdens of keepin house and nursing infants. ...
聯排別墅。後來被稱為洛可可的裝飾風格不再是一種專門圍繞宮廷的藝術，它還融入了城市貴族以及重要商業團體的利益。由此產生的華麗、享樂的藝術——以其曲線表面圖案、拉維斯鍍金、精美的鮮花和花環裝飾、精緻的服裝和風格化的舉止——賦予了感覺和感覺的視覺形式。儘管宮廷於 1722 年回歸凡爾賽，巴黎仍然是一個主要的藝術中心。高額佣金為受青睞的畫家帶來了可觀的收入。洛可可風格屬於一個出生決定社會地位的世界，通姦被認為是無愛的包辦婚姻的必要解毒劑，僕人和保姆減輕了上流社會婦女的許多持家和哺乳嬰兒的負擔。 …
Carriera stayed in Paris for only one year, as part of an international group of artists drawn to the city by wealthy patrons like Crozat. Yet in that short time her work contribut to forming the new, aristocratic taste which adapted the conventions of an earlier court art to a world in which visual display was no longer exclusively in the service of monarchica need. No woman painter of the century enjoyed as great a success, nor had as much influence on the art of her contemporaries, as Carriera. She was the first artist of the century to explore fully the possibilities of pastel as a medium uniquely suited to the early eighteenth-century search for an of surface elegance and sensation. She and Pellegrini (who h been commissioned to paint a huge allegorical ceiling in the Banque de France) played a key role in popularizing the Rocc manner in France and later England, where George III was a major collector of her work. ...
卡里拉在巴黎只待了一年，作為國際藝術家團體的一員，被克羅札特等富有的贊助人吸引到這座城市。然而，在那短短的時間內，她的作品為形成新的貴族品味做出了貢獻，這種品味使早期宮廷藝術的慣例適應了一個視覺展示不再完全服務於君主制需求的世界。本世紀沒有一位女畫家像卡里埃拉那樣獲得如此巨大的成功，也沒有對同時代的藝術產生如此大的影響。她是本世紀第一位充分探索粉彩作為一種媒介的可能性的藝術家，這種媒介特別適合十八世紀早期對錶面優雅和感覺的追求。她和佩萊格里尼（佩萊格里尼受命為法蘭西銀行繪製一個巨大的寓言天花板）在法國和後來的英國推廣 Rocc 風格方面發揮了關鍵作用，喬治三世是她作品的主要收藏家。 …
The daughter of a minor Venetian public official and a lacemaker, for whose lace she drew the patterns as a child, Carriera began her artistic career decorating snuffboxes and painting miniature portraits on ivory. Exactly how she came to pastels we do not know. It appears that by the early 1700s friend of the Carriera family was sending the chalk sticks to her from Rome. Changes in the technology of binding colore chalks into sticks, leading to the development of a much wider range of prepared colors, expanded the availability an usefulness of this medium, but it seems to have been Carrie who introduced a taste for the soft fabricated chalks into France. The dry chalk pigments were similar to those used i women's make-up; and theater, masquerade, make-up, and pastel portraiture formulated an aesthetic of artifice in early eighteenth-century France, at whose center was a woman ...
卡里埃拉是威尼斯一位小公職人員和花邊工匠的女兒，她小時候為花邊繪製圖案，她的藝術生涯始於裝飾鼻煙盒和在像牙上繪製微型肖像。我們不知道她到底是如何變成粉彩的。似乎到了 1700 年代初，Carriera 家族的朋友從羅馬將粉筆棒寄給了她。將彩色粉筆黏合成棒的技術發生了變化，導致了更廣泛的預製顏色的開發，擴大了這種介質的可用性和實用性，但似乎是嘉莉將柔軟的粉筆口味引入了彩色粉筆中。法國。乾粉筆顏料類似女性化妝品中使用的顏料；戲劇、化裝舞會、化妝和粉彩肖像畫在十八世紀早期的法國形成了一種技巧美學，其中心是女性…
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artist: all these factors indicate important directions for future research. ...
藝術家：所有這些因素都預示著未來研究的重要方向。 …
Carriera's loose, painterly technique with its subtle surface tonalities and dancing lights revolutionized the medium of pastel. Dragging the side of a piece of white chalk across an under drawing in darker tones, she was able to capture the shimmering textures of lace and satin, and highlight facial features and soft cascades of powdered hair. The first of her many commissions in Paris was to paint the ten-year-old monarch, Louis XV. He cannot have been an easy subject for she confided to her diary after one sitting that, "his gun fell over, his parrot died, and his little dog fell ill." Despite the flattering depiction of the young monarch, the artist's careful posing of her sitter highlights his regal bearing and inaccessibility. Only in her own self-portraits is the superficial flattery demanded by her aristocratic clientele abandoned in favor of a probing realism. ...
Carriera 寬鬆的繪畫技巧及其微妙的表面色調和舞動的燈光徹底改變了粉彩媒介。她將白色粉筆的一側拖過深色色調的底畫，捕捉到了蕾絲和緞子閃閃發光的紋理，並突出了面部特徵和柔軟的瀑布般的撲粉頭髮。她在巴黎接受的眾多委託中的第一個是為十歲的君主路易十五畫畫。他不是一個容易被談論的話題，因為在一次坐下後，她在日記中透露，“他的槍倒了，他的鸚鵡死了，他的小狗也病了。”儘管對這位年輕君主的描繪十分討人喜歡，但藝術家對她的模特兒精心擺出的姿勢凸顯了他的帝王氣度和難以接近的氣質。只有在她自己的自畫像中，她才放棄了貴族顧客所要求的膚淺的奉承，轉而採用探索性的現實主義。 …
The triumphant year in Paris included several meetings with Antoine Watteau, the most prominent early eighteenth- century French painter. Watteau, responsible for the pictorial development of the fête galante, with its sources in the imagery of the theatrical commedia dell'arte and its complete freedom of subject-matter, also struck a new balance in his work between nature and artifice. He demonstrated his enthusiasm for Carriera's work by asking for one of her works in exchange for one of his and made at least one drawing of her while she was in Paris. Crozat, in turn, commissioned a portrait of Watteau from her in 1721. Far more psychologically intense than her depiction of Louis XV and members of the French and Austrian courts, the pastel's strong highlights and deep shadow illuminate his complex personality. ...
在巴黎的勝利之年包括與十八世紀初法國最著名畫家安托萬·華托（Antoine Watteau）的幾次會面。華托負責《歡樂節日》的圖像開發，其靈感來自戲劇即興喜劇的意象及其完全自由的主題，他也在他的作品中在自然與技巧之間取得了新的平衡。他向卡里拉的作品索取一幅作品以換取他的一幅作品，以此表達了他對卡里拉作品的熱情，並在她在巴黎期間至少為她畫了一幅作品。克羅扎則於1721 年委託她為華托創作了一幅肖像畫。陰影照亮了他複雜的個性。 …
Carriera's successes in France culminated in her unanimous election to the Académie Royale in October 1720. By 1682 seven women, most of them miniaturists or flower painters, had been admitted. They included Sophie Chéron, the daughter of the miniaturist Henri Chéron and a painter, enamellist, engraver, poet and translator of the Psalms, who was unanimously elected in 1672 with a reception piece judged "powerfully original, exceeding even the ordinary proficiency of her sex." With that accolade, the doors banged shut, the Académie revised its original policy and ceased admitting women. Carriera's admission coincided with a brief period when the freedom, colorfulness, and charm of the Rococo manner dominated the arts. Only when allure took precedence over instruction did artists in France experience some freedom from academic learning. Watteau himself benefited from the short ...
卡里埃拉在法國的成功最終於 1720 年 10 月被一致選舉為皇家學院院士。其中包括蘇菲·謝龍(Sophie Chéron)，她是細密畫家亨利·謝龍(Henri Chéron) 的女兒，也是一名畫家、琺瑯師、雕刻師、詩人和《詩篇》翻譯家。菲·謝龍(Sophie Chéron) 的作品被一致推選為“極具原創性，甚至超過了同性中的普通水平”。獲得這項榮譽後，學院的大門砰地關上了，學院修改了原來的政策，停止招收女性。卡里埃拉的入學恰逢洛可可風格的自由、多彩和魅力主導藝術的短暫時期。只有當魅力優先於指導時，法國藝術家才體驗到某種擺脫學術學習的自由。華託本人也從短暫的...
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straightforward and less dramatically idealized than many contemporary portraits. The marquise is shown against a wall of books. Her dark eyes are bright with intelligence and the iconography of the painting makes reference to her scientific and mathematical interests. She holds a pair of dividers and a carnation, symbol of love. ...
與許多當代肖像畫相比，它更簡單，更不那麼戲劇化地理想化。侯爵夫人靠著一面書牆展示。她的黑眼睛充滿智慧，這幅畫的圖像參考了她的科學和數學興趣。她拿著一對隔板和一朵象徵愛情的康乃馨。 …
This work belongs to a time when the mannerisms, artifices, and intellectual focus of salon society were repeated in the stylistic innovations of the official art of the period. The decade in which Loir produced her portrait also saw Boucher decorating a love nest for the wealthy Madame de Pompadour. Many of Boucher's mythological and pastoral scenes of the 1740s were commissioned by this woman, whose role in shaping the official art of her time deserves reexamination. Art historians have tended either to underrate her, perhaps because the art of her period-architecture, interiors, tapestries, porcelains, and painted decorations-is an art of collaboration rather than individual achievement, and blurs the distinctions between "fine" and "minor" arts, or they have over-attributed the development of a “feminine" sensibility in the arts to her influence. In fact, the “feminizing" language of artistic production in early eighteenth-century France predates her by years and must be explored in relation to the construction of gender as part of the ideology of monarchical power at the end of Louis XIV's time. The actual role of women in the formation of this aesthetic is still buried under layers of cultural prejudice and art historical bias. ...
這件作品屬於一個時代，沙龍社會的舉止、技巧和知識焦點在當時官方藝術的風格創新中得到了重複。在盧瓦爾創作肖像的十年裡，布歇也為富有的蓬巴杜夫人裝飾了愛巢。布歇 1740 年代的許多神話和田園場景都是由這位女性委託創作的，她在塑造她那個時代的官方藝術中所扮演的角色值得重新審視。藝術史學家要么低估了她，也許是因為她那個時期的藝術——建築、室內裝飾、掛毯、瓷器和彩繪裝飾——是一種合作藝術，而不是個人成就，並且模糊了“精細”和“次要」之間的差異。事實上，十八世紀初法國藝術創作的「女性化」語言早於她很多年，必須在她的影響下進行探索。與作為路易十四時代末期君主權力意識形態一部分的性別建構的關係。女性在這種美感形成中的實際作用仍然被隱藏在層層文化偏見和藝術史偏見之下。 …
Boucher's paintings are exemplary of the new aristocratic art which emphasized ornament, tactile sensation, and mutual pleasure rather than ideologies of power defined in terms of gender. They belong to the intimate world of the boudoir; the palette is light, the flesh tints pearly. While his female nudes correspond to the voluptuous conventions of the Rubenesque tradition, his male figures are notably languid, attentive, and sensual, passive inhabitants of an aristocratic Arcadia whose resources had, in fact, been sucked dry by oppressive taxation under Louis XIV. ...
布歇的畫作是新貴族藝術的典範，強調裝飾、觸覺和相互愉悅，而不是根據性別定義的權力意識形態。他們屬於閨房的私密世界；調色盤很淺，肉色是珍珠色。雖然他的女性裸體符合魯本式傳統的性感習俗，但他的男性人物卻明顯是慵懶、專心、感性的，是貴族阿卡迪亞的被動居民，事實上，阿卡迪亞的資源已被路易十四統治下的壓迫性稅收榨乾。 …
By the middle of the century, the brief power of the salonières was being challenged by intellectuals. The public response to the dissolute power of the aristocracy, and the women who were associated with it, had far-reaching implications. Although primarily attended by men, the salons signified "femininity"; first, because of the influence wielded by the women who ran them and, second, because of their identification with an aristocratic aesthetic tied to a century-old opposition in French painting between classicism and preciosity. The “feminine" ...
到了本世紀中葉，沙龍的短暫權力受到了知識分子的挑戰。公眾對貴族及其相關婦女的放蕩權力的反應產生了深遠的影響。雖然沙龍主要由男性參加，但沙龍卻象徵著「女性氣質」。首先，因為管理它們的女性所發揮的影響力；其次，因為它們對貴族美學的認同，這種美學與法國繪畫中古典主義和精緻之間長達一個世紀的對立聯繫在一起。那個「女性化」...
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power now attributed to the salonières was also linked to earlier, and widely distrusted, court traditions dominated by the image of the father/king. Preciosity, identified with the Rococo style and the decadence of the court, was redefined by Enlightenment thinkers as a feminine counterpart to a new, masculine ideal of honnêteté, or virtue. It is not surprising that writers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who gave clearest expression to middle-class values at mid-century, specifically contested this sphere of female influence. ...
現在歸屬於沙龍的權力也與早期的、廣泛不信任的、以父親/國王形象為主的宮廷傳統有關。珍貴，與洛可可風格和宮廷的頹廢聯繫在一起，被啟蒙思想家重新定義為與新的男性美德理想相對應的女性。毫不奇怪，像讓·雅克·盧梭這樣在本世紀中葉對中產階級價值觀進行了最清晰表達的作家專門對這一女性影響力的領域提出了質疑。 …
Rousseau viewed the salonière as a threat to the "natural" dominance of men, the salon as a "prison" in which men were subjected to the rule of women. His writings, many of them aimed at formulating a "natural" sphere of influence for women, are shaped by his rejection of a public role for women as speakers, using and in control of language. The fiction of a "natural language" which Rousseau promotes in his novel Emile (1762) rests on a strong connection between natural language and politics by caricaturing female citizenship as a monstrous aberration. It is the salonière's crime to usurp authority, to speak the language of authority, of citizenship, instead of the "natural" language of family duty. "From the lofty elevation of her genius," Rousseau notes, "she despises all the duties ...
盧梭認為沙龍是對男性「自然」統治地位的威脅，沙龍是男性受女性統治的「監獄」。他的著作中許多旨在為女性建立一個「自然」的影響範圍，其根源在於他拒絕女性作為演講者、使用和控制語言的公共角色。盧梭在小說《愛彌兒》（1762）中所提倡的「自然語言」虛構建立在自然語言與政治之間的緊密聯繫之上，將女性公民身份諷刺為一種可怕的失常。沙龍的罪行是篡奪權威，使用權威和公民的語言，而不是家庭責任的「自然」語言。盧梭指出：「從她的天才的崇高地位來看，她鄙視所有的義務...
63 Rosalba Carriera, Antoine Watteau, 1721 ...
63 羅薩爾巴‧卡里拉 (Rosalba Carriera)，安托萬‧華托 (Antoine Watteau)，1721 年 ...
64 Marie Loir, Portrait of Gabrielle-Emilie Le Tonnelier de Breteuil, Marquise du Châtelet, 1745-49 ...
64 瑪麗·盧瓦(Marie Loir)，夏特萊侯爵夫人加布里埃爾-埃米莉·勒託內利爾·德布勒特伊(Gabrielle-Emilie Le Tonnelier de Breteuil) 的肖像，1745-49 年……
of a woman and always begins to play the man.... [She] has left her natural state." ...
一個女人，總是開始扮演男人…[她]已經離開了她的自然狀態。
Rousseau's attack on the theater in his Lettre à d'Alembert (1759) included the remark that when the mistress of the house goes wandering in public, "her home is like a lifeless body which is soon corrupted." Rousseau's identification of the female body with the home is apt in an age of rapidly changing class structure. The body is a primary site of class conflict, ...
盧梭在《達朗貝爾信》（Lettre à d'Alembert，1759）中對劇院進行了攻擊，其中包括這樣的評論：當房子的女主人在公共場合徘徊時，「她的家就像一具毫無生氣的屍體，很快就會腐爛。盧梭將女性身體與家庭等同起來，這在階級結構快速變化的時代是恰當的。身體是階級衝突的主要場所，...
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manifested in customs, styles, and manners. While the hierarchical structures of the monarchy and aristocracy favored superior/inferior relationships, as well as complementary relationships among men and women of the same social class, the new bourgeois ideology depended for its success on the location of affection and sexuality in the family. Containing the female body within the private domestic sphere, as Rousseau advocates, served as a means of controlling female sexuality in an age obsessed with establishing paternity because of the high illegitimacy rate. And it freed men to pursue occupations outside the home. ...
表現在風俗、風格和舉止。雖然君主制和貴族制的等級結構有利於上下級關係，以及同一社會階層的男女之間的互補關係，但新資產階級意識形態的成功取決於情感和性在家庭中的地位。正如盧梭所主張的，將女性身體限制在私人家庭領域內，是在一個因非婚生率高而痴迷於建立父子關係的時代控製女性性慾的一種手段。它使男人能夠自由地從事家庭以外的職業。 …
The ideal of femininity produced through activities like needlework and drawing contributed directly to the consolidation of a bourgeois identity in which women had the leisure to cultivate artistic "accomplishments." Love of needlework was, Rousseau asserts in Emile, entirely "natural" to women; "Dressmaking, embroidery, lace making come by themselves. Tapestry making is less to the young woman's liking because furniture is too distant from their persons.... This spontaneous development extends easily to drawing, because the latter art is not difficult-simply a matter of taste; but at no cost would I want them to learn landscape, even less the human figure." Although the actual circumstances of middle-class women's lives varied widely, the ideology of femininity which Rousseau and others rationalized as "natural" to women was a unifying force in making a class identity. The artistic activities of growing numbers of women amateurs working in media like needlework, pastel, and watercolor, and executing highly detailed works on a small scale, confirmed Enlightenment views that women have an intellect different from and inferior to that of men, that they lack the capacity for abstract reasoning and creativity, but are better suited for detail work. Such activities, however, should not be understood as having been exclusively imposed on women, for many women found both pleasure and fulfilment in these arts. Professional women painters also helped to construct such a femininity. ...
透過針線和繪畫等活動產生的女性氣質理想直接促進了資產階級身份的鞏固，在這種身份中，婦女有閒暇培養藝術「成就」。盧梭在《埃米爾》中斷言，女性對針線的熱愛是完全「自然」的。 「裁縫、刺繡、花邊製作都是自己來的。掛毯製作不太符合年輕女子的喜好，因為家具離她們太遠了……這種自發的發展很容易延伸到繪畫，因為後者並不困難— —只是品味問題；但我不惜一切代價希望他們學習風景，更不用說人物了。儘管中產階級婦女生活的實際情況千差萬別，但盧梭等人認為婦女「自然」的女性氣質意識形態卻是形成階級認同的統一力量。越來越多的女性業餘愛好者從事針線活、粉彩和水彩畫等媒材工作，並在小規模上創作高度詳細的作品，其藝術活動證實了啟蒙運動的觀點，即女性擁有與男性不同且遜色的智力，而她們缺乏這種智力。然而，這些活動不應被理解為專門強加給女性的，因為許多女性在這些藝術中找到了快樂和滿足。職業女性畫家也幫助建構了這樣的女性氣質。 …
Catherine Read's Lady Anne Lee Embroidering (1764), Angelica Kauffmann's Grecian Lady at Work (1773), Françoise Duparc's Woman Knitting, and Marguerite Gérard's Young Woman Embroidering (1780s) are four among many paintings executed by women artists who worked professionally during the second half of the century which depict women engaged in the "amateur" traditions. They cannot be read as simple reflections of existing reality, however, for Fanny Burney relates that Read, who produced a number of images of women sewing, was incapable of altering a dress. Comparing Kauffmann's ...
凱瑟琳·里德(Catherine Read) 的《安妮·李女士刺繡》(Lady Anne Lee Embroidery，1764 年)、安吉莉卡·考夫曼(Angelica Kauffmann) 的《工作中的希臘女士》(Grecian Lady at Work ) (1773 年)、弗朗索瓦斯·杜帕克(Françoise Duparc) 的《編織女人》和瑪格麗特·杰拉德(Marguerite Gérard) 的《年輕女子刺繡》(1780 年代) 是下半年專業女性藝術家創作的眾多畫作中的四幅。然而，它們不能被解讀為對現有現實的簡單反映，因為范妮·伯尼（Fanny Burney）表示，里德製作了許多女性縫紉的圖像，但無法改變衣服。比較考夫曼的...
Chapter 5
第五章
第5章 第五章
65
Grecian Lady at Work and a drawing of the artist herself with an embroidery hoop reveals sharp distinctions between the image of the embroiderer used to impose a contemporary ideal of femininity on the classical past, and the awkward gestures that often accompany needlework in reality. ...
《工作中的希臘女士》和一幅藝術家本人拿著繡花環的畫，揭示了刺繡師的形象與現實中經常伴隨著刺繡的尷尬手勢之間的鮮明區別。 …
In England, as in France, painters had to negotiate between aristocratic and middle-class taste, and between amateur and professional classifications. Although there was a strong ...
在英國，就像在法國一樣，畫家必須在貴族和中產階級品味、業餘和專業分類之間進行談判。雖然有很強的...
65 Françoise Duparc, Woman Knitting, late eighteenth century ...
65 Françoise Duparc，《女人編織》，十八世紀末......
Amateurs and Academics: A New Ideology of Femininity in France and England ...
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amateur tradition for both sexes, women continually found their artistic activities equated with their femininity. For women aspiring to history painting and Academy membersh "unnatural" ambition had to be mediated by strict conformi to the social ideology of femininity. ...
作為男女的業餘傳統，女性不斷發現她們的藝術活動與她們的女性氣質等同。對於有志於歷史繪畫和學院成員的女性來說，「非自然」的野心必須透過嚴格符合女性氣質的社會意識形態來調解。 …
English painting in the second quarter of the eighteenth century reveals both the influence of France and the close relationship between English and French intellectuals. Boarding schools, staffed by impoverished gentlewomen, taught drawing and watercolor to the daughters of the upper and middle classes. The publication of drawing manuals, the availability of prints for study, the existence of clean, ready- to-use watercolors, and the taste for picturesque scenery, all contributed to the growing numbers of middle- and upper-cla women in England taking up drawing as a fashionable activity ...
十八世紀下半葉的英國繪畫既揭示了法國的影響，也揭示了英法知識分子之間的密切關係。寄宿學校由貧困的貴婦組成，向中上階級的女兒們教授繪畫和水彩畫。繪畫手冊的出版、可供學習的版畫的出現、乾淨、即用的水彩畫的存在，以及對風景如畫的風景的品味，所有這些都促使越來越多的英國中上層女性開始學習繪畫。作為一項時尚活動...
Mary Delaney (1700-1788) was seventy years old when she began to produce collages of cut paper flowers mounted on sheets of paper colored black with India ink. The collages, botanically accurate and life-size, drew high praise from botanists and from artists; Joshua Reynolds claimed never to have seen such "perfection and outline, delicacy of cutting, accuracy of shading and perspective, harmony and brilliance ...
瑪麗·德萊尼（Mary Delaney，1700-1788 年）70 歲時開始創作剪紙花拼貼畫，這些花鑲嵌在用印度墨水塗成黑色的紙上。這些拼貼畫在植物學上準確無誤，就像真人大小一樣，贏得了植物學家和藝術家的高度讚揚。約書亞·雷諾茲聲稱從未見過如此“完美的輪廓、精緻的切割、精確的陰影和透視、和諧與輝煌......
Resa Sachs Pamest ...
雷薩·薩克斯·帕梅斯特 ...
66 Mary Delaney, Flower Collage, 1774-88 ...
66 瑪麗‧德萊尼，花卉拼貼，1774-88 ...
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of colours." Hugh Walpole wrote rapturously of his cousin Anne Seymour Damer (1748-1828), the only woman sculptor of note in England before the twentieth century; "Mrs. Damer's busts from life are not inferior to the antique. Her shock dog, large as life and only not alive, rivals the marble one of Bernini in the Royal Collections." But Damer, a wealthy upper-class woman, was considered an eccentric by her friends and was lampooned in the public press for her effrontery in aspiring to carve academic nude figures. In a satiric engraving published in 1789 she is shown wearing gloves as she chisels away at the nude backside of a standing Apollo. ...
休·沃波爾(Hugh Walpole) 興高采烈地寫道，他的表弟安妮·西摩·達默(Anne Seymour Damer，1748-1828 年) 是20 世紀之前英國唯一一位著名的女雕塑家； “達默的半身像栩栩如生，並不遜於古董。她的休克狗大如真人，只是不是活人，可與皇家收藏中貝尼尼的大理石相媲美。她而受到公眾媒體的諷刺。
67 RIGHT Anne Seymour Damer, Shock Dog, c. 1782 68 BELOW The Damerian Apollo, 1789 ...
67 右安妮‧西摩‧達默 (Anne Seymour Damer)，《休克狗》，c. 1782 年 68 以下達梅里安阿波羅號，1789 年......
Hudus from Natura The Damorian Sports ...
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69 卡爾弗利夫人，繡花屏風，1727 年...
Women's artistic endeavors were more readily accepted when confined to "feminine" media and executed in their own homes, even if the magnitude of their productions challenged what was considered appropriate as feminine "accomplishment." A diary entry by Sir Walter Calverly in 1716 noted that, "My wife finished the sewed work in the drawing room, it having been three and a half years in the doing. The greatest part has been done with her own hands. It consists of ten panels." Among Lady (Julia) Calverly's "sewed work" recorded in contemporary account books was a six-leaf screen stitched with scenes from Virgil's Eclogues and Georgics (1727). Each of the leaves is 5 feet 9 inches high, and 2012 inches wide, but this prodigious effort remains outside the categories on which all but feminist art historians have focused their attention. ...
當女性的藝術努力局限於「女性」媒體並在自己的家中進行時，她們的藝術努力更容易被接受，即使她們的作品的規模挑戰了被認為適當的女性「成就」。沃爾特·卡爾弗利爵士(Sir Walter Calverly) 在1716 年的日記中寫道：「我的妻子在客廳裡完成了縫紉工作，花了三年半的時間。其中大部分是她親手完成的。它包括十塊面板。在當代帳簿中記錄的朱莉婭·卡爾弗利夫人的「縫製作品」中，有一個六葉屏風，上面縫有維吉爾的《田園詩與幾何學》（1727）中的場景。每頁高 5 英尺 9 英寸，寬 2012 英寸，但這一巨大的努力仍然超出了除了女權主義藝術史學家之外的所有其他藝術史學家所關注的類別。 …
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Angelica Kauffmann (1741-1807), on the other hand, was a professional woman in the age of the amateur, and the first woman painter to challenge the masculine monopoly over history painting exercised by the Academicians. The daughter of a minor Swiss ecclesiastical painter, Kauffmann spent her youth traveling with her father. In Italy in the 1760s, she copied the paintings of Correggio in Parma, the Carracci in Bologna, and numerous Renaissance works in the galleries of the Uffizi in Florence. Her time there coincided with the full flowering of the English passion for work in the Grand Manner, a heady mix of classicizing and Neoclassical tendencies introduced the previous decade by English artists and designers such as Robert Adam, Richard Wilson, and Joshua Reynolds, whose years of study in Rome eventually revolutionized British taste. ...
另一方面，安吉麗卡·考夫曼（Angelica Kauffmann，1741-1807）是業餘時代的職業女性，也是第一位挑戰院士對歷史繪畫的男性壟斷的女畫家。考夫曼是瑞士一位小教會畫家的女兒，她的青少年時期與父親一起旅行。 1760年代的意大利，她在帕爾馬臨摹了科雷喬的畫作，在博洛尼亞臨摹了卡拉奇的畫作，在佛羅倫薩烏菲茲美術館臨摹了眾多文藝復興時期的作品。她在那裡的時間恰逢英國人對「大風格」工作的熱情全面開花，這種風格是過去十年英國藝術家和設計師（例如羅伯特·亞當（Robert Adam）、理查德·威爾遜（Richard Wilson ）和約書亞·雷諾茲（Joshua Reynolds）等英國藝術家和設計師引入的古典主義和新古典主義傾向的令人陶醉的混合體。 …
In Italy, Kauffmann met the American painter Benjamin West and became part of a group of English painters that included Gavin Hamilton and Nathaniel Dance. Her meeting with Winckelmann in Rome in 1763 proved decisive. She began to derive a Neoclassical manner from his ideal of noble restraint, basing her style on the frescoes at Herculaneum and the romantic classicism of the German painter Raphael Mengs. Her Zeuxis Selecting Models for His Picture of Helen of Troy, based on a Roman copy of a Greek Venus Kallipygos in the Museo Nazionale in Naples, which she probably copied during her stay there in 1764, suggests both an early awareness of what were then the most popular antique themes among English painters and a keen attentiveness to prevailing societal constructions of women and femininity. ...
在義大利，考夫曼遇到了美國畫家本傑明·韋斯特，並成為包括加文·漢密爾頓和納撒尼爾·丹斯在內的英國畫家團體的一員。 1763 年，她在羅馬與溫克爾曼的會面被證明具有決定性意義。她開始從他高貴克制的理想中衍生出新古典主義風格，其風格以赫庫蘭尼姆壁畫和德國畫家拉斐爾·門斯的浪漫古典主義為基礎。她的《宙克西斯為他的特洛伊海倫畫像選擇模特兒》以那不勒斯國家博物館中希臘維納斯卡利皮戈斯的羅馬複製品為基礎，這幅畫很可能是她1764 年在那不勒斯逗留期間複製的，這表明她很早就意識到了當時的情況英國畫家中最流行的古董主題，以及對女性和女性氣質的流行社會結構的敏銳關注。 …
Kauffmann's determination to execute large-scale historical works, despite no access to training from the nude model on which the conventions of history painting were based, is a mark of her ambition. As early as 1752, the Abbé Grant had lamented the obstacles that lay between another woman artist and history painting. "At the rate she goes on," he noted of Catherine Read, the pastel artist sometimes called the "English Rosalba," who had settled in Rome to complete her artistic training in 1751, "I am truly hopeful she'll equal if not excel the most celebrated of her profession in Great Britain... were it not for the restrictions her sex obliges her to be under, I dare safely say she would shine wonderfully in history painting too, but as it is impossible for her to attend public academies or even design and draw from nature, she is determined to confine herself to portraits." ...
考夫曼決心創作大型歷史作品，儘管沒有接受歷史繪畫慣例所依據的裸體模特兒的培訓，這是她雄心勃勃的標誌。早在 1752 年，格蘭特神父就對另一位女性藝術家與歷史繪畫之間的障礙表示遺憾。 “按照她繼續前進的速度，”他在談到凱瑟琳·里德（Catherine Read）時說道，這位粉彩藝術家有時被稱為“英國羅薩爾巴”，她於1751 年在羅馬定居完成了她的藝術訓練，「我真的希望她能追平，即使不是超越她在英國最著名的職業……如果不是因為她的性別迫使她受到限制，我敢肯定地說她也會在歷史繪畫中大放異彩，但因為她不可能參加公共活動學院甚至設計和取材於自然，她決心將自己限制在肖像畫上。 …
Kauffmann arrived in London in 1765 or 1766. She met Reynolds shortly thereafter; within a year she had earned ...
考夫曼於 1765 年或 1766 年抵達倫敦。一年之內，她賺到了…
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enough money painting portraits of aristocratic men and women to buy a house. Her success enabled her to begin the historical works for which her years in Rome had prepared her and which at the time represented the only route to consideration as a serious artist in England. The first opportunity to exhibit them came in 1768 on the occasion of a visit from King Christian VII of Denmark. She sent a Venus Appearing to Aeneas, Penelope With the Bow of Ulysses, and Hector Taking Leave of Andromache. The display of these paintings the following year at the Royal Academy exhibition, along with Benjamin West's Farewell of Regulus and Venus and Venus Mourning the Death of Adonis, identified Kauffmann and West as the initiators of the Neoclassical style in England. James Northcote, in a biography of Reynolds, commends her history paintings as second only to two canvases submitted by West. Subsequent exhibitions confirmed the originality of her work with its transparent brushwork and rich color, its elegant restatement of its classical sources, and its innovative use of subjects drawn from medieval English history as well as from the antique. The fact that Reynolds persuaded John Parker of Saltram, later Lord Morley, to purchase all of Kauffmann's works in addition to his thirteen portraits probably enabled her to persist as a history painter. ...
畫貴族男女肖像的錢夠買房子了。她的成功使她能夠開始創作歷史作品，這些作品是她在羅馬的歲月為她準備的，這在當時是成為英國嚴肅藝術家的唯一途徑。第一次展出它們是在 1768 年丹麥國王克里斯蒂安七世訪問之際。她送出了《維納斯出現在埃涅阿斯面前》、《佩內洛普拿著尤利西斯之弓》和《赫克托耳告別安德洛瑪克》。隔年，這些畫作在皇家學院展覽上展出，與本傑明·韋斯特的《雷古勒斯與維納斯的告別》和《維納斯哀悼阿多尼斯之死》一起，將考夫曼和韋斯特視為英國新古典主義風格的創始人。詹姆斯·諾斯科特在雷諾茲的傳記中稱讚她的歷史畫作僅次於韋斯特提交的兩幅油畫。隨後的展覽證實了她作品的原創性，包括透明的筆觸和豐富的色彩、對古典來源的優雅重述以及對中世紀英國歷史和古董主題的創新運用。雷諾茲說服薩爾特拉姆的約翰·帕克（後來的莫利勳爵）購買考夫曼的所有作品以及考夫曼的十三幅肖像畫，這一事實可能使她能夠堅持作為一名歷史畫家。 …
Kauffmann's academic success can be attributed to her association with the foremost history painters of her day, and to the fact that she arrived in London, after the study in Italy expected of all serious painters in oils, at a propitious moment. The reasons for her enormous popular and professional following are more complex. By the 1770s, her works, widely known through engravings by William Ryland, had not only inspired other painters but had also reached a much broader audience, often through designs for the decorative arts, such as a china service with classical motifs, based on her paintings. She is associated with Robert Adam, the most fashionable Neoclassical architect of the time. She provided allegorical figures of Composition, Invention, Design, and Coloring for the ceiling of the Academy in its new location at Somerset House (later removed to the entrance hall of Burlington House) and throughout the 1780s, when she traveled abroad with her second husband, the painter Zucchi, she continued to send major historical canvases back to London. ...
考夫曼在學術上的成功可以歸功於她與當時最重要的歷史畫家的交往，也歸功於她在意大利完成了對所有嚴肅油畫畫家的期望之後到達倫敦的事實。她擁有如此眾多的受歡迎和專業追隨者的原因更為複雜。到了1770 年代，她的作品因威廉·瑞蘭(William Ryland) 的版畫而廣為人知，不僅啟發了其他畫家，而且還吸引了更廣泛的受眾，通常是透過裝飾藝術設計，例如基於她的作品而設計的帶有古典圖案的瓷器。她與當時最時尚的新古典主義建築師羅伯特·亞當有聯繫。她在薩默塞特宮的新址（後來移至伯靈頓宮的入口大廳）以及整個 1780 年代與第二任丈夫出國旅行時，為學院的天花板提供了構圖、發明、設計和著色的寓言人物畫家祖奇(Zucchi) 繼續將重要的歷史畫布寄回倫敦。 …
70 OPPOSITE ABOVE Angelica Kauffmann, Zeuxis Selecting Models for His Picture of Helen of Troy, c. 1764 71 OPPOSITE BELOW Angelica Kauffmann, design in the ceiling of the central hall of the Royal Academy, London, 1778 ...
70 上圖對面 安吉麗卡·考夫曼 (Angelica Kauffmann)，宙克西斯 (Zeuxis) 為他的《特洛伊海倫》照片選擇模特，c. 1764 71 對面 Angelica Kauffmann，倫敦皇家學院中央大廳天花板的設計，1778 年...
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The 1968 exhibition, "Angelica Kauffmann and Her Contemporaries," offered a major revaluation of Kauffmann's relationship to other history painters and her profound influence on her contemporaries. Twentieth-century art historians have often disregarded the plurality of attitudes to classical art which Robert Rosenblum identifies as central to Neoclassicism. Dismissing the romantic and decorative aspects of the movement, they have favored the severe, heroic classicism most fully expressed in David's work at the end of the century and which profoundly influenced the development of nineteenth-century painting. Kauffmann has been dismissed for her inability to "achieve much Roman gravity" and the works of her contemporaries praised for being "fill-blooded" ...
1968 年的展覽「安吉莉卡·考夫曼和她的同時代人」對考夫曼與其他歷史畫家的關係以及她對同時代人的深遠影響進行了重大重新評估。二十世紀的藝術史學家經常忽略對古典藝術的多元態度，羅伯特·羅森布魯姆認為這是新古典主義的核心。他們忽略了這一運動的浪漫主義和裝飾性方面，而青睞在本世紀末大衛的作品中最充分錶達的嚴肅、英雄的古典主義，這深刻地影響了十九世紀繪畫的發展。考夫曼因無法「實現羅馬的莊重」而被解僱，而她同時代的作品則因「充滿活力」而受到稱讚...
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72 Derby Porcelain Manufact (after Angelica Kauffmann). c. ...
72 德比瓷器製造廠（以 Angelica Kauffmann 命名）。 c. …
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in comparison. Kauffmann's relative lack of training in drawing, over which she had little control, has been used to prove the inferiority of her work to that of her male contemporaries, while her role in the development of an aesthetic of "sentiment" has been largely ignored. The romanticizing of Kauffmann that spread her legend to a general population through engravings also no doubt encouraged later writers to dismiss her as charming but inconsequential, but, ironically, it was her public status and historical commissions that were the focus of eighteenth-century attacks. ...
相比之下。考夫曼相對缺乏繪畫訓練，對此她幾乎無法控制，這被用來證明她的作品不如同時代的男性藝術家，而她在「情感」美學發展中的作用在很大程度上被忽視了。考夫曼透過版畫將她的傳奇故事傳播給普通大眾，這種浪漫化無疑也鼓勵後來的作家將她視為迷人但無關緊要的人，但諷刺的是，她的公眾地位和歷史使命才是十八世紀攻擊的焦點。 …
Much of the satire directed against women artists at the time coincided with their efforts to enter the field of history painting and Peter Pindar's pointed commentary, in his "Odes to the Royal Academicians," singled out Kauffmann's inability to work from the nude: ...
當時針對女性藝術家的大部分諷刺都與她們進入歷史繪畫領域的努力同時發生，彼得·品達在他的《皇家院士頌歌》中尖銳的評論指出了考夫曼無法從裸體開始創作：…… 。
Angelica my plaudits gains, Her art so sweetly canvas stains Her dames so gracious, give me such delight But were she married to such gentle males As figured in her painted tales, I fear she'd find a stupid Wedding Night ...
安傑麗卡贏得了我的喝彩，她的藝術如此甜美，她的女士們如此親切，給我如此快樂，但如果她嫁給瞭如此溫柔的男性，正如她所描繪的故事中所描繪的那樣，我擔心她會發現一個愚蠢的新婚之夜...
Throughout this doggerel, despite its element of truth, runs a familiar refrain-the woman artist should confine herself to painting "sweet," "gracious," and "delightful" representations of women, representations which reinforce descriptions of the artist herself as "charming," "graceful," and "modest." By the time Angelica Kauffmann arrived in London, commentators were generally agreed that female "nature" was produced through qualities like joyousness, delicacy, vivacity, and excitability. These qualities were often opposed to the sense of gravity which was believed to define masculine pursuits. According to the ideologies of an expanding middle class, women were assigned to the domestic sphere and labeled as being inclined toward irrationality. Confronting such definitions directly risked marginalization. Attacks such as those on Kauffmann mount in direct proportion to the public stature of the woman artist and cannot be separated from the charge that by taking up a public activity woman either unsexes herself or, in this case, unsexes men. ...
在這首打油詩中，儘管有真實的成分，但仍然有一個熟悉的克制——女藝術家應該把自己限制在描繪女性的“甜蜜”、“親切”和“令人愉快”的表現上，這些表現強化了藝術家本人「迷人」的描述。當安潔莉卡·考夫曼抵達倫敦時，評論家普遍認為女性的「本性」是透過快樂、精緻、活潑和興奮等品質產生的。這些特質常常與重力感相對立，重力感被認為定義了男性的追求。根據不斷擴大的中產階級的意識形態，女性被分配到家庭領域，並被貼上傾向於非理性的標籤。面對這些定義直接面臨邊緣化的風險。像對考夫曼這樣的攻擊與女性藝術家的公眾地位成正比，並且不能與這樣的指控分開：透過從事公共活動，女性要么使自己失去性別，要么在這種情況下使男性失去性別。 …
Similar problems confronted academic women painters in France. The portraits of Vigée-Lebrun and Labille-Guiard reveal that both painters sometimes manipulated their brushstrokes to emphasize gender differences. The brusque, taut surfaces and intense gazes of the male sitters in Vigée-Lebrun's portraits ...
法國學院派女畫家也面臨類似的問題。維吉-勒布倫和拉比爾-吉阿爾的肖像表明，兩位畫家有時會操縱筆觸來強調性別差異。維吉-勒布倫肖像畫中男性人物粗暴、緊張的表面和強烈的目光…
Amateurs and Academics: A New Ideology of Femininity in France and England ...
業餘愛好者和學者：法國和英國女性氣質的新意識形態...
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of the painters Joseph Vernet (1778) and Hubert Robert (1788) are almost entirely missing from her portraits of women. The focused mental energy of these figures (Robert's hair springs from his head as if electrified) are in sharp contrast to the many portraits of women with their softened contours and misted surfaces. Such flaccid surfaces (later criticized as "weak") cannot continue to be used to prove artistic inferiority given the differing stylistic conventions evident in the male portraits. That these distinctions did not escape Lebrun's critics is evident from a poem of 1789 which the artist included in her memoirs: ...
她的女性肖像畫中幾乎完全沒有畫家約瑟夫·韋爾內（Joseph Vernet，1778 年）和休伯特·羅伯特（Hubert Robert，1788 年）的作品。這些人物集中的精神能量（羅伯特的頭髮從頭上冒出來，彷彿帶電一樣）與許多輪廓柔和、表面霧濛濛的女性肖像形成鮮明對比。鑑於男性肖像中明顯不同的風格慣例，這種鬆弛的表面（後來被批評為“軟弱”）不能繼續被用來證明藝術上的劣勢。這些差異並沒有逃過勒布倫的批評，從這位藝術家在她的回憶錄中收錄的 1789 年一首詩中可以明顯看出：…
Who more than you has been so unjustly plagued? A manly brush adorns your paintings Thou art not praised for thy womanhood Yet their just envy, Its unrelenting cries And the serpents unleashed against you, Proclaim better than our tongues How great a man you are. ...
還有誰比你更受過如此不公平的困擾呢？一支男子氣概的畫筆裝飾著你的畫作，你並不因你的女性氣質而受到讚揚，但他們的嫉妒，是無情的呼喊，還有蛇向你釋放，比我們的舌頭更好地宣揚你是多麼偉大的一個男人。 …
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73 Elisabeth-Louise Vigée-Lebrun Hubert Robert, 1788 ...
73 伊莉莎白‧路易絲‧維吉‧勒布倫‧休伯特‧羅伯特，1788 年…
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74 Adélaïde Labille-Guiard, Self-Portrait with Two Pupils, Marie Gabrielle Capet and Marie Marguerite Carreaux de Rosemond. 1785 ...
74 Adélaïde Labille-Guiard，《有兩個學生的自畫像》，瑪麗·加布里埃爾·卡佩和瑪麗·瑪格麗特·卡羅·德·羅斯蒙德。 1785 ...
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Like Kauffmann in England, the three women painters working under royal patronage in France during the 1770s and 1780s-Vigée-Lebrun (1755-1842), Labille-Guiard (1749-1803), and Vallayer-Coster (1744-1818)-were never far from critical responses conflating the woman and the work. All except Labille-Guiard were royalists at heart, but the paintings they executed in the years before the French Revolution-ranging from the still-lifes of Vallayer-Coster to the portraits of Vigée- Lebrun and Labille-Guiard-reveal the awkwardness of negotiating between the competing ideologies of increasingly antithetical groups: the royal family with its aristocratic followers and expectations that art should flatter, and the middle class with its growing demand for paintings of moral virtue. In the years just before the French Revolution Vigée- Lebrun and, to a lesser extent perhaps, Labille-Guiard were significant in introducing the imagery of the "natural" into the iconography of the aristocracy. Vigée-Lebrun's many portraits ...
與英國的考夫曼一樣，1770 年代和1780 年代在法國皇室贊助下工作的三位女畫家——維吉·勒布倫(Vigée-Lebrun, 1755-1842)、拉比爾-吉亞爾(Labille -Guiard, 1749-1803) 和瓦萊耶-科斯特(Vallayer-Coster, 1744-1818)——分別是從來沒有遠離將女性和工作混為一談的批評反應。除了拉比爾-吉亞爾之外，所有人本質上都是保皇派，但他們在法國大革命前幾年創作的畫作——從瓦萊耶-科斯特的靜物畫到維吉-勒布倫和拉比爾-吉亞爾的肖像－揭示了談判的尷尬。繪畫的日益增長的需求。在法國大革命之前的幾年裡，維吉-勒布倫和拉維爾-吉亞爾（也許在較小程度上）在將「自然」意象引入貴族肖像方面發揮了重要作用。維吉-勒布倫的許多肖像畫...
75 Anna Vallayer-Coster, Still-life, 1767 ...
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of herself and other women dressed in the simple Grecian gowns of the Neoclassical revival helped to disseminate an image of the unencumbered "natural" female body and the new image of motherhood associated with it. ...
她自己和其他女性穿著新古典主義復興時期的簡單希臘長袍，有助於傳播不受阻礙的「自然」女性身體形像以及與之相關的新母性形象。 …
The Paris in which these women worked was that of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. The prestige of the Académie Royale had been undermined at mid-century by the founding of the Académie de Saint-Luc in 1751 as a belated attempt to reassert guild control over the arts. The Académie de Saint-Luc, with irregularly scheduled exhibitions and no fixed residence, was nevertheless not insignificant in fostering the careers of women artists. Its broad membership included frame-makers, gilders, varnishers, women apprentices, and husband and wife teams, in addition to painters. Both Vigée-Lebrun and Labille-Guiard began their professional lives in its exhibitions and Harris reports that about three per cent of its members during the second half of the century were women, most of them portraitists working in oils, pastels, and miniatures. The resolution limiting membership in the Académie Royale to four women after the election of Vallayer-Coster and Marie Giroust-Roslin in 1770 may have been prompted by this rapidly expanding population of female amateurs seeking places to exhibit. ...
這些婦女工作的巴黎是路易十六和瑪麗安托瓦內特的巴黎。 1751 年聖呂克學院的成立，是為了重新確立行會對藝術的控制，而在本世紀中葉，皇家學院的聲望受到了損害。聖呂克學院雖然舉辦不定期的展覽，也沒有固定的住所，但它在培養女性藝術家的職業生涯方面發揮著重要作用。除了畫家之外，其廣泛的成員還包括框架製造商、鍍金工、清漆工、女學徒、夫妻團隊。維吉-勒布倫(Vigée-Lebrun) 和拉比爾-吉亞德(Labille-Guiard) 的職業生涯都是在其展覽中開始的，哈里斯報告說，在本世紀下半葉，其成員中約有3% 是女性，其中大多數是從事油畫、粉彩和細密畫創作的肖像畫家。 1770 年 Vallayer-Coster 和 Marie Giroust-Roslin 當選後，皇家學院通過了將女性成員限制為四名的決議，這可能是由於尋求展覽場地的女性業餘愛好者人數迅速增加而促成的。 …
During the 1760s, the competing exhibitions sponsored by the Académie de Saint-Luc drew large groups and vociferous public response. Increasingly, middle-class audiences demanded an art of moralizing sentiment rather than the grand public narrative and historical paintings that had characterized earlier Salons. Thomas Crow has traced the development of the cult of sensibilité in French painting to Jean- Baptiste Greuze's (1725-1805) ability to endow the more intimate domestic scenes, popularized by a large market for engravings of Flemish domestic paintings, with the kind of nobility originally associated with history painting. ...
1760 年代，聖呂克學院贊助的競賽展覽吸引了大批團體和公眾的強烈迴響。中產階級觀眾越來越需要一種道德化情感的藝術，而不是早期沙龍所特有的宏大的公共敘事和歷史繪畫。托馬斯·克勞（Thomas Crow）將法國繪畫中感性崇拜的發展追溯到讓-巴蒂斯特·格勒茲（Jean-Baptiste Greuze，1725-1805）賦予更親密的家庭場景以貴族氣息的能力，這種場景因佛蘭德家庭繪畫版畫的巨大市場而流行。 …
The desire for an art that confirmed contemporary moral values dominates criticism at mid-century. Diderot's praise of Greuze and Chardin during the 1760s for the dignity and virtue of their representations opposes them to Boucher, of whom he wrote after the Salon of 1765: "I do not know what to say of this man. Degradation of taste, of color, of composition, of character, follow upon deprivation of morals. What can there be in the imagination of a man who passes his life with loose women of the lowest classes?" ...
對確認當代道德價值的藝術的渴望主導了對本世紀中葉的批評。狄德羅在1760 年代對格勒茲和夏爾丹的讚揚，讚揚他們的表現的尊嚴和美德，這與他們對立於布歇，他在1765 年沙龍後寫道：「我不知道該說這個人。 …
Anna Vallayer-Coster, like Chardin before her, was patronized both by the court and by wealthy bankers and merchants drawn to the modest themes and carefully crafted ...
安娜·瓦萊耶-科斯特(Anna Vallayer-Coster) 和她之前的夏爾丹(Chardin) 一樣，受到宮廷以及富有的銀行家和商人的讚助，這些銀行家和商人被樸素的主題和精心設計的所吸引......
Amateurs and Academics: A New Ideology of Femininity in France and England ...
業餘愛好者和學者：法國和英國女性氣質的新意識形態...
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surfaces of her still-lifes, painted in the realist tradition of Chardin. Her patrons included the Marquis de Marigny, whose position was close to that of minister of arts under Louis XV, and her marriage to a wealthy lawyer and member of parliament in 1781 ensured her social standing. ...
她的靜物畫表面，以夏爾丹的寫實傳統繪畫。她的贊助者包括馬里尼侯爵（Marquis de Marigny），其職位接近路易十五時期的藝術部長，而她於 1781 年與一位富有的律師和議員的婚姻確保了她的社會地位。 …
Vallayer-Coster was trained by her father, who was the king's goldsmith and a tapestry designer before establishing his own studio in Paris in 1754. She submitted an Allegory of the Visual Arts and an Allegory of Music to the Académie Royale as reception pieces in 1770. Both works were included in the Salon of 1771 and immediately drew comparisons to Chardin's work. But although close in spirit to Chardin, she was no mere imitator. Her works, models of simplicity, order, and crisp realism, make only a few concessions to a middle-class taste increasingly drawn to Chardin's rustic kitchen interiors with their copper and enamel wares. ...
瓦萊耶-科斯特(Vallayer-Coster) 曾受其父親（國王的金匠和掛毯設計師）的培訓，然後於1754 年在巴黎建立了自己的工作室。 《視覺藝術寓言》和《音樂寓言》作為接待作品這兩部作品都被收錄在 1771 年的沙龍中，並立即與夏爾丹的作品進行了比較。儘管她在精神上與夏爾丹很接近，但她不僅僅是模仿者。她的作品是簡單、秩序和清晰現實主義的典範，只對中產階級的品味做出了一些讓步，而中產階級的品味越來越被夏爾丹質樸的廚房內飾及其銅和搪瓷器皿所吸引。 …
In addition to paintings by Vallayer-Coster, the Salon of the Académie de Saint-Luc in 1774 also included the work of Labille-Guiard, Vigée-Lebrun and Anne-Rosalie Boquet. All three women worked in pastel as well as oil. Labille-Guiard's Portrait of a Woman in Miniature, an oval miniature on ivory which was in fact a self-portrait, was accompanied by a pastel Portrait of a Magistrate and a Sacrifice of Love. Although she had not yet completed her apprenticeship (and was at the time a pupil of Quentin de la Tour), one critic noted that these small works showed great promise. Vigée-Lebrun had submitted as reception pieces a Portrait of Monsieur Dumesnil, Rector of the Académie, as well as several pastels and oils, among them three works representing painting, poetry, and music. ...
除了 Vallayer-Coster 的畫作外，1774 年聖呂克學院的沙龍還展出了 Labille-Guiard、Vigée-Lebrun 和 Anne-Rosalie Boquet 的作品。這三位女性都從事粉彩和油畫創作。拉比爾-吉亞爾的《女人微縮肖像》是一幅橢圓形象牙微縮肖像，其實是一幅自畫像，旁邊還有一幅粉彩《法官肖像》和《愛的犧牲》。儘管她尚未完成學徒期（當時她是昆汀·德拉圖爾的學生），但一位評論家指出，這些小作品顯示出了巨大的前景。維吉-勒布倫提交了一幅學院院長杜梅尼爾先生的肖像畫作為接待作品，以及幾幅粉彩和油畫，其中三幅代表繪畫、詩歌和音樂的作品。 …
Unlike Labille-Guiard, who studied both with La Tour and François-Elie Vincent, Vigée-Lebrun acquired almost all her artistic training independently. Largely self-taught, her early success was a result of ambition, determination, and hard work. She copied numerous works by old and modern masters in private collections, artists' studios, and salon exhibitions but, like other women of the day, she was barred from study of the live nude model. Her first portraits were members of her own family, but her marriage to Jean-Baptiste-Pierre Lebrun― artist, restorer, critic, and dealer-established her as a major figure in the social life of aristocratic urban Paris. ...
拉維爾-吉阿爾曾師從拉圖爾和弗朗索瓦-埃利·文森特，而維吉-勒布倫則不同，她幾乎所有的藝術訓練都是獨立獲得的。她早期的成功主要是自學成才，是雄心、決心和努力的結果。她在私人收藏、藝術家工作室和沙龍展覽中臨摹了許多古代和現代大師的作品，但和當時的其他女性一樣，她被禁止研究現場裸體模特兒。她的第一批肖像畫是她自己的家庭成員，但她與藝術家、修復師、評論家和經銷商讓-巴蒂斯特-皮埃爾·勒布倫的婚姻使她成為巴黎貴族城市社會生活的重要人物。 …
From the first exhibition of the works of Labille-Guiard and Vigée-Lebrun, it is possible to observe the development of the often noted "rivalry" by means of which critics opposed one woman to the other, a "rivalry" to which we shall return as it served ends other than that of establishing the relative merits of their work. ...
從拉維爾-吉阿爾和維吉-勒布倫作品的第一次展覽中，我們可以觀察到經常被注意到的「競爭」的發展，批評家透過這種方式反對一個女人與另一個女人，我們將討論這種「競爭」。 …
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The Salon de la Correspondance, founded in 1779, held its first exhibition in 1782. Labille-Guiard submitted several pastels and drew the first unsubstantiated charges that her teacher, Vincent, who also exhibited, had touched up her works. In response to these accusations, she invited prominent academicians to sit for her, a wise decision for, in addition to stilling her critics, it also gained her access to politically powerful male painters of a kind normally reserved for the young men who had trained under them. ...
成立於1779 年的Salon de la Correspondance 於1782 年舉辦了首次展覽。拉維爾-吉阿爾提交了幾幅粉彩畫，並首次提出未經證實的指控，指控她的老師文森特（也參加了展覽）修改了她的作品。為了回應這些指控，她邀請了著名院士代表她，這是一個明智的決定，因為除了平息批評者之外，這也讓她有機會接觸到政治上有權有勢的男性畫家，而這種畫家通常是為那些在她的指導下接受過培訓的年輕人保留的。 …
Again in 1782, critics made pointed references to the two women proposed for Académie Royale membership the following year. Labille-Guiard's portraits of 1782, in addition to The Count of Clermont-Tonnerre, the son of the maréchal of Clermont-Tonnerre and a precocious military leader, included those of distinguished academic painters. Her Portrait of the Painter Beaufort was submitted to the Académie as a reception piece and she was admitted under the category "painter of portraits" at the same meeting that admitted Vigée-Lebrun. The latter, however, determined to be admitted as a history painter rather than the lower ranked portraitist, had produced five history paintings within the previous three years. Despite a carefully calculated reception piece entitled Peace Bringing Abundance, she was admitted without specific category and only on the intervention of Marie Antoinette, whose portrait painter she had become in 1778. Royal intervention was necessary to overcome the Director's opposition, Jean-Baptiste-Marie Pierre, on the grounds that Vigée-Lebrun's husband was a picture dealer and election was forbidden to anyone in direct contact with the art trade. ...
1782 年，批評者再次尖銳地提到了隔年被提名為皇家學院會員的兩名女性。拉維爾-吉阿爾 1782 年的肖像畫，除了《克萊蒙-托內爾伯爵》（克萊蒙-托內爾元帥之子、早熟的軍事領袖）之外，還包括傑出學院派畫家的肖像。她的《畫家博福特肖像》作為接待作品提交給了學院，並在承認維吉-勒布倫的同一次會議上被承認為“肖像畫家”類別。然而，後者決心被承認為歷史畫家，而不是排名較低的肖像畫家，在過去三年內創作了五幅歷史畫。儘管精心設計了題為《和平帶來富足》的接待作品，但她還是在沒有具體類別的情況下被錄取，並且只有在瑪麗安托瓦內特的干預下才被錄取，她於1778 年成為瑪麗安托瓦內特的肖像畫家。圖片經銷商，任何與藝術品交易直接接觸的人都被禁止參加選舉。 …
Vigée-Lebrun and Labille-Guiard's first appearance together as academicians took place in the Salon of the Académie Royale in 1783. It was then that the critics, previously content to vacillate between the two women, unequivocally took sides. The critic in the Impartialité au Salon identified them as "rivales de leurs gloires" (glorious rivals). Bauchaumont was friendly toward Labille-Guiard but clearly preferred Vigée-Lebrun; the critic of Le véridique au Salon compared their talents. ...
1783 年，維吉-勒布倫和拉比爾-吉亞爾首次以院士身份一起出現在皇家學院的沙龍中。地站在了一邊。 《Impartialité au Salon》的評論家稱他們為「rivales de leurs gloires」（光榮的對手）。鮑肖蒙對拉比爾-吉亞爾很友好，但顯然更喜歡維吉-勒布倫。 Le veridique au Salon 的評論家比較了他們的才華。 …
Some sort of rivalry between the two painters was no doubt inevitable. Vigée-Lebrun, industrious, beautiful, and socially in demand, was the Queen's favorite painter. Labille-Guiard, sober and hard-working, had been appointed official painter to the Mesdames of France, the King's aunts, in 1785 and worked diligently for success which seemed to the public almost thrust on Vigée-Lebrun. No record remains of Labille-Guiard's feelings about Vigée-Lebrun; the latter's memoirs, notable for their self-absorption, dismiss Labille-Guiard in a few curt passages. ...
兩位畫家之間的某種競爭無疑是不可避免的。維吉-勒布倫勤奮、美麗、受社會歡迎，是女王最喜歡的畫家。拉比爾-吉阿爾性格清醒，工作勤奮，於1785 年被任命為法國國王的姨媽們的官方畫家，他勤奮工作，取得了成功，在公眾看來，這幾乎是維吉-勒布倫的功勞。拉比爾-吉亞爾對維吉-勒布倫的感情沒有任何記錄。後者的回憶錄以自我陶醉著稱，在幾段簡短的段落中駁斥了拉維爾-吉亞爾。 …
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The artificial "rivalry" thrust on them enabled critics to give voice to accusations that reminded audiences that famous, or infamous, public women such as these had exceeded their "natural" domain. The price they paid was accusations of sexual misconduct; Vigée-Lebrun was accused by one critic of having "intimate" knowledge of her sitters. Even more important perhaps is the fact that the "rivalry" preserved the separation of men and women. By comparing two successful women artists almost exclusively to one another, it became unnecessary to evaluate their work in relation to that of their male contemporaries, or to abandon rigid identifications between female painters and their imagery. ...
強加在她們身上的人為「競爭」使評論家能夠發出指責，提醒觀眾，像這些著名或臭名昭著的公共女性已經超出了她的「自然」範圍。他們付出的代價是被指控性行為不端；一位評論家指責維吉-勒布倫對她的模特兒有「親密」了解。也許更重要的是，「競爭」保留了男女的分離。透過幾乎完全地對兩位成功的女性藝術家進行比較，就沒有必要將她們的作品與同時代的男性藝術家的作品進行比較，也沒有必要放棄女性畫家與其形象之間的嚴格認同。 …
In the second half of the century there was a wide range of new family images. Greuze's Maman (The Good Mother), the popular attraction at the Salon of 1765, was praised by Diderot: "It preaches population, and portrays with profound feeling the happiness and inestimable rewards of domestic tranquillity. It says to all men of feeling and sensibility: 'Keep your family comfortable, give your wife children; give her as many as you can; give them only to her and be assured of being happy at home."" Carol Duncan has demonstrated how, as the iconography of painting transformed the sensual libertine of the early eighteenth century into a tender mother by the ...
本世紀下半葉出現了各種新的家庭形象。格勒茲的《好母親》是1765 年沙龍上廣受歡迎的作品，狄德羅稱讚道：「它宣揚人口，深刻地描繪了家庭安寧的幸福和不可估量的回報。它對所有有感情和感性的人說：「讓你的家庭舒適，給你的妻子生孩子；盡可能多地給她孩子，並確保在家幸福。」卡羅爾鄧肯（Carol Duncan）展示了繪畫的圖像如何改變了感性。
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end of it, authors following Rousseau's example argued that wet-nursing was against nature and that only animals and primitive mothers were so little emotionally bonded to their offspring that they could allow others to assume this function. A similar argument against swaddling, that it artificially constricted the infant, was also a sign of the middle-class origins of these new attitudes, for only women whose labor was entirely domestic could attend to the needs of the liberated baby; among rural women who needed their hands free to work in the fields swaddling persisted well into the nineteenth century. Labille-Guiard's pastel Portrait of Madame Mitoire and Her Children (1783) is the first of her works reflecting the new ideology of the bourgeois family. The painting, showing Mme. Mitoire holding a baby to her breast while another child gazes adoringly at her from the side, combines the voluptuousness of Flemish painting and the adornments of French aristocratic style with allusions to nature in the flowers woven into the mother's elaborate hairstyle. The middle-class counterpart of dedicated motherhood in Labille-Guiard's work can be found in Homework, a small oval painting in which a young mother, very simply attired, instructs the female child who crouches at her knee. The work, whose attribution to Labille-Guiard has recently been challenged, has the modest appeal of a northern domestic painting, but the message comes straight from Rousseau who, in Emile, advises women to educate girl children at home, and from Chardin who, at mid-century, introduced themes of middle-class domesticity into French painting. ...
最後，遵循盧梭榜樣的作者認為，哺乳是違反自然的，只有動物和原始母親與後代的情感聯繫如此之少，以至於她們可以允許其他人承擔這一功能。反對襁褓的類似論點是，襁褓人為地限制了嬰兒，這也是這些新態度的中產階級起源的標誌，因為只有完全從事家務勞動的婦女才能滿足被解放的嬰兒的需要；對於需要騰出雙手去田裡工作的農村婦女來說，襁褓一直持續到十九世紀。拉維爾-吉亞爾的粉彩《米托瓦爾夫人和她的孩子們的肖像》（1783）是她第一部反映資產階級家庭新意識形態的作品。這幅畫展示了夫人。米托瓦爾將一個嬰兒抱在胸前，另一個孩子在旁邊充滿愛意地凝視著她，將佛蘭芒繪畫的性感與法國貴族風格的裝飾結合在一起，並在母親精心設計的髮型中融入了對大自然的暗示。拉比爾-吉亞德作品中的中產階級奉獻母性可以在《家庭作業》中找到，這是一幅橢圓形小畫，畫中一位穿著非常簡單的年輕母親指導著蹲在她膝蓋上的女兒。這幅作品的作者拉維爾-吉亞爾最近受到了質疑，它具有北方家庭繪畫的吸引力，但這一信息直接來自盧梭，他在《埃米爾》中建議婦女在家中教育女童，而夏爾丹則：中世紀，將中產階級家庭生活的主題引入法國繪畫。 …
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The cult of blissful motherhood was one of the most obvious expressions in representation of the new and evolving ideology of the family. No longer was the family viewed as simply a lineage; instead, it began to be conceived as a social unit in which individuals could find happiness as husbands and wives, fathers and mothers. Marguerite Gérard, a student and sister- in-law of the painter Jean-Honoré Fragonard, collaborated with him in developing the themes of maternal tenderness and loving families. Although not a member of the Académie Royale (she was prevented from membership by the decree limiting the number of women to four), she exhibited widely, particularly after the French Revolution when the Salon was opened to women. ...
對幸福母性的崇拜是代表新的、不斷發展的家庭意識形態的最明顯的表現之一。家族不再只是被視為一個血統；而是一個家族。相反，它開始被視為一個社會單位，個人可以在其中作為丈夫和妻子、父親和母親找到幸福。畫家讓-奧諾雷·弗拉戈納爾(Jean-Honoré Fragonard) 的學生兼嫂子瑪格麗特·熱拉爾(Marguerite Gérard) 與他合作，共同創作了母性溫柔和充滿愛的家庭的主題。儘管她不是皇家學院的成員（由於將女性人數限制為四人的法令，她被禁止加入），但她的展覽卻很廣泛，特別是在法國大革命之後，沙龍向女性開放。 …
The ideology of the happy family was, however, riddled with contradictions. Laws depriving women of all rights over property and person accompanied the eulogizing of marriage as a loving partnership. Attitudes toward children also shifted dramatically in the course of the century as earlier neglect gave way to a growing belief that the true wealth of ...
然而，幸福家庭的意識形態卻充滿了矛盾。剝奪婦女對財產和人身的所有權利的法律伴隨著對婚姻作為充滿愛的伙伴關係的頌揚。在本世紀中，人們對兒童的態度也發生了巨大的變化，因為早期的忽視讓位給越來越多的人相信，真正的財富...
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the country lay in its population. As the birthrate dropped in the eighteenth century with the first widespread use of birth control (the average family size of 6.5 children in the seventeenth century dropping to 2 in the eighteenth), children became more precious and campaigns to change child-rearing practices began. Paintings like Labille-Guiard's Madame Mitoi recapitulate the iconography of the opulent nude, but place her in a new, maternal role surrounded by adored and adoring children. ...
這個國家在於它的人口。 18 世紀，隨著節育措施的首次廣泛使用，出生率下降（17 世紀平均家庭規模為 6.5 個孩子，到 18 世紀減少為 2 個），孩子變得更加珍貴，改變養育方式的運動開始了。拉維爾-吉亞爾的《三井夫人》等畫作再現了華麗裸體的形象，但又將她置於一個新的、母親的角色中，周圍環繞著可愛的孩子們。 …
The Salon of 1785 was a key exhibition for both Labille- Guiard and Vigée-Lebrun. The former's portraits consolidated her reputation and the critical competition between the two women painters turned toward her. As a result of her success in this Salon, Vigée-Lebrun received the commission for her Portrait of Marie Antoinette with Her Children, a monumental ...
1785 年的沙龍是拉維爾-吉阿爾和維吉-勒布倫的重要展覽。前者的肖像畫鞏固了她的聲譽，兩位女畫家之間的競爭也轉向了她。由於在這次沙龍中取得的成功，維吉-勒布倫收到了創作《瑪麗安托瓦內特與她的孩子們的肖像》的委託，這是一幅具有紀念意義的.... ..
77 Adélaïde Labille-Guiard, Portrait of Madame Mitoire and Her Children, 1783 ...
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Marguerite Gérard, Portrait of the Architect Ledoux and his Family, c. 1787-90 ...
瑪格麗特·傑拉德，《建築師勒杜及其家人的肖像》，c. 1787-90 ...
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work of political propaganda which has been called one great works of eighteenth-century political painting and t serious attempt to revive the Queen's reputation. ...
這部政治宣傳作品被稱為十八世紀政治繪畫的偉大作品，也是重振女王聲譽的認真嘗試。 …
Vigée-Lebrun had been painting Marie Antoinette since Her many portraits of the Queen-whose marriage represe a political alliance between the royal families of France an Austria and who was by 1778 already widely distrusted by th French citizenry-reveal her ability to transform the far fro beautiful queen into a memorable likeness through the pov of her idealizing abstraction. ...
維吉·勒布倫(Vigée-Lebrun) 自從為瑪麗安·托瓦內特(Marie Antoinette) 創作了許多肖像畫以來，一直在為瑪麗·安托瓦內特(Marie Antoinette) 畫畫，她的婚姻代表了法國和奧地利王室之間的政治聯盟，到1778 年，她已經廣泛受到法國公民的不信任，揭示了她改變遠方社會的能力。令人難忘的肖像。 …
By 1784, after the birth of her third child, Marie Antoinett had realized the extent to which she had alienated the population, as well as powerful factions in the court, with he frivolity and profligacy. Widely held in contempt as queen ar as the mother of future kings, Marie Antoinette had withdra into a small circle of family and friends. Her claim that "I wis to live as a mother, to feed my child and devote myself to its upbringing" convinced no one in the face of widely circulated attacks on her virtue in clandestine publications with titles li The Scandalous Life of Marie Antoinette and The Royal Bordello, the latter a pornographic tract ascribing depraved tastes to he and treating her children as bastards. ...
1784年，在她的第三個孩子出生後，瑪麗安托瓦內特意識到她的輕率和揮霍在多大程度上疏遠了民眾以及宮廷中的強大派系。作為未來國王的母親，瑪麗安托瓦內特受到廣泛的蔑視，她退出了家人和朋友的小圈子。她聲稱“我希望以母親的身份生活，養育我的孩子，並致力於撫養孩子”，但在秘密出版物《瑪麗·安托瓦內特的醜聞一生》和《皇家妓院，後者是一本色情小冊子，將他的品味歸咎於墮落，並將她的孩子視為私生子。 …
This spectacle of the Queen as a courtesan led Louis XVI's ministers to a decision to counter the bad press by projecting positive and wholesome image of her with her children at the next Salon. The result, a painting by the young Swedish artist Adolphe-Ulrich Wertmuller, pleased no one. Exhibited at the Salon of 1785, the painting was widely denounced for depicting "an ugly queen frivolously dressed and gamboling in front of the Temple of Love at Versailles with her two children." Two critics, however, called for a painting which would present the Queen as a mother "showing her children to the nation, thus calling forth the attention and the hearts of all, and binding more strongly than ever, by these precious tokens, the union between France and Austria." ...
女王作為妓女的這一景象促使路易十六的大臣們決定反擊負面新聞，在下一次沙龍上展示她和孩子們的積極健康的形象。結果，年輕的瑞典藝術家阿道夫-烏爾里希沃特穆勒 (Adolphe-Ulrich Wertmuller) 創作了一幅作品，但沒有人滿意。這幅畫在 1785 年的沙龍上展出，因描繪了「一位衣著輕浮的醜陋女王和她的兩個孩子在凡爾賽宮愛神殿前嬉戲」而受到廣泛譴責。然而，兩位評論家呼籲畫一幅將女王描繪成母親的畫作，「向全國展示她的孩子們，從而引起所有人的關注和關注，並透過這些珍貴的象徵，比以往任何時候都更加緊密地結合在一起，結合在一起」。法國和奧地利之間。” …
A new painting was commissioned from Vigée-Lebrun before the Salon of 1785 had closed its doors. The political importance of it was indicated by the fact that it issued from the office of the King's Director of Buildings and that Vigée-Lebrun was paid the colossal price of 18,000 livres, more than was paid for the most important historical paintings and far more than the 4,000 livres that Wertmuller had received for his painting. ...
1785 年沙龍關門之前，維吉-勒布倫委託了一幅新畫。它的政治重要性體現在它是由國王建築總監辦公室簽發的，維吉-勒布倫獲得了18,000 里弗的巨額價格，比最重要的歷史畫作的價格還要高，也遠遠超過了購買最重要的歷史畫作的價格。 …
Following David's advice, Vigée-Lebrun based her pyramidal composition on the triangular configurations of certain High Renaissance Holy Families. The painting depicts Marie Antoinette dressed in a simple robe and sitting in the Salon ...
遵循大衛的建議，維吉-勒布倫以某些文藝復興時期神聖家族的三角形結構為基礎，設計了她的金字塔結構。這幅畫描繪了瑪麗安托瓦內特穿著簡單的長袍，坐在沙龍裡...
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de la Paix at Versailles surrounded by her children. The play of light and shadow across the figures blends their individuality into personages who transcend their historical context. The monumental and imposing image of the mater familias is softened by the presence of the children grouped around her, her son pointing at the empty cradle which commemorates a recently deceased daughter, her older daughter leaning affectionately against the royal arm. The grouping of the children around Marie Antoinette emphasizes the central role of women in the generational reproduction of class power at the same time that it points toward the new ideology of the loving family. ...
德拉和平在凡爾賽宮被她的孩子們包圍著。人物身上的光影變化將他們的個性融入到超越歷史背景的人物之中。圍繞在她周圍的孩子們，她的兒子指著紀念最近去世的女兒的空搖籃，她的大女兒深情地靠在王室的手臂上，母親家族的宏偉和宏偉的形像被她周圍的孩子們所軟化。孩子們圍繞著瑪麗安托瓦內特的分組強調了婦女在階級權力的世代再生產中的核心作用，同時也指向了充滿愛的家庭的新意識形態。 …
By the time the 1787 Salon opened, the political situation had deteriorated. The work was hung only after the official opening from fear of a hostile public reaction. Critical ambivalence about the work, however, centered around the impossibility of resolving two different ethoses: the divine right of kings transferred from the image of the pater familias to the figure of Marie Antoinette as queen, and the new bourgeois ideal of happy motherhood. This iconographic confusion was widely noted and contrasted with the universally popular image of motherhood presented in the same Salon in Vigée-Lebrun's self-portrait with her daughter Julie. This touching image of young motherhood perfectly illustrates the contradictions between idealized representation and lived experience. Not only was Vigée-Lebrun herself sent away to a wet nurse as a child, but she remarks in her memoirs that the day she went into labor with her daughter, she took pride in not allowing incipient motherhood to interrupt her at her professional activity and continued to paint between labor pains. ...
1787 年沙龍開幕時，政治局勢已經惡化。由於擔心引起公眾的敵意反應，該作品在正式開幕後才被懸掛。然而，關於這部作品的批評矛盾心理集中在解決兩種不同精神的不可能上：國王的神聖權利從家長的形象轉移到瑪麗安托瓦內特女王的形象，以及新資產階級的幸福母性理想。這種圖像混亂被廣泛注意到，並與同一沙龍中維吉-勒布倫與女兒朱莉的自畫像中普遍流行的母性形象形成鮮明對比。這個年輕母親的感人形象完美地說明了理想化再現與生活經驗之間的矛盾。維吉-勒布倫本人不僅小時候被送到奶媽那裡，而且她在回憶錄中說，在她生下女兒的那天，她為不讓初為人母的身份打斷她的職業活動而感到自豪。陣痛期間繼續作畫。 …
Vigée-Lebrun's Portrait of Marie Antoinette with Her Children (1787) was hung almost beside, and on the same level, as Labille-Guiard's Portrait of Madame Adélaïde. The fact that the paintings were of identical size further called attention to them as studies in royal opposites: Vigée-Lebrun's an attempt to resuscitate a vilified queen, Labille-Guiard's a portrait of one of Louis XVI's aunts representing the virtues of the old court. ...
維吉-勒布倫的《瑪麗安托瓦內特與她的孩子們的肖像》（1787）幾乎掛在拉維爾-吉阿爾的《阿德萊德夫人的肖像》旁邊，且在同一水平面上。事實上，這兩幅畫的尺寸相同，進一步引起了人們對它們作為皇家對立研究的關注：維吉-勒布倫試圖復活一位被誹謗的女王，拉比爾-吉阿爾的一幅路易十六的一位姑姑的肖像代表了舊宮廷的美德。 …
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The Salon of 1785 also included David's The Oath of Horatii. The severity and rationality of David's Neoclassicism, and his themes of patriotic virtue and male heroism, are important forerunners of the political and social upheavals of the next decade. The presentation of a world in which sexual difference is carefully affirmed is fully realized here. Not only are clear distinctions drawn between the male figures who, erect and with muscles tensed, swear allegiance with drawn swords, and the female figures who swoon and weep, but the entire ...
1785 年的沙龍還包括大衛的《荷拉斯的誓言》。大衛新古典主義的嚴肅性和理性，以及他的愛國美德和男性英雄主義主題，是未來十年政治和社會動盪的重要先兆。一個認真肯定性別差異的世界在這裡得到了充分的體現。不僅男性人物直立、肌肉緊張、拔劍宣誓效忠，女性人物昏倒哭泣，而且整個…
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composition reinforces the work's separation into male and female spheres. The arcade that compresses the figures into a shallow friezelike space also contains the women's bodies within a single arch. Their passive compliant forms echo the poses and gestures of Kauffmann's female figures, but here the sexual division into separate and unequal parts, which is intimated in so many earlier works, is given the absolute definition soon to be institutionalized in revolutionary France. ...
構圖強化了作品對男性和女性領域的區分。拱廊將人物壓縮成一個淺帶狀的空間，也將女性的身體包含在一個拱門內。她們被動順從的形式呼應了考夫曼筆下女性人物的姿勢和手勢，但在這裡，許多早期作品中暗示的性別劃分為獨立且不平等的部分，被賦予了絕對的定義，很快將在革命的法國制度化。 …
80 Elisabeth-Louise Vigée-Lebrun, Portrait of the Artist with Her Daughter, 1789 ...
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a Adelaide Labille-Guiard, Portrait of Madame Adelaide, 1787 ...
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By 1789, the conflict between radical republicanism and social conservatism in France was fully evident. Although Vigée-Lebrun enjoyed unanimous critical acclaim in the Salon of that year with her portraits of the Duchess of Orleans, Hubert Robert, Alexandrine Emilie Brongniart, the wife of the architect Rousseau, and her daughter, her personal reputation had been destroyed by malicious rumors about her alleged affair with the exiled finance minister Calonne, whose portrait she had painted in 1785. Attacks against the Queen also continued, many denouncing her as an inversion of everything women were supposed to be: an animal rather than a civilized being, a prostitute rather than a wife, a monster giving birth to deformed creatures rather than children. On October 6, following the march on Versailles by women of the market protesting against the bread shortage, Vigée-Lebrun left France with her daughter for what became a twelve-year exile. ...
到了1789年，法國激進共和主義與社會保守主義之間的衝突已經十分明顯。儘管維吉-勒布倫憑藉為奧爾良公爵夫人、休伯特·羅伯特、建築師盧梭的妻子亞歷山大·埃米莉·布朗尼亞特及其女兒創作的肖像畫在當年的沙龍中獲得了一致好評，但她的個人聲譽卻因惡意謠言而受損關於她被指控與流亡財政部長卡洛納有染的事，她在1785 年為卡洛納畫了肖像。譴責她顛覆了女性應有的一切：動物而不是文明人，是妓女與其說是妻子，不如說是怪物生下了畸形的生物而不是孩子。 10 月 6 日，市場婦女在凡爾賽舉行遊行抗議麵包短缺後，維吉-勒布倫帶著女兒離開法國，開始了長達 12 年的流亡生涯。 …
The attacks on prominent public women revealed the fears of the revolutionaries that women, if allowed to enter the public realm, would become not women but hideous perversions of female sexuality. "Remember that virago," the republican Chaumette warned French women, "that woman-man the impudent Olympe de Gouge, who abandoned all the cares of her household because she wanted to engage in politics and commit crimes. This forgetfulness of the virtues of her sex led to the scaffold." Debates over the political rights of women raged during these early years of social unrest. Many cahiers, or notebooks, of 1789 remind their readers that women are excluded from representation in the Estates-General; publications by Condorcet, Olympe de Gouge, and others argue the issue of women's role in a revolutionary society. During the next two years the situation of women artists changed dramatically. ...
對傑出公共女性的攻擊揭示了革命者的恐懼，即如果允許女性進入公共領域，她們將不再是女性，而是對女性性慾的可怕扭曲。 「記住那個潑婦，」共和黨人肖梅特警告法國婦女，「那個無禮的奧林佩·德·古熱（Olympe de Gouge）女人兼男人，她放棄了所有家庭事務，因為她想參與政治和犯罪。在社會動盪的最初幾年裡，關於婦女政治權利的爭論非常激烈。 1789 年的許多手冊或筆記本提醒讀者，婦女被排除在三級會議之外。孔多塞、奧林佩·德·古熱和其他人的出版物爭論了革命社會中婦女的角色問題。在接下來的兩年裡，女性藝術家的處境發生了巨大的變化。 …
On September 23, 1790, Labille-Guiard addressed a meeting of the Académie Royale on the subject of the admission of women (still limited to four). While proving to the satisfaction of the academicians that the only acceptable limit was no limit, she at the same time voted against women as professors or administrators. The reorganization of the Académie Royale won for women the right to exhibit at the Salon, but the free art training offered at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts remained closed to them, as did the right to compete for the prestigious Prix de Rome. The Salon of 1791 was chosen by a jury of forty, only half of them academicians. The paintings numbered 794; 190 of them by non-academicians and 21 of them by women. The opening of the Salon to women proved decisive and in the years after the Revolution large numbers of women exhibited. ...
1790 年 9 月 23 日，拉維爾-吉亞爾在皇家學院會議上就女性入學問題（仍限制為四名）發表了演講。在向院士們證明唯一可接受的限制是沒有限制的同時，她也投票反對女性擔任教授或管理人員。皇家學院的重組為女性贏得了在沙龍展出的權利，但巴黎美術學院提供的免費藝術培訓仍然對她們關閉，競爭享有聲望的羅馬大獎賽的權利也是如此。 1791年的沙龍由四十名評審團選出，其中只有一半是院士。畫作數量為794幅；其中 190 名非院士，21 名女性。事實證明，沙龍向女性開放具有決定性作用，在革命後的幾年裡，大量女性參加了展覽。 …
Amateurs and Academics: A New Ideology of Femininity in France and England ...
業餘愛好者和學者：法國和英國女性氣質的新意識形態...
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Chapter 6 Sex, Class, and Power in Victorian England ...
第六章維多利亞時代英格蘭的性別、階級與權力…
Modern feminist campaigns emerged out of a complex of nineteenth-century reform movements in Western Europe and America. A commitment to the emancipation of women was characteristic of reformers from Charles Fourier and Saint Simon in France to John Stuart Mill, Harriet Taylor, and Robert Owen and the Chartists in England, as well as the American Fourierites and Transcendentalists. In America, the Abolition, Temperance, and Suffrage movements profoundly influenced the lives of middle- and upper-class women aspiring to professional careers in the arts. ...
現代女性主義運動是從西歐和美國的十九世紀改革運動的綜合體中產生的。對婦女解放的承諾是改革者的特徵，從法國的查爾斯·傅立葉和聖西蒙，到約翰·斯圖爾特·密爾、哈里特·泰勒、羅伯特·歐文和英國的憲章派，以及美國的傅立葉派和先驗主義者。在美國，廢奴、禁酒和選舉權運動深刻影響了渴望從事藝術職業的中上階層女性的生活。 …
Nineteenth-century reform movements were part of a growing middle-class response to widespread social and economic changes following the Industrial Revolution. As aristocratic and mercantile capitalism evolved into industrial capitalism, the middle class emerged as the dominant political and social force. Novels, plays, paintings, sculpture, and popular prints contributed to forging a coherent middle-class identity out of the diverse incomes, occupations, and values that made up the class in reality. ...
十九世紀的改革運動是不斷增長的中產階級對工業革命後廣泛的社會和經濟變革的反應的一部分。隨著貴族和商業資本主義演變成工業資本主義，中產階級成為主導的政治和社會力量。小說、戲劇、繪畫、雕塑和流行版畫有助於從現實中構成階級的不同收入、職業和價值觀中形成一個連貫的中產階級認同。 …
Anatomy, physiology, and Biblical authority were repeatedly invoked to prove that the ideal of modest and pure womanhood that evolved during Queen Victoria's reign (1837-1901) was based on sound physiological principles. Even after the loosening of restrictions on professional training, women faced obstacles in obtaining art training equal to that of male students. Not only was it widely believed that too much book learning decreased femininity, exposure to the nude model was thought to inflame the passions and disturb the control of female sexuality that lay at the heart of Victorian moral injunctions. "Does it pay," wrote an irate member of the public to the Board of Directors of the Pennsylvania Academy in 1883, "for a young lady of a refined, ...
解剖學、生理學和聖經權威被反覆援引，以證明維多利亞女王統治時期（1837-1901）形成的謙遜和純潔的女性理想是基於合理的生理原理。即使在放寬對專業培訓的限制之後，女性在獲得與男性學生同等的藝術培訓方面仍面臨障礙。人們普遍認為，過多的書本學習不僅會降低女性氣質，而且接觸裸體模特兒還被認為會煽動激情，擾亂對女性性慾的控制，而這正是維多利亞時代道德訓令的核心。 1883 年，一位憤怒的公眾向賓夕法尼亞學院董事會寫道：“對於一位優雅、…的年輕女士來說，這是否值得？”
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godly household to be urged as the only way of obtaining a knowledge of true art, to enter a class where every feeling of maidenly delicacy is violated, where she becomes so hardened to indelicate sights and words, so familiar with the persons of degraded women and the sight of nude males, that no possible art can restore her lost treasure of chaste and delicate thoughts...?" Nudity, exposure to women of questionable virtue who worked as models, stimulation of the senses-at issue was power over female sexuality, itself a recurring motif in nineteenth-century art and literature. ...
虔誠的家庭被敦促作為獲得真正藝術知識的唯一途徑，進入一個少女的一切精緻感都受到侵犯的班級，在那裡她對不雅的景象和言語變得如此冷酷，如此熟悉墮落的婦女和人。裸體男性的景象，沒有任何可能的藝術可以恢復她失去的貞潔和細膩思想的寶藏…？ ，本身就是十九世紀藝術和文學中反覆出現的主題......
Sermons, moral tracts, and popular literature relied on the same sources to prove that differences between the sexes were either innate or, if environmental in origin, necessary. The Woman Question, as the debate that raged at mid-century came to be known, circled a range of conflicting ideals, expectations, and demands that affected women. What capabilities did women have? What was the "natural" expression of femininity in an age in which gender was organized around an ideology of separate spheres for men and women? What contribution could middle-class women make to society when they were removed from all productive labor except childbirth? ...
講道、道德傳單和通俗文學都依靠相同的來源來證明性別之間的差異要么是天生的，要么是必然的（如果是環境造成的）。這場在上世紀中葉掀起的激烈辯論被稱為“女性問題”，它圍繞著一系列影響女性的相互衝突的理想、期望和要求。女性有什麼能力？在一個性別圍繞男性和女性不同領域的意識形態組織的時代，女性氣質的「自然」表達是什麼？當中產階級婦女擺脫了生育以外的所有生產勞動後，她們能為社會做出什麼貢獻？ …
The Cult of True Womanhood was a double-edged sword. Women were presented as morally and spiritually superior to men, and given primary responsibility for managing the home, but their lives were tightly restricted in other ways. The middle- class ideal of femininity stigmatized many groups of women as deviant-those who remained unmarried, who worked, or were slaves, or immigrants, or social radicals. Even so, many middle- class women found positive identities in sisterhood, celibacy, and female partnerships. Although much contemporary feminist scholarship has focused on the oppression of Victorian women in a stratified society, recent work by social historians has also emphasized the positive aspects of the separation of the sexes; specifically, the deep friendships and community of purpose that developed among women. ...
對真正女性氣質的崇拜是一把雙面刃。女性在道德和精神上被認為比男性優越，並被賦予管理家庭的主要責任，但她們的生活在其他方面受到嚴格限制。中產階級的女性氣質理想將許多女性群體視為不正常的女性——那些未婚的、工作的、奴隸、移民或社會激進分子。即便如此，許多中產階級女性在姐妹關係、獨身和女性夥伴關係中找到了積極的身份。儘管許多當代女性主義學術研究都集中在分層社會中維多利亞時代婦女所受的壓迫，但社會歷史學家最近的工作也強調了性別分離的積極方面；具體來說，是婦女之間建立的深厚友誼和共同目標。 …
By the second half of the century, the feminine ideal, increasingly recognized as unattainable by large numbers of "surplus" women who exceeded men of marriageable age and by most working-class women whose families could not afford economically dependent women, was being challenged on both sides of the Atlantic. The census of 1851 in Britain revealed that many middle-class men failed to earn incomes large enough to support their female relatives. In America, Civil War casualties and the drain of young men to the western frontier left many women without potential partners. Economic realities and a growing realization that many women in the new industries ...
到了本世紀下半葉，女性理想越來越被大量超過適婚年齡男性的「剩餘」女性和大多數家庭無法負擔經濟上依賴女性的工薪階層女性認為是無法實現的，而女性理想正受到挑戰。英國 1851 年的人口普查顯示，許多中產階級男性的收入不足以養活其女性親屬。在美國，內戰造成的傷亡和年輕男性流向西部邊境，導致許多女性失去了潛在的伴侶。經濟現實以及人們日益認識到新行業中的許多女性...
Sex, Class, and Power in Victorian England ...
維多利亞時代英格蘭的性別、階級與權力…
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were working under deplorable conditions intensified the demands for reform by middle-class women. ...
由於工作條件惡劣，中產階級婦女對改革的要求更加強烈。 …
Women artists existed in a contradictory relationship to the prevailing middle-class ideals of femininity. They were caught between a social ideology that prohibited the individual competition and public visibility necessary for success in the arts, and the educational and social reform movements that made the nineteenth century the greatest period of female social progress in history. The qualities which defined the artist-independence, self-reliance, competitiveness— belonged to a male sphere of influence and action. Women who adopted these traits, who turned their backs on amateur artistic accomplishments, accepted as beautifying or morally enlightening, or who rejected flower painting in watercolor for historical compositions in oil, risked being labeled as sexual deviants. Art reviews from the period are full of charges that aspiring women artists risk "unsexing" themselves. While critics held up Rosa Bonheur and Elizabeth Thompson (Lady Butler) as examples for other women precisely because they did not "paint like women," few women had access to Thompson's wealth and upper-class connections or Bonheur's unconventional and wholly supportive female household. ...
女藝術家與盛行的中產階級女性氣質理想之間存在著矛盾的關係。她們夾在一種社會意識形態和教育和社會改革運動之間，前者禁止個人競爭和公眾知名度，而後者是藝術成功所必需的，而教育和社會改革運動使十九世紀成為歷史上女性社會進步最偉大的時期。定義藝術家的品質──獨立、自立、競爭──屬於男性的影響力和行動範圍。那些具有這些特徵的女性，那些拒絕業餘藝術成就、被認為具有美化或道德啟蒙作用的女性，或者那些拒絕水彩花卉畫而選擇油畫歷史作品的女性，都有可能被貼上性變態的標籤。這時期的藝術評論充滿了對有抱負的女性藝術家冒著「去性別化」風險的指責。雖然批評家們將羅莎·博納爾（Rosa Bonheur）和伊麗莎白·湯普森（巴特勒夫人飾）作為其他女性的榜樣，正是因為她們“不像女性那樣繪畫”，但很少有女性能夠接觸到湯普森的財富和上流社會的關係，或博納爾非傳統且完全支持的女性家庭。 …
Between 1840 and 1900, several hundred women exhibited in Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Glasgow, and smaller cities throughout the British Isles. Others, including Thompson, Henrietta Ward, Sophie Anderson, Rebecca Solomon, Joanna Boyce, and Jessica and Edith Hayllar, exhibited at the Royal Academy and similar exhibitions. Their work is situated at the intersection between the growing demand for increased education and employment for women, the artistic conservatism of British painting at the time, and the social ideology of separate spheres. ...
1840 年至 1900 年間，數百名女性在利物浦、曼徹斯特、伯明罕、格拉斯哥和不列顛群島的較小城市舉辦了展覽。其他人，包括湯普森、亨利埃塔·沃德、索菲·安德森、麗貝卡·所羅門、喬安娜·博伊斯、傑西卡·海拉爾和伊迪絲·海拉爾，都在皇家學院和類似的展覽中展出。他們的作品處於對女性教育和就業日益增長的需求、當時英國繪畫的藝術保守主義以及不同領域的社會意識形態之間的交叉點。 …
During Victoria's reign, the status of women changed dramatically. In 1837, married women had few legal rights. The Divorce Act of 1857, which liberalized divorce for women, the publication in 1869 of Mill and Taylor's The Subjection of Women, which exposed the legal subordination of one sex to the other as morally wrong, the Married Women's Property Act of 1870, which enabled women to retain their own earnings or rent, and the Matrimonial Causes Act of 1884, were milestones on the way to legal protection for women outside marriage. Although social themes first surfaced in British painting in the late 1830s, flourishing during the 1840s and 1850s, such events hardly dominate British painting at the time. Nor do we find other than scattered images of female activists like Florence Nightingale, the most illustrious woman of her day, or Harriet ...
維多利亞統治時期，女性地位發生了巨大變化。 1837 年，已婚婦女幾乎沒有合法權利。 1857 年的《離婚法》使婦女離婚自由化；1869 年出版的米爾和泰勒的《婦女的服從》揭露了法律上一種性別對另一種性別的從屬關係在道德上是錯誤的；1870 年的《已婚婦女財產法》使婦女可以自由離婚。儘管社會主題在 1830 年代末首次出現在英國繪畫中，並在 1840 年代和 1850 年代蓬勃發展，但此類事件在當時的英國繪畫中幾乎沒有佔據主導地位。我們也找不到其他女性活動家的零星形象，例如當時最傑出的女性弗洛倫斯·南丁格爾或哈麗特…
Chapter 6
第六章
第6章 第六章
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Martineau, a widely read writer and social commentator. Instead, Victorian painting emphasizes the romantic, sentimental, and moralizing aspects of everyday life. ...
馬蒂諾，一位廣泛閱讀的作家和社會評論家。相反，維多利亞時代的繪畫強調日常生活的浪漫、感傷和道德層面。 …
The 1850s, a period of intense agitation for educational reform for women, witnessed the founding of The Society for the Promotion of Employment for Women, the Victorian Printing Press, and the Society of Female Artists. The last, formed in 1856, served as an alternative exhibition site for women. With the change of name in 1872 to the Society of Lady Artists, full membership was restricted to professional women and limited to twenty-three in number. Some women, like Anna and Martha Mutrie, who exhibited successfully at the Royal Academy, ignored the Society; others sent smaller works, or exhibited pictures previously shown elsewhere (a practice forbidden by the Royal Academy). ...
1850年代是女性教育改革的激烈時期，見證了婦女就業促進會、維多利亞印刷廠和女藝術家協會的成立。最後一個成立於 1856 年，作為女性的替代展覽場所。 1872 年更名為女性藝術家協會，正式會員僅限於職業女性，且人數限制為 23 人。有些女性，如安娜·穆特里和瑪莎·穆特里，在皇家學院成功展出，卻忽略了協會；其他人則發送了較小的作品，或展示了以前在其他地方展示過的圖片（皇家學院禁止這種做法）。 …
Wider opportunities for exhibiting accompanied expanded art education for women, but did not solve the problems of access to official institutions and equal opportunity. The complex issue of art training for women deserves its own study, for in demanding access to art training and life classes women were not only challenging codes of feminine propriety and sexual conduct; they were also claiming the right to see and represent actively the world around them, and to command genius as their own. As women began to press for the training that would enable them to compete as professional artists, their struggle became part of the larger one for educational reform. ...
更廣泛的展覽機會伴隨著女性藝術教育的擴大，但並沒有解決進入官方機構和平等機會的問題。女性藝術訓練的複雜問題值得單獨研究，因為女性要求接受藝術訓練和生活課程不僅挑戰了女性禮節和性行為準則，而且還挑戰了女性禮儀和性行為準則。他們還聲稱有權看到並積極代表周圍的世界，並擁有將天才視為自己的權利。隨著女性開始要求接受培訓，使她們能夠作為專業藝術家參與競爭，她們的鬥爭成為了教育改革更大鬥爭的一部分。 …
Until the founding of specialized art schools for women in Britain and America during the second quarter of the century, the teaching of drawing and painting to women was included with skills like embroidery, lace making, dancing, and music. Beginning in the 1840s, schools were founded to provide training in design for women who were forced to support themselves. In America, the Woman's Art School of Cooper Union, the Lowell School of Design at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the Pittsburgh School of Design, and the Cincinnati School of Design were an important stage on the way to women's infiltration of predominantly male systems of education in the fine arts, but all stressed "suitable" areas like china painting and needlework. The association of women with these areas of production, as well as their continuing educational segregation, fueled charges that art by women was "mediocre." ...
直到本世紀第二世紀第二個世紀英國和美國專門為女性開設藝術學校之前，對女性的繪畫教學還包括刺繡、花邊製作、舞蹈和音樂等技能。從 1840 年代開始，學校成立，為被迫自食其力的女性提供設計培訓。在美國，庫柏聯盟女子藝術學院、麻省理工學院洛威爾設計學院、匹茲堡設計學院和辛辛那提設計學院是女性滲透到男性主導體系的重要階段。如瓷畫和針線活。女性與這些生產領域的聯繫，以及她們持續的教育隔離，加劇了人們對女性藝術「平庸」的指責。 …
In Britain, the Female School of Art and Design was founded in 1843 as one of the government Schools of Design. Although men often transferred from the schools of design to the Royal Academy, the existence of a Female School became an excuse ...
在英國，女子藝術與設計學院成立於 1843 年，是政府設計學院之一。儘管男性經常從設計學校轉到皇家學院，但女子學校的存在成為了藉口...
Sex, Class, and Power in Victorian England ...
維多利亞時代英格蘭的性別、階級與權力…
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for not admitting women to the Royal Academy Schools. Women art students who were not content to be trained in design at the Female School, or to be taught privately, were often held up to a mix of ridicule and charming patronization in popular publications like the Illustrated London News and Punch. ...
皇家學院不招收女性。那些不滿足於在女子學校接受設計訓練或接受私人授課的女性藝術學生，常常會在《倫敦新聞畫報》和《Punch》等流行出版物上遭到嘲笑和迷人的光顧。 …
Colleges for women who desired training as governesses were established in London in 1848, followed by the admission of women to the National Art Training School as part of the decision to promote women as art teachers. In 1862, the Royal Female School of Art was founded. Some fine art training was available but not in the design schools. Other women, among them Barbara Bodichon (1827-1891) and Laura Herford, studied at the Ladies College in Bedford Square (founded in 1849) which offered some art instruction to women. ...
1848 年，倫敦為希望接受家庭女教師培訓的女性開設了學院，隨後國家藝術培訓學校接納了女性，作為促進女性擔任藝術教師的決定的一部分。 1862年，皇家女子藝術學院成立。可以進行一些美術培訓，但設計學校沒有。其他女性，包括芭芭拉·博迪雄（Barbara Bodichon，1827-1891 年）和勞拉·赫爾福德（Laura Herford），曾在貝德福德廣場的女子學院（成立於1849 年）學習，該學院為女性提供一些藝術指導。 …
Barbara Bodichon's liberal Unitarian family and private income gave her far greater freedom than that enjoyed by most upper- and middle-class women in Britain. A student of Corot, Hercules Brabazon and Daubigny, and a friend of Mrs. Anna Jameson, Bodichon also wrote extensively on the political, ...
芭芭拉·博迪雄（Barbara Bodichon）自由的一神論家庭和私人收入給了她比英國大多數上層和中產階級女性享有的更大的自由。博迪雄是柯羅、赫拉克勒斯·布拉巴宗和杜比尼的學生，也是安娜·詹姆森夫人的朋友，他也寫了大量關於政治、…
84 "Lady Students at the National Gallery, Illustrated London News, November 21, 1885 ...
84 「國家美術館的女學生，倫敦新聞畫報，1885 年 11 月 21 日…
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85 Emily Mary Osborn, Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon, before 1891 ...
85 艾米莉·瑪麗·奧斯本、芭芭拉·利·史密斯·博迪雄，1891 年之前…
legal, and educational disabilities of women. She was one of several artists who belonged to the Langham Place Circle, a group of progressive women who founded the English Women's Journal. During the 1850s, the group campaigned for women's education, employment, property rights, and suffrage. Jameson, Bodichon, and the painters Eliza Fox, Margaret Gillies, and Emily Mary Osborn all signed the group's petition demanding access to the Royal Academy School in 1859. Rejected on the grounds that it would have required setting up separate life classes, the petition was followed by an embarrassing incident in 1860 when Herford applied using only her initials, and was admitted. This oversight led to five female students being permitted to draw from ancient statuary and plaster casts in the Antique School. ...
婦女的法律和教育障礙。她是朗豪坊圈子的幾位藝術家之一，該圈子是一群進步女性，創立了《英國婦女雜誌》。 1850 年代，該團體為婦女的教育、就業、財產權和選舉權開展活動。 1859 年，詹姆森、博迪雄以及畫家伊麗莎·福克斯、瑪格麗特·吉利斯和艾米麗·瑪麗·奧斯本都簽署了該團體的請願書，要求進入皇家學院學校。但由於需要設立單獨的生活課程而遭到拒絕，該請願書被隨後在 1860 年發生了一件尷尬的事件，赫福德只用了她名字的首字母進行申請，並被錄取了。這項疏忽導致五名女學生被允許在古董學校學習古代雕像和石膏模型。 …
In Britain, as in America, women often worked together, sharing models and experience, and often commemorating each other and the members of their households in their paintings. The private household is at the center of a huge ...
在英國和美國一樣，女性經常一起工作，分享模式和經驗，並經常在畫作中紀念彼此和家庭成員。私人家庭位於一個巨大的中心...
Sex, Class, and Power in Victorian England ...
維多利亞時代英格蘭的性別、階級與權力…
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increase in works on the theme of everyday life between 1830 and 1849. Paintings of domestic life, courtship, Christian virtues, and the dangers of transgression confirmed widely held attitudes, but they did little to redirect attention to other areas of concern. The many images of women in domestic settings produced by respected painters like Charles Cope, John Everett Millais, Richard Redgrave, and the Hayllar sisters shaped and disseminated ideals that were central to middle-class life. While the work of some women artists is indistinguishable from that of their male contemporaries in its adherence to ideologies of class and gender, that of others reveals a more skeptical attitude and a desire to renegotiate the terms of feminine dependency. ...
1830 年至1849 年間，以日常生活為主題的作品有所增加。關注的領域。查爾斯·科普、約翰·埃弗雷特·米萊、理查德·雷德格雷夫和海拉爾姐妹等受人尊敬的畫家創作了許多家庭環境中的女性形象，塑造並傳播了中產階級生活的核心理念。雖然一些女性藝術家的作品在堅持階級和性別意識形態方面與她們的男性同時代藝術家沒有什麼區別，但其他女性藝術家的作品卻表現出一種更加懷疑的態度，以及重新談判女性依賴性條款的願望。 …
The enshrinement of the Victorian middle-class woman at home contributed to the pictorial celebration of madonna- like women and to an emphasis on the stages of women's lives through which femininity is defined and secured. Cope's Life Well Spent (1862) and George Elgar Hick's three paintings entitled Woman's Mission (1863), including the panel "Companion to Manhood," are but a few examples of the many paintings which stress women as nurturers and care-givers. "Woman's power is for rule, not for battle," intoned one critic of the day, "and her sweet intellect is not for invention or creation, but for sweet ordering, arrangement, and decision.... This is the true nature of home-it is the place of Peace: the shelter, not only from all injury, but from all terror, doubt, and division." ...
維多利亞時代中產階級女性在家中的供奉，促進了對麥當娜式女性的圖畫慶祝，並強調了對女性生命階段的強調，透過這些階段來定義和保障女性氣質。科普的《善待生命》（1862年）和喬治·埃爾加·希克的三幅題為《女人的使命》（1863年）的畫作，包括“成年伴侶”面板，只是許多強調女性作為養育者和照顧者的畫作中的幾個例子。 「女人的力量是為了統治，而不是為了戰鬥，」當時的一位評論家吟誦道，「她甜蜜的智慧不是為了發明或創造，而是為了甜蜜的命令、安排和決定……這就是女人的本質。 …
The removal of women to the private sphere of the family made scenes of family life seem particularly appropriate for women artists. "It may be that in the more heroic and epic works of art the hand of man is best fitted to excel; nevertheless there remain gentle scenes of home interest, and domestic care, delineations of refined feeling and subtle touches of tender emotion, with which the woman artist is eminently entitled to deal," noted the Englishwoman's Review in 1857. Jane Bowkett's images of middle-class women and children at home, Henrietta Ward's visions of domestic bliss, and the Hayllars' paintings of domestic interiors all contributed to shaping representations of domesticity without challenging widely held beliefs. ...
將女性移出家庭的私人領域，使得家庭生活的場景似乎特別適合女性藝術家。 「也許在更英雄和史詩般的藝術作品中，人的手最適合表現出色；儘管如此，仍然存在著家庭興趣和家庭關懷的溫柔場景，精緻的情感的描繪和溫柔情感的微妙觸動， 1857 年《英國婦女評論》指出，「女性藝術家絕對有權利進行交易」。幸福的想像以及海勒夫婦(Hayllars) 的家庭室內裝飾畫作都對塑造表現形式做出了貢獻。 …
Images such as these do not, however, express a single unified attitude or "feminine" point of view. While Bowkett's An Afternoon in the Nursery suggests that chaos results when women are absorbed in their own pleasures (here, reading a book) rather than attending to the needs of children, Edith Hayllar's (1860-1948) Feeding the Swans (1889) emphasizes the symmetry and order of the well-run household. The architectural setting and the deep banks of foliage in Hayllar's ...
然而，諸如此類的圖像並不表達單一統一的態度或「女性」觀點。鮑克特的《托兒所的一個下午》表明，當女性專注於自己的快樂（這裡是閱讀）而不是關注孩子的需求時，就會導致混亂，而伊迪絲·海拉爾（Edith Hayllar，1860-1948年）《餵養天鵝》（Feeding the Swans，1889 年）則強調，管理良好的家庭的對稱和秩序。 Hayllar 的建築環境和茂密的樹葉...
Chapter 6
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86 Edith Hayllar, Feeding the Swans, 1889 ...
86 伊迪絲‧海拉爾 (Edith Hayllar)，《餵養天鵝》，1889 年…
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painting stress the orderly human pairings within and the clearly demarcated stages of female life. ...
繪畫強調人類內部有序的配對以及女性生活的明確劃分的階段。 …
Other paintings by women address the uneasy aspects of feminine sexuality constructed around male protection and approval, domestication and family pleasures. Alice Walker's Wounded Feelings (1861) depicts a group of elegantly dressed young men and women in a festive interior. In the foreground, a darkened interior, a woman turns to console another who has left the happy scene inside, throwing down her glove and fan as she goes. Beyond her, in an inner room filled with couples, women gaze intently at their male partners. Here, Deborah Cherry has shown, rituals of courtship and the conventions of male/female pairing are opposed to the sympathy and solidarity of female friendship. ...
其他女性繪畫作品則探討了圍繞男性保護和認可、馴化和家庭樂趣構建的女性性慾的不安方面。艾莉絲沃克的《受傷的感情》（1861）描繪了一群穿著優雅的年輕男女在節慶的室內。在前景中，一個黑暗的室內，一個女人轉身安慰另一個把幸福的場景留在裡面的女人，一邊走一邊扔掉了手套和扇子。在她身後，一間擠滿情侶的內室裡，女人們聚精會神地凝視著她們的男伴侶。黛博拉·切裡（Deborah Cherry）在這裡表明，求愛儀式和男女配對的實踐與女性友誼的同情和團結是對立的。 …
A more ambiguous sexuality is also characteristic of the photographs by Clementina, Lady Hawarden (1822-1865). ...
克萊門蒂娜·哈瓦登夫人（Clementina, Lady Hawarden，1822-1865）的照片也具有更模糊的性特徵。 …
87 Alice Walker, Wounded Feelings, 1861 ...
87 艾莉絲‧沃克，《受傷的感情》，1861 年…
87 ...
88 88
88 Clementina Hawarden, Photographic Study, early 1860s ...
88 Clementina Hawarden，攝影研究，1860 年代初期...
An amateur in the tradition of Lewis Carroll and Julia Margaret Cameron, Lady Hawarden was an aristocratic woman who used her camera to capture the intimate aspects of female life in domestic settings. The soft romanticism of her approach and the languid grace of her subjects are in sharp contrast to the feeling of entrapment produced by the walls and mirrors against which she frequently posed her subjects. ...
哈沃登夫人繼承了劉易斯·卡羅爾和朱莉婭·瑪格麗特·卡梅倫的傳統，是一位業餘愛好者，她是一位貴族女性，她用相機捕捉家庭環境中女性生活的私密方面。她的手法柔和浪漫，拍攝對象慵懶優雅，與她經常對著拍攝對象擺姿勢的牆壁和鏡子所產生的被困感形成鮮明對比。 …
The ideal of the clean, well-ordered Victorian home resisted representations of the physical labor required to efface dirt and maintain the leisure of upper- and middle-class families. Female servants generally appear in painting and photography as submissive and obedient women confined to their duties at home. Yet the diaries of Hannah Culwick, a working-class English woman who was photographed between 1853 and 1874, speak another reality: "I'm getting more used to the family now so I don't mind them seeing me clean upstairs as much as I used to, but I do like the family to be away for housecleaning 'cause one can have so much more time at it and do it more thoroughly and be as black at it as one likes without fear o'being seen by the ladies. 'Cause I know they don't like to see a servant look dirty, however black the job is one has to do." ...
乾淨、秩序井然的維多利亞式住宅的理想是抵制抹去污垢和維持中上階層家庭休閒所需的體力勞動。女僕在繪畫和攝影中通常表現為順從、聽話的婦女，僅限於在家中履行職責。然而，英國工薪階層女性漢娜·卡爾威克（Hannah Culwick）的日記講述了另一個現實，她的照片拍攝於1853 年至1874 年間：「我現在越來越習慣這個家庭了，所以我不介意他們看到我在樓上打掃衛生，就像我在樓上打掃一樣。得更徹底，可以隨心所欲地做事，而不用擔心被女士們看到。 …
Sex, Class, and Power in Victorian England ...
維多利亞時代英格蘭的性別、階級與權力…
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Household manuals emphasizing the proper conduct of servants, their industriousness and cleanliness, underscore the time-consuming managerial skills required of the middle- and upper-class women who ran large households filled with children, servants, and relatives. Although they do not appear frequently in paintings, the physical presence of servants in the home made them readily available as a subject for women artists. At least one of Augusta Wells's sketch-books is filled with studies of female servants, while Joanna Boyce executed several studies and paintings of women servants in the 1850s. Her painting, Our Servant, exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1857, is typical of these representations in giving dignity and presence to working-class women within a set of middle-class expectations about domestic labor. ...
家庭手冊強調僕人的正確行為、勤奮和清潔，強調了中上階級婦女需要耗費時間的管理技能，她們經營著充滿孩子、僕人和親戚的大家庭。儘管她們並不經常出現在繪畫中，但家中僕人的實際存在使她們很容易成為女性藝術家的主題。奧古斯塔威爾斯的至少一本素描本充滿了對女僕的研究，而喬安娜·博伊斯則在 1850 年代創作了幾本女僕的研究和繪畫。她的畫作《我們的僕人》於 1857 年在皇家學院展出，是典型的代表，在中產階級對家務勞動的一系列期望中，賦予工人階級婦女尊嚴和存在感。 …
The household was just one aspect of Victorian prosperous life which depended on abundant "cheap" labor in order to function smoothly and efficiently. While female servants protected richer women from domestic drudgery and physical labor, other women, the majority of them underpaid and forced to work in unhealthy or dangerous conditions, supported the British economy. After 1841, the situation of female factory and mill workers formed a major subject of public debate. Their plight, however, rarely enters the art of the period before the 1850s. Even Ford Madox Brown's epic painting Work (1852-65), which monumentalizes the subject of labor, emphasizes the worth of the English laboring man and relegates women to marginal positions. Although urban working-class women are almost nonexistent as subjects for painting of the period (and are just beginning to appear in photography), a few representations of governesses, one of the few paid occupations open to middle-class women, do exist. ...
家庭只是維多利亞時代繁榮生活的一個方面，這種生活依賴豐富的「廉價」勞動力才能平穩有效地運作。雖然女僕保護富裕的婦女免受家務苦役和體力勞動的影響，但其他婦女（其中大多數工資過低並被迫在不健康或危險的條件下工作）支持了英國經濟。 1841 年以後，工廠和工廠女工的處境成為公眾辯論的一個主要議題。然而，他們的困境很少出現在 1850 年代之前的藝術中。甚至福特·馬多克斯·布朗（Ford Madox Brown）的史詩畫作《工作》（1852-65）也紀念了勞動主題，強調了英國勞動者的價值，並將女性置於邊緣地位。儘管城市工人階級女性幾乎不存在作為這一時期繪畫的主題（並且剛開始出現在攝影中），但家庭女教師的一些代表確實存在，家庭女教師是少數向中產階級女性開放的有償職業之一。 …
By 1851, there were approximately 25,000 governesses in Britain and they are the subject of works by Richard Redgrave, Emily Mary Osborn, and Rebecca Solomon. Osborn's Home Thoughts (1856) emphasizes the isolation of the governess who often traveled far from home with her employers, but who was seldom consulted in their plans. Solomon's The Governess (1854) contrasts the silent governess in her discreet dark dress with the fashionably dressed and animated figure of the young wife who plays the piano for her attentive husband. Within the tightly structured Victorian world of home and family, the governess has no secure place. ...
到 1851 年，英國大約有 25,000 名家庭教師，理查德·雷德格雷夫、艾米麗·瑪麗·奧斯本和麗貝卡·所羅門的作品都以她們為主題。奧斯本的《家鄉的想法》（1856）強調了家庭女教師的孤立感，她經常與雇主一起遠離家鄉，但在計劃中卻很少徵求她的意見。所羅門的《家庭女教師》（1854）將穿著低調深色連身裙、沉默寡言的家庭女教師與為細心的丈夫彈鋼琴、衣著時尚、充滿活力的年輕妻子形成鮮明對比。在維多利亞時代結構嚴謹的家庭世界中，家庭女教師沒有安全的位置。 …
The plight of middle-class women who were unmarried or otherwise forced to support themselves is the subject of Osborn's Nameless and Friendless of 1857 which depicts a young woman accompanied by a boy entering an art dealer's ...
奧斯本 1857 年的《無名無友》以未婚或被迫養活自己的中產階級婦女的困境為主題，該書描繪了一名年輕女子在一名男孩的陪伴下進入藝術品經銷商的畫作。
Chapter 6
第六章
第6章 第六章
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shop with a painting and a portfolio of prints or drawings. The painting is carefully structured to emphasize the commodification of women in the art trade and the isolation and helplessness of the single woman in patriarchal society. While the dealer studies the painting with barely disguised contempt, the other male figures in the room focus their gazes on the woman, turning their attention away from a print showing a dancer's nude legs and toward the cowering woman. The message is clear: women have no place in the commerce of art; they belong to the world of art as subjects, not makers or purveyors. ...
購買一幅畫和一組版畫或圖畫。這幅畫的結構經過精心設計，強調藝術交易中女性的商品化以及父權社會中單身女性的孤立和無助。當畫商毫不掩飾地輕蔑地研究這幅畫時，房間裡的其他男性人物則將目光集中在這名女子身上，將注意力從一幅展示舞者裸腿的版畫上轉移到了畏縮的女子身上。傳達的訊息很明確：女性在藝術產業中沒有地位；他們作為主題屬於藝術世界，而不是製造者或供應商。 …
Other paintings which take into account the actual conditions of overworked and underpaid female labor at the time include Anna Blunden's The Seamstress of 1854. Its subject is the needlewomen who labored in dim light in tiny rooms to produce fine hand-sewn clothes for upper- and middle-class customers. The painting was exhibited at the Society of British Artists in 1854 accompanied by a quotation from Thomas Hood's "The Song of the Shirt" (1843), a poem which had directed attention to the plight of the seamstress, as did the exhibition of five pictures by Redgrave on the theme of women forced to earn their own living: "Oh but to breathe the breath/ Of the cowslip and primrose sweet/ With the sky above my head/ And the grass beneath my feet/ For only one short hour/ To feel as I used to feel/Before I knew the woes of want/ And the walk that costs a meal." ...
其他考慮到當時女性勞動過度勞累和報酬過低的實際狀況的畫作包括安娜·布倫登(Anna Blunden) 1854 年的《女裁縫》(The Seamstress of 1854)。狹小的房間裡在昏暗的燈光下勞動，為上衣和下衣製作精美的手工縫製衣服。這幅畫於1854 年在英國藝術家協會展出，並附有托馬斯·胡德(Thomas Hood) 的《襯衫之歌》(1843) 中的一句詩，這首詩引起了人們對女裁縫困境的關注，五幅畫的展覽也是如此雷德格雷夫關於被迫謀生的婦女的主題：“哦，但要呼吸/呼吸黃花九輪草和報春花的甜甜/頭頂上的天空/腳下的青草/只有短短的一個小時/感覺就像我以前的感覺/在我知道匱乏的痛苦之前/以及花費一頓飯的步行。 …
The work's quasi-religious tone, as a woman who has been laboring throughout the night clasps her hands and gazes heavenward at the first light of day, contrasts sharply with the reality of laboring for hours over the tiny stitches of a man's dress shirt. The painting was executed in the context of an investigation into the working conditions of women in the clothing trades and the system of outworking or "sweating" used in the 1840s and 1850s. The working conditions of these women were the subject of reports in Parliament, as well as articles in Fraser's Magazine, the Pictorial Times, and Punch, but middle- and upper-class reformers generally directed their energy toward improving working conditions rather than ending this kind of exploitative labor. ...
這部作品的準宗教基調是，一個徹夜勞作的女人在黎明時緊握雙手，凝視天空，與男人在襯衫的細縫中勞作數小時的現實形成鮮明對比。這幅畫是在對服裝業女性的工作條件以及 1840 年代和 1850 年代使用的外勞或「出汗」制度進行調查的背景下創作的。這些婦女的工作條件是議會報告的主題，也是《弗雷澤雜誌》、《畫報時報》和《Punch》文章的主題，但中上階級改革者普遍將精力放在改善工作條件上，而不是結束這種情況。 …
The theme of women's labor intersects with that of female sexuality and men's control over the bodies of women. It has been argued that the stability of the Victorian household rested in part on the existence of prostitutes; domesticated middle- class femininity was secured through constant contrast with the perils of unregulated female sexuality. Acknowledging the extent to which the purity and morality of the middle- ...
女性勞動的主題與女性性慾和男性對女性身體的控制交叉。有人認為，維多利亞時代家庭的穩定部分取決於妓女的存在。馴化的中產階級女性氣質是透過與不受管制的女性性行為的危險不斷對比而得到保障的。承認中產階級的純潔性和道德程度...
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class woman was defined in opposition to the immorality of the prostitute, the Westminster Review noted in 1868 that "Prostitution is as inseparable from our present marriage customs as the shadow from the substance. They are two sides of the same shield." ...
階級婦女的定義是為了反對妓女的不道德行為，《威斯敏斯特評論》在1868 年指出，「賣淫與我們目前的婚姻習俗密不可分，就像影子與物質密不可分一樣。它們是同一盾牌的兩個方面。 …
The 1840s saw the publication of a series of treatises on prostitution including Ralph Wardlaw's Lectures on the Female Prostitute (1842) and James B. Talbot's The Miseries of Prostitution (1844). It is at this moment, as Susan Casteras suggests in her study of images of Victorian womanhood, that depictions of prostitutes in painting begin to increase, peaking in the 1850s and 1860s. In an age obsessed with virginity and prostitution, themes of the prostitute and the fallen woman found a wide audience. Holman Hunt's The Awakening Conscience (1854), Dante Gabriel Rossetti's Found (1854), Ford Madox Brown's Take Your Son, Sir! (c. 1857), and Augustus Egg's Past and Present (1858) are among the many representations ...
1840 年代出版了一系列關於賣淫的論文，包括拉爾夫·沃德勞(Ralph Wardlaw) 的《女妓講座》(Lectures on the Female Prostitutes) (1842) 和詹姆斯·B·塔爾博特(James B. Talbot) 的《賣淫的痛苦》(The Miseries of Prostitution) (1844)。正如蘇珊·卡斯特拉斯(Susan Casteras) 在她對維多利亞時代女性形象的研究中所指出的那樣，正是在此時，繪畫中對妓女的描繪開始增加，並在1850 年代和1860 年代達到頂峰。在一個沉迷於童貞和賣淫的時代，妓女和墮落女人的主題吸引了廣泛的觀眾。霍爾曼·亨特的《意識的覺醒》（1854 年）、但丁·加布里埃爾·羅塞蒂的《發現》（1854 年）、福特·馬多克斯·布朗的《帶上你的兒子，先生！ （約 1857 年）和奧古斯都·艾格的《過去與現在》（1858 年）都是其中的眾多表現形式...
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90 ABOVE Emily Mary Osborn, Nameless and Friendless, 1857 91 BELOW Anna Blunden, The Seamstress, 1854 ...
上圖 90 艾米莉·瑪麗·奧斯本，無名無親，1857 年 下圖 91 安娜·布倫登，女裁縫，1854 年…
of woman's fall from virtue and its consequences executed by members of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. ...
拉斐爾前派兄弟會成員所執行的女性道德淪喪及其後果。 …
Although middle-class women joined in support of prostitutes in the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Act, which subjected prostitutes in selected garrison towns to enforced examinations and treatment, there is little to suggest that they took on this aspect of life as a subject for painting. In contrast to the many depictions of fallen women by male painters, we have only a description of a single work by the feminist Anna Mary Howitt. Her painting, The Castaway (1854), exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1855, is now lost and known only through a description by Rossetti: "Rather a strong-minded subject involving a dejected female, mud with lilies dying in it, a dustheap and other details." ...
儘管中產階級婦女加入了支持妓女的運動，以廢除《傳染病法》，該法對選定的駐軍城鎮的妓女進行強制檢查和治療，但幾乎沒有跡象表明她們將生活的這一方面作為研究對象。與男性畫家對墮落女性的眾多描繪相反，我們只有女權主義者安娜·瑪麗·豪伊特的一幅作品的描述。她的畫作《漂流者》（1854）於1855 年在皇家學院展出，現已失傳，僅透過羅塞蒂的描述才為人所知：「這是一個意志堅強的主題，涉及一位沮喪的女性，泥土中百合花正在死去，一個垃圾堆以及其他細節。 …
Images of prostitution, like the moralizing sentiments of domestic genre painting, focus attention on one of the most complex and ambivalent aspects of Victorian thought, the attitude to female sexuality. Exploring this issue as it intersects, and is veiled by, the discourses of medicine, vivisection, pornography, and animal imagery reveals some of the ways that representation functioned in the construction of female sexuality. It also sheds further light on the phenomenal popularity in England of the French painter Rosa Bonheur. ...
賣淫的圖像，就像國內風俗畫的說教情緒一樣，將注意力集中在維多利亞時代思想中最複雜和最矛盾的方面之一，即對女性性的態度。探索這個與醫學、活體解剖、色情和動物圖像的話語交叉並被掩蓋的問題，揭示了再現在女性性慾建構中發揮作用的一些方式。它還進一步揭示了法國畫家羅莎·博納爾（Rosa Bonheur）在英國的驚人受歡迎程度。 …
Few subjects in painting drew as large an audience, or were as widely reproduced, as those pertaining to animals. British love for animals is legendary. From Queen Victoria, who commissioned Maud Earl and Gertrude Massy to execute portraits of the royal dogs, to John Ruskin, who referred to his favored female painters as "pets," large segments of Victorian society held a special place in their hearts for domesticated animals. Sir Edwin Landseer, the Queen's favorite painter and one of the most successful animal painters in history, built his reputation on paintings in which animals, often dogs, signify masculine, class-specific moral values. ...
很少有繪畫主題能像動物主題一樣吸引如此多的觀眾，或被廣泛複製。英國人對動物的熱愛是有口皆碑的。從維多利亞女王委託莫德·厄爾和格特魯德·馬西為皇家狗繪製肖像，到約翰·拉斯金將他最喜歡的女畫家稱為“寵物”，維多利亞社會的很大一部分人在他們的心中對家養動物佔有特殊的地位。埃德溫·蘭西爾爵士是女王最喜歡的畫家，也是歷史上最成功的動物畫家之一，他以動物（通常是狗）的畫作而聞名，這些畫作中的動物（通常是狗）象徵著男性化的、特定階級的道德價值。 …
Images of animals frequently symbolized the vices and virtues of women. Constantly exhorted to rise above their "animal" natures, women were pursued by animal exemplars. Elizabeth Barrett Browning's image of the caged bird in the poem "Aurora Leigh" (1856) was exploited by both men and women as a sign of domesticated femininity. A painting of a woman pressing her lips against the bars of a cage containing a small bird, entitled A Pet (1852-53), was exhibited in 1853 by Walter Deverell, accompanied by an unidentified quotation; "But after all, it is only questionable kindness to make a pet of a creature so essentially volatile." William Rossetti was quick to comment on the work's quasi-erotic mood of passion and intensity. ...
動物的形象常象徵女性的惡習和美德。女性不斷被勸告要超越自己的「動物」本性，因此受到動物榜樣的追捧。伊莉莎白·巴雷特·勃朗寧 (Elizabeth Barrett Browning) 在詩《奧羅拉·利》(Aurora Leigh)（1856 年）中描繪的籠中鳥形像被男人和女人視為馴化女性氣質的標誌。沃爾特·德弗雷爾(Walter Deverell) 於1853 年展出了一幅名為《寵物》(1852-53) 的畫，畫中一名婦女將嘴唇壓在裝有小鳥的籠子欄桿上，並附有一段身份不明的引文。 “但畢竟，讓一種本質上如此不穩定的生物成為寵物，這只是值得懷疑的仁慈。”威廉·羅塞蒂很快就評論了這部作品的激情和強度的準色情情緒。 …
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It was the search for expressions of feeling unencumbered by social constraints that underlay both the embrace of animal imagery in nineteenth-century Britain and the fame enjoyed by Rosa Bonheur there. Bonheur was the most famous woman artist of the nineteenth century and one of the most admired animal painters in history. She came to England in 1856 for a visit following the success of The Horse Fair (1855) at the previous year's Paris Salon. Born in Bordeaux in 1822, she was an anomaly among women artists of her day. A critical and financial success by 1853, she was radical in her personal life, but artistically and politically conservative, a confirmed monarchist and a realist whose reputation was soon eclipsed by the more radical pictorial styles of French Modernism. ...
十九世紀英國對動物形象的接受以及羅莎·博納爾 (Rosa Bonheur) 在那裡享有盛譽的基礎是對不受社會限制的情感表達的追求。博納爾是十九世紀最著名的女藝術家，也是史上最受尊敬的動物畫家之一。繼前一年的巴黎沙龍馬術博覽會（1855）獲得成功後，她於 1856 年來到英國訪問。她於 1822 年出生於波爾多，是當時女性藝術家中的異類。 1853 年，她在評論界和經濟上都取得了成功，她的個人生活很激進，但在藝術和政治上卻很保守，是一位堅定的君主主義者和現實主義者，她的聲譽很快就被法國現代主義更激進的繪畫風格所掩蓋。 …
Bonheur's mother, who died when the child was eleven years old, taught her to read, draw, and play the piano. Her father, a minor artist, supervised her artistic training, convinced she would become a painter who would fulfil his radical Saint Simonian ideals about women. Those ideals included the androgynous clothing styles and sex roles that shaped Bonheur's adoption of cross dressing and the ambiguity ...
博納爾的母親在孩子十一歲時過世，她教她讀書、畫畫和彈鋼琴。她的父親是一位小藝術家，監督她的藝術訓練，相信她會成為一名畫家，實現他對女性的激進聖西門理想。這些理想包括中性的服裝風格和性別角色，這些塑造了 Bonheur 對異裝的採用和模糊性…
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of her public gender identity. In an important essay on the subject, art historian James Saslow suggests that Bonheur's use of masculine dress was part of an attempt to claim male prerogatives and create an androgynous and proto-lesbian visual identity. ...
她的公開性別認同。藝術史學家詹姆斯·薩斯洛(James Saslow) 在一篇關於該主題的重要文章中指出，博納爾對男性服裝的使用是試圖主張男性特權並創造一種雌雄同體和原始女同性戀視覺身份的一部分。 …
Bonheur's critical reputation grew slowly but steadily throughout the 1840s. She received a gold medal for Cows and Bulls of the Cantal in 1848, but her greatest success before The Horse Fair came in 1849 when she sent Plowing in the Nivernais (1848) to the Salon. She based the work on a description of oxen in George Sand's celebrated pastoral novel of 1846, La Mare au Diable (The Devil's Pod), on her long study of animals in nature, and on the paintings of Paulus Potter, a Dutch seventeenth- century painter of cows whose work she admired. Celebrating rural work in the tradition of Courbet and Millet, Bonheur emphasized the nobility of laboring animals against a broad expanse of sky painted with the light and clarity of Dutch seventeenth-century painting. ...
Bonheur 的聲譽在整個 1840 年代緩慢而穩定地增長。 1848 年，她憑藉《康塔爾河的奶牛和公牛》獲得了金牌，但她在賽馬博覽會之前最大的成功是在1849 年，當時她將《尼韋爾內犁耕》（1848 年）送到了沙龍。她的這部作品以喬治桑(George Sand) 1846 年著名田園小說La Mare au Diable（《魔鬼的豆莢》）中對牛的描述為基礎，基於她對自然界動物的長期研究，以及17 世紀荷蘭畫家 Paulus Potter 的畫作。博納爾以庫爾貝和米勒的傳統頌揚鄉村勞動，強調了在用荷蘭十七世紀繪畫的光線和清晰度描繪的廣闊天空下勞動動物的高貴性。 …
Bonheur's Horse Fair became one of the best known and loved of all nineteenth-century paintings. A quarter-size version went to England to be engraved by Thomas Landseer. During the next decade, the English dealer Gambart published lithographs of her work, including twelve horse studies. Britain, where she enjoyed her greatest fame during the 1860s and 1870s, was also her chief source of income. On her first visit, she met Queen Victoria, who arranged a private viewing of The Horse Fair at Buckingham Palace, and other luminaries. ...
《博納爾的馬市》成為十九世紀所有畫作中最著名、最受喜愛的畫作之一。四分之一尺寸的版本被送往英國，由托馬斯·蘭西爾 (Thomas Landseer) 雕刻。在接下來的十年裡，英國經銷商甘巴特出版了她作品的石版畫，其中包括十二幅馬的研究。英國是她在 1860 年代和 1870 年代享有盛譽的地方，也是她的主要收入來源。第一次訪問時，她會見了維多利亞女王和其他名人，維多利亞女王安排了一次私人參觀白金漢宮馬展的活動。 …
Critics were quick to note the vitality and fidelity to nature of Bonheur's work. "The animals, although full of life and breed, have no pretensions to culture," noted The Daily News in 1855. The subjects and the detailed and accessible style of Bonheur's paintings appealed to British middle-class audiences. Her fame in Britain, however, also coincided with a period of impassioned public debate about animal rights and animal abuse around the issue of vivisection. The debate touched on the lives of women as well as animals and it is important for what it reveals about the way that control over the bodies of women and animals was articulated around identifications with nature and culture, sexuality and dominance. The same images which expose the helplessness of animals were used to reinforce the subordinate and powerless position of women in relation to the institutions of male power and privilege. ...
評論家很快就注意到博納爾作品的活力和對本質的忠誠。 1855 年《每日新聞》指出：「這些動物雖然充滿生機和繁殖，但沒有文化的偽裝。」博納爾畫作的主題以及詳細且通俗易懂的風格吸引了英國中產階級觀眾。然而，她在英國的名聲也恰逢圍繞活體解剖問題對動物權利和虐待動物進行激烈的公開辯論。這場辯論涉及女性和動物的生活，重要的是它揭示了對女性和動物身體的控制是如何圍繞著自然和文化、性和支配地位的認同來表達的。同樣暴露動物無助的圖像也被用來強化女性相對於男性權力和特權機構的從屬和無能為力的地位。 …
As early as 1751, when Hogarth published his series of engravings called the Four Stages of Cruelty, British art had made the connection between the torture of animals and the torture of women. Hogarth's prints move from a scene in which ...
早在 1751 年，當霍加斯出版他的系列版畫《殘酷的四個階段》時，英國藝術就已經將虐待動物和虐待婦女聯繫起來。霍加斯的版畫來自一個場景，其中...
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a young Tom Nero skewers a dog in the presence of a variety of youthful animal torturers, to his flogging of a horse and then his murder of his mistress. Hanged, his body given over to medical dissectors, the persecutor of animals who became the murderer of woman becomes himself the victim of medical abuses. ...
年輕的湯姆·尼祿在眾多年輕的動物折磨者面前串起一條狗，鞭打一匹馬，然後謀殺了他的情婦。被絞死，他的屍體被交給醫學解剖人員，這位迫害動物的人成為謀殺婦女的兇手，他自己也成為醫療虐待的受害者。 …
The message conveyed to British audiences by Bonheur's horses and dogs was the opposite of Hogarth's. They emphasize the animals' freedom and uncorrupted nature, their loyalty, courage, and grace; in the words of one critic they were "like nature." In a curious way, middle-class Victorian women's love for animals (by 1900 women supported the antivivisection movement in numbers exceeded only by their numbers in suffrage societies) and the widespread involvement of working- class men and women in the animal rights movement forged an unusual bond between the classes. The issue, however, was more far-reaching than the plight of animals. The issue was power, or rather the powerlessness that middle-class women and working-class men and women experienced in the face of the institutionalized authority of middle- and upper-class men. ...
博納爾的馬和狗向英國觀眾傳達的信息與霍加斯的相反。他們強調動物的自由和純潔的本性，以及它們的忠誠、勇敢和優雅；用一位評論家的話來說，它們「就像大自然一樣」。奇怪的是，維多利亞時代的中產階級婦女對動物的熱愛（到1900 年，支持反活體解剖運動的婦女數量僅次於她們在選舉權社會中的人數）以及工人階級男女對動物權利運動的廣泛參與，形成了班級之間不尋常的聯繫。然而，這個問題比動物的困境更為深遠。問題在於權力，或者更確切地說，中產階級婦女和工人階級男女在面對中上階級男性的製度化權威時所經歷的無能為力。 …
During the nineteenth century, the new medical science of gynaecology removed much women's health care from midwives' hands, placing women's bodies under the control of male doctors and submitting women to the horrors of early gynaecological practice. Elizabeth Blackwell, the first American female doctor, noted that the popular operation which removed healthy ovaries as a treatment for menstrual difficulties was akin to "spaying." It is not surprising that many women came to identify with the plight of vivisected and abused animals. ...
十九世紀，新的婦科醫學從助產士手中奪走了許多婦女的醫療保健，將婦女的身體置於男醫生的控制之下，並使婦女遭受早期婦科實踐的恐怖。美國第一位女醫生伊莉莎白·布萊克威爾指出，切除健康卵巢來治療月經困難的流行手術類似於「絕育」。毫不奇怪，許多女性開始意識到被活體解剖和虐待的動物所面臨的困境。 …
The publication of Anna Sewell's novel Black Beauty in 1877 provided one focus for equating the situation of women with that of animals. Referred to by its author as "the autobiography of a horse," Black Beauty is in fact a feminist tract deploring the cruel oppression of all creatures, especially women and the working class. Black Beauty is both a working animal, at the mercy of owners who range from kind to cruel, and a beautiful piece of property, like a wife. The novel was immensely popular (it sold 12,000 copies in its first year of publication in England) partly because many Britons had come to realize that the animal rights issue was really a human rights issue. ...
1877年安娜·休厄爾的小說《黑美人》的出版為將女性的處境等同於動物提供了一個焦點。 《黑美人》被作者稱為“一匹馬的自傳”，實際上是一本女權主義小冊子，對所有生物，特別是婦女和工人階級所遭受的殘酷壓迫表示痛惜。黑美人既是一種勞動的動物，任由善良或殘忍的主人擺佈，又是一件美麗的財產，就像妻子一樣。這本小說非常受歡迎（在英國出版第一年就賣出了 12,000 冊），部分原因是許多英國人開始意識到動物權利問題實際上是一個人權問題。 …
Black Beauty became part of the social consciousness of the age, but the identification of women with horses also entered the Victorian imagination in other ways. Horses and horsey dialogue were frequently used to inculcate docility in workers and assertive women. A story which appeared in the Girls Own Paper of 1885 used the dialogue between a horse ...
黑美人成為了那個時代社會意識的一部分，但女性對馬的認同也以其他方式進入了維多利亞時代的想像。馬和馬的對話經常被用來向工人和自信的女性灌輸順從的態度。 1885 年《女孩自己的報紙》上出現的一個故事使用了一匹馬之間的對話...
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named Pansy and Bob, her master, as a not so veiled reference to the contemporary demand for women's rights; "Pansy, the mare, was a very different character. She held strong views on the subject of equality.... If she had lived at a time when the question of women's rights and the extension of the suffrage were agitating the feminine mind, one might have thought that Pansy had pondered the matter in relation to horses." However, Pansy's strong views are soon beaten out of her and she becomes a docile and devoted servant to her master. ...
命名潘西和鮑勃，她的主人，作為對當代婦女權利需求的毫不掩飾的提及； 「母馬潘西是一個非常不同的角色。她對平等問題持有強烈的觀點……如果她生活在一個婦女權利和擴大選舉權問題攪動女性思想的時代，人們可能會認為潘西思考了與馬有關的問題。然而，潘西的強烈觀點很快就被擊敗，她成為了主人的溫順而忠誠的僕人。 …
93 TOP Rosa Bonheur, The Horse Fair, 1855 94 ABOVE Rosa Bonheur, Plowing in the Nivernais, 1848 ...
93 頂部 Rosa Bonheur，馬市，1855 年 94 上方 Rosa Bonheur，在 Nivernais 耕作，1848 ...
The language that "tames" Pansy the horse is the language of both Victorian pornography and gynaecological practice. In the pornographic novels, women are "broken to the bit," saddled, bridled, and whipped into submission. The obverse of the ideology which enjoined women to rise above their animal natures was a pornographic imagination which reduced them to animals in order to control them. In gynaecological practice, women faced the language of control as they were strapped to tables and chairs for examinations, their feet placed in footrests called "stirrups" (in general use after 1860). ...
「馴服」馬潘西的語言是維多利亞時代色情作品和婦科實踐的語言。在色情小說中，女性被“打得遍體鱗傷”，被套上馬鞍，戴上韁繩，用鞭子抽打，讓她們屈服。要求婦女超越動物本性的意識形態的反面是一種色情想像，將她們降格為動物以控制她們。在婦科實踐中，女性面臨控制語言，因為她們被綁在桌椅上進行檢查，腳放在稱為「馬鐙」的腳踏板上（1860年後普遍使用）。 …
Rosa Bonheur's paintings, and the intense response they provoked in British middle-class audiences, are inseparable from the complex system of signification through which femininity was produced and controlled. Horses (and women) were beautiful pets/animals; they also represented a challenge to male domination. The parallels which I have drawn here might not have been articulated by a Victorian audience. Nevertheless, they indicate the ways that images function, not as a reflection of an unproblematic "nature," but as signs within broader systems of signification and social control. In a similar fashion the paintings of Elizabeth Thompson (1846- 1933), although they catapulted their creator to instant personal fame as a woman who had overcome the limitations placed on her sex, must also be read as part of the middle- and upper- class effort to assert control-in this case over the British army. ...
羅莎·博納爾的畫作及其在英國中產階級觀眾中引起的強烈反響，與女性氣質產生和控制的複雜的意義系統密不可分。馬（和女人）是美麗的寵物/動物；她們也代表著對男性統治的挑戰。我在這裡所描繪的相似之處可能無法被維多利亞時代的觀眾清楚地表達出來。然而，它們顯示了圖像的運作方式，不是作為毫無問題的「自然」的反映，而是作為更廣泛的意義和社會控制系統中的符號。以類似的方式，伊麗莎白湯普森（Elizabeth Thompson，1846-1933）的畫作雖然讓其創作者作為一個克服了性別限制的女性立即獲得個人名聲，但也必須被視為中上層社會的一部分。維護控制權－在本例中是對英國軍隊的控制。 …
95 Beyer, Four Cows resting in a field, after Rosa Bonheur, 1866 ...
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Like Bonheur, Elizabeth Thompson refused to be restricted to "feminine" subjects. She painted the world of war and soldiers' lives, a world which was understood to belong to men, and she also experienced dazzling success for a relatively brief period. She has been called "the first painter to celebrate the courage and endurance of the ordinary British soldier." ...
和《博納爾》一樣，伊莉莎白·湯普森拒絕侷限於「女性」主題。她描繪了戰爭的世界和士兵的生活，一個被認為屬於男人的世界，她也在一段相對短暫的時期內獲得了耀眼的成功。她被稱為「第一位歌頌英國普通士兵勇氣和耐力的畫家」。 …
Thompson came from a wealthy and privileged background. Like Bonheur, she had a father who believed in female education and development and who devoted much time to his two daughters' progress (her sister was the feminist, socialist poet and critic Alice Meynell). Thompson began oil painting lessons in 1862 with William Standish in London. She then enrolled in the elementary class at the Female School of Art, but soon left because she didn't like the design-oriented curriculum. Returning to the advanced class in 1866, she supplemented the training available in the draped life class by attending a private "undraped female" life class. ...
湯普森出身於富裕且享有特權的家庭。和博納爾一樣，她的父親相信女性教育和發展，並為兩個女兒的進步投入了大量時間（她的姐姐是女權主義者、社會主義詩人和評論家愛麗絲·梅內爾）。 1862 年，湯普森在倫敦跟隨威廉·斯坦迪什開始了油畫課程。隨後，她報讀了女子藝術學院的小學班，但很快就因為不喜歡設計課程而退學。 1866年，她重返高級課程，透過參加私人「不穿衣服的女性」生活課程來補充披著衣服的生活課程的培訓。 …
By the early 1870s, Thompson had achieved a moderate success with her first battle watercolors. Her choice of military history as a subject (without benefit of military connections in her family before her marriage or first-hand knowledge of battle) is a mark both of her ambition and her realization that the subject was “non-exploited” in British painting. Missing (1872) was accepted by the Royal Academy, but it was Calling the Roll After an Engagement, Crimea (1874) which ...
到了 1870 年代初，湯普森的第一幅戰鬥水彩畫取得一定的成功。她選擇軍事歷史作為主題（沒有受益於她婚前家庭中的軍事關係或第一手的戰爭知識）既標誌著她的雄心壯志，也標誌著她意識到這一主題在英國繪畫中是“未被利用的” 。 《失蹤》（1872 年）被皇家學院接受，但它是《訂婚後點名》，《克里米亞》（1874 年）…
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96 Frontispiece from Black Beauty, 1877 ...
96 《黑美人》卷首插畫，1877 年…
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brought her instant success when it was exhibited there. The painting subsequently toured nationwide, attracting huge audiences and propeling the artist to celebrity status (over 250,000 photographs of the artist were sold) as a woman who transcended the limitations of her sex. ...
當它在那裡展出時，給她帶來了立即的成功。這幅畫隨後在全國巡演，吸引了大量觀眾，並將藝術家作為超越性別限制的女性推向名人地位（藝術家的照片售出超過 250,000 張）。 …
Calling the Roll... graphically depicts the Grenadier Guards mustering after a battle in the Crimean War (1854-56). The influence of Meissonier and early nineteenth-century battle painting is evident in its large format and meticulous realism and Thompson had, in fact, visited the Paris Salon in 1870. Despite the painting's academic and conservative style, its cool black and gray palette brilliantly evokes the grim Crimean campaign with its weary soldiers and snow-covered battlefields. ...
點名...生動地描繪了克里米亞戰爭（1854-56 年）一場戰鬥後擲彈兵衛隊的集結。梅索尼耶和19 世紀早期戰爭繪畫的影響在其大幅面和細緻的現實主義中顯而易見，事實上，湯普森曾於1870 年參觀過巴黎沙龍。冷酷的黑色和灰色調色板卻出色地喚起了人們的回憶。 …
The superficially chivalrous tone assumed by critics who lauded the work masked more derogatory messages contained in the assumption that she must have been a nurse to have witnessed such injury and illness. “There is no sign of a woman's weakness," noted The Times, while the critic for The Spectator commended "a thoroughly manly point of view." Elizabeth Thompson's marriage to Major William Butler on June 11, 1877, ushered in a period of declining public fortune and scant reviews, many of them unsympathetic. A combination of factors—including competition from a growing number of battle painters, the unsettled life of a military wife, and the difficulty of reconciling a career with the task of raising a family of five children-contributed to her foundering career. Increasingly after 1881, when Scotland for Ever! appeared, she pursued her work when domestic duties permitted. ...
讚揚這部作品的批評家表面上表現出俠義的語氣，掩蓋了更多貶義的信息，這些信息包含在這樣的假設中：她一定是一名護士，目睹了這種傷害和疾病。 《泰晤士報》指出，“沒有任何女性軟弱的跡象”，而《旁觀者》的評論家則稱讚“完全有男子氣概的觀點。”伊麗莎白·湯普森(Elizabeth Thompson) 於1877 年6 月11 日與威廉·巴特勒少校(Major William Butler) 結婚，開啟了一段衰落時期。 ，以及兼顧事業和養育五口之家的困難。
Butler's marriage to an officer meant that she followed him to foreign postings (including Egypt and Africa), which she detailed in numerous drawings and watercolors. This experience identifies her, however briefly, with significant numbers of English women who, as private travelers or loyal spouses, participated in the visual representation of the British Empire and other non-European countries and peoples during the second half of the nineteenth century. ...
巴特勒與軍官的婚姻意味著她跟隨他到國外服務（包括埃及和非洲），她用大量的圖畫和水彩畫詳細描述了這些情況。這段經歷雖然短暫，卻讓她與大量英國女性產生了共鳴，這些女性作為私人旅行者或忠誠的配偶，參與了十九世紀下半葉大英帝國和其他非歐洲國家和人民的視覺表現。 …
The term Orientalism has been used to refer to the way in which Europeans, many of them travelers, explorers, artists, and writers, imaginatively represented the Orient (a word denoting to Westerners the lands of North Africa and the Ottoman Empire, Turkey, Asia Minor, Egypt, and Syria, including the Holy Land, Palestine, and the Lebanon). The paintings of Englishmen such as John Frederick Lewis and William Holman Hunt, and those of the French artists Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, Eugene Delacroix, and Jean- Léon Gérôme, among others, as Linda Nochlin notes, often ...
「東方主義」一詞被用來指歐洲人（其中許多人是旅行者、探險家、藝術家和作家）富有想像力地代表東方的方式（這個詞對西方人來說是北非和奧斯曼帝國、土耳其、亞洲的土地）小、埃及和敘利亞，包括聖地、巴勒斯坦和黎巴嫩）。正如琳達·諾克林（Linda Nochlin）所指出的那樣，約翰·弗雷德里克·劉易斯（John Frederick Lewis）和威廉·霍爾曼·亨特（William Holman Hunt）等英國人的畫作，以及法國藝術家讓·奧古斯特·多米尼克·安格爾（Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres）、尤金·德拉克羅瓦（Eugene Delacroix）和讓·萊昂·傑羅姆（Jean-Léon Gérôme）等人的畫作，經常......
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97 Elizabeth Thompson (Lady Butler), Calling the Roll After an Engagement, Crimea, 1874 ...
97 伊莉莎白湯普森（巴特勒夫人），訂婚後點名，克里米亞，1874 年…
"body forth two ideological assumptions about power: one about men's power over women; the other about white men's superiority to, hence justifiable control over, inferior, darker races...." ...
「提出了兩種關於權力的意識形態假設：一種是男性對女性的權力；另一種是白人優於低等黑人種族，因此對低等黑人種族有合理的控制權…”
The representational and discursive strategies that created the imperial nation as masculine, and the conquered, colonized and imperialized as feminine, implicate both race and gender in colonialist projects. Although Orientalist literature has until ...
將帝國民族塑造為男性，將被征服、殖民和帝國化的國家塑造為女性的代表性和話語策略，在殖民主義計劃中暗示了種族和性別。儘管東方主義文學直到...
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recently largely overlooked the role of women as producers, they are well represented in the photographs, engravings, and watercolors that accompany accounts of their travel published in England in the second half of the nineteenth century, as well as in works exhibited at the Royal Academy, the Society of Female Artists exhibitions in London, and at the Société des Peintres Orientals Français in Paris. ...
最近，女性作為生產者的作用在很大程度上被忽視了，她們在19 世紀下半葉在英國出版的旅行記述中附帶的照片、版畫和水彩畫以及皇家學院展出的作品中得到了很好的體現。 …
During the previous century, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, an upper-class Englishwoman who lived in Constantinople ...
上個世紀，居住在君士坦丁堡的英國上流社會女性瑪麗‧沃特利‧蒙塔古女士…
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in 1716 as the wife of the ambassador to Turkey, had played a considerable role in stimulating European fantasies about the Orient. Montagu, like the women who followed her to the East during the next century, did not occupy the position of a privileged European male viewer (artist). Discourses of femininity, with their emphasis on passivity and domesticity, coexisted uneasily with Imperialism's demand for decisive action and intrepid, fearless behavior. Women's positions in relation to imperialist discourse were seldom fixed, despite their generally privileged class position. Montagu's gender, and her experience as a woman, clearly informed the ways she presented Turkish women. Yet even as she portrayed their clothing as more "natural" than that of European women, and life in the harem as offering positive benefits to women, she remained complicit in the European imperialist project of constructing the Orient, and conflating it with Oriental women. ...
1716年，身為駐土耳其大使的妻子，她在激發歐洲人對東方的幻想方面發揮了相當大的作用。蒙塔古和下個世紀跟隨她來到東方的女性一樣，並沒有佔據享有特權的歐洲男性觀眾（藝術家）的地位。強調被動性和家庭生活的女性氣質話語與帝國主義對果斷行動和勇敢無畏行為的要求不安地共存。婦女在帝國主義論述中的地位很少是固定的，儘管她們普遍享有特權階級地位。蒙塔古的性別和她作為女性的經歷清楚地影響了她描繪土耳其女性的方式。然而，儘管她將她們的服裝描繪得比歐洲女性更“自然”，並且後宮生活為女性提供了積極的好處，但她仍然是歐洲帝國主義建設東方計劃的同謀，並將其與東方女性混為一談。 …
Montagu's letters home, filled with richly evocative descriptions of Turkish harems and bathhouses and published in France in 1805, provided a literary source for painters such as Ingres, who never ventured farther from Paris than Rome, but whose paintings often featured the exoticized locales of bathhouse and harem. Stressing the relative freedom and independence of Turkish women, and the physical rigors of the bathing ritual, her accounts not only describe spaces inaccessible to male travelers at the time, but also offer a challenging counterpoint to representations by, for example, Ingres and Gérôme, which concentrate on the women's sensuality, seductiveness, and idleness. ...
蒙塔古的家信充滿了對土耳其後宮和浴室的豐富的令人回味的描述，並於1805 年在法國出版，為安格爾等畫家提供了文學來源，安格爾從未冒險離開巴黎比羅馬更遠的地方，但他的畫作經常以浴室的異國情調為特色和後宮。她的敘述強調了土耳其婦女的相對自由和獨立，以及沐浴儀式對身體的嚴格要求，不僅描述了當時男性旅行者無法進入的空間，而且還與安格爾和傑羅姆等人的描述提供了具有挑戰性的對立，集中表現女性的性感、誘惑和閒散。 …
Books illustrated with women's drawings and watercolors, some of them privately printed, began to appear in the 1840s. Among the earliest were Lady Francis Egerton's Journal of a Tour in the Holy Land in May and June, 1840 and Lady Louise Tenison's Sketches in the East (1846). These aristocratic compendia contained little in the way of social commentary, but they offered fresh, and often instructive, glimpses into non- European lands. The women who produced these impressions represented no single point of view; nor did women travel in like manner. While Elizabeth Sarah Mazuchelli (1832-1914), the first European woman to penetrate the interior of the Eastern Himalayas (a journey she recorded in sketches and watercolors published in The Indian Alps and How We Crossed Them, "By a Lady Pioneer", 1869), was carried by porters while encased from head to toe in proper Victorian dress, Lady Anne Blunt (1837- 1917) wore Bedouin cloaks and turbans, and rode camels or horses when she traveled with her husband through Arabia in the 1870s. Although they shared with their male contemporaries ...
1840 年代開始出現帶有女性繪畫和水彩畫插圖的書籍，其中一些是私人印刷的。最早的著作包括弗朗西斯·埃格頓夫人 (Lady Francis Egerton) 的《1840 年 5 月和 6 月聖地之旅日記》和路易絲·泰尼森夫人 (Lady Louise Tenison) 的《東方素描》(1846)。這些貴族摘要幾乎不包含社會評論，但它們提供了對非歐洲國家的新鮮且往往具有啟發性的一瞥。產生這些印象的女性並不代表單一的觀點。女性旅行的方式也不同。伊麗莎白·莎拉·馬祖切利(Elizabeth Sarah Mazuchelli，1832-1914 年) 是第一位深入喜馬拉雅山脈東部內部的歐洲女性（她以素描和水彩畫記錄了這段旅程，發表在《印度阿爾卑斯山和我們如何穿越它們》，“By a Lady Pioneer”，1869 年） ），安妮·布朗特夫人（1837-1917 年）在1870 年代與丈夫穿越阿拉伯半島時，穿著貝都因人的斗篷和頭巾，騎著駱駝或馬，從頭到腳穿著維多利亞時代的正裝，由搬運工抬著。儘管她們與同時代的男性分享...
Chapter 6
第六章
第6章 第六章
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98 Anne-Margaretta Burr, Interior of a Hareem, Cairo, 1846 ...
98 Anne-Margaretta Burr，《後宮內部》，開羅，1846 年…
the need to claim and construct the Orient as a European "other," in their writings-as well as in sketches, watercolors, and engravings—women were less inclined toward the prevailing themes of cruelty and eroticism which concealed the violence of European colonial desires. Instead, while equally drawn to the exoticism and alterity they perceived in the East, they focused on scenes of everyday life, and on descriptions of the lands and peoples they encountered. ...
在她們的作品中，以及在素描、水彩畫和版畫中，需要將東方聲稱和構建為歐洲的“他者”，女性不太傾向於殘酷和色情的流行主題，這些主題掩蓋了歐洲殖民慾望的暴力。相反，雖然同樣被他們在東方感受到的異國情調和差異性所吸引，但他們關注的是日常生活場景以及對他們遇到的土地和人民的描述。 …
Among the most detailed visual records made by European women are those of Anne-Margaretta Burr and Marianne North. Burr, who exhibited with the Society of Female Artists in 1859, published a portfolio of drawings in 1846 which she executed in the course of journeys with her husband in Egypt, Syria, Jerusalem, and Constantinople. On an arduous journey in Egypt in 1848 in the company of the explorer Sir Gardner Wilkinson, they traveled up the Nile to within 200 miles of Khartoum. Marianne North (1830-1890), like her contemporary Lucy Bird Bishop (one of the first women accepted as fellows of the Royal Geographical Society), displayed the keen eye of a naturalist. North sought out and painted hundreds of species of native plants, which she later donated to the Royal Botanic Garden at Kew, along with a gallery in which to show them. ...
歐洲女性製作的最詳細的視覺記錄包括安妮·瑪格麗塔·布爾和瑪麗安·諾斯的作品。伯爾曾於 1859 年在女性藝術家協會舉辦展覽，並於 1846 年出版了一系列繪畫作品，這些作品是她與丈夫在埃及、敘利亞、耶路撒冷和君士坦丁堡旅行時創作的。 1848 年，他們在探險家加德納·威爾金森爵士(Sir Gardner Wilkinson) 的陪伴下，在埃及進行了一次艱苦的旅程，沿尼羅河逆流而上，到達距喀土穆不到200 英里的地方。瑪麗安·諾斯（Marianne North，1830-1890 年）和她同時代的露西·伯德·畢肖普（Lucy Bird Bishop，英國皇家地理學會首批女性會員之一）一樣，展現了博物學家的敏銳眼光。諾斯尋找並繪製了數百種本土植物，後來她將這些植物捐贈給了英國皇家植物園，並建立了一個畫廊來展示它們。 …
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99 Marianne North at her easel Grahamstown, Sout Africa, late nineteer century ...
99 瑪麗安諾斯 (Marianne North) 在她的畫架前，南非格雷厄姆斯敦 (Grahamstown)，十九世紀末...
The Society of Female Artists, which encouraged both amateurs and professionals to exhibit, provided one of several important venues for women's work on themes of travel and the Orient. Margaret Murray Cooksley (active 1844-1902), however, exhibited paintings on Oriental themes, many of them showing figures in interiors, at the Royal Academy, as did Lady Dunbar (active 1865-75). Dunbar met Barbara Bodichon in Algeria in the 1870s and the latter, although better known for political writings, such as A Brief Summary in Plain Language of the Most Important Laws Concerning Women (1854), also exhibited Algerian landscapes in England. By the 1860s, feminists were using what they and their contemporaries viewed as Indian ...
女性藝術家協會鼓勵業餘愛好者和專業人士參展，為女性以旅行和東方為主題的作品提供了幾個重要的場所之一。然而，瑪格麗特·莫瑞·庫克斯利（Margaret Murray Cooksley，活躍於1844-1902 年）在皇家學院展出了東方主題的畫作，其中許多畫作描繪了室內人物，鄧巴夫人（Lady Dunbar ，活躍於1865-75 年）也是如此。鄧巴於1870 年代在阿爾及利亞結識了芭芭拉·博迪雄(Barbara Bodichon)，後者雖然以政治著作而聞名，例如《關於婦女的最重要法律的簡明語言摘要》(1854 年)，但也在英國展出了阿爾及利亞風景。到了 1860 年代，女權主義者開始使用她們和她們的同時代人所認為的印度...
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women's plight as an incentive for British women to work in the empire. Issues like the need for Indian female education soon expanded Victorian social reform to the colonies. Women's growing voice in public life also extended to reshaping the historical record. ...
婦女的困境是英國婦女在帝國工作的動力。對印度女性教育的需求等問題很快就將維多利亞時代的社會改革擴展到了殖民地。婦女在公共生活中日益增長的聲音也重塑了歷史記錄。 …
Although Elizabeth Thompson was the best-known woman producing historical paintings on a grand scale, a number of other women turned to the writings of women and to history's heroic women for subjects that would enable them to enter the field of history painting. While women artists were seldom, if ever, given public commissions for history paintings, they nevertheless produced large and important works which proposed new readings of historical events. Often they retold historical incidents from a woman's point of view, as in Lucy Madox Brown Rossetti's Margaret Roper Receiving the Head of Her Father, Sir Thomas More, from London Bridge and Henrietta Ward's Queen Mary Quitted Stirling Castle on the Morning of Wednesday, April 23, based on Agnes Strickland's account in Lives of the Queens of Scotland (1850). The only woman other than Ward to receive high praise for her historical painting during this period was Emily Mary Osborn. Her Escape of Lord Nithsdale from the Tower (1861) stressed the active courageous women who rescued Lord Nithsdale from the Tower of London ...
儘管伊麗莎白湯普森是最著名的大規模創作歷史畫的女性，但許多其他女性轉向女性著作和歷史上的英雄女性作為主題，使她們能夠進入歷史繪畫領域。雖然女性藝術家很少（如果有的話）接受公共委託創作歷史畫，但她們仍然創作了大量重要的作品，提出了對歷史事件的新解釋。他們經常從女性的角度重述歷史事件，如露西·馬多克斯·布朗·羅塞蒂的《瑪格麗特·羅珀從倫敦橋接見她父親托馬斯·莫爾爵士的頭顱》和亨麗埃塔沃德的《瑪麗女王於4 月23 日星期三早上離開斯特靈城堡》。敘述。除了沃德之外，這段時期唯一一位因其歷史繪畫而受到高度讚揚的女性是艾米麗·瑪麗·奧斯本。她的《尼斯代爾勳爵從倫敦塔逃亡》（1861）強調了從倫敦塔救出尼斯代爾勳爵的積極勇敢的女性...
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100 Henrietta Ward, Queen Mary Quitted Stirling Castle on the Morning of Wednesday, April 23, 1863 ...
100 亨利埃塔·沃德 (Henrietta Ward)，瑪麗皇后於 1863 年 4 月 23 日星期三早上離開斯特靈城堡…
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101 Evelyn Pickering de Morgan, Medea, 1889 ...
101 伊芙琳‧皮克林‧德‧摩根，美狄亞，1889 年...
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where he had been imprisoned for his support of the Stuart cause. Other works reported women's support and friendship, or their strength. Evelyn Pickering de Morgan's Medea of 1889 replaces conventional male representations of Medea as a cruel temptress and the murderer of her children with an image of a woman skilled in sorcery. ...
他因支持斯圖亞特王朝的事業而被監禁在那裡。其他作品則報導了女性的支持和友誼，或是她們的力量。伊芙琳·皮克林·德·摩根(Evelyn Pickering de Morgan) 1889 年的《美狄亞》(Medea) 用一位精通巫術的女性形象取代了傳統的男性美狄亞形象，即殘忍的誘惑者和殺害她孩子的兇手。 …
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Not all women shared Thompson's ambition to paint "masculine" subjects. Anna Lea Merritt's War (1883) was presented by its author as upholding womanhood in the face of Thompson's challenge. Merritt, an American from Philadelphia who settled in London after marrying her teacher, described it as "Five women, one boy watching army return-ancient dress. It shows her respect for the classical tradition. It also shows the women's side of war-the anxieties, the fears & the long wait as opposed to the glorification of war (q.v. Lady Butler)." ...
並非所有女性都認同湯普森描繪「男性」主題的野心。作者將安娜·莉·梅里特的《戰爭》（1883）描述為在面對湯普森的挑戰時維護女性氣質。與老師結婚後定居倫敦的來自費城的美國人梅里特將其描述為“五個女人，一個男孩看著軍隊歸來——古老的服飾。這表明了她對古典傳統的尊重。也展示了戰爭中女性的一面——焦慮、恐懼和漫長的等待，而不是美化戰爭（qv 巴特勒夫人）。 …
Merritt, like many other women in Victorian England, upheld the ideology of separate spheres. Opposing the purity and passivity of the idealized women on the balcony to the men of action parading below, she affirms the dominant view of acceptable femininity defined in terms of passivity and domesticity while at the same time offering a critique of masculine enterprises. American women artists, as we shall see, faced similar challenges. ...
梅里特和維多利亞時代英國的許多其他女性一樣，堅持不同領域的意識形態。她將陽台上理想化女性的純潔和被動與樓下遊行的行動男性相對立，她肯定了以被動和家庭生活為定義的可接受的女性氣質的主流觀點，同時對男性進取心提出了批評。正如我們將看到的，美國女性藝術家也面臨類似的挑戰。 …
102 Anna Lea Merritt, War, 1883 ...
102 安娜‧莉‧梅里特，戰爭，1883 年…
Sex, Class, and Power in Victorian England ...
維多利亞時代英格蘭的性別、階級與權力…
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From the beginning, women's social organizing drew on skills inculcated at home. Needlework and textile manufacture, increasingly polarized in the nineteenth century between a household activity expected of virtually all women and an income-producing occupation in an industrializing society, became a focus of women's political organizing. Women's traditional skills as producers of cloth were transferred to industrial production. Female workers were the first industrial workers in America following the wide-scale development of textile mills in Lowell, Massachusetts, around 1826. The Lowell mills experiment, begun with the idealistic hope that the exploitation of women workers in England could be avoided in America, failed. The intertwined histories of labor reform, feminism, and abolition in America can be seen in the founding of the Female Labor Reform Association in 1845 in response to the deplorable conditions under which women worked in the mills. Although unsuccessful in agitating for a ten-hour working day and a six-day week for women in the Lowell mills, the association's actions led to the first government inquiry into labor conditions in the United States. ...
從一開始，婦女的社會組織就利用了家庭灌輸的技能。針線和紡織製造在 19 世紀日益兩極化，既是幾乎所有婦女的家務活動，也是工業化社會中的創收職業，成為婦女政治組織的焦點。婦女作為布料生產者的傳統技能被轉移到工業生產。 1826 年左右，馬薩諸塞州洛厄爾紡織廠大規模發展後，女工成為美國第一批產業工人。美國勞工改革、女性主義和廢奴運動交織在一起的歷史可以從 1845 年女性勞工改革協會的成立中看出，該協會是為了回應婦女在工廠工作的悲慘條件而成立的。儘管該協會未能成功推動洛威爾工廠的婦女實行每天十小時工作制和每週六天工作制，但該協會的行動引發了政府對美國勞動條件的首次調查。 …
Women used their skills in needlework to connect the domestic sphere and the public world of collective social action. Needlework cases bearing popular abolitionist slogans appeared and, by 1834, women were selling needlework items to raise money for the cause. "May the points of our needles prick the slave owner's conscience," declared Sarah Grimké, one of the first women to speak publicly against slavery. Pieced quilts also began to show reform thought. In recent years, traditional quilts have been exhibited as "art" in galleries and museums, where they display a formal affinity with geometric abstract painting when displayed against blank white walls. The fact that these striking examples of women's skill and labor have been taken out of context and commodified must not, however, blind us to their narrative, autobiographical, social, and political content. ...
婦女利用她們的針線技能將家庭領域和集體社會行動的公共世界連結起來。印有流行廢奴主義口號的針線活箱出現，到 1834 年，婦女們開始出售針線活品來為這項事業籌集資金。 「願我們的針尖刺痛奴隸主的良心，」莎拉·格里姆克（Sarah Grimké）宣稱，她是第一批公開反對奴隸制的女性之一。拼縫被也開始表現出改革思想。近年來，傳統被子已作為「藝術品」在畫廊和博物館展出，當它們在空白的白色牆壁上展示時，表現出與幾何抽象繪畫的形式親和力。然而，這些關於婦女技能和勞動的引人注目的例子已被斷章取義並被商品化，但我們絕不能忽視它們的敘事、自傳、社會和政治內容。 …
As early as 1825, the popular quilt pattern known as "Job's Tears" was renamed “Slave Chain." Another pattern, called "Underground Railroad" contains a series of light and dark squares leading to central areas identified with the "safe houses" that sheltered escaping slaves on their route north. Slavery was avoided as a subject by most literary men in America, and it was women who often drew attention to the abolitionist cause. Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) has been called the most important act by an individual to advance the cause of abolition; other women, notably the British Harriet Martineau, the Swedish reformer Frederika Bremer, and the black leader Sojourner Truth, were quick to ...
早在1825 年，流行的被子圖案“喬布斯的眼淚”被重新命名為“奴隸鏈”。中心區。由個人推動廢奴事業；其他女性，特別是英國的哈里特·馬蒂諾、瑞典改革家弗雷德里卡·布雷默和黑人領袖索傑納·特魯斯，很快就…
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draw the obvious parallels between the condition of women and that of slaves: "the plight of slave and woman blends like the colors of the rainbow," wrote Grimké. ...
格里姆克寫道：“奴隸和女人的困境就像彩虹的顏色一樣混合在一起。” …
In the southern states, the skills and labor of slave women were also integral to the production of visual culture. Although quilts made in the northern states began to display the influence of the Women's Rights Movement in their themes and images by mid-century, those produced by women living in the ante-bellum South remained tied to that region's agrarian economy, and to the social reality of slave labor. While it has long been assumed that quilts made by slave women were produced under the watchful eye of the white mistress and in accordance with Euro-American design traditions, recent research has shown that in addition to stitching under supervision, slaves made quilts for personal use in their own time. Many of these quilts display a boldness of design and color not seen elsewhere. The design characteristics of nineteenth-century African-American quilts-vertical stripes, strong colors and shapes, asymmetry and multiple patterning- often have roots (though sometimes disguised) in the forms and elements of African cosmology and mythology. ...
在南部各州，奴隸婦女的技能和勞動也是視覺文化生產不可或缺的一部分。儘管到本世紀中葉，北部各州製作的被子開始在其主題和形像上顯示出婦女權利運動的影響，但生活在戰前南方的婦女生產的被子仍然與該地區的農業經濟和社會經濟聯繫在一起。雖然長期以來人們一直認為奴隸婦女製作的被子是在白人情婦的監督下製作的，並且符合歐美的設計傳統，但最近的研究表明，除了在監督下縫製外，奴隸還製作供個人使用的被子在他們自己的時間裡。許多被子都展現出其他地方所沒有的大膽設計和色彩。十九世紀非裔美國人被子的設計特徵——垂直條紋、強烈的色彩和形狀、不對稱和多重圖案——往往根源於（儘管有時是偽裝的）非洲宇宙論和神話的形式和元素。 …
The most fully documented examples of early African- American story quilts are those of Harriet Powers (1837-1911), a woman born into slavery in Georgia whose narratives have sources in three types of stories drawn from oral tradition: local legends, Biblical tales, and accounts of astronomical occurrences. Although narrative quilts like those of Powers are a distinctly American art form, she and other slave quilters used applique techniques that have been traced to historic Eastern and Middle Eastern civilizations, and which have roots in African tapestry traditions like that of the Fon people of Dahomey, West Africa. One of Powers's two well-known quilts (both now in American museum collections) was purchased after its exhibition at a Cotton Fair in 1886 by Jennie Smith, a southern white middle-class artist who had studied painting in Baltimore, New York, and Paris. Powers herself produced the detailed description of each scene that enabled subsequent generations to decode its complex iconography. ...
早期非裔美國人故事被子中記錄最完整的例子是哈麗特·鮑爾斯（Harriet Powers，1837-1911）的故事，她是一位出生在佐治亞州奴隸制的婦女，她的故事來源於三種來自口述傳統的故事：當地傳說、聖經故事、以及天文事件的描述。儘管像鮑爾斯這樣的敘事被子是一種明顯的美國藝術形式，但她和其他奴隸被子使用的貼花技術可以追溯到歷史悠久的東方和中東文明，並且根源於非洲掛毯傳統，例如達荷美豐人的掛毯傳統，西非。鮑爾斯的兩幅著名被子（均現為美國博物館收藏）中的一幅在1886 年棉花博覽會上展出後被珍妮·史密斯(Jennie Smith) 購買，她是一位南方白人中產階級藝術家，曾在巴爾的摩、紐約和巴黎學習繪畫。鮑爾斯本人對每個場景進行了詳細描述，使後代能夠解碼其複雜的圖像。 …
While economic hardship forced Harriet Powers to sell her prized quilt, other slaves were sometimes able to use their sewing skills to effect the transition to life as free women. In an 1868 autobiography entitled Behind the Scenes, a former slave named Mrs. Keckly-who became seamstress to Mary Todd Lincoln, wife of the sixteenth president of the United States― reports that she used money earned through her sewing skills to purchase her freedom, along with that of her son. ...
雖然經濟困難迫使哈里特·鮑爾斯賣掉了她珍貴的被子，但其他奴隸有時能夠利用她們的縫紉技能過渡到自由女性的生活。在1868 年題為《幕後花絮》的自傳中，一位名叫凱克利夫人的前奴隸——後來成為美國第十六任總統的妻子瑪麗·托德·林肯的裁縫——報告說，她用縫紉技術賺來的錢來購買自由，和她兒子的一樣。 …
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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104 TOP "Underground Railroad," c. 1870-90 105 LEFT Harriet Powers, Pictorial Quilt, c. 1895-88 ...
104 TOP “地下鐵路”，c。 1870-90 105 左哈里特鮑爾斯，圖畫被子，c。 1895-88 ...
106 Emma Civey Stahl, Woman's Rights Quilt, c. 1850s ...
106 艾瑪·西維斯塔爾，《婦女權利被子》，c。 1850年代...
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The full impact of the women's movement began to be felt with the first United States National Women's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848. A quilt produced just a few years later suggests the new spirit among American women. Its series of appliquéd squares show a woman engaging in what were at the time radical activities for women: driving her own buggy with a banner advocating "WOMAN RIG(HTS)"; dressed to go out while her husband, wearing an apron, remains at home; and, most daring of all, giving a speech in public. ...
1848 年，第一屆美國全國婦女權利大會在紐約塞尼卡福爾斯召開，人們開始感受到婦女運動的全面影響。它的一系列貼花方塊展示了一位女性正在從事當時女性激進的活動：駕駛自己的越野車，上面掛著倡導“WOMAN RIG（HTS）”的橫幅；外出時打扮得漂漂亮亮，而她的丈夫則繫著圍裙留在家裡；最大膽的是，在公開場合發表演說。 …
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
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Geography and class played a significant role in shaping the experiences of nineteenth-century American women artists. While many middle-class women in the major urban centers of the East Coast remained tied to European models of cultural and intellectual life, the opening up of the West, and life on the frontier, dramatically changed the lives of other women. During the second half of the century, the Westward Expansion of European settlers across the Plains states brought with it a wide range of new cultural interactions. These ranged from benevolent trading to the displacement and, in some cases, near extermination of native populations. Among Native American peoples, many of whom had inhabited these lands for thousands of years, visual culture and social life were integrated in ways not easily assimilated to European models. Not only are the categories and values of Western art history not applicable (many American Indian languages lack a term comparable to "art" or "artist," for example), it is Euro-American individuals and institutions which have absorbed native objects into European categories of display and commodification. Among Native Americans, visual objects were produced by many individuals of both sexes. Contact brought new technologies such as tools, which made immediate and radical changes to lifestyles and new materials-including beads, paint, dies, silk, and wool cloth. In many cases, it also led to expanded production for trade and sale. At the same time, quilts made by settlers quickly began to reflect the patterns and colors of native weaving and basketry. ...
地理和階級在塑造十九世紀美國女性藝術家的經驗方面發揮了重要作用。雖然東海岸主要城市中心的許多中產階級女性仍然與歐洲的文化和知識生活模式聯繫在一起，但西方的開放和邊疆的生活極大地改變了其他女性的生活。在本世紀下半葉，歐洲殖民者向西擴張，穿越平原各州，帶來了廣泛的新文化互動。這些範圍從仁慈的貿易到流離失所，在某些情況下，原住民幾乎被滅絕。在美洲原住民中，他們中的許多人已經在這片土地上居住了數千年，視覺文化和社會生活的融合方式不容易被歐洲模式所吸收。不僅西方藝術史的範疇和價值不適用（例如，許多美洲印第安語言缺乏與“藝術”或“藝術家”相媲美的術語），而且是歐美的個人和機構將本土物品吸收到了歐洲藝術中。商品化的類別。在美洲原住民中，視覺對像是由許多男女個體產生的。接觸帶來了工具等新技術，這些新技術立即徹底改變了生活方式，並帶來了新材料（包括珠子、油漆、模具、絲綢和羊毛布料）。在許多情況下，這也導致了貿易和銷售生產的擴大。同時，定居者製作的被子很快就開始反映出當地編織和籃筐的圖案和顏色。 …
In the Southwest, where the art of weaving cotton textiles on a loom can be dated to approximately AD 700, and reached its apogee with the work of the Navajo weavers of the mid- nineteenth century, women worked with wool prepared from the fleece of sheep introduced by the Spanish, and with both traditional dyes and commercial yarns obtained by trade. The expansion of trade, and the later production of objects for sale, also encouraged the emergence of named artists like the San Ildefonso potter Maria Martinez (active from around 1900 to the 1970s) whose works would become highly prized collectors' items. ...
在西南部，用織布機編織棉紡織品的藝術可以追溯到大約公元 700 年，並在 19 世紀中葉納瓦霍織工的作品中達到頂峰，婦女們用羊毛製成的羊毛進行工作由西班牙人引進，並採用傳統染料和透過貿易獲得的商業紗線。貿易的擴張以及後來出售物品的生產也鼓勵了聖伊爾德豐索陶藝家瑪麗亞·馬丁內斯（Maria Martinez）（活躍於1900 年至1970 年代）等知名藝術家的出現，她的作品後來成為收藏家的珍品。 …
Among Western settlers, in addition to competing for public commissions, the first generation of professional women sculptors was able to depend on family connections and on an emerging group of wealthy private collectors and philanthropists, many of them women. Caught up in the tensions between the vigor of the young American Republic and the legacy of European culture that shaped the literature of Nathaniel Hawthorne, Henry James, and others, they ...
在西方定居者中，除了競爭公共委託之外，第一代職業女性雕塑家還能夠依靠家庭關係以及新興的富有的私人收藏家和慈善家群體，其中許多是女性。年輕的美利堅共和國的活力與塑造了納撒尼爾·霍桑、亨利·詹姆斯等人文學的歐洲文化遺產之間存在著緊張關係，他們…
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looked to Europe for liberation from the restrictions placed on women at home. Other women, like the painter Lilly Martin Spencer, as well as many of the women trained in the design professions, were part of the professionalizing of education for those middle-class women forced to support themselves. The emergence of a new, middle-class buying public also played a not inconsiderable role in the dissemination of their work. ...
期待歐洲將婦女從家庭的限制中解放出來。其他女性，如畫家莉莉·馬丁·斯賓塞，以及許多接受過設計專業培訓的女性，都參與了為那些被迫養活自己的中產階級女性提供的專業化教育。新的中產階級購買大眾的出現也在他們作品的傳播中發揮了不可忽視的作用。 …
Lilly Martin Spencer (1822-1902) is an exception among nineteenth-century American artists: a married woman from Ohio who depended on her art to support her thirteen children and her husband (who stayed home and assisted her in professional and domestic duties); a child of communitarian Fourierite parents who claimed to have little time for politics or feminism; and an artist who refused the opportunity to go to Europe for training as did many other American artists. ...
莉莉·馬丁·史賓塞（Lilly Martin Spencer，1822-1902）是十九世紀美國藝術家中的一個例外：一位來自俄亥俄州的已婚婦女，依靠她的藝術來養活她的十三個孩子和她的丈夫（丈夫留在家中協助她完成職業和家務）；父母是共產主義傅立葉派的孩子，他們聲稱自己很少有時間參與政治或女性主義；還有一位像許多其他美國藝術家一樣拒絕去歐洲接受訓練的機會的藝術家。 …
Spencer's painting belongs to the period when American art shifted from an untutored folk expression to styles based on academic traditions and the study of European art. Her career is closely linked to the growing demand for inexpensive prints ...
史賓塞的繪畫屬於美國藝術從未經訓練的民間表達轉向基於學術傳統和歐洲藝術研究的風格的時期。她的職業生涯與對廉價印刷品不斷增長的需求密切相關...
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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to decorate middle-class homes, and she became the most popular and widely reproduced female genre painter of mid- nineteenth-century America. Despite her parents' progressive views, and an education that ranged from Shakespeare, Locke, and Rousseau to Molière, Pope, and Gibbon, there is a testy note in her reply to a letter from her mother in 1850 urging her to be more of a feminist activist. "My time dear mother," she wrote, "to enable me to succeed in my painting is so entirely engrossed by it, that I am not able to give my attention to anything else.... You know dear mother that that is your point of exertions... like my painting is mine, and you know dear mother as you have told me many times that if we wish to become great in any one thing we must condense our powers to one point." ...
裝飾中產階級的家庭，她成為十九世紀中葉美國最受歡迎和廣泛複製的女性風俗畫家。儘管她的父母持進步觀點，並接受過從莎士比亞、洛克、盧梭到莫里哀、教皇和吉本的教育，但她在回复母親1850 年的一封信時，卻表現出一種暴躁的語氣，信中敦促她更多地成為一個女權主義活動家。 「親愛的母親，我全神貫注於繪畫的成功，」她寫道，「我無法把注意力集中在其他事情上……親愛的母親，你知道那是你的。」努力的重點……就像我的畫是我的一樣，親愛的母親，你知道，因為你多次告訴我，如果我們想在任何一件事上變得偉大，我們就必須將我們的力量凝聚到一點上。 …
The first exhibition of her work in Ohio in 1841 brought her to the attention of Nicholas Longworth, a wealthy Cincinnati philanthropist who supported a number of artists then emerging from the western frontier. Longworth offered to assist her in going to Boston to study with Washington Allston or John Trumbull and then to Europe. Instead, she moved with her father to Cincinnati, where she studied with the successful portrait painter James Beard. The nature and extent of her training are unknown. ...
1841 年，她的作品在俄亥俄州首次展出，引起了尼古拉斯·朗沃斯(Nicholas Longworth) 的注意。藝術家。朗沃斯提出協助她到波士頓跟隨華盛頓·奧爾斯頓或約翰·特朗布爾學習，然後去歐洲。相反，她和父親搬到了辛辛那提，在那裡她跟隨成功的肖像畫家詹姆斯比爾德學習。她所接受的訓練的性質和程度尚不清楚。 …
Spencer's first major success came in 1849 when her painting, Life's Happy Hour, was selected by the Western Art Union for engraving. Subscribers to the Art Union, established in Cincinnati in 1847, paid a fixed sum in exchange for an annual engraving of an “important" painting by an American artist and a chance to win an original work of art in an annual lottery. Although often criticized for exploiting artists and vulgarizing public taste, the art unions were instrumental in developing the aesthetic tastes of the new buying public. ...
史賓塞的第一次重大成功是在 1849 年，當時她的畫作《生命的歡樂時光》被西方藝術聯盟選中進行版畫。藝術聯盟於 1847 年在辛辛那提成立，訂閱者支付固定費用，即可獲得美國藝術家每年雕刻一幅「重要」畫作的機會，並有機會在年度抽獎中贏得原創藝術作品。和庸俗化公眾品味，藝術聯盟在培養新購買大眾的美學品味方面發揮了重要作用…
After her work was shown at the National Academy of Design in 1848, Spencer moved her family to New York in order to obtain the additional training that would enable her to meet the growing demand for images of happy, self-sufficient domesticity. Her art has been characterized as "neither an out-and-out affirmation of middle class and patriarchal values nor an explicit rejection of such values, but rather an uncertain response: an embrace of them while also, increasingly (yet perhaps unconsciously), a teasing or mocking subversion of them." The good-natured humor and clumsy drawing of her work belong to the American folk tradition of exaggerated humor and sentimental nostalgia. Many of her paintings, especially those depicting children at play, like The Little Navigator and The Young Teacher, were purchased during the 1850s and 1860s for the French firm of Goupil, Vibert and Co. ...
1848 年，她的作品在國家設計學院展出後，斯賓塞舉家搬到了紐約，以便獲得額外的培訓，以滿足人們對幸福、自給自足的家庭生活形像日益增長的需求。她的藝術被描述為「既不是對中產階級和父權價值觀的徹底肯定，也不是對這些價值觀的明確拒絕，而是一種不確定的反應：擁抱它們，同時也越來越多地（但可能是無意識地）戲弄或嘲笑他們的顛覆。她作品中的善意幽默和笨拙的繪畫屬於美國民間誇張幽默和感傷懷舊的傳統。她的許多畫作，尤其是那些描繪玩耍中的兒童的畫作，例如《小航海家》和《年輕教師》，都是在1850 年代和1860 年代為法國古皮爾維伯特公司(Goupil, Vibert and Co .) 購買的。
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Lilly Martin Spencer, We Both Must Fade, 1869 ...
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and sent to Paris to serve as the basis for lithographs, many of them hand-colored by women working in a factory-like process. The prints were then returned to America for sale. ...
並被送往巴黎作為石版畫的基礎，其中許多是由在類似工廠的流程中工作的女性手工上色的。這些印刷品隨後被運回美國出售。 …
The founding of the Cosmopolitan Art Association in 1854 expanded Spencer's market through its periodical, The Cosmopolitan Art Journal, which was aimed at a female audience with the leisure and education to read magazines. Spencer's Fi! Fo! Fum!, exhibited at the National Academy of Design in 1858, was produced as a frontispiece the following year. The unpretentious and detailed rendering of Fi! Fo! Fum! found a responsive audience among the journal's readers for this scene of family intimacy as a defense against threats from the outside world. Wide reproduction spread Spencer's name across America but, despite her role in defining a popular imagery, she herself struggled financially throughout much of her life. ...
1854 年，大都會藝術協會成立，透過其期刊《大都會藝術雜誌》擴大了斯賓塞的市場，該雜誌的目標受眾是女性讀者，她們可以休閒和教育性地閱讀雜誌。史賓塞的菲！佛！ 《Fum!》於 1858 年在國家設計學院展出，並於隔年以卷首插畫出版。 Fi! 樸實細緻的渲染！佛！媽的！在該雜誌的讀者中找到了一些對這個家庭親密場景有反應的讀者，以防禦來自外界的威脅。史賓塞的名字被廣泛傳播到美國各地，但儘管她在定義流行形象方面發揮了重要作用，但她本人在一生的大部分時間裡都在經濟上掙扎。 …
The demands placed on Spencer by the need to support her family and to satisfy a large, often unsophisticated, middle- class audience were very different from those confronting the first generation of professional women artists who trained abroad during the 1850s and 1860s. Female art students, whose families were willing to support their aspirations, flocked to Europe. Barred from art academies, they sought private instruction in the studios of male painters and sculptors, often at high cost. Their experiences abroad are detailed in May Alcott's Studying Art Abroad, in the diaries of Marie Bashkirtseff, a young Russian art student in Paris in the 1880s, and in the letters of Harriet Hosmer, Anne Whitney, Mary Cassatt, and others. "Here," wrote Hosmer from Rome, "every woman has a chance if she is bold enough to avail herself of it, and I am proud of every woman who is bold enough.... Therefore I say honor all those who step boldly forward, and in spite of ridicule and criticism, pave a broader way for women of the next generation." Hosmer's sentiments were repeated by other women throughout the century: "After all give me France," wrote Cassatt in 1893. "Women do not have to fight for recognition here if they do serious work." ...
史賓塞需要養家糊口並滿足大量往往不成熟的中產階級觀眾，這與 1850 年代和 1860 年代在國外接受培訓的第一代職業女性藝術家所面臨的要求截然不同。家人願意支持她們的志向的藝術女學生紛紛湧向歐洲。由於無法進入藝術學院，她們在男性畫家和雕塑家的工作室尋求私人指導，費用往往很高。梅·奧爾科特(May Alcott) 的《出國藝術研究》(Studying Art Abroad)、1880 年代巴黎一位年輕的俄羅斯藝術學生瑪麗·巴什基爾采夫(Marie Bashkirtseff) 的日記以及哈里特·霍斯默(Harriet Hosmer)、安妮·惠特尼(Anne Whitney)、瑪麗·卡薩特(Mary Cassatt) 等人的信件中詳細介紹了他們的海外經歷。來自羅馬的霍斯默寫道：「在這裡，每個女性都有機會，只要她有足夠的勇氣去利用它，我為每一個足夠勇敢的女性感到驕傲......因此，我說尊重所有勇敢邁出步伐的人不顧嘲笑和批評，繼續前進，為下一代女性鋪平更廣闊的道路。霍斯默的觀點在整個世紀被其他女性所重複：“畢竟給我法國，”卡薩特在 1893 年寫道。 “如果女性認真工作，就不必在這裡為爭取認可而奮鬥。” …
Harriet Hosmer was one of the many Neoclassical sculptors who followed Horatio Greenough to Rome after 1825 in search of good marble and skilled carvers, historical collections of classical sculpture, and an inexpensive and congenial environment. She was the first of a group of women sculptors active in Rome in the 1850s and 1860s which included Louisa Lander, Emma Stebbins, Margaret Foley, Florence Freeman, Anne Whitney, Edmonia Lewis, and Vinnie Ream Hoxie. ...
哈麗特·霍斯默(Harriet Hosmer) 是眾多新古典主義雕塑家之一，他們在1825 年之後追隨霍雷肖·格里諾(Horatio Greenough) 來到羅馬，尋找優質的大理石和熟練的雕刻師、古典雕塑的歷史收藏品以及廉價且適宜的環境。她是 1850 年代和 1860 年代活躍在羅馬的一群女雕塑家中的第一位，包括 Louisa Lander、Emma Stebbins、Margaret Foley、Florence Freeman、Anne Whitney、Edmonia Lewis 和 Vinnie Ream Hoxie。 …
These sculptors have entered art history bound together as Henry James's "strange sisterhood of American ‘lady sculptors' ...
這些雕塑家作為亨利·詹姆斯的“美國‘女雕塑家’的奇怪姐妹會”而進入了藝術史...
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who at one time settled upon the seven hills in a white marmorean flock." James's vivid description has obscured the real differences that existed among them. Their training, attitudes, and level of professional achievement varied widely, and their work ranged from the Neoclassical style and subjects of American pre-Civil War public sculpture to the greater realism of the late nineteenth century. ...
詹姆斯的生動描述掩蓋了他們之間存在的真正差異。 他們的訓練、態度和專業成就水平差異很大，他們的作品從新古典主義風格到新古典主義風格都有很大差異。雕塑的主題到十九世紀末的更大的現實主義......
Like other successful women of their day, the members of the "White Marmorean flock" were encouraged to pursue independent lives and careers by liberal parents, other women involved in public reform activity, and by the fact that the Neoclassical movement was understood as an extension of Classical Greece when a flourishing of the arts had accompanied political liberty. Sculpture was associated with the elevated moral and spiritual values which legitimized female reform activity. In a letter to her patron, Wayman Crow, written before her departure for Rome, Hosmer explained why sculpture was superior to painting: "I grant that the painter must be as scientific as the sculptor, and in general must possess a greater variety of knowledge, and what he produces is more easily understood by the mass, because what they see on canvas is most frequently to be observed in nature. In high sculpture it is not so. A great thought must be embodied in a great manner, and such greatness is not to find its counterpart in everyday things." ...
與同時代的其他成功女性一樣，自由派父母、其他參與公共改革活動的女性以及新古典主義運動被理解為一種延伸，都鼓勵「白馬爾莫雷羊群」的成員追求獨立的生活和事業。雕塑與高尚的道德和精神價值聯繫在一起，使女性改革活動合法化。在前往羅馬之前寫給她的贊助人韋曼·克勞的信中，霍斯默解釋了為什麼雕塑優於繪畫：「我承認畫家必須像雕塑家一樣具有科學性，並且一般來說必須擁有更廣泛的知識他的作品更容易被大眾理解，因為他們在畫布上看到的東西在自然界中最常見，但偉大的思想必須以偉大的方式體現。 …
The same moral arguments which legitimized some women's choice of sculpture as a profession were frequently used by critics to contain their production within the boundaries of the acceptably feminine. Writing about women sculptors in Rome, the art critic of the Art Journal noted in 1866 that they were "Twelve stars of greater or lesser magnitude, who shed their soft and humanizing influence on a profession which has done so much for the refinement and civilization of man." He went on to argue, however, that sculpture by women belonged in a domestic setting where it was "destined to refine and embellish many a home." ...
一些女性選擇雕塑作為職業的道德論點也經常被批評家用來將她們的創作限制在可接受的女性範圍內。 1866 年，《藝術雜誌》的藝術評論家在撰寫有關羅馬女雕塑家的文章時指出，她們是「十二位大小不同的明星，她們對這一職業產生了柔和而人性化的影響，而這一職業對羅馬的精緻和文明做出了巨大貢獻”。男人。”然而，他接著辯稱，女性雕塑屬於家庭環境，「注定會改善和美化許多家庭」。 …
Mainstream feminism in nineteenth-century America was reformist at heart, directed toward righting social wrongs rather than radically restructuring relationships between the sexes. In competing for public commissions, and in producing work that was, however conservative in style, largely indistinguishable from that of their male contemporaries, and which was often monumental in scope and conception, these sculptors succeeded more than any other women before them in integrating themselves into a male system of artistic production. Although their work includes numerous ...
十九世紀美國的主流女性主義本質上是改良主義，旨在糾正社會錯誤，而不是從根本上重建兩性關係。在競爭公共委託的過程中，在創作無論風格如何保守、與同時代男性藝術家的作品基本上沒有區別、而且在範圍和構思上往往具有里程碑意義的作品時，這些雕塑家比她們之前的任何其他女性都更成功地融入了自己進入男性的藝術生產系統。儘管他們的工作包括許多...
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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representations of women, they often chose to depict strong, active females and they struggled to escape the devaluation that accompanied the identification of their work as "feminine." ...
在描繪女性形象時，他們經常選擇描繪堅強、活躍的女性，並努力擺脫因作品被認定為「女性化」而遭受的貶低。 …
The "sisterhood" was among the first group of American women to exchange marriage and domesticity for professional careers; all except Hoxie remained single. "Even if so inclined," remarked Hosmer, "an artist has no business to marry. For a man, it may be well enough, but for a woman, on whom matrimonial duties and cares weigh more heavily, it is a moral wrong, I think, for she must either neglect her profession or her family...." Instead, Hosmer's profession became her "family" and she constantly referred to her sculptures as "children," using the term which reassured the Victorian middle class that, although some women had turned their backs on marriage, they remained bound by the codes of respectable femininity. "Rosa Bonheur may not have had that wonderful spark of genius..." wrote Gertrude Atherton in 1899, "[but] she always finished a picture with the loving care of a conscientious mother, who insists that her children shall be clean and well- dressed...." ...
「姐妹會」是第一批以婚姻和家庭生活換取職業生涯的美國女性之一。除了霍克西之外，所有人都保持單身。霍斯默評論道：「即使有這樣的傾向，藝術家也沒有必要結婚。對於男人來說，這可能足夠了，但對於女人來說，婚姻責任和關心更重要，這是一種道德錯誤，我認為，因為她必須要么忽視她的職業，要么忽視她的家庭……”相反，霍斯默的職業變成了她的“家庭”，她經常將她的雕塑稱為“孩子”，這個詞讓維多利亞時代的中產階級放心，儘管有些婦女拒絕婚姻，但她們仍然受到受人尊敬的女性氣質準則的約束。 「羅莎·博納爾可能沒有那種奇妙的天才火花……」格特魯德·阿瑟頓在1899 年寫道，「[但]她總是在一位盡職盡責的母親的關懷下完成一幅畫，她堅持認為她的孩子應該要乾淨、健康。
Women embarking on professional careers at mid-century were constantly confronted by circumscribed views of femininity. Only friendships with other women provided some measure of freedom from the demands of marriage, family, and home. Intense, passionate, and committed relationships between women offered a quasi-legitimate alternative to marriage. The passionate nature of women's relationships with one another was accepted because of a widely held belief that, since genital sexuality was exclusively defined in relation to men, women's love for one another could only be an extension of their pure and moral natures. Hosmer, on the other hand, who openly defied convention by riding her horse astride through the streets of Rome and meeting male sculptors for breakfast in cafés, diffused criticism by adopting the persona of a playful tomboy rather than a grown woman. Although the sculptor William Wetmore Story was enchanted with her as a talented child, others were not convinced. "Miss Hosmer's want of modesty is enough to disgust a dog," wrote the sculptor Thomas Crawford. "She has had casts for the entire female model made and exhibited them in a shockingly indecent manner to all the young artists who called upon her. This is going it rather strong." ...
二十世紀中葉開始職業生涯的女性不斷面臨女性氣質的限制觀點。只有與其他女性的友誼才能在某種程度上擺脫婚姻、家庭和家庭的要求。女性之間強烈、充滿熱情和忠誠的關係為婚姻提供了一種準合法的替代方案。女性彼此關係的激情本質之所以被接受，是因為人們普遍相信，由於生殖器性行為完全是與男性相關的，女性對彼此的愛只能是她們純潔和道德本性的延伸。另一方面，霍斯默公然挑戰傳統，騎著馬跨過羅馬街道，在咖啡館與男性雕塑家共進早餐，她以頑皮的假小子而非成年女性的形象來分散批評。儘管雕塑家威廉·韋特莫爾·斯托里（William Wetmore Story）對她這個才華橫溢的孩子著迷，但其他人並不相信。 「霍斯默小姐的不謙虛足以讓狗感到厭惡，」雕塑家托馬斯·克勞福德寫道。 “她為所有女模特製作了演員陣容，並以一種令人震驚的不雅方式向所有拜訪她的年輕藝術家展示了她們。這件事相當強烈。” …
Harriet Hosmer is often coupled with William Wetmore Story as the leading American sculptors of their day. She was the first woman to go to Rome and almost all of her most important work was executed during her first decade there. Born in ...
哈麗特‧霍斯默 (Harriet Hosmer) 經常與威廉‧韋特莫爾‧斯托里 (William Wetmore Story) 並稱為當時美國頂尖的雕塑家。她是第一位前往羅馬的女性，幾乎所有最重要的工作都是在她在那裡的頭十年完成的。出生於...
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Watertown, Massachusetts, in 1830, Hosmer was educated at a liberal school and decided early to become a sculptor. Refused admission to an anatomy class in Boston, she enlisted the aid of a school friend's father in St. Louis. Wayman Crow, who became her most loyal and consistent patron, arranged for her to take anatomy lessons from Dr. J. N. McDowell. The Medical College of St. Louis was one of the few places that allowed women to study the human body; even so, Hosmer received her instruction privately in the doctor's office while the rest of the class met as a group. ...
1830 年，霍斯默在馬薩諸塞州沃特敦的一所自由學校接受教育，並很早就決定成為雕塑家。她拒絕參加波士頓的解剖課，於是向聖路易斯一位同學的父親尋求幫助。韋曼·克勞 (Wayman Crow) 成為了她最忠實、最堅定的讚助人，並安排她跟隨 JN McDowell 博士學習解剖學課程。聖路易斯醫學院是少數允許女性研究人體的地方之一；即便如此，霍斯默還是在醫生辦公室私下接受了她的指導，而班上的其他同學則以小組形式聚會。 …
Hosmer carved her first full-size marble, Hesper or The Evening Star (1852), by herself in her Watertown studio, often working ten hours a day. The work, inspired by Tennyson's poem "In Memoriam," received positive critical notice and Hosmer's friends, who included the Boston actress Charlotte Cushman, encouraged her to go to Rome for further study. She sailed with her father and Cushman in 1852. ...
霍斯默在她的沃特敦工作室裡獨自雕刻了她的第一塊全尺寸大理石《赫斯珀或晚星》（Hesper or The Evening Star，1852），通常每天工作十個小時。這部作品的靈感來自丁尼生的詩《紀念》，受到了積極的評論，霍斯默的朋友，其中包括波士頓女演員夏洛特·庫什曼，鼓勵她去羅馬進一步學習。 1852 年，她與父親和庫什曼一起航行。
Famous among other things for her theatrical portrayals of male roles like Romeo and Cardinal Wolsey, Cushman became a pivotal figure among the Anglo-Americans in Rome, providing Hosmer with rent-free lodging for the next seven years. Although Cushman is now primarily associated with women sculptors, Hosmer was merely the first of a circle of artists, both men and women, who benefited from the actress's friendship and professional support. Cushman and Story were rivals for social leadership in Rome and the venomous comments sometimes directed at women artists in her circle (like Crawford's denunciation of Hosmer) must be read in the light of this factional rivalry. ...
庫什曼因在戲劇中扮演羅密歐和紅衣主教沃爾西等男性角色而聞名，她成為羅馬英裔美國人中的關鍵人物，在接下來的七年裡為霍斯默提供了免租住宿。儘管庫什曼現在主要與女性雕塑家聯繫在一起，但霍斯默只是受益於這位女演員的友誼和專業支持的男性和女性藝術家圈子中的第一個。庫什曼和斯托里是羅馬社會領導權的競爭對手，有時針對其圈子中的女性藝術家的惡毒評論（如克勞福德對霍斯默的譴責）必須從這種派系競爭的角度來理解。 …
Cushman encouraged the sculptor John Gibson, who did not normally accept pupils, to instruct Hosmer. He agreed after seeing photographs of Hesper and gave her a studio in his garden. Daphne (1854) and Oenone (c. 1855), Hosmer's first full-length allegory, followed her apprenticeship with Gibson. Although critics commended Oenone's simplicity and classic grace, Hosmer's first public success came not with a full-size figure but with a "fancy" or "conceit." Puck on a Toadstool (1856) was the first of several "conceits" which her contemporaries found "native to a woman's fancy." Replicas of the work, one of them purchased by the Prince of Wales, eventually earned the artist some $50,000 and ensured her fame, but the decision to produce a purely commercial work was precipitated by her father's sudden financial losses and her need to be financially independent in order to remain in Rome. ...
庫什曼鼓勵雕塑家約翰·吉布森（John Gibson）指導霍斯默，因為他通常不接受學生。他看到海斯珀的照片後同意了，並在他的花園裡給了她一間工作室。 《達芙妮》（Daphne，1854 年）和《奧埃農》（Oenone，約 1855 年）是霍斯默的第一部長篇寓言，是在她師從吉布森之後創作的。儘管評論家稱讚奧諾內的簡潔和古典優雅，但霍斯默的第一次公開成功並不是以全尺寸的身材而是以“奇特”或“自負”來實現。 《傘菌上的帕克》（Puck on a Toadstool，1856）是她的同時代人認為「源自女性幻想」的幾個「奇思妙想」中的第一個。這件作品的複製品（其中一件被威爾斯親王購買）最終為藝術家贏得了大約5 萬美元，並確保了她的名氣，但由於她父親突然遭受經濟損失，而她需要經濟獨立，促使她決定製作一件純粹的商業作品為了留在羅馬。 …
In 1855, Louisa Lander (1826-1923) arrived in Rome, having previously modeled portrait busts in Washington, D.C. Her ...
1855 年，路易莎·蘭德 (Louisa Lander，1826-1923) 抵達羅馬，此前她曾在華盛頓特區做過半身像模特兒。
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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Emma Stebbins, Industry, 1860 ...
艾瑪·斯特賓斯，工業，1860 ...
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Virginia Dare (1860) takes its subject from Richard Hakluyt's writings about Virginia Dare, the first white woman born in the New World. The fate of the young woman, who disappeared with the rest of the Roanoke Colony, is not known, and Lander's sculpture is a symbolic portrait. Her nudity, and the fishnet she holds, are unusual interpretations of the theme and the figure's erect stance and bold gaze are a departure from the usual Neoclassical convention of displaying the female nude with chin dropped and gaze lowered. ...
《弗吉尼亞·戴爾》（Virginia Dare，1860 年）的主題取自理查德·哈克盧特(Richard Hakluyt) 關於弗吉尼亞·戴爾(Virginia Dare) 的著作，她是新世界第一位出生的白人女性。這位與羅阿諾克殖民地的其他人一起消失的年輕女子的命運尚不清楚，蘭德的雕塑是一幅象徵性的肖像。她的裸體和她拿著的漁網是對這一主題的不同尋常的詮釋，人物的直立姿勢和大膽的目光與新古典主義通常展示女性裸體、下巴低垂、目光低垂的慣例背道而馳。 …
Emma Stebbins (1815-1882), who began as a painter, became interested in sculpture after meeting Cushman in Rome in 1856. The actress's companion for many years, and later her biographer, Stebbins worked on historical and religious subjects, followed in 1867 by a large Columbus, which now stands in Brooklyn, New York. Cushman steadfastly supported Stebbins's professional life; among other works, a statue of the educator Horace Mann for the State House in Boston and the Angel of the Waters Fountain (c. 1862) for New York's Central Park were commissioned with the actress's help. ...
艾瑪·斯特賓斯（Emma Stebbins，1815-1882 年）最初是一名畫家，1856 年在羅馬遇見庫什曼後，對雕塑產生了興趣。 ，後來成為她的傳記作者，致力於歷史和宗教題材，隨後於1867 年一座巨大的哥倫布，現在矗立在紐約布魯克林。庫許曼堅定地支持史特賓斯的職業生涯。除此之外，波士頓州議會大廈的教育家霍勒斯·曼 (Horace Mann) 雕像和紐約中央公園的天使噴泉 (約 1862 年) 都是在這位女演員的幫助下委託製作的。 …
Women Neoclassical sculptors also produced a number of images of women responding with fortitude and moral courage to the vicissitudes of fate and the powerlessness experienced by women under patriarchy. They range from Whitney's Lady Godiva (1861) and Roma (1869), and Lewis's The Freed Woman and Her Child (1866) to Hosmer's Beatrice Cenci (1857) and Zenobia in Chains (1859). Beatrice Cenci was Hosmer's response to the moment in Shelley's verse drama, The Cenci, when, through sleep, Beatrice temporarily escapes the horror of having murdered her odious and incestuous father. The sculpture responds to the spirit of Shelley's poem, as does a dialogue in blank verse entitled "The Cenci's Dream: In the Night of Her Execution," written by Whitney and published in 1857. Hosmer's version also has sources in Guido Reni's portrait of the young woman, then the most admired seventeenth-century painting in Rome, and in Stefano Maderno's Saint Cecilia. ...
新古典主義女性雕塑家也創作了許多以堅韌和道德勇氣回應命運變遷和父權制下女性的無力感的女性形象。它們的範圍包括惠特尼的《戈黛娃夫人》（1861年）和《羅馬》（1869年），劉易斯的《自由的女人和她的孩子》（1866年）到霍斯默的《比阿特麗斯·森西》（1857年）和《鎖鏈中的芝諾比亞》（1859年）。 《比阿特麗斯·森西》是霍斯默對雪萊的詩劇《森西》中那一刻的回應，當時，比阿特麗斯透過睡眠暫時擺脫了謀殺她可憎的亂倫父親的恐懼。該雕塑呼應了雪萊詩歌的精神，惠特尼於1857 年出版的題為“岑西的夢：在她被處決的夜晚”的無詩對話也是如此。雷尼(Guido Reni) 的肖像。 …
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The story of Zenobia, the third-century Queen of Palmyra who was defeated and captured by the Romans, had been popular for over a century. Although the theme has many nineteenth-century literary sources, visual representations are rare and Hosmer's is unique in its archeological detail. The draped figure is proportioned according to antique canons; the features are based on an antique coin and the garment and ornaments on a mosaic in San Marco in Florence. Hosmer also consulted frequently with Mrs. Jameson, who had included a chapter on Zenobia in her Celebrated Female Sovereigns (1831). Departing from her literary sources, she presents a queen who ...
三世紀巴爾米拉女王芝諾比亞被羅馬人擊敗並俘虜的故事已經流傳了一個多世紀。儘管這個主題有許多十九世紀的文學來源，但視覺表現卻很少見，而且霍斯默的考古細節是獨一無二的。披著斗篷的人物比例是根據古代標準而定的；這些特徵是基於佛羅倫薩聖馬可的一枚古錢幣以及馬賽克上的服裝和裝飾品。霍斯默也經常諮詢詹姆森夫人，她在她的《著名的女君主》（1831）中收錄了關於芝諾比亞的一章。與她的文學來源不同，她呈現了一位女王...
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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does not succumb to defeat, who responds with fortitude to her capture and humiliation. Unlike the many writers who linked Zenobia's downfall to personal failings, Hosmer instead chose to emphasize her intellectual courage, fusing Christian ideals with a nineteenth-century feminist belief in women's capability. ...
不屈服於失敗，她以堅韌的態度回應自己的被捕和羞辱。與許多將澤諾比亞的垮台與個人失敗聯繫起來的作家不同，霍斯默反而選擇強調她的知識勇氣，將基督教理想與十九世紀女性主義對女性能力的信念融合在一起。 …
The first exhibition of Zenobia in Chains in England in 1862 brought a disappointing critical response and Hosmer, like many women artists before her, was forced to respond to charges that her work was not her own, and might even have been produced by John Gibson, her former teacher. In December 1864, Hosmer responded to the charges in an article in Atlantic Monthly in which she explained that all Neoclassical sculptors depended on skilled artisans, working from models produced by the artist, to do the actual carving: "The artist is a man (or woman) of genius; the artisan merely a man of talent." ...
1862 年，《Zenobia in Chains》在英國首次舉辦，引起了令人失望的批評反應，霍斯默像她之前的許多女性藝術家一樣，被迫回應指控，稱她的作品不是她自己的，甚至可能是約翰·吉布森(John Gibson) 製作的。 1864 年12 月，霍斯默在《大西洋月刊》上的一篇文章中回應了這些指控，其中她解釋說，所有新古典主義雕塑家都依賴熟練的工匠，根據藝術家製作的模型進行實際雕刻： “藝術家是一個人（或女人）是天才；工匠只是一個有才華的人。” …
Exhibited in the United States the following year, Zenobia in Chains was a triumphant success, taking its place alongside Hiram Power's Greek Slave (1847) as a testament to nineteenth- century moral ideals. But although both figures are captive and not in control of their fates, Zenobia's resolute dignity stands as a rebuke to the Greek Slave's prurient, if allegorical, nudity. More than one critic lauded Hosmer's figure as an embodiment ...
隔年，《鎖鏈中的芝諾比亞》在美國展出，取得了巨大成功，與海勒姆·鮑爾的《希臘奴隸》（1847）並列，成為十九世紀道德理想的證明。儘管兩個人物都被俘虜並且無法控制自己的命運，但芝諾比亞堅定的尊嚴是對希臘奴隸好色的（如果是寓言式的）裸體的譴責。不只一位評論家稱讚霍斯默的形像是...
Harriet Hosmer, Beatrice Cenci, 1857 ...
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of the new ideal of womanhood. Newspaper articles acclaimed the work and 15,000 people clamored to see it in Boston. ...
女性的新理想。報紙文章對這部作品大加讚揚，15,000 人爭相前往波士頓觀看它。 …
The success of Zenobia in Chains enabled Hosmer to establish herself in an impressive studio in Rome, but although she produced large fountains for Lady Eastlake and Lady Marion Alford, who also supported Gibson and Elisabet Ney, her production gradually declined for reasons which are not yet clear. ...
《Zenobia in Chains》的成功使霍斯默在羅馬的一個令人印象深刻的工作室中建立了自己的地位，但儘管她為伊斯特萊克夫人和馬里昂·阿爾福德夫人（也支持吉布森和伊麗莎白·內伊）製作了大型噴泉，但她的產量逐漸下降，原因尚未可知。 …
Nathaniel Hawthorne published his novel The Marble Faun in 1859 and immortalized the women sculptors of Rome in the characters of the artists Hilda and Miriam who play out a drama of art, morality, and human frailty. Hawthorne himself was far from reconciled to the idea of independent women: "all women as authors are feeble and tiresome," he wrote to his publisher, "I wish they were forbidden to write on pain of having their faces deeply scarified with an oyster shell." His novel becomes a kind of literary revenge on the new womanhood as he rewrites female creativity, making the gentle and pure Hilda's "art" nothing more than exquisite copies of Italian masterpieces, and constructing a tragic end for Miriam's more passionate creativity. ...
納撒尼爾·霍桑(Nathaniel Hawthorne) 於1859 年出版了小說《大理石農牧神》(The Marble Faun)，並以藝術家希爾達(Hilda) 和米里亞姆(Miriam) 為主角，演繹了一場關於藝術、道德和人性脆弱的戲劇，讓羅馬女雕塑家永垂不朽。霍桑本人對獨立女性的想法很不甘心：「所有身為作家的女性都是軟弱而令人厭煩的，」他在給出版商的信中寫道，「我希望禁止她們寫作，因為她們的臉會被牡蠣殼深深地劃傷。他的小說成為一種對新女性的文學報復，重寫了女性的創造力，讓溫柔純潔的希爾達的「藝術」不過是意大利名作的精美複製品，也為米里亞姆更加熱情的創造力建構了一個悲劇結局。 …
The novel elicited mixed reactions: Emerson dismissed it as "mere mush," while Hosmer, rejecting the plot as “nothing," was drawn to its "perfection of writing, beauty of thought, and for the perfect combination of nature, art and poetry...." The strongest denunciation came from Whitney: "The Marble Faun, which I am trying hard to read, is a detestable book," she wrote to the painter Adeline Manning in 1860, emphatically rejecting Hawthorne's characterization of the woman artist. ...
這本小說引起了不同的反應：愛默生認為它“只是一團糊塗”，而霍斯默則認為情節“沒什麼”，而是被它“完美的寫作、美麗的思想以及自然、藝術和詩歌的完美結合所吸引」。 ......」最強烈的譴責來自惠特尼：「我正在努力閱讀的《大理石農牧神》是一本可憎的書，」她在1860 年寫給畫家艾德琳曼寧，斷然拒絕霍桑對女性藝術家的描述。
Women artists continued to go to Rome well into the 1860s. The last two women to set out before the Civil War were Margaret Foley, who arrived around 1860, and Florence Freeman, who came in 1861. Foley (1827-1877) had begun carving and modeling in Vermont where she was born. Recruited for the textile mills in Lowell, she taught Saturday art classes there before going to Boston to become a cameo cutter and sculptor. Her bronze Stonewall Jackson, cast in London in 1873, was the first Confederate Civil War monument in America. Freeman (1836-1876), who had studied with Richard Greenough in Boston, specialized in bas-reliefs and was closely connected to Cushman's circle. Her bust of Sandophon, the Angel of Prayer, based on a Longfellow poem, was owned by him. ...
直到 1860 年代，女性藝術家仍繼續前往羅馬。內戰前最後兩位出發的女性是瑪格麗特·福利(Margaret Foley)，她於1860 年左右抵達；弗洛倫斯·弗里曼(Florence Freeman)，於1861 年抵達。 ) 在她出生的佛蒙特州開始雕刻和建模。她被洛厄爾的紡織廠招募，在那裡教授週六藝術課程，然後前往波士頓成為客串切割師和雕塑家。她的青銅石牆傑克遜雕像於 1873 年在倫敦鑄造，是美國第一座南部邦聯內戰紀念碑。弗里曼（1836-1876）曾在波士頓師從理查德·格里諾（Richard Greenough），專門研究淺浮雕，與庫什曼的圈子關係密切。她的桑多芬半身像（根據朗費羅的一首詩改編的祈禱天使）歸他所有。 …
It is the work of Anne Whitney and Edmonia Lewis that is most powerfully connected with the human rights issues of their day, which often demanded a less allegorical and more naturalistic sculptural treatment. During the Civil War years, ...
安妮·惠特尼 (Anne Whitney) 和埃德蒙尼亞·劉易斯 (Edmonia Lewis) 的作品與他們那個時代的人權問題聯繫最緊密，這往往需要更少的寓言和更自然主義的雕塑處理。南北戰爭期間，...
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and before going to Rome, both sculptors worked in Boston where for part of the time they maintained studios in the same building. Whitney, like Hosmer, came from a liberal Unitarian family in Watertown, Massachusetts, that traced its roots to the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Lewis (1845-after 1909) was the only major American woman artist of color in the nineteenth century. Part black, part Chippewa Indian, part white, she was educated at Oberlin College, one of 250 students of color enroled there before the Civil War. Accused of poisoning two friends with drugged wine in what appears to have been a prank turned tragic, she was beaten by vigilantes, arrested and tried, and defended by the most famous black lawyer, John Mercer Langston, before being released and making her way to Boston. ...
在去羅馬之前，兩位雕塑家都在波士頓工作，有一段時間他們在同一棟大樓設有工作室。惠特尼和霍斯默一樣，來自馬薩諸塞州沃特敦的自由派一神論家庭，其根源可追溯到馬薩諸塞灣殖民地。路易斯（1845 年 - 1909 年後）是 19 世紀美國唯一一位重要的有色人種女性藝術家。她一半是黑人，一半是奇珀瓦印第安人，一半是白人，她在歐柏林學院接受教育，是內戰前該校招收的 250 名有色人種學生之一。她被指控用下藥的酒毒害了兩名朋友，這似乎是一個惡作劇，後來變成了一場悲劇，她遭到義務警員的毆打，被捕並受審，並由最著名的黑人律師約翰·默瑟·蘭斯頓（John Mercer Langston）為她辯護，然後被釋放並前往美國波士頓。 …
In Boston, Lewis had an introduction to William Lloyd Garrison and through him she met other abolitionists and suffragists. Her introduction to the Boston art community, however, was less positive. After three male sculptors refused to instruct her, she copied fragments of sculpture lent her by the portrait sculptor Edward Brackett and turned to Whitney for informal lessons. Conscious of the extent to which the white community regarded her as an exotic, and afraid that she would be accused of not having done her own work, Lewis later refused additional training. ...
在波士頓，劉易斯經人介紹認識了威廉·勞埃德·加里森，並透過他認識了其他廢奴主義者和婦女參政主義者。然而，她對波士頓藝術界的介紹卻不那麼積極。在三名男性雕塑家拒絕指導她後，她複製了肖像雕塑家愛德華·布拉克特借給她的雕塑碎片，並向惠特尼尋求非正式課程。意識到白人社區在多大程度上將她視為異國情調，並擔心她會被指責沒有完成自己的工作，劉易斯後來拒絕接受額外的培訓。 …
In 1864, she was at work on a bust of Robert Gould Shaw, the leader of the Negro regiment from Massachusetts during the Civil War and the subject of works by Whitney and Foley. Lewis also modeled medallions in clay and plaster of John Brown, Garrison, Charles Sumner, and Wendell Philips. Among her earliest works is a bust of Maria Weston Chapman, an ardent worker for anti-slavery. ...
1864 年，她正在製作羅伯特·古爾德·肖(Robert Gould Shaw) 的半身像，羅伯特·古爾德·肖(Robert Gould Shaw) 是南北戰爭期間馬薩諸塞州黑人軍團的領袖，也是惠特尼和弗利作品的主題。劉易斯還用黏土和石膏製作了約翰·布朗、加里森、查爾斯·薩姆納和溫德爾·菲利普斯的獎章。她最早的作品之一是瑪麗亞·韋斯頓·查普曼的半身像，她是一位熱心的反奴隸制工作者。 …
112 Margaret Foley, William Cullen Bryant, 1867 ...
112 瑪格麗特‧弗利，威廉‧卡倫‧布萊恩特，1867 年…
113 Edmonia Lewis, Forever Free, 1867 ...
113 艾德蒙妮亞‧劉易斯，《永遠自由》，1867 年…
Whitney (1821-1915) was a poet before she became a sculptor and the publication of her fifteen sonnets, "To Night," in 1855 in Una, the first women's rights publication, brought her to the attention of the leading feminists of the day. Her friendships with Elizabeth Blackwell, Lydia Maria Child, whose History of the Condition of Women in Various Ages and Nations had been published in 1835, and Lucy Stone, the women's rights leader and first woman from Massachusetts to receive a college degree, were crucial to her decision to pursue a career in sculpture. ...
惠特尼（1821-1915）在成為雕塑家之前是一位詩人，1855 年她在第一本女權出版物《Una》上出版了她的十五首十四行詩《致夜》，使她引起了當時主要女權主義者的注意。她與伊麗莎白·布萊克威爾(Elizabeth Blackwell)、莉迪亞·瑪麗亞·柴爾德(Lydia Maria Child) 以及女權領袖、馬薩諸塞州第一位獲得大學學位的女性露西·斯通(Lucy Stone) 的友誼至關重要，後者於1835 年出版了《各個時代和國家婦女狀況史》。 …
By 1863, Whitney had executed her first life-size sculpture, a Lady Godiva (1861), based on Tennyson's heroine who braved mockery and humiliation for the sake of an oppressed peasantry. Her social concerns were strengthened through attendance at emancipation meetings and anti-slavery conventions. Her Africa, executed in 1863, the year of the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation, portrayed a symbolic mother of an African race rising from slavery. After arriving in Rome in 1866, Whitney again took up themes of social and political importance. Roma (1869-70), an allegorical image of the city as an old beggar, combines a critique of the effects of papal authority with a sympathetic portrayal of the city's poorest citizens. Her inclusion of a satirical mask of a well- known cardinal in an early version of the sculpture caused a storm of criticism when it was first exhibited in Rome in June. Whitney subsequently sent the piece to Florence for safekeeping, and the offending detail was removed in later versions (including the one like that installed today at Wellesley College in Massachusetts, where the sculptor later taught). ...
1863 年，惠特尼創作了她的第一座真人大小的雕塑《戈黛娃夫人》(Lady Godiva，1861)，該雕塑以丁尼生筆下的女主人公為原型，為了受壓迫的農民而冒著嘲笑和羞辱。透過參加解放會議和反奴隸制大會，她的社會關切得到加強。她的《非洲》執行於 1863 年，即《解放奴隸宣言》簽署的那一年，描繪了一位從奴隸制中崛起的非洲種族的象徵性母親。 1866 年抵達羅馬後，惠特尼再次開始探討具有社會和政治重要性的主題。 《羅馬》（1869-70）以一個老乞丐的寓言形象描繪了這座城市，結合了對教皇權威影響的批評和對城市最貧困公民的同情描繪。她在雕塑的早期版本中加入了一位著名紅衣主教的諷刺面具，當該雕塑於六月在羅馬首次展出時，引起了批評風暴。惠特尼隨後將這件作品送往佛羅倫薩妥善保管，並在後來的版本中刪除了令人不快的細節（包括今天安裝在馬薩諸塞州韋爾斯利學院的那個，雕塑家後來在那裡任教）。 …
Whitney's interest in political subjects was shared by Edmonia Lewis, who also took up residence in Rome in 1866. With Chapman's and Cushman's professional support, Lewis began a series of works on black and American Indian themes. Later that year she completed her first ideal work, The Freed Woman on First Hearing of Her Liberty (1866), followed by Forever Free (1867). Both works take up the subject of emancipation; both produce social statements on the experience of slavery using the aesthetic conventions of Neoclassicism's idealized figures. Lewis's choice of Neoclassicism may be read as a sign of her intention to see her works accepted not as ethnographic curiosities, but as contributions to an ongoing debate about ideal form and universal values in American sculpture. ...
埃德蒙妮婭·劉易斯(Edmonia Lewis) 與惠特尼一樣對政治主題感興趣，後者也於1866 年定居羅馬。黑人與美洲印地安人為主題的作品。同年晚些時候，她完成了她的第一部理想作品《第一次聽到自由的自由婦女》（1866），隨後是《永遠自由》（1867）。這兩部作品都以解放為主題。兩者都利用新古典主義理想化人物的美學慣例來表達關於奴隸制經歷的社會陳述。路易斯對新古典主義的選擇可能被解讀為她希望自己的作品不被視為民族誌的好奇心，而是對美國雕塑中理想形式和普世價值的持續辯論的貢獻。 …
The Freed Woman and Her Child (now lost) and Forever Free recall the strong sentiments of the Emancipation Proclamation: "all persons held as slaves... are, and henceforward shall be, free." In the former work, a woman hearing of her emancipation ...
《獲得自由的婦女和她的孩子》（現已失踪）和《永遠自由》回憶了《解放黑奴宣言》中的強烈情感：「所有被奴役的人……現在是、今後也將是自由的。在前一部作品中，一位婦女聽說自己獲得了解放…
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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114 Anne Whitney, Charles Sumner, 1900 ...
114 安妮·惠特尼、查爾斯·薩姆納，1900 ...
kneels in thanksgiving with her child. Lewis described the subject as "a humble one, but my first thought was for my poor father's people, how I could do them good in my small way." The female figure reappears in Forever Free, originally called The Morning of Liberty, kneeling beside a male slave who raises his left arm in triumph, brandishing his broken chains and standing firmly on a cast-off ball and chain. ...
與她的孩子一起跪下感恩節。路易斯將這個主題描述為“一個謙虛的話題，但我的第一個想法是為了我可憐的父親的人民，我如何以我的微薄之力為他們做好事。”女性形像在《永遠自由》（原名《自由的早晨》）中再次出現，跪在一名男奴隸旁邊，男奴隸勝利地舉起左臂，揮舞著斷裂的鐵鍊，堅定地站在一個脫落的球和鐵鍊上。 …
On October 18, 1869, Lewis returned to the United States for the dedication of Forever Free at Tremont Temple in Boston. In the company of prominent Abolitionists, including William Lloyd Garrison, she saw her work installed as a monument to freedom and self-determination. The Reverend Leonard A. Grimes, the prominent abolitionist minister to whom the sculpture was dedicated, was himself a free person of African descent who had dedicated his life to helping runaway slaves. ...
1869 年 10 月 18 日，劉易斯返回美國，在波士頓特雷蒙特神廟參加了「永遠自由」的落成儀式。在包括威廉·勞埃德·加里森在內的著名廢奴主義者的陪伴下，她將自己的作品視為自由和自決的紀念碑。這座雕塑是獻給傑出的廢奴主義牧師倫納德·格萊姆斯牧師（Reverend Leonard A. Grimes）的，他本人也是一位非洲裔自由人，畢生致力於幫助逃亡奴隸。 …
Edmonia Lewis's later life remains obscured by rumor and mystery. Whitney's return to Boston in 1871, on the other hand, was followed by a government commission for a marble statue of Samuel Adams for the Capitol in Washington and the loss of a competition in 1875 for a statue of Charles Sumner when it was learned that a woman had won. The bronze was finally erected in Harvard Square in 1902. ...
埃德蒙妮亞劉易斯的晚年生活仍然被謠言和謎團所籠罩。另一方面，惠特尼於1871 年返回波士頓，隨後政府委託為華盛頓國會大廈建造塞繆爾·亞當斯(Samuel Adams) 大理石雕像，並於1875 年在查爾斯·薩姆納(Charles Sumner) 雕像的競爭中落敗，因為得知女人贏了。 1902年，這座青銅雕像終於在哈佛廣場豎立起來。
By the time Whitney received her commission for Samuel Adams, the first federal commission had already gone to another woman. Vinnie Ream Hoxie's imposing figure of Abraham Lincoln was unveiled in Statuary Hall in the Capitol in 1871. In many ways, the circumstances surrounding the commission sum up all the ambivalence expressed toward this first generation of professional American women. Hoxie, born in Madison, Wisconsin, in 1847, studied there briefly before moving to Washington in 1862, where she received some training in sculpture. After executing a portrait bust of Lincoln, she met the President. Her model of the man who, in her words, was one "such as will elevate the human race and ennoble human nature," was entered in the congressional competition for a memorial to the slain leader in 1866. The final congressional deliberations included attacks on Hoxie's youth and inexperience by several senators; others praised her beauty and charming demeanor. The criticism quickly deteriorated into attacks on female sculptors and the inappropriate behavior of women desiring to execute large monuments, which in fact masked profound artistic differences between the East Coast artistic and intellectual elite and challenges to its hegemony from the South and West. ...
當惠特尼收到塞繆爾·亞當斯的委託時，第一個聯邦委託人已經交給了另一位女性。 1871 年，維尼·雷姆·霍克西(Vinnie Ream Hoxie) 創作的亞伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln) 雕像在國會大廈雕像大廳揭幕。美國職業婦女所表達的所有矛盾心理。霍克西 1847 年出生於威斯康辛州麥迪遜，在那裡短暫學習，然後於 1862 年搬到華盛頓，在那裡接受了一些雕塑培訓。在完成了林肯的半身像後，她會見了總統。用她的話來說，她所塑造的這個人“將提升人類的地位，使人性變得高貴”，並參加了1866 年為紀念這位被殺的領導人而舉行的國會競賽。對霍克西的年輕和缺乏經驗被幾位參議員所忽視；其他人則稱讚她的美麗和迷人的風度。這些批評迅速惡化為對女性雕塑家的攻擊以及女性渴望建造大型紀念碑的不當行為，這實際上掩蓋了東海岸藝術和知識精英之間深刻的藝術差異以及來自南方和西方對其霸權的挑戰。 …
The commission was finally awarded to Hoxie. Her moving depiction of the weary and "bowed president was ...
該委託最終授予了 Hoxie。她對疲憊不堪、「鞠躬的總統」的動人描繪是…
Toward Utopia: Moral Reform and American Art in the Nineteenth Century ...
邁向烏托邦：十九世紀的道德改革與美國藝術...
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enthusiastically received and the young sculptor became an instant celebrity. The mood of celebration was short-lived. The New York Tribune attacked Hoxie's technical abilities, describing her Lincoln as a "frightful abortion," and the artist as a "fraud." Charging once again that the sculpture was not her own work, the sexualized language of the critical attack reveals the unconscious belief that female ambition exceeded and violated nature. ...
受到熱烈歡迎，這位年輕的雕塑家立即成為名人。慶祝的氣氛是短暫的。 《紐約論壇報》攻擊霍克西的技術能力，將她的《林肯》描述為“可怕的墮胎”，將這位藝術家描述為“騙子”。再次指責雕塑不是她自己的作品，批判性攻擊的性化語言揭示了女性野心超越和侵犯自然的無意識信念。 …
As the ensuing controversy widened, Whitney applauded an article in the feminist weekly, The Revolution, in which the author "deprecates all this personal twaddle about hair and eyes.... And I hope, in mercy, suffrage and other things that belong to us will come soon and lift us out of-get us above, I mean-hair, eyes, and clothes." Hosmer also came to her defense: "We women artists will not hear that we are imposters without asking for proof.... [Hoxie] is as much entitled to the credit of her work as any artist I know.... We resent all such accusations as unjust, ungenerous, and contemptible." ...
隨著隨後的爭議不斷擴大，惠特尼對女權主義周刊《革命》上的一篇文章表示讚賞，其中作者“反對所有這些關於頭髮和眼睛的個人胡言亂語……我希望，出於仁慈，選舉權和其他屬於女性的東西”我們很快就會來，把我們從上面帶出來，我是說，頭髮、眼睛和衣服。”霍斯默也為她辯護：「如果不尋求證據，我們女性藝術家就不會聽到我們是冒名頂替者…[霍克西]和我認識的任何藝術家一樣有資格獲得她的作品的榮譽… …我們怨恨所有這些指控都是不公正、不慷慨和可鄙的。 …
Hosmer's emphatic response, and her faith in women's abilities, reflected the increasing public confidence that American women were displaying during the 1870s and 1880s. By 1876, when the Centennial Exposition opened its doors in Philadelphia, women represented almost one fifth of the labor force and their part in the "century of progress" celebrated by the fair was evident in more than six hundred exhibits displaying their achievements in journalism, medicine, science, business, and social work. During the second half of the century, women also contributed to defining a new art. ...
霍斯默的強烈回應以及她對女性能力的信心反映了公眾對 1870 年代和 1880 年代美國女性表現出的日益增長的信心。到1876 年，當百年紀念博覽會在費城開幕時，女性幾乎佔勞動力的五分之一，她們在博覽會所慶祝的「進步世紀」中所扮演的角色在六百多個展示她們在新聞業成就的展覽中得到了明顯體現。在本世紀下半葉，女性也為定義新藝術做出了貢獻。 …
115 Vinnie Ream Hoxie, Abraham Lincoln, 1871 ...
115 維尼‧雷姆‧霍克西 (Vinnie Ream Hoxie)，亞伯拉罕‧林肯 (Abraham Lincoln)，1871 年...
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Chapter 8 Separate but Unequal: Woman's Sphere and the New Art ...
第 8 章 獨立但不平等：女性領域與新藝術…
The Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876 represented a milestone in women's struggles to achieve public visibility in American cultural life. Approximately one tenth of the works of art in the United States section were by women, more than in any other country's display. Emily Sartain of Philadelphia received a Centennial gold medal, the only one awarded to a woman, for a painting called The Reproof (now lost). Sartain's painting was displayed in the United States section, but the exhibition also boasted a Women's Pavilion with over 40,000 square feet of exhibition space devoted to the work of almost 1500 women from at least 13 countries. ...
1876 年的費城百年博覽會代表了女性在美國文化生活中爭取公眾知名度的鬥爭中的一個里程碑。美國展區大約十分之一的藝術作品是女性創作的，比其他國家的展覽都要多。費城的艾米麗·薩爾坦 (Emily Sartain) 因一幅名為《責備》（現已遺失）的畫作而獲得了百年紀念金獎，這是唯一頒發給女性的金獎。薩坦的畫作在美國部分展出，但展覽還設有一個女性館，展覽空間超過 40,000 平方英尺，專門展示來自至少 13 個國家的近 1500 名女性的作品。 …
Presided over by Elizabeth Duane Gillespie, Benjamin Franklin's great-granddaughter and an experienced community leader, the Women's Centennial Executive Committee had raised over $150,000 amid considerable controversy. The building's existence as a segregated display area had been contested from the beginning. “It would, in my opinion," wrote the Director of Grounds, "be in every respect better for them to occupy a building exclusively their own and devoted to women's work alone." To others, the presence of a separate exhibition facility for women at the Exposition signaled an institutionalizing of women's productions in isolation from those of men. Sensitive to the implications of exhibiting women's art only in relation to other areas of feminine creative activity, and angered because no attention was given to women's wages and working conditions, radical feminists refused to participate. "The Pavilion was not a true exhibit of women's art," declared Elizabeth Cady Stanton, because it did not include samples of objects made by women in factories owned by men. Ironically, the building became both the most powerful and conspicuous symbol of the women's movement ...
由本傑明·富蘭克林的曾孫女、經驗豐富的社區領袖伊麗莎白·杜安·吉萊斯皮 (Elizabeth Duane Gillespie) 主持的婦女百年紀念執行委員會在相當大的爭議中籌集了超過 15 萬美元。該建築作為隔離展示區的存在從一開始就受到爭議。 「在我看來，」場地主任寫道，「從各方面來說，對她們來說，佔據一棟專屬於她們自己的建築並專門致力於女性工作會更好。」對其他人來說，為女性設立一個單獨的展覽設施博覽會上的女性作品標誌著女性作品與男性作品的製度化，對僅與女性創造性活動的其他領域相關的女性藝術的影響敏感，並因不關注女性的工資和工作條件而感到憤怒，這是激進的。樣品。
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for equal rights and the most visible indication of woman's separate status. ...
平等權利和婦女獨立地位的最明顯標誌。 …
The Pavilion's eclectic and controversial exhibits included furniture, weaving, laundry appliances, embroideries, educational and scientific exhibitions, and sculpture, painting, and photography, as well as engravings. Jenny Brownscombe, a graduate of Cooper Union and one of the first members of the Art Students' League of New York, sent examples of the genre subjects she drew for Harper's Weekly. Among the many paintings by women were the landscapes of Mary Kollock, Sophia Ann Towne Darrah, and Annie C. Shaw; the still lifes of Fidelia Bridges and Virginia and Henrietta Granberry; drawings of old New York by Eliza Greatorex; historical subjects by Ida Waugh and Elizabeth C. Gardner; and portraits by Anna Lea Merritt. The Philadelphia sculptor Blanche Nevins sent plaster casts of an Eve and a Cinderella; Florence Freeman offered a small bust. Foley and Whitney sent bas-reliefs and statuettes, and Whitney also provided a bronze cast of the Roma, a bronze head of an old peasant woman asleep, and a fountain for the center of the Horticulture Hall. ...
展館的展覽不拘一格且頗具爭議，包括家具、編織、洗衣用具、刺繡、教育和科學展覽，以及雕塑、繪畫、攝影和版畫。珍妮‧布朗斯科姆 (Jenny Brownscombe) 是庫柏聯盟學院的畢業生，也是紐約藝術學生聯盟的首批成員之一，她寄來了她為《哈珀週刊》繪製的流派主題的範例。在眾多女性畫作中，有瑪麗·科洛克 (Mary Kollock)、索菲亞·安·湯恩·達拉 (Sophia Ann Towne Darrah) 和安妮·C·肖 (Annie C. Shaw) 的風景畫；菲黛莉亞·布里奇斯、維吉尼亞·格蘭伯里和亨利埃塔·格蘭伯里的靜物畫； Eliza Greatorex 繪製的舊紐約圖畫；艾達‧沃 (Ida Waugh) 與伊莉莎白‧C‧加德納 (Elizabeth C. Gardner) 的歷史主題；以及安娜·莉·梅里特 (Anna Lea Merritt) 的肖像畫。費城雕塑家布蘭奇·內文斯送來了夏娃和灰姑娘的石膏模型；佛羅倫斯·弗里曼提供了一個小半身像。弗利和惠特尼送來了淺浮雕和小雕像，惠特尼還提供了羅馬人的青銅鑄件、熟睡的老農婦的青銅頭像，以及園藝廳中心的噴泉。 …
116 Jenny Brownscombe, Love's Young Dream, 1887 ...
116 珍妮‧布朗斯科姆，《愛的年輕夢想》，1887 年…
Separate but Unequal: Woman's Sphere and the New Art ...
分離但不平等：女性領域與新藝術......
116 ...
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The lumping together of fine arts, industrial arts, and handicrafts, and of the work of professional and amateur artists implicitly equated the work of all women on the basis of gender alone. Critics were quick to challenge the displays for their lack of "quality" and women once again found themselves confronting universalizing definitions of "women's" production in a gender-segregated world. ...
將美術、工業藝術和手工藝品以及專業和業餘藝術家的作品混為一談，隱含地僅根據性別將所有女性的作品等同起來。批評者很快就質疑這些展覽缺乏“品質”，而女性再次發現自己在性別隔離的世界中面臨著“女性”生產的普遍定義。 …
In 1876 Louisa May Alcott, using the proceeds from her writing to pay for her sister's European art education, sent May to Paris for further study. May Alcott's copies of Turner's paintings had won Ruskin's praise in London and she was determined to succeed as an artist. Her letters home describe a comfortable lifestyle with a supportive group of female art students sharing meals and encouraging each other's ambitions. The woman they most admired in Paris was Mary Cassatt; she and several other painters became the first women to align themselves with a stylistically radical movement. ...
1876 年，路易莎·梅·奧爾科特 (Louisa May Alcott) 用寫作所得來支付姐姐的歐洲藝術教育費用，將梅送到巴黎繼續深造。梅·奧爾科特的特納畫作複製品在倫敦贏得了拉斯金的稱讚，她決心成為一名成功的藝術家。她的家信描述了一種舒適的生活方式，一群支持性的女藝術學生一起吃飯並鼓勵彼此的抱負。他們在巴黎最崇拜的女人是瑪麗·卡薩特。她和其他幾位畫家成為第一批投入風格激進運動的女性。 …
Cassatt (1844–1926), daughter of a wealthy Pennsylvania businessman, became a student at the Pennsylvania Academy in 1861, taking her place among a number of dedicated women students which eventually included Alice Barber Stephens, Catherine A. Drinker, Susan MacDowell Eakins, Anna Sellers, Cecilia Beaux, and Anna Klumpke. By 1866, she was settled in Paris where she was soon joined by the rest of her family. Her teas were a mecca for younger women, she was generous with introductions and advice, and her professional commitment was an inspiration to the young students. "Miss Cassatt was charming as usual in two shades of brown satin and rep," wrote May Alcott to her family in Concord, “being very lively and a woman of real genius, she will be a first-class light as soon as her pictures get a little circulated and known, for they are handled in a masterly way, with a touch of strength one seldom finds coming from a woman's fingers." ...
卡薩特（1844-1926 年）是賓州一位富商的女兒，1861 年成為賓州學院的學生，成為眾多熱心女學生中的一員，其中包括愛麗絲·巴伯·史蒂芬斯(Alice Barber Stephens )、凱瑟琳·A·德林克(Catherine A. Drinker)、蘇珊·麥克道爾·艾金斯(Susan MacDowell Eakins)、安娜·塞勒斯、塞西莉亞·博克斯和安娜·克魯普克。 1866 年，她在巴黎定居，很快地她的其他家人也加入了這裡。她的茶是年輕女性的聖地，她慷慨地介紹和建議，她的專業承諾激勵著年輕的學生。 「卡薩特小姐一如既往地迷人，穿著兩種顏色的棕色緞子和水紋布，」梅·奧爾科特在給康科德的家人的信中寫道，「她非常活潑，是一位真正的天才女性，一旦她的照片出現，她就會成為一流的人物。 .....
Alcott's comments reveal the conflicts still facing the woman artist caught within an ideology of sexual difference which gave the privilege to male expression and often forced women to choose between marriage and a career. These conflicts make up Louisa May Alcott's short novella Diana and Persis (written in 1879 but only recently published). The novel's female characters were modeled on herself and her sister, and on their friends among the White Marmorean Flock. One chapter is entitled "Puck" in reference to Hosmer's successful piece. Alcott explores the connections between art, politics, spinsterhood, and the female community. Persis, a young painter funded by her family to study abroad, wins minor recognition in the Paris art world (where May Alcott had a still-life accepted in the Salon of 1877). ...
奧爾科特的評論揭示了這位女藝術家仍然面臨性別差異意識形態中的衝突，這種意識形態賦予男性表達的特權，並常常迫使女性在婚姻和職業之間做出選擇。這些衝突構成了路易莎·梅·奧爾科特的短篇中篇小說《戴安娜與佩爾西斯》（寫於 1879 年，但最近才出版）。小說中的女性角色是以她自己和她的妹妹以及她們在白馬爾莫雷羊群中的朋友為藍本的。其中一章的標題是“帕克”，參考了霍斯默的成功作品。奧爾科特探討了藝術、政治、老處女和女性群體之間的連結。佩爾西斯是一位由家人資助出國留學的年輕畫家，她在巴黎藝術界贏得了小小的認可（梅·奧爾科特的一幅靜物畫在 1877 年的沙龍中被接受）。 …
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Devotion to her art and devotion to home and family are her consuming passions, but after first choosing art, Persis discovers that as a True Woman she cannot deny her feelings and her desire for domestic life. May/Persis demanded the right both to marital happiness and artistic success, but her expectations ran counter to the structures of patriarchal nineteenth-century society. She proclaims her allegiance to an earlier, heroic generation of female artists such as Rosa Bonheur, but in the end her choice of marriage limits her options as an artist. ...
對藝術的熱愛和對家庭的熱愛是她的強烈熱情，但在第一次選擇藝術後，佩西斯發現，作為一個真正的女人，她無法否認自己的感受和對家庭生活的渴望。梅/佩西斯要求婚姻幸福和藝術成功的權利，但她的期望與十九世紀父權社會的結構背道而馳。她宣稱效忠於羅莎·博納爾（Rosa Bonheur）等早期英雄一代女性藝術家，但最終她的婚姻選擇限制了她作為藝術家的選擇。 …
During the years when Cassatt, May Alcott, and other young women flocked to Paris for study, the city itself was undergoing dramatic changes. The rebuilding of Paris by Baron Haussmann and Napoleon III in the 1850s and 1860s physically transformed the city. T. J. Clark, Eunice Lipton, Griselda Pollock, and others have ably demonstrated the evolution of a new social matrix as artists and writers, prostitutes and the new bourgeoisie were drawn into the streets and parks, the cafés, and restaurants. Baudelaire's call for an art of modern life emphasizing the fleeting and transitory moment, and the fugitive sensation was embodied in the contemporary focus and realist approach of Degas's and Manet's paintings, in the broken brushstrokes and fleeting gestures of Impressionism, and in the poetic imagery of the flâneur, that exclusively masculine figure who moved about the new public arenas of the city relishing its spectacles. ...
在卡薩特、梅·奧爾科特和其他年輕女性湧入巴黎求學的那些年裡，這座城市本身正經歷巨大的變化。奧斯曼男爵和拿破崙三世在 1850 年代和 1860 年代重建巴黎，改變了這座城市的面貌。 TJ·克拉克、尤尼斯·利普頓、格里塞爾達·波洛克等人巧妙地展示了新社會矩陣的演變，藝術家和作家、妓女和新資產階級被吸引到街道、公園、咖啡館和餐館。波特萊爾對現代生活藝術的呼喚強調轉瞬即逝的瞬間，這種轉瞬即逝的感覺體現在德加和馬奈繪畫的當代焦點和現實主義手法中，體現在印象派破碎的筆觸和轉瞬即逝的手勢中，體現在詩意的意像中。 …
The collapse of the Second Empire in 1870 and the establishment of the Third Republic in 1875 produced an increasingly democratized middle-class culture. By the 1870s, an active consuming public thronged the boulevards, department stores, and international expositions. The painters later known as the Impressionists-Claude Monet, Camille Pissarro, Berthe Morisot, Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Edouard Manet, Edgar Degas, Alfred Sisley, Mary Cassatt, and others- produced their own version of modernity, but their stylistic innovations and their new subject-matter must be seen in the larger context of a restructuring of public and private spheres. ...
1870 年第二帝國的崩潰和 1875 年第三共和國的建立產生了日益民主化的中產階級文化。到了 1870 年代，活躍的消費群體擠滿了林蔭大道、百貨公司和國際博覽會。後來被稱為印象派的畫家——克勞德·莫奈、卡米爾·畢沙羅、貝爾特·莫里索、皮埃爾·奧古斯特·雷諾阿、愛德華·馬奈、埃德加·德加、阿爾弗雷德·西斯萊、瑪麗·卡薩特等人——創造了他們自己的現代性版本，但他們的風格創新和必須在公共和私人領域重組的大背景下看待新的主題。 …
In "Modernity and the Spaces of Femininity," Pollock maps the new spaces of masculinity and femininity and articulates the differences "socially, economically, subjectively" between being a woman and being a man in Paris at the end of the century. Some women were drawn to Impressionism precisely because the new painting legitimized the subject-matter of domestic social life of which women had intimate knowledge, even as they were excluded from imagery of the bourgeois social sphere of the boulevard, café, and dance hall. Recent feminist scholarship has focused on the fact that, as upper-class women, ...
在《現代性與女性氣質的空間》中，波洛克描繪了男性氣質和女性氣質的新空間，並闡明了本世紀末巴黎女性和男性之間「社會、經濟、主觀」的差異。有些女性被印象派所吸引，正是因為新繪畫使女性熟知的家庭社會生活主題合法化，儘管她們被排除在林蔭大道、咖啡館和舞廳等資產階級社交領域的形象之外。最近的女性主義學術的焦點是，作為上流社會的女性，...
Separate but Unequal: Woman's Sphere and the New Art ...
分離但不平等：女性領域與新藝術......
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117 Alice Barber Stephens. The Female Life Class, 1879 ...
117 愛麗絲‧巴伯‧史蒂芬斯。女性生活階層，1879 年......
Morisot and Cassatt did not have access to the easy exchange of ideas about painting which took place among male artists in the studio and the café. Yet despite Morisot's inability to join her male colleagues at the Café Guerbois, the Morisots were regulars at Manet's Thursday evening soirées, where they met and talked with other painters and critics. Likewise, Cassatt and Degas regularly exchanged ideas about painting. And there is considerable evidence to suggest that Impressionism was equally an expression of the bourgeois family as a defense against the threat of rapid urbanization and rapid industrialization: domestic interiors, private gardens, seaside resorts. Although Morisot's access to public sites was limited, critics of the time appear not to have ranked the subject- matter of her work in any way differently from that of her male ...
莫里索和卡薩特無法像工作室和咖啡館裡的男性藝術家那樣輕鬆地交流繪畫思想。然而，儘管莫里索無法與蓋爾布瓦咖啡館的男性同事會面，但莫里索夫婦是馬奈週四晚上晚會的常客，在那裡他們與其他畫家和評論家會面並交談。同樣，卡薩特和德加定期交換有關繪畫的想法。有大量證據表明，印象派同樣是資產階級家庭的一種表達方式，用於抵禦快速城市化和快速工業化的威脅：家庭室內裝飾、私人花園、海濱度假勝地。儘管莫里索對公共網站的訪問受到限制，但當時的批評家似乎並沒有以任何方式將她的作品主題與她的男性作品不同...
Chapter 8
第八章
第8章 第八章
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colleagues, though most of them agreed that her presentation of it was more "agreeable." ...
同事們，儘管他們中的大多數人都認為她的演講更「令人愉快」。 …
Work now being done on the social meanings produced by Impressionist paintings suggests a complex relationship between the new painting and the new middle-class family (to which most of the Impressionists belonged). Moreover, the decision to work en plein air and to forego the historical subjects, with the complex studio set-ups and multiple models they required, transformed the relationship between the painter's daily life and his or her studio life; this aspect of Impressionism deserves more study for it profoundly shaped women's relationship to the movement. ...
目前正在進行的關於印象派繪畫所產生的社會意義的研究表明，新繪畫與新中產階級家庭（大多數印象派畫家都屬於這個家庭）之間存在著複雜的關係。此外，決定在戶外工作並放棄歷史題材，以及複雜的工作室設置和所需的多種模型，改變了畫家的日常生活和他或她的工作室生活之間的關係；印象派的這一方面值得更多研究，因為它深刻地塑造了女性與運動的關係。 …
During the earlier nineteenth century, academic painters in France often maintained studios in, or near, their homes, but it was the decision to paint scenes of everyday life that moved the easel into the drawing room. Visiting Mme. Manet, Morisot's mother is able to offer a commentary on Manet's painting-in- progress of Eva Gonzales, as the women sit in the studio while Manet works. When Degas sketches in the Morisot garden after lunch, Mme. Morisot provides her own critique: "Monsieur Degas has made a sketch of Yves, that I find indifferent; he chatted all the time he was doing it...." "Your life must be charming at this moment," Edma Morisot wrote enviously to ...
在十九世紀早期，法國的學院派畫家經常在自己的家中或附近開設工作室，但正是因為決定畫日常生活場景，才將畫架搬到了客廳。拜訪夫人。莫里索的母親馬奈能夠對馬奈正在畫的伊娃·岡薩雷斯的畫作做出評論，而馬奈工作時，這些婦女坐在畫室裡。當德加午餐後在莫里索花園寫生時，夫人。莫里索提出了她自己的批評：「德加先生為伊夫畫了一幅素描，我覺得這很無所謂；他畫的時候一直在聊天…」「此刻你的生活一定很迷人，」埃德瑪·莫里索羨慕地寫道到 ...
110 Susan MacDowell Eakins, Portrait of Thomas Eakins, 1889 ...
110 蘇珊‧麥克道爾‧艾金斯 (Susan MacDowell Eakins)，湯瑪斯‧艾金斯肖像，1889 年…
her sister in 1869, "to talk with Monsieur Degas while watching him draw, to laugh with Manet, to philosophize with Puvis." ...
1869 年，她的姐姐「與德加先生交談，同時觀看他畫畫，與馬奈一起歡笑，與普維斯一起思考哲學」。 …
Publications by Pollock, Tamar Garb, Kathleen Adler, and other feminist art historians have exhaustively documented the work of women Impressionists in relationship to the new painting. Tracing the constraints placed on women like Cassatt, Morisot, Gonzales, and Marie Bracquemond by the social ideologies of bourgeois culture, they have explored the development of their work and isolated their specific ...
波洛克、塔瑪·加爾布、凱瑟琳·阿德勒和其他女性主義藝術史學家的出版物詳盡地記錄了女性印象派畫家與新繪畫的關係。她們追溯了資產階級文化的社會意識形態對卡薩特、莫里索、岡薩雷斯和瑪麗·布拉克蒙等女性的束縛，探索了她們工作的發展，並孤立了她們具體的…
contributions to the imagery of Impressionism. Berthe Morisot numbered Manet, Renoir, Degas, Pissarro, and Monet among her friends. Written about by Emile Zola and Stéphane Mallarmé, among others, she was described in 1877 by the critic for Le Temps as the "one real Impressionist in this group." Yet until the appearance of revisionist art histories, and the first major retrospective of her work in 1987, art historians almost exclusively framed her work within the structures of her associations with male painters. There is no evidence that Morisot, or Cassatt, were patronized by their painter friends. Yet they moved in an artistic circle in which the threat of women was never entirely silenced. "I consider women writers, lawyers, and politicians (such as George Sand, Mme. Adam and other bores) as monsters and nothing but five-legged calves," declared Renoir. "The woman artist is merely ridiculous, but I am in favor of the female singer and dancer." Renoir's comment divides women by class and occupation. Working- class women are admired for entertaining men; professional women with public roles are seen as usurpers of male authority or destroyers of domestic harmony, as they were earlier pictured in Honoré Daumier's lithograph The Blue Stockings (1844). The modern feminist movement in France, launched in 1866 by Maria Deraismes and Léon Richer, organized the first international congress on women's rights in 1878, at the height of Impressionism, but Impressionist painting records no traces of this aspect of contemporary life. Nor does it acknowledge the increasing numbers of middle-class women who were seeking training and employment outside the home (in 1866, there were 2,768,000 women employed in non-agricultural jobs in France) for Impressionism presents us with few images of women at work outside the domestic environment. ...
對印象派意象的貢獻。貝爾特·莫里索將馬奈、雷諾阿、德加、畢沙羅和莫內列為她的朋友。埃米爾·佐拉(Emile Zola) 和斯特凡·馬拉美(Stéphane Mallarmé) 等人都曾對她進行過描寫，1877 年《時代報》的評論家將她描述為“這一群體中真正的印象派畫家之一」。然而，直到修正主義藝術史的出現以及 1987 年對她的作品進行第一次大型回顧展之前，藝術史學家幾乎完全將她的作品置於她與男性畫家交往的結構中。沒有證據表明莫里索或卡薩特受到他們的畫家朋友的資助。然而，在他們所處的藝術圈中，女性的威脅從未完全平息。雷諾阿宣稱：“我認為女作家、律師和政治家（例如喬治桑、亞當夫人和其他令人厭煩的人）都是怪物，只不過是五足小牛。” “女藝人只是可笑，但我贊成女歌手和女舞者。”雷諾阿的評論將女性按階級和職業劃分。工人階級女性因招待男性而受到讚賞。擔任公共角色的職業女性被視為男性權威的篡奪者或家庭和諧的破壞者，正如奧諾雷·杜米埃早期的石版畫《藍色絲襪》（1844 年）中所描繪的那樣。 1866年，瑪麗亞·德萊斯梅斯（Maria Deraismes）和萊昂·裡徹（Léon Richer）發起了法國現代女權主義運動，並於1878年組織了第一屆國際婦女權利大會，當時正值印象派的鼎盛時期，但印象派繪畫並沒有記錄當代生活這方面的痕跡。 它也沒有承認越來越多的中產階級女性在家庭之外尋求培訓和就業（1866年，法國有2,768,000名女性從事非農業工作），因為印象派向我們展示了很少的女性在家庭之外工作的形象。 …
Morisot and Cassatt's ability to sustain professional lives and negotiate relationships of some parity with their male colleagues was class specific. Morisot's marriage to Manet's brother Eugène, and her family's wealth and continuing support were factors in her success; Cassatt's role as an unmarried daughter carried with it time-consuming domestic ...
莫里索和卡薩特維持職業生活並與男性同事協商某種平等關係的能力是特定於階級的。莫里索與馬奈的兄弟尤金的婚姻、家族的財富和持續的支持是她成功的因素。卡薩特扮演的未婚女兒的角色伴隨著耗時的家務事...
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responsibilities, but it also provided the secure network of relationships from which she drew her art. Bracquemond (1841-1916), on the other hand, did not come from a prosperous, cultured family and enjoyed no such support. Marriage to the engraver Felix Bracquemond in 1869 provided an introduction into artistic circles, but his jealousy of her work inhibited her development and today she is the least well known of the women Impressionists. ...
責任，但它也提供了安全的關係網絡，她從中汲取藝術靈感。另一方面，布拉克蒙（1841-1916）並非來自富裕、有教養的家庭，也沒有享受到這樣的支持。 1869 年與雕刻家費利克斯·布拉克蒙(Felix Bracquemond) 的婚姻為她進入藝術圈提供了機會，但他對她作品的嫉妒阻礙了她的發展，如今她是女性印象派畫家中最不知名的一位。 …
The Paris of the Third Republic offered a variety of artists' societies and exhibition venues from the official Salon to the Union des Femmes Artistes which, shaped by Rosa Bonheur's example, conducted an annual Salon des Femmes. Women Impressionists related to these exhibitions in varying ways. Gonzales, a friend and pupil of Manet's who had studied at the Chaplin atelier, exhibited only at the official salons. Her Little Soldier (1870), influenced by the straightforward realism of Manet's The Fifer (1866), was exhibited at the Salon of 1870. Bracquemond and Cassatt exhibited with the Impressionists from 1876. Morisot, on the other hand, was one of the original members of the group, exhibited with them in 1874, and continued to participate in every exhibition save the one held in 1878, the year her daughter was born. She was also included in the group's auction at the Hotel Drouot in 1875, where her painting, Interior (now called Young Woman with a Mirror, c. 1875), brought 480 francs, the highest price paid for any painting. ...
第三共和國的巴黎提供了各種藝術家協會和展覽場所，從官方沙龍到女性藝術家聯盟，該聯盟以羅莎·博納爾為榜樣，舉辦了一年一度的女性沙龍。女性印象派畫家以不同的方式與這些展覽相關。岡薩雷斯是馬奈的朋友和學生，曾在卓別林工作室學習，只在官方沙龍展出。 《她的小士兵》（1870）受到馬奈的《吹笛人》（1866）直接現實主義的影響，在1870 年的沙龍上展出。畫家一起展出 另一方面，莫里索是原作之一。一屆展覽。 1875 年，她還參加了在德魯奧酒店舉行的團體拍賣會，她的畫作《室內》（現在稱為《拿鏡子的年輕女子》，約1875 年）拍出480 法郎，這是所有畫作中的最高價格。 …
Born in 1841, the youngest of three daughters of a wealthy French civil servant, Morisot and her sister Edma displayed an early talent for drawing. Their second teacher, Joseph Guichard, was moved to warn Mme. Morisot of the implications of such precocious talent: “Considering the characters of your daughters, my teaching will not endow them with minor drawing room accomplishments, they will become painters. Do you realize what this means? In the upper-class milieu to which you belong, this will be revolutionary, I might say almost catastrophic." Further instruction by Corot and Oudinot strengthened the naturalism of their work and the two sisters exhibited together in four successive salons beginning in 1864. Edma's marriage to a naval officer in 1869 ended her professional life, a fact she lamented in letters to her sister. Despite the support of her family, and that of her husband Eugène Manet, whom she married in 1874, Morisot's letters frequently express her own hesitations and doubts about her work. "This painting, this work that you mourn for," she wrote to Edma in 1869 shortly after the latter's wedding, "is the cause of many griefs and many troubles." ...
莫里索出生於1841 年，是一位富有的法國公務員的三個女兒中最小的一個，她的父親是一位富有的法國公務員，莫里索和她的妹妹埃德瑪很早就表現出了繪畫天賦。他們的第二位老師約瑟夫·吉查德（Joseph Guichard）感動地警告了夫人。莫里索談到了這種早熟天賦的含義：「考慮到您女兒們的性格，我的教學不會賦予她們小小的繪畫成就，她們將成為畫家。你知道這意味著什麼嗎？在你所屬的上流社會環境中，這將是革命性的，我可以說幾乎是災難性的。四次沙龍一起展出。尤金·馬奈給予了支持，但莫里索的信中經常表達了她自己的猶豫。你哀悼的作品，引發了許多悲傷和麻煩…”
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Morisot's subjects, like those of Gonzales, Cassatt, Bracquemond, and their male colleagues, were drawn from everyday life. The casual immediacy, straightforward approach to subject-matter, and feathery brushstrokes of paintings like Catching Butterflies (1873), Summer's Day (1879), and Mother and Sister of the Artist (1870) meld contemporary subjects with the Impressionist desire to capture the transitory effects of life. Gonzales's Pink Morning, a pastel of 1874, is typical of her many interiors with women, while Marie Bracquemond sited many ...
莫里索的主題，就像岡薩雷斯、卡薩特、布拉克蒙及其男性同事的主題一樣，都取材自日常生活。 《捉蝴蝶》（1873 年）、《夏日》（1879 年）和《藝術家的母親和姐妹》（1870 年）等畫作中隨意的直接性、直接的主題處理方式以及羽毛般的筆觸，將當代主題與印象派捕捉轉瞬即逝的渴望融為一體。岡薩雷斯的《粉紅色的早晨》是 1874 年的粉彩畫，是她眾多女性室內設計的典型代表，而瑪麗·布拉克蒙 (Marie Bracquemond) 則在許多室內設計中...
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of her works in the family garden, perhaps a secure spot in her troubled life. ...
她在家庭花園裡的作品，也許是她麻煩的生活中的一個安全之地。 …
Morisot and Cassatt met around 1878, probably through Degas, who encouraged Cassatt to exhibit with the Impressionists after the painting she submitted to the Salon was rejected. "At last I could work with complete independence without concerning myself with the eventual judgment of a jury," she later said. "I already knew who were my true masters. ...
莫里索和卡薩特大約在 1878 年認識，可能是透過德加，在她提交給沙龍的畫作被拒絕後，德加鼓勵卡薩特與印象派畫家一起展出。 「我終於可以完全獨立地工作，不用擔心陪審團的最終裁決，」她後來說。 「我已經知道誰是我真正的主人了...
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I admired Manet, Courbet, and Degas. I hated conventional art. I began to live." Cassatt had been exhibiting for more than ten years when she joined the Impressionist group. Like Morisot, her subjects evolved within the boundaries of her sex and class. Prevented from asking men other than family members to pose, limited in their access to the public life of the café and boulevard, they concentrated on aspects of modern domestic life. Pollock has ably demonstrated how Morisot's and Cassatt's paintings demarcate the spaces of masculinity and femininity through their spatial compressions and their juxtapositions of differing spatial systems. Long considered a painter of unproblematic depictions of mothers and children, Cassatt ...
我很欣賞馬奈、庫爾貝和德加。我討厭傳統藝術。我開始生活。的男性擺姿勢，僅限於他們進入咖啡館和林蔭大道的公共生活，專注於現代家庭生活的各個方面，波洛克巧妙地展示了莫里索和卡薩特的繪畫如何通過空間壓縮和不同空間系統的並置來劃分男性氣質和女性氣質的空間。
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in fact brought an incisive eye to bear on the rituals and gestures through which femininity is constructed and signified: crocheting, embroidering, knitting, attending children, visiting, taking tea. ...
事實上，她對女性氣質的建構和象徵的儀式和姿勢有著敏銳的洞察力：鉤編、刺繡、編織、照顧孩子、拜訪、喝茶。 …
The intellectual concentration and self-contained focus of Cassatt's depiction of her mother in Reading "Le Figaro" (1883) is now understood as relating more directly to representations of the intellectual life of men, seen in, for example, Cézanne's Portrait of Louis-Auguste Cézanne Reading L'Evènement (1866) than to the history of representations of women. Her painting of her sister Lydia driving a trap, Woman and Child Driving (1879), may be unique in late nineteenth-century French painting in depicting a woman doing the driving while a coachman sits idly by; and her many paintings of women and children, though influenced by Correggio's madonnas and children, which she greatly admired, are less universalized depictions of maternity than responses to the specific ways that social class is reproduced through the family. ...
卡薩特在讀《費加羅報》（1883）中對她母親的描述的知識集中和獨立的焦點現在被理解為更直接地與男性知識生活的表現相關，例如塞尚的《路易肖像》— —奧古斯特·塞尚閱讀《事件》（1866），而不是對女性的歷史再現。她的姐姐莉迪亞駕駛陷阱的畫作《女人和孩子駕駛》（1879）在十九世紀末的法國繪畫中可能是獨一無二的，因為它描繪了一個女人在駕駛，而一個車夫則無所事事地坐在一旁；她的許多婦女和兒童畫作雖然受到她非常欣賞的科雷喬的聖母和兒童的影響，但與其說是對母性的普遍描繪，不如說是對社會階層通過家庭再生產的特定方式的回應。 …
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Paintings like Morisot's Psyche (1876) and Cassatt's Mother and Child (c. 1905) return to the conventional association of women and mirrors. The private daily rituals of women at their toilette were a popular subject for painters in the 1870s and 1880s. Morisot's Psyche, with its ...
莫里索的《靈魂》（Psyche，1876 年）和卡薩特的《母與子》（Mother and Child，約 1905 年）等畫作回歸了女性與鏡子的傳統聯繫。女性如廁時的私人日常儀式是 1870 年代和 1880 年代畫家的熱門主題。莫里索的《心靈》，以其...
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double-play on the mythological tale of Venus's son Cupid who fell in love with a mortal and on the French term for mirror, or psyché, turns on the adolescent woman's contemplation of her own image. Garb and Adler have pointed out that, as there are no representations of men bathing and dressing, we must assume that although symbolic associations with Venus and Vanitas are abandoned, such paintings nevertheless perpetuate notions of vanity as "natural" to women. Yet Morisot's painting is a deeply sympathetic representation of self-awareness and awakening sexuality, while Cassatt's painting emphasizes the role of the mirror in inculcating an idea of femininity as something mediated through observation. ...
雙重戲劇講述了維納斯之子丘比特愛上凡人的神話故事，以及法語中「鏡子」或「心靈」的術語，開啟了青春期女性對自己形象的沉思。加布和阿德勒指出，由於沒有描繪男性洗澡和穿衣的畫面，我們必須假設，儘管與維納斯和虛榮心的象徵性聯繫被放棄了，但這些畫作仍然延續了虛榮心對女性來說是「自然」的觀念。然而，莫里索的畫作是對自我意識和性慾覺醒的深刻同情的表現，而卡薩特的畫作則強調鏡子在灌輸女性氣質觀念方面的作用，女性氣質是透過觀察來介導的。 …
The complex and gendered organization of a subject is brilliantly articulated in Cassatt's Woman in Black at the Opera (1880). The subject of the ball, concert, or opera was a popular one among the Impressionists and one in which event and audience could be collapsed into the same spectacle. Cassatt, however, suppresses details of the event in order to concentrate on the figure of a young woman in black. Intent on the opera, she focuses her glasses on the stage. But in this public world, she herself has become part of the spectacle, and the object of the gaze of a man in the balcony who turns his glasses on her. ...
卡薩特的《歌劇院的黑衣女人》（1880 年）出色地闡述了主題的複雜性和性別組織。舞會、音樂會或歌劇的主題在印象派畫家中很流行，在這些主題中，事件和觀眾可以融入同一個景觀中。然而，卡薩特隱瞞了事件的細節，以便將注意力集中在一位身穿黑衣的年輕女子的身影上。她專注於歌劇，將眼鏡聚焦在舞台上。但在這個公共世界中，她自己已經成為景觀的一部分，成為陽台上一個男人將眼鏡轉向她的目光的對象。 …
Feminist theory has often held to the premise that the viewing field is organized for a male subject who exercises power through looking, and in this way asserting visual control over the objects of his desire (usually female). More recently, art historians have begun to explore the ways that modern women mobilized a new range of female gazes within a developing consumer society. Women's growing participation in the consumer culture that increasingly defines modernity during the second half of the nineteenth century, as Ruth Iskin demonstrates in her analysis of Manet's Bar at the Folies- Bergère, challenges earlier notions of the social relegation of women to completely separate, usually domestic, spheres. Although women's role as spectacle continues to dominate much of the period's visual culture, female spectatorship begins to emerge as a social reality within spaces like those of crowds, department stores, and mass-market advertising. Paintings such as Cassatt's Woman in Black at the Opera may be seen as taking their place within this emergent culture of female spectatorship in the public arenas of the modern city. ...
女性主義理論經常堅持這樣一個前提：視野是為男性主體組織的，男性主體透過觀看來行使權力，並透過這種方式主張對其慾望對象（通常是女性）的視覺控制。最近，藝術史學家開始探索現代女性如何在發展中的消費社會中調動一系列新的女性目光。正如露絲·伊斯金(Ruth Iskin) 在對Folies-Bergère 的馬奈酒吧的分析中所論證的那樣，女性越來越多地參與消費文化，這種文化日益定義了19 世紀下半葉的現代性，這挑戰了早期關於女性在社會上被完全孤立的觀念。儘管女性作為奇觀的角色繼續主導著這段時期的大部分視覺文化，但女性觀眾開始在人群、百貨公司和大眾市場廣告等空間中作為一種社會現實出現。卡薩特的《歌劇院的黑衣女人》等畫作可能被視為在現代城市公共舞台上新興的女性觀眾文化中佔有一席之地。 …
Issues of public and private space, and amateur and professional production, also reshaped the design fields during the second half of the nineteenth century. The new focus on the middle-class home, and the self-sufficient world which it signified, is central to the reform of the decorative ...
公共和私人空間、業餘和專業生產的問題也重塑了十九世紀下半葉的設計領域。對中產階級家庭及其所代表的自給自足的世界的新關注是裝飾改革的核心...
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arts in England and America. Here also, women played a considerable, if complicated role. (See discussion of Mary Louise McLaughlin's work on p. 255.) ...
英國和美國的藝術。在這方面，婦女也扮演了重要但複雜的角色。 （請參閱第 255 頁對 Mary Louise McLaughlin 作品的討論。）...
There were markedly more women in the design fields by the 1860s as a result of institutionalized arts education for women. By 1870, Hannah Barlow, trained at the Lambeth School of Art and Design in London and one of the first and most important art pottery decorators, was producing freelance designs for Doulton Pottery. The surge of interest in art pottery was sparked by the efforts of the two most famous ceramic firms in Britain-Minton and Doulton-to produce hand-crafted ware on a large commercial scale for middle- class homes. Commercial production, however, was organized around traditional divisions of labor. While male designers received credit for their designs for china surfaces, the painters, usually female and often working and artisan class, remained anonymous. At the same time, the popularity of china painting as a hobby for upper-class women grew rapidly, becoming an amateur craze after 1870. ...
到 1860 年代，由於女性藝術教育制度化，進入設計領域的女性明顯增加。 1870 年，在倫敦蘭貝斯藝術與設計學院接受培訓的漢娜·巴洛(Hannah Barlow) 是最早也是最重要的藝術陶器裝飾師之一，她正在為道爾頓陶器(Doulton Pottery) 製作自由設計。英國兩家最著名的陶瓷公司——明頓和道爾頓——為中產階級家庭大規模商業化生產手工製品，引發了人們對藝術陶器的興趣激增。然而，商業生產是圍繞著傳統的勞動分工組織的。雖然男性設計師因其瓷器表面設計而獲得讚譽，但畫家（通常是女性，通常是工人階級和工匠階層）卻保持匿名。同時，瓷器畫作為上流社會女性的一種愛好迅速流行起來，並在1870年後成為一種業餘熱潮。
A similar situation prevailed in the production of professional secular embroidery. The Royal School of Art Needlework was founded in 1872 to provide suitable employment for gentlewomen and to revive the craft of ornamental needlework. By 1875, with Queen Victoria as its patron and Lady Marion Alford its vice-president, the school's embroidery department was producing crewel work from designs by leaders in the Arts and Crafts Movement like Edward Burne-Jones, William Morris, and Walter Crane. ...
類似的情況也普遍存在於專業世俗刺繡的生產中。皇家藝術刺繡學院成立於 1872 年，旨在為淑女提供合適的就業機會並復興裝飾刺繡工藝。到1875 年，在維多利亞女王作為贊助人、馬里昂·阿爾福德夫人作為副校長的情況下，學校的刺繡系開始根據愛德華·伯恩-瓊斯、威廉·莫里斯和沃爾特·克蘭等工藝美術運動領袖的設計製作雙線作品。 …
The first major exhibition of work from the Royal School of Art Needlework took place at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition in 1876 where its success launched the craft revival in America. Between 1876 and 1891, when new facilities opened at Jane Addams's Hull House in Chicago with an exhibition borrowed from Toynbee Hall- London's center for the application of Arts and Crafts theory to improving the lives of the urban poor-large numbers of women contributed to the reform of design. ...
皇家藝術學院刺繡作品的首次大型展覽於 1876 年在費城百年博覽會上舉行，其成功推動了美國工藝的復興。 1876 年至1891 年間，芝加哥簡·亞當斯(Jane Addams) 的赫爾故居(Hull House) 開設了新設施，並借用倫敦湯因比大廳(Toynbee Hall) 舉辦的展覽，將藝術和手工藝理論應用於改善城市貧民的生活，大量婦女為這項事業做出了貢獻。 …
At the heart of the Arts and Crafts Movement, as it came to be known in Britain and America, was a pre-industrial medieval ideal of a fusion of the designer and the maker. Revolting against the anonymous authorship and shoddy craftsmanship of industrially produced goods, William Morris dreamed of a socialist Utopia in which individuals were not alienated from their labor. The origins of the Movement in Britain lay in nineteenth-century medieval revivals like Gothic, but the spirit of rural craft collaboratives which Morris envisioned belonged ...
在英國和美國，工藝美術運動的核心是設計師和製造商融合的前工業化中世紀理想。威廉·莫里斯反對工業產品的匿名作者和劣質工藝，他夢想建立一個社會主義烏托邦，在這個烏托邦中，個人不會與自己的勞動疏遠。英國運動的起源在於十九世紀的中世紀復興，如哥德式，但莫里斯設想的鄉村手工藝合作精神屬於…
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to the nineteenth century's idealization of a rural way of life fast giving way to industrialization and urbanization. Wishing to make art available to everyone, and to unite artists, designers, and craftworkers around the ideals of craftsmanship, good design, and the renewed dignity of labor, Morris dreamed of setting up small workshops and countrywide organizations which could revive dying traditions like lace-making and crewel embroidery. ...
十九世紀理想化的農村生活方式迅速讓位給工業化和都市化。莫里斯希望讓藝術惠及所有人，並將藝術家、設計師和手工藝者團結在手工藝、優秀設計和勞動尊嚴的理想周圍，他夢想建立小型作坊和全國性組織，以復興蕾絲等垂死的傳統。製作和雙線刺繡。 …
Morris anticipated a day when the sexual division of labor within the arts would vanish and even domestic life would be equably shared by the sexes. Anthea Callen's Women Artists of the Arts and Crafts Movement (1979) elaborates another reality- the gradual evolution of an entirely traditional sexual division of labor within the Movement itself, with women staffing the embroidery workshops and men conducting the business and serving as named designers. Above all, Callen emphasizes, it was men who evolved the Movement's philosophy, articulated its goals, and organized the major aspects of its production. ...
莫里斯預計有一天，藝術領域的性別分工將會消失，甚至家庭生活也將由兩性平等分享。安西亞·卡倫（Anthea Callen）的《工藝美術運動中的女性藝術家》（1979）闡述了另一個現實——運動內部完全傳統的性別勞動分工逐漸演變，女性在刺繡作坊工作，男性負責經營業務並擔任指定設計師。卡倫強調，最重要的是，男人發展了運動的哲學，闡明了運動的目標，並組織了運動的主要方面。 …
Women, primarily family or friends of Morris and his colleagues, were involved in the Morris firm itself from the beginning. In the 1850s, Morris and his wife Jane had revived the lost art of crewel embroidery by studying and "unpicking" old examples (an undertaking which has generally been credited to Morris alone). Morris then left the production of embroideries in medieval techniques to his wife and her sister Elizabeth. In 1885, Morris placed his daughter May in charge of the embroidery workshop. Georgiana Burne-Jones, the wife of Edward Burne-Jones, was also soon involved in embroidery and wood engraving while Charles Faulkner's sisters, Kate and Lucy, painted tiles, executed embroidery and, Kate at least, designed wallpaper. Apart from the embroidery section, however, the Morris firm employed few women in its workshops and the general involvement of women was heavily weighted in the direction of traditionally “feminine" undertakings like lace and needlework. ...
女性，主要是莫里斯及其同事的家人或朋友，從一開始就參與了莫里斯公司本身。 1850 年代，莫里斯和他的妻子簡透過研究和「拆解」舊樣（這項工作通常被認為是莫里斯一個人的事業），復興了失傳的雙線刺繡藝術。莫里斯隨後將中世紀技術的刺繡生產留給了他的妻子和她的妹妹伊麗莎白。 1885年，莫里斯讓他的女兒梅負責刺繡工坊。愛德華·伯恩·瓊斯的妻子喬治亞娜·伯恩·瓊斯很快也涉足刺繡和木刻，而查爾斯·福克納的姐妹凱特和露西則負責繪製瓷磚、刺繡，至少凱特還設計了壁紙。然而，除了刺繡部門之外，莫里斯公司在其工作室中僱用的女性很少，而且女性的普遍參與主要集中在傳統的“女性化”工作，如蕾絲和針線活......
In addition to embroidery designed by Morris, Burne-Jones, and Crane and executed at the Royal School of Art Needlework, the decorative arts displayed at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition in 1876 included Doulton pottery, Ernest Chaplet's "Limoges" glazes, and Japanese-influenced proto-Art Nouveau ceramics. Ceramics and embroidery had the greatest impact on American women. ...
除了由Morris、Burne-Jones 和Crane 設計並在皇家藝術學院刺繡製作的刺繡之外，1876 年費城百年博覽會上展出的裝飾藝術還包括道爾頓陶器、歐內斯特·查普萊特(Ernest Chaplet) 的「利摩日」釉料和受日本影響的陶器。陶瓷和刺繡對美國女性影響最大。 …
The American Arts and Crafts Movement was more stylistic than ideological (with the exception of Gustav Stickley and Elbert Hubbard's ideal of a return to the simple, community life of pre-industrial America). Yet it provided many middle-class ...
美國工藝美術運動更多的是風格而非意識形態（古斯塔夫·斯蒂克利和埃爾伯特·哈伯德回歸工業化前美國簡單的社區生活的理想除外）。然而它為許多中產階級提供了...
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women with a socially respectable and humanitarian outlet for their artistic productions. Candace Wheeler, a wealthy and progressive New Yorker, was impressed by the embroideries of Morris & Co. Struck by the fact that needlework could have financial value, "for it meant the conversion of the common and inalienable heritage of feminine skill in the use of the needle into a means of art expression and pecuniary profit," she envisioned a society similar to the Royal Society of Art Needlework which would organize the sale of needlework, china painting, and other crafts, by women who needed income. Between 1877 and 1883, Wheeler organized the Society of Decorative Art of New York City and worked with Tiffany in setting up a company called Associated Artists, in which she was in charge of textiles, embroidery, tapestry, and needlework, while Tiffany took charge of glass design. By 1883, she was running an enormously successful textile company composed entirely of women and producing printed silks and large-scale tapestries. ...
婦女的藝術作品獲得社會尊重和人道主義出口。坎迪斯·惠勒(Candace Wheeler) 是一位富有且進步的紐約人，對莫里斯公司(Morris & Co.) 的刺繡印象深刻。它意味著女性技能在使用刺繡方面的共同且不可剝奪的遺產的轉變」。針成為藝術表達和金錢利潤的手段，」她設想了一個類似於皇家藝術針線學會的協會，該協會將組織需要收入的婦女銷售針線、瓷器畫和其他工藝品。 1877年至1883年間，惠勒組織了紐約市裝飾藝術協會，並與蒂芙尼合作成立了一家名為Associated Artists的公司，她負責紡織、刺繡、掛毯和針線活，而蒂芙尼負責玻璃設計。到 1883 年，她經營著一家非常成功的紡織公司，該公司全部由女性組成，生產印花絲綢和大型掛毯。 …
The display of china painting by members of the Cincinnati Pottery Club at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition represented the vanguard of a surprising number of American women who went on to professional careers in the field of art pottery, despite the fact that women's involvement in the Arts and Crafts Movement began with socially prominent women wishing to perfect their skills as an accomplishment. ...
辛辛那提陶器俱樂部成員在費城百年博覽會上展示的瓷器畫代表了數量驚人的美國女性的先鋒，她們繼續在藝術陶器領域從事職業生涯，儘管事實上女性參與藝術和陶器領域的情況並不多。始於社會知名女性希望精進自己的技能作為一項成就。 …
Among the many visitors to the ceramics display was Mary Louise McLaughlin (1847–1939) of Cincinnati, whose experiments with reproducing the underglaze slip decoration on Haviland faience pieces became the prototype for art pottery decoration in the United States for the next quarter century. Women, many of whom began as amateur china painters, were behind the formation of the Newcomb, Pauline, Robineau, and other American art potteries. McLaughlin's rival was Maria Longworth Nichols (later Storer, 1849–1932), who had also begun experimenting with underglaze techniques at the Dallas Pottery in Cincinnati after the Philadelphia Exposition. In 1879, Nicholas Longworth offered his daughter premises of her own and the Rookwood Pottery was founded in the Spring of 1880. ...
來自辛辛那提的瑪麗·路易絲·麥克勞克林(Mary Louise McLaughlin，1847-1939 年) 是參觀陶瓷展的眾多參觀者之一，她在哈維蘭彩陶作品上複製釉下彩釉裝飾的實驗成為接下來四分之一個世紀美國藝術陶器裝飾的原型。女性，其中許多人最初是業餘瓷器畫家，是紐科姆、波琳、羅比諾和其他美國藝術陶器的形成的幕後推手。麥克勞林的競爭對手是瑪麗亞·朗沃斯·尼科爾斯（後來的斯托勒，1849-1932 年），她也在費城博覽會之後開始在辛辛那提的達拉斯陶器廠嘗試釉下彩技術。 1879 年，尼古拉斯·朗沃斯 (Nicholas Longworth) 向他的女兒提供了自己的房產，盧克伍德陶器廠 (Rookwood Pottery) 於 1880 年春天成立。
Her family's wealth, her father's long history of artistic patronage, and her own social standing in Cincinnati made ...
她的家族財富、她父親長期的藝術贊助歷史以及她自己在辛辛那提的社會地位使得…
126 OPPOSITE ABOVE LEFT Kate Faulkner, bramble wallpaper design for Morris & Co., after 1885 ...
126 左上對面 Kate Faulkner，為 Morris & Co. 設計的荊棘壁紙，1885 年後...
127 OPPOSITE ABOVE RIGHT Candace Wheeler, printed silk, c. 1885 128 OPPOSITE BELOW LEFT Mary McLaughlin, Losanti porcelain, c. 1890 129 OPPOSITE BELOW RIGHT Maria Longworth Nichols, vase, 1898 ...
127 右上對面 Candace Wheeler，印花絲綢，c. 1885 128 左下方對面 Mary McLaughlin，洛桑蒂瓷器，c.1885 1890 129 右下方瑪麗亞·朗沃斯·尼科爾斯 (Maria Longworth Nichols)，花瓶，1898 年 ...
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possible Nichols's increasing professionalism. Her work was viewed as both morally and artistically charitable for she "follows the traditions of her family in devotion to the wellbeing and advancement of her native place." She summarized her objective as "my own gratification" rather than the employment of needy women; perhaps not surprisingly, most of the early Rookwood pieces were produced by amateurs. In 1881, Nichols began the Rookwood School of Pottery Decoration. Two years later, she employed her old friend, William Watts Taylor, to take over the administration and organization of the pottery. Taylor, who had little sympathy for lady amateurs, soon closed the school as a pretext for evicting the amateurs, who were then largely replaced by men. ...
可能尼科爾斯的專業精神日益增強。她的作品被視為道德和藝術上的慈善事業，因為她「遵循家族傳統，致力於祖國的福祉和進步」。她將自己的目標概括為“我自己的滿足”，而不是幫助有需要的婦女就業；也許並不奇怪，大多數早期的盧克伍德作品都是由業餘愛好者製作的。 1881 年，尼科爾斯創辦了盧克伍德陶器裝飾學校。兩年後，她聘請老朋友威廉·沃茨·泰勒 (William Watts Taylor) 接管陶器廠的管理和組織工作。泰勒對女性業餘愛好者沒什麼同情心，很快就關閉了學校，以此為藉口驅逐業餘愛好者，隨後業餘愛好者基本上被男性取代。 …
Despite its labor practices, which included a division between designer and decorator that became the model for most art potteries, the Rookwood Pottery played a formative role in the development of art pottery in America, winning a gold medal at the Paris Exposition Universelle of 1889. The full history of women's involvement in the art pottery movement, including the Cincinnati women's training centers and art clubs, remains to be written. "What little we know of the careers of Mary McLaughlin, Mary Sheerer, the Overbeck sisters, Pauline Jacobus, and Adelaide Robineau offers tantalizing evidence of a female presence in the American Arts and Crafts Movement which extended to other areas of production as well. Intimately connected with women's roles as domestic and social reformers, the art pottery movement also represented a move by American middle-class women to professionalize the decorative arts. ...
儘管其勞動實踐（其中包括設計師和裝飾師之間的劃分）成為大多數藝術陶器的典範，但盧克伍德陶器在美國藝術陶器的發展中發揮了重要作用，並在1889 年巴黎世界博覽會上贏得了金牌。 「我們對瑪麗·麥克勞林、瑪麗·謝勒、奧弗貝克姐妹、波琳·雅各布斯和阿德萊德·羅比諾的職業生涯知之甚少，這提供了誘人的證據，證明女性在美國工藝美術運動中的存在，這種運動也延伸到了其他生產領域。 。
By the time the Worlds Columbian Exposition (or World's Fair) opened in Chicago in 1893, American women had evolved a new sense of identity and purpose. Goals and strategies varied widely among feminists, and there were still many women not involved in the struggle for equal rights and the vote, but representatives of all groups came together to organize a Woman's Building intended to prove that women's achievements were equal to those of men. "The World's Columbian Exposition has afforded woman an unprecedented opportunity to present to the world a justification of her claim to be placed on complete equality with man,” stated the preface to the official edition of Art and Handicraft in the Woman's Building, edited by Maud Howe Elliott. ...
到 1893 年世界哥倫布博覽會（或世界博覽會）在芝加哥開幕時，美國女性已經形成了一種新的認同感和使命感。女權主義者的目標和策略差異很大，仍然有許多婦女沒有參與爭取平等權利和選舉權的鬥爭，但所有群體的代表聚集在一起組織了一個婦女大廈，旨在證明婦女的成就與男子平等。 「世界哥倫布博覽會為女性提供了前所未有的機會，讓她們可以向世界證明自己與男性完全平等的主張，」莫德編輯的《女性建築中的藝術與手工藝》官方版序言中這樣說道。利奧特...
The direction of the Woman's Building was in the hands of Mrs. Potter Palmer, a wealthy Chicago art collector, and her 117-member Board of Lady Managers. Palmer herself did not advocate equal rights for women, but her belief in ...
女子大廈的管理權掌握在芝加哥富有的藝術收藏家波特·帕爾默夫人和她的 117 名女士經理委員會手中。帕爾默本人並不主張女性享有平等權利，但她相信......
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women's potential was characteristic of mainstream middle- class feminism at the time. Although women had made great strides in education, art training, and social organizing, they still lacked the vote. And they remained caught between the demands of careers and motherhood, struggling continually against the limitations placed on them by the social category of femininity, against the trivializing of their work in relation to that of men, and against the mythologizing of its "otherness." ...
女性的潛力是當時主流中產階級女性主義的特徵。儘管女性在教育、藝術培訓和社會組織方面取得了長足進步，但她們仍然缺乏投票權。她們仍然夾在事業和母親的要求之間，不斷地與女性氣質社會類別對她們的限制、與男性工作相比她們的工作的輕視、以及對「異類」的神話化進行不斷的鬥爭。 …
Elliott's description of the Woman's Building, designed by Sophia G. Hayden, a young graduate of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology architecture and design program, expressed her own acceptance of the ideology of separate spheres: "At that time [the first half of the nineteenth century] the highest praise that could be given to any woman's work was the criticism that it might be easily mistaken for a man's. Today we recognize that the more womanly a woman's work is the stronger it is. In Mr. Henry Van Brunt's appreciative account of Miss Hayden's work, the writer points out that it is essentially feminine in quality, as it should be. If sweetness and light were ever expressed in architecture, we find them in Miss Hayden's building." Sweetness and light are not, however, the criteria generally applied to architecture and Hayden's building, in fact, was admirably suited to the Neoclassical Beaux-Arts style which dominated the Fair's buildings. ...
艾略特對由麻省理工學院建築與設計專業的年輕畢業生索菲亞·G·海登設計的婦女大廈的描述，表達了她自己對獨立領域意識形態的接受：「當時[十九世紀上半葉]世紀]對任何女性作品的最高讚揚就是批評它可能很容易被誤認為是男性的作品。 ，它就越強烈。 」然而，甜美和明亮並不是建築的普遍標準，事實上，海登的建築非常適合主導博覽會建築的新古典主義美術風格。 …
The tensions underlying Elliott's and Van Brunt's comments were felt throughout the exposition, and nowhere more keenly than in the Woman's Building. In 1889, tension was already evident between the Woman's Department, which had as one ...
艾利歐特和範布倫特言論背後的緊張氣氛在整個博覽會中都可以感受到，而在婦女大廈中感受最為強烈。 1889 年，婦女部之間的緊張關係已經很明顯，該部作為一個...
130 Sophia Hayden, Woman's Building at the World's Columbian Exposition. Chicago, 1893 ...
130 Sophia Hayden，哥倫比亞世界博覽會上的女性建築。芝加哥，1893 年...
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of its goals the building of a women's exhibition space, and the Queen Isabella Society, a suffragist group which did not want a segregated women's exhibition. The divisions between the various factions involved in the Woman's Building make a complex chapter in the history of late nineteenth-century American feminism. Nevertheless, women's creative presence was more powerfully felt in Chicago in 1893 than at any other time in the country's history. ...
其目標之一是建立一個婦女展覽空間，而伊莎貝拉女王協會是一個婦女參政組織，不希望有一個隔離的婦女展覽。婦女大廈中涉及的各個派系之間的分歧在十九世紀末美國女性主義的歷史上寫下了複雜的一章。儘管如此，1893 年的芝加哥比美國歷史上的任何時期都更能感受到女性的創造力。 …
The Board of Lady Managers had solicited historical and contemporary artifacts from around the world with the intention of demonstrating that women "were the originators of most of the industrial arts," having been the original makers of household goods, baskets, and clothing. Ethnographic displays sent by the Smithsonian Institution documented women's work in the form of embroidery, textiles, and basketry from American Indian, Eskimo, Polynesian, and African tribes. Women's contributions to industries from sheepshearing and raising silkworms to patents for household aids were included and the Women's Library, organized by the women of New York, included seven thousand volumes written by women around the world. Frederick Keppel, a well-known print dealer, provided 138 prints by women etchers and engravers from the late Renaissance to the present, including Diana Ghisi, Elisabetta Sirani, Geertruid Roghman, Maria Cosway, Marie de Medici, Angelica Kauffmann, Caroline Watson, Marie Bracquemond, Rosa Bonheur, Anna Lea Merritt, and Mary Cassatt. Visitors to the Woman's Building passed beneath murals of Primitive Woman and Modern Woman executed by Mary McMonnies and Cassatt. ...
女性經理委員會從世界各地徵集了歷史和當代文物，目的是證明女性“是大多數工業藝術的鼻祖”，是家庭用品、籃子和服裝的最初製造者。史密森學會發送的民族誌展覽記錄了來自美洲印第安人、愛斯基摩人、波利尼西亞人和非洲部落的婦女的刺繡、紡織品和籃子等作品。婦女對剪羊毛、養蠶、家庭用品專利等行業的貢獻都被納入其中，由紐約婦女組織的婦女圖書館收藏了世界各地婦女撰寫的 7000 本書。著名版畫經銷商弗雷德里克·凱佩爾(Frederick Keppel) 提供了138 幅文藝復興晚期至今女性蝕刻師和雕刻師的版畫，其中包括戴安娜·吉西(Diana Ghisi)、伊麗莎白·西拉尼(Elisabetta Sirani)、吉爾特魯伊·羅格曼(Geertruid Roghman)、瑪麗亞·科斯威(Maria Cosway)、瑪麗·德·美第奇(Marie de Medici)、安吉麗卡·考夫曼(Angelica Kauffmann )、卡洛琳·沃森(Caroline Watson)、瑪麗·布拉克蒙德、羅莎·博納爾、安娜·莉·梅里特和瑪麗·卡薩特。參觀女性大廈的遊客會經過瑪麗·麥克莫尼斯和卡薩特創作的《原始女性》和《現代女性》壁畫。 …
Some professional women continued to resist exhibiting alongside amateurs in a building that included everything from household goods to embroidery, and others wished to exhibit with men in the Fine Arts Building. The result of the segregation and the wide range of amateur and professional production, wrote one critic, was a "gorgeous wealth of mediocrity." Although the Metropolitan Museum of Art declined a request to send Bonheur's Horse Fair, the fine arts exhibition in the Woman's Building included works by respected artists like Cecilia Beaux, Vinnie Ream Hoxie, and Edmonia Lewis, as well as cat paintings by a seventy-two-year- old Belgian artist named Henrietta Ronner and two paintings of dogs by Queen Victoria. Elizabeth Thompson's Quatre Bras and Anna Klumpke's Portrait of Miss M. D. were displayed, along with busts by Anne Whitney and Adelaide McFayden Johnson of prominent women in the suffrage, women's, and temperance movements. The largest exhibitions at the Fair were ...
一些職業女性繼續抵制與業餘愛好者一起在一座包括從家庭用品到刺繡等各種物品的建築中展出，而其他人則希望與男性在美術大樓一起展出。一位評論家寫道，隔離以及廣泛的業餘和專業製作的結果是「平庸的華麗財富」。儘管大都會藝術博物館拒絕舉辦「Bonheur's Horse Fair」的請求，但在女子大樓舉行的美術展覽包括塞西莉亞·博克斯（Cecilia Beaux）、維尼·雷姆·霍克西（Vinnie Ream Hoxie）和埃德莫尼亞·劉易斯（Edmonia Lewis）等受人尊敬的藝術家的作品，以及七十二位藝術家的貓畫作。狗畫。伊莉莎白湯普森(Elizabeth Thompson) 的四件胸罩和安娜克魯普克(Anna Klumpke) 的《MD 小姐肖像》，以及安妮惠特尼(Anne Whitney) 和阿德萊德麥克費登約翰遜(Adelaide McFayden Johnson) 為選舉權、婦女運動和禁酒運動中傑出女性設計的半身像也展出。博覽會上最大的展覽是...
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from women's craft associations in Britain. Rookwood Pottery and the Cincinnati Pottery Club were also well represented. ...
來自英國婦女手工藝協會。 Rookwood Pottery 和 Cincinnati Pottery Club 也有很好的代表。 …
In the end, despite the unevenness of its displays and the critics' argument that mediocrity was the only possible result when "femininity was the first requisite and merit a secondary consideration," the Woman's Building overwhelmed visitors by the sheer magnitude and ambition of its displays. The building summed up women's past achievements, and made visible the multiple ways they had renegotiated the ideology of separate spheres, but the future belonged to a new generation and a new century. Mrs. Palmer's speech at the opening of the building did not ignore the fact that, by 1893, radical American women perceived the ideology of separate spheres as a male invention and a male response to feared competition in the work place. ...
最終，儘管其展示參差不齊，並且批評家認為，當“女性氣質是第一要素，值得次要考慮”時，平庸是唯一可能的結果，但婦女大廈以其展示的巨大規模和雄心讓參觀者不知所措。這座建築總結了婦女過去的成就，並展示了她們重新協商不同領域意識形態的多種方式，但未來屬於新一代和新世紀。帕爾默夫人在大樓落成典禮上的演講並沒有忽視這樣一個事實：到 1893 年，激進的美國女性將分界意識形態視為男性的發明，是男性對工作場所令人恐懼的競爭的反應。 …
The same decade that welcomed the Women's Building as a visible sign of women's advances in education and professional life, also witnessed an escalation of rhetoric drawing on discourses of science to legitimate women's "natural" inferiority and difference from men in fields from art to medicine. Critics like William Ordway Partridge recommended "manhood in art"-discipline, bigness, purity, sanity, nobility- which he opposed to the failure of French art, "falling into decadence because her virility is cankered at the heart through abandonment to the senses." ...
在同一十年裡，婦女大廈被視為女性在教育和職業生活方面進步的明顯標誌，同時也見證了利用科學話語來合法化女性「天生」的劣勢以及從藝術到醫學等領域與男性的差異的言論的升級。威廉·奧德韋·帕特里奇等評論家推薦「藝術中的男子氣概」——紀律、宏大、純潔、理智、高貴——他反對法國藝術的失敗，「因為她的陽剛之氣因放縱感官而在內心腐爛，所以陷入頹廢。 …
By 1893, a new female heroine had emerged in the popular literary imagination, though her presence is barely recorded in painting. The novels of Grant Allen, Thomas Hardy, and George Gissing present female heroines who were in direct conflict with the traditional values of conservative society. Flaunting convention, the New Woman drinks, smokes, reads books, and leads a healthy athletic life. The photographer Frances Benjamin Johnston (1864-1952) burlesqued her delightfully in a self-portrait photograph and she is the subject of Albert Morrow's 1897 poster, The New Woman, for Punch. Also in 1897, the Ladies Home journal serialized six illustrations by Alice Barber Stephens which collectively outlined the facets of new womanhood. Along with The Woman in Religion, The Woman in the Home, and The Beauty of Motherhood, they included The Woman in Business, The Woman in Society, and The American Girl in Summer. By 1900, feminists were demanding not just voting rights for women, but their right to higher education and the right to earn an income, and the modern woman had appeared. ...
到了 1893 年，一位新的女英雄出現在大眾文學想像中，儘管她的存在在繪畫中幾乎沒有記錄。格蘭特艾倫、湯瑪斯哈代和喬治吉辛的小說中的女主角與保守社會的傳統價值發生直接衝突。新女性不顧傳統，喝酒、抽菸、讀書，過著健康的運動生活。攝影師弗朗西斯·本傑明·約翰斯頓（Frances Benjamin Johnston，1864-1952 年）在一張自畫像中愉快地對她進行了滑稽表演，而她也是阿爾伯特·莫羅1897 年為Punch 拍攝的海報《新女性》的主題。同樣在 1897 年，《女士之家》雜誌連載了愛麗絲·巴伯·斯蒂芬斯 (Alice Barber Stephens) 的六幅插圖，這些插圖共同概述了新女性的方方面面。除了《宗教中的女人》、《家庭中的女人》和《母性之美》之外，它們還包括《商業中的女人》、《社會中的女人》和《夏天的美國女孩》。到了1900年，女權主義者不僅要求婦女享有投票權，還要求她們接受高等教育的權利和賺取收入的權利，現代女性出現了。 …
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131 OPPOSITE Alice Barber Stephens, The Woman in Business, 1897 132 ABOVE RIGHT Frances Benjamin Johnston, Self-Portrait, c. 1896 133 RIGHT Albert Morrow, The New Woman, 1897 ...
131 對愛麗絲·巴伯·斯蒂芬斯（Alice Barber Stephens），《商界女性》，1897 年 132 右上弗朗西斯·本傑明·約翰斯頓（Frances Benjamin Johnston），《自畫像》，c. 1896 133 右阿爾伯特·莫羅，《新女性》，1897 年 ...
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Chapter 9 Modernism, Abstraction, and the New Woman ...
第 9 章現代主義、抽象與新女性…
Abstraction in painting and sculpture developed simultaneously in a number of European capitals during the first decade of this century. Its course, inextricably bound up with the formal developments of Post-Impressionism and Cubism, and with a desire to break with nature and infuse the resulting art with a profound spiritual content, has been extensively traced. In this chapter, I want to discuss several less often explored aspects of the development of abstraction in the early twentieth century. First, there is the extent to which its visual language derives from that of the decorative arts, particularly textiles, and why. Second, how did the fashion designs that resulted from geometric abstraction, when worn, come to signify modernity and, at the same time, to obscure very real kinds of social change that would ultimately erode the ideal of individual artistic freedom so prized by modern artists at the beginning of this century? Finally, how are we to view the unusual fact that women functioned both as producers of this new visual culture and as the signifiers of its meaning? ...
本世紀頭十年，繪畫和雕塑的抽像在許多歐洲國家的首都同時發展。它的進程與後印象派和立體派的形式發展有著千絲萬縷的聯繫，並且渴望與自然決裂，並為由此產生的藝術注入深刻的精神內容，已被廣泛追踪。在本章中，我想討論二十世紀初抽象發展的幾個不太常被探討的面向。首先，它的視覺語言在多大程度上源自於裝飾藝術，特別是紡織品，以及原因。其次，由幾何抽象產生的時裝設計在穿著時如何象徵著現代性，同時又掩蓋了非常真實的社會變革，而這種變革最終會侵蝕現代藝術家如此珍視的個人藝術自由的理想在本世紀初？最後，我們如何看待女性既是這種新視覺文化的創造者又是其意義的象徵這一不尋常的事實？ …
Between 1863, when Baudelaire situated fashion at the heart of the modernist imperative ("Be very sure that this man [Constantin Guys] makes it his business to extract from fashion whatever element it may contain of poetry without history, to distill the eternal from the transitory") and 1923, when the Russian avant-garde artist Alexandra Exter defended the Industrial Dress ("The rhythm of modern life demands a minimum loss of time and energy.... To present day fashions which change according to the whims of the merchants we must counterpose a way of dressing that is functional and beautiful in its simplicity"), fashion has played a complex, contradictory, and sometimes quixotic role in defining the attitude toward the art which we now think of as modernist. ...
1863 年之間，波特萊爾將時尚置於現代主義命令的核心（「請務必確保這個人[Constantin Guys] 以從時尚中提取任何它可能包含的沒有歷史的詩歌元素為己任，從時尚中提煉出永恆」）短暫的」）以及1923 年，俄羅斯前衛藝術家亞歷山德拉·埃克斯特(Alexandra Exter) 為工業服裝辯護（「現代生活的節奏需要將時間和精力的損失降到最低……對於商人來說，我們必須反對一種既實用又簡單的美麗著裝方式」），時尚在定義我們現在認為的現代主義藝術的態度方面發揮了複雜、矛盾、有時甚至是堂吉訶德式的作用。 …
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Baudelaire discerned the signs of modern life in "the ephemeral, the fugitive, the contingent," locating them in individual style and gesture, and opposing them to the eternal (by which he meant the classical tradition which underlay French official art of the mid-nineteenth century). More recently, art historians have argued for a view of modernity as more than just the desire to be "of the time." The emergence of new kinds of painting in late nineteenth-century France has been tied to the concurrent development of new sets of myths about modernity shaped by the new city of Paris under the Second Empire. Central to the new territory of modernity were "leisure, consumption, the spectacle and money." Modernity is both linked to the desire for the new that fashion expresses so well, and culturally tied to the development of a new visual language for the twentieth century-abstraction. ...
波特萊爾在「短暫的、短暫的、偶然的」中發現了現代生活的跡象，將它們定位在個人的風格和姿態中，並將它們與永恆相對立（他指的是支撐法國中世紀官方藝術的古典傳統）。最近，藝術史學家主張現代性的觀點不僅僅是成為「時代」的願望。十九世紀末法國新繪畫類型的出現與第二帝國統治下的新城市巴黎塑造的現代性新神話的同時發展密切相關。現代性新領域的核心是「休閒、消費、景觀和金錢」。現代性既與時尚所表達的對新事物的渴望聯繫在一起，又在文化上與二十世紀新的視覺語言——抽象——的發展聯繫在一起。 …
Art Nouveau, an international style in the decorative arts characterized by stylized linear surface motifs derived from natural forms, arrived in Germany in 1896 with Hermann Obrist's exhibition of thirty-five monumental embroideries at a Munich gallery. By the turn of the century, the Arts and Crafts Movement pervaded all aspects of Munich's artistic life. The new aesthetic demanded a new relationship between art and life, a sanctioning of the present, and a merging of the fine arts and crafts. For artists like Wassily Kandinsky, who arrived in Munich in 1896, the move toward an abstract formal language carried with it an implicit threat-that of "decoration" devoid of content. "If we were to begin today to destroy completely the bond that ties us to nature, to steer off with force toward freedom and to content ourselves exclusively with the combination of pure colour and independent form," warned Kandinsky in Concerning the Spiritual in Art (1910, published 1912), "we would create works that would look like a geometric ornament, which, grossly stated, would resemble a tie, a carpet." ...
新藝術運動是一種國際裝飾藝術風格，其特點是源自自然形式的程式化線性表面圖案，於1896 年隨著赫爾曼·奧布里斯特(Hermann Obrist) 在慕尼黑畫廊舉辦的35 件紀念性刺繡展覽而傳入德國。到了世紀之交，工藝美術運動滲透到慕尼黑藝術生活的各個層面。新的美學要求藝術與生活之間建立新的關係，對當下的認可，以及美術與手工藝的融合。對於 1896 年抵達慕尼黑的瓦西里·康定斯基這樣的藝術家來說，向抽象形式語言的轉變帶來了一種隱含的威脅——缺乏內容的「裝飾」。康丁斯基在《關於藝術的精神》中警告說：「如果我們從今天開始，徹底摧毀我們與自然的聯繫，用武力走向自由，只滿足於純色與獨立形式的結合。」1910 年， 1912 年出版），“我們會創作看起來像幾何裝飾品的作品，粗略地說，它類似於領帶、地毯。” …
There is no doubt both of the influence of Jugendstil or Art Nouveau design on early Kandinsky paintings like Moonrise (1902), and of the early critical success of those works of his which were "ornamental" or "decorative." In her study of Kandinsky in Munich, Peg Weiss has located the artist's gradual move toward abstraction in the convergence of strong Jugendstil tendencies embracing abstract ornamentation with a symbolic move toward inner significance and spiritual revolution influenced by Symbolist poetics. ...
毫無疑問，新藝術風格或新藝術風格設計對康丁斯基早期繪畫如《月出》（1902）的影響，以及他那些「裝飾性」或「裝飾性」作品的早期批評成功。佩格·韋斯（Peg Weiss）在慕尼黑對康丁斯基的研究中，將藝術家逐漸走向抽象的過程定位於強烈的新藝術傾向（擁抱抽象裝飾）與受象徵主義詩學影響的內在意義和精神革命的象徵性轉變的融合。 …
Throughout the Munich period, Kandinsky continued to work both in painting and in crafts. In 1904, he had become actively involved in The Society for Applied Art in Munich and ...
在整個慕尼黑時期，康丁斯基繼續從事繪畫和工藝品創作。 1904 年，他積極參與慕尼黑應用藝術協會並...
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134 Margaretha von Brauchitsch, embroidered cushion, 1901-02 ...
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the catalogue for the 1906 Salon d'Automne lists seven items of craft designed by him. Another member of the Society was Margaretha von Brauchitsch, a talented craftswoman whose embroidery designs had attracted notice at the World Exposition in Paris in 1900. Brauchitsch used highly stylized motifs from nature, as well as fantastic, abstract "improvisations" in her embroidery designs. Examples from 1901 to 1904 show a close relationship with work of the Wiener Werkstätte in Vienna, a design collaborative founded in 1903. Weiss identifies her greatest influence on Kandinsky, however, as coming through her participation in the Reform Dress Movement. ...
1906 年秋季沙龍的目錄列出了他設計的七件工藝品。該協會的另一位成員是瑪格麗特·馮·布勞奇奇(Margaretha von Brauchitsch)，她是一位才華橫溢的工匠，她的刺繡設計在1900 年巴黎世界博覽會上引起了人們的注意。布勞奇奇在她的刺繡設計中使用了高度風格化的自然圖案，以及奇妙、抽象的「即興創作」。 1901 年至1904 年的例子表明，她與維也納Wiener Werkstätte（一家成立於1903 年的設計合作社）的作品有著密切的關係。的參與。 …
By the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the issue of reforming women's dress had become one aspect of wider feminist concerns. The bustles, whalebone stays, and tight lacings so fashionable in the 1880s came under attack in progressive circles as criminal in their manipulation and obstruction of female movement and breathing. Aesthetic, medical, social, and anthropological discourses finally converged in a fundamental redesign of the ideal female figure that replaced the corset's exaggerated and constricting curves with the more flexible serpentine curvature of the modern body. In Britain in the 1890s, dress reform was often linked to socialism, though some historians have argued that ...
到十九世紀最後二十五年，改革女性服裝的問題已成為更廣泛的女權主義者關注的一個面向。 1880 年代如此流行的裙撐、鯨骨撐和緊身鞋帶在進步人士圈子中受到攻擊，因為它們操縱和阻礙了女性的運動和呼吸，這些都是犯罪行為。美學、醫學、社會和人類學的討論最終匯聚在對理想女性形象的根本性重新設計中，用現代身體更靈活的蛇形曲率取代了緊身胸衣的誇張和收縮曲線。在 1890 年代的英國，服裝改革常常與社會主義聯繫在一起，儘管一些歷史學家認為…
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by that date reform dress had become more an issue of taste than politics. The new "healthy" styles, however, indicate a shift from earlier notions of clothing as indicating class and occupation to a more modern preoccupation with clothing as a means of creating identity. Kandinsky's experiments in fashion design also take into account the practical goals of the reform movement. His designs are important in identifying women's fashion as one of the arenas within which modernist artists, determined to free themselves from representation, explored new kinds of meaning. ...
到那時，服裝改革已經更多地成為品味問題，而不是政治問題。然而，新的「健康」風格表明，從早期將服裝視為階級和職業的觀念，轉向更現代的將服裝作為創造身份的手段的轉變。康丁斯基在時裝設計方面的實驗也考慮了改革運動的實際目標。他的設計對於將女性時尚確定為現代主義藝術家決心擺脫代表性、探索新意義的舞台之一非常重要。 …
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Paintings by Kandinsky from the Munich period were influenced by Russian folk art, Tunisian abstract geometric motifs, and, through his companion Gabriele Münter's intervention, Bavarian glass painting. Münter (1877-1962) had come to Munich in 1901 in search of training. Denied access to the Munchener Akademie, women were forced to seek private instruction or attend the studios of the Kunstlerinnenverein, the association of professional women artists. Quickly bored with academic teaching, Münter moved to the Phalanz School where Kandinsky encouraged her. The couple first visited Murnau in 1908 with the painters Jawlensky and Marianne Werefkin, settling there the following year. It was in Murnau that both took the decisive step toward greater abstraction. Reducing form to simplified color shapes bounded by dark ...
慕尼黑時期康丁斯基的繪畫受到俄羅斯民間藝術、突尼斯抽象幾何圖案的影響，並透過他的同伴加布里埃爾·穆特的干預，受到巴伐利亞玻璃繪畫的影響。 Münter（1877-1962）於 1901 年來到慕尼黑尋求訓練。由於無法進入慕尼黑學院，女性被迫尋求私人指導或進入職業女性藝術家協會 Kunstlerinnenverein 的工作室。穆特很快就對學術教學感到厭倦，於是搬到了法蘭茲學校，康丁斯基鼓勵她。 1908 年，這對夫婦與畫家 Jawlensky 和 Marianne Werefkin 首次訪問穆爾瑙，並於次年定居於此。正是在穆爾瑙，兩人朝著更抽象的方向邁出了決定性的一步。將形式簡化為以深色為界的簡化顏色形狀...
135 Wassily Kandinsky, Dress design for Gabriele Münter, c. 1904 ...
135 瓦西里·康定斯基 (Wassily Kandinsky)，為加布里埃爾·穆特 (Gabriele Münter) 設計的服裝，c. 1904年...
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contour lines, Münter synthesized the expressiveness of Fauve color with an ordered formal organization often based on pyramidal forms. Her Boating (1910) replaces the informality of Impressionist paintings on the theme with a tightly structured and hierarchical ordering in which Kandinsky dominates the group compressed into the shallow space of the boat. Against the striking backdrop of the Murnau landscape, Kandinsky ...
透過輪廓線，Münter 將野獸派色彩的表現力與通常基於金字塔形式的有序形式組織相結合。 《她的划船》（1910）以結構嚴謹、層次分明的秩序取代了印象派繪畫的非正式主題，其中康丁斯基在壓縮到船的淺空間中的群體中占主導地位。在穆爾瑙風景的引人注目的背景下，康丁斯基...
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137 Gabriele Münter, Portrait of Marianne von Werefkin, 1909 ...
137 加布里埃爾·穆特 (Gabriele Münter)，瑪麗安·馮·韋雷夫金 (Marianne von Werefkin) 的肖像，1909 年…
assumes a commanding role in the composition while Münter rows the boat. Access to his image is controlled by Münter's position at the bottom of the canvas; we see him as she sees him. ...
當穆特划船時，他在構圖中佔據主導地位。對他的圖像的訪問是由穆特在畫布底部的位置控制的；我們看他就像她看他一樣。 …
Münter's Portrait of Marianne von Werefkin (1909) situates the figure in her multicolored flower hat and violet scarf against a striking gold background. The simplification of the figure into blocks of color, the pyramidal form, and the replacement of modeling by a heavy black outline are characteristic of her Murnau paintings with their debt to Bavarian glass painting. Münter, not Kandinsky, first collected examples of this folk tradition and both artists subsequently experimented with pure colors on the back sides of plates of glass. While Münter retained an interest in the bold patterns and broad planar simplification of this painting, the translucent colors and flat ...
穆特的《瑪麗安·馮·韋爾夫金肖像》（1909 年）將人物置於醒目的金色背景下，戴著五彩花帽和紫羅蘭色圍巾。將人物簡化為色塊、金字塔形式以及用厚重的黑色輪廓代替造型是她穆瑙繪畫的特點，這些繪畫借鑒了巴伐利亞玻璃繪畫。穆特（而不是康丁斯基）首先收集了這種民間傳統的例子，兩位藝術家隨後都在玻璃板的背面嘗試了純色。雖然穆特對這幅畫的大膽圖案和廣泛的平面簡化保留了興趣，但半透明的色彩和平面...
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simple shapes provided Kandinsky with a new formal syntax. As he moved toward pure abstraction between 1909 and 1912, these new ways of thinking about surface plane became the carriers for the spiritual content which he believed would ultimately define the "new" art and remove it from the domain of the decorative. ...
簡單的形狀為康丁斯基提供了新的形式語法。當他在 1909 年至 1912 年間轉向純粹抽象時，這些關於表面平面的新思考方式成為精神內容的載體，他相信這些精神內容最終將定義「新」藝術並將其從裝飾領域中刪除。 …
During these same years, artists in England and in France were also abandoning naturalism in favor of stylized abstractions. In London, the major critical and theoretical voice was that of Roger Fry, soon identified with the painters and writers of the Bloomsbury circle. The work of Vanessa Bell (1879-1961), Roger Fry, Duncan Grant, Wyndham Lewis, and others associated with Fry's Omega Workshops (an experiment in home design by artists) was equally concerned with fusing a pictorial language derived from the decorative arts with a new content associated with the formal lessons Fry deduced from Post-Impressionism. Between 1910 and 1912, Fry organized two major Post-Impressionist exhibitions in London out of a desire to attack the philistine tastes of the British middle class. In his introduction to the catalogue for the first exhibition, which opened at the Grafton Galleries in the winter of 1910, he noted: "There comes a point when the accumulations of an increasing skill in mere representation begin to destroy the expressiveness of the design....” ...
在同一時期，英國和法國的藝術家也放棄了自然主義，轉而採用風格化的抽象主義。在倫敦，主要的批評和理論聲音是羅傑·弗萊的聲音，他很快就被認為是布魯姆斯伯里圈子的畫家和作家。凡妮莎·貝爾（Vanessa Bell，1879-1961）、羅傑·弗萊（Roger Fry）、鄧肯·格蘭特（Duncan Grant）、溫德姆·劉易斯（Wyndham Lewis）以及其他與弗萊的歐米茄工作室（藝術家的家居設計實驗）相關的作品同樣關注將源於裝飾藝術的繪畫語言與與弗萊從後印象派中推導出來的正式課程相關的新內容。 1910年至1912年間，出於攻擊英國中產階級庸俗品味的願望，弗萊在倫敦組織了兩次大型後印象派展覽。 1910 年冬天在格拉夫頓畫廊開幕的首屆展覽的目錄介紹中，他指出：“隨著單純表現技巧的不斷積累，到了某個時刻，設計的表現力就會開始被破壞。 ……”…
Within a year of the 1910 exhibition, Bell and Grant had begun their experiments in decoration with lacquered boxes, introducing geometric patterns derived from mosaic and tile work. In May 1913, Fry opened the Omega Workshops in Fitzroy Square, London. As indebted as this collaborative experiment in modern design was to the theories of Post-Impressionism, its closest models were not the Arts and Crafts Movement (for Fry staunchly rejected the socialism and architectural orientation of that movement), but the Wiener Werkstatte and the experimental fashion and design studios of Paris which Fry had visited in 1911. Since 1910, Fry had been building a coherent theory of aesthetics upholding the supremacy of form over narrative content. The publication of Clive Bell's Art in 1914 with its emphasis on “significant form" also promoted an aesthetic in which design and color alone were to carry content. ...
1910 年展覽後的一年內，貝爾和格蘭特開始了他們的漆盒裝飾實驗，引入了源自馬賽克和瓷磚作品的幾何圖案。 1913 年 5 月，弗萊在倫敦菲茨羅伊廣場開設了歐米茄工作坊。儘管現代設計中的這項合作實驗得益於後印象派的理論，但其最接近的模式並不是工藝美術運動（因為弗萊堅決拒絕該運動的社會主義和建築方向），而是維也納工廠和實驗性的藝術與手工藝運動。克萊夫貝爾 (Clive Bell) 於 1914 年出版的《藝術》強調“有意義的形式”，也宣揚了一種僅靠設計和色彩承載內容的美學。 ... ...
The Omega Workshops became a meeting place for like- minded artists and gave them a livelihood through designing and decorating fabrics, furniture, pottery, and other small items. Their innovative significance lay in the fact that they were modeled on haute couture fashion experiments in Paris and, like the Arts and Crafts Movement in the previous century, they sought to challenge the Victorian distinction between ...
歐米茄工作室成為志趣相投的藝術家的聚會場所，並透過設計和裝飾織物、家具、陶器和其他小物品為他們提供生計。他們的創新意義在於，他們以巴黎高級時裝時尚實驗為藍本，就像上個世紀的工藝美術運動一樣，他們試圖挑戰維多利亞時代的差異…
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138 LEFT Firescreen designed by Duncan Grant and embroidered by Lady Ottoline Morrell, 1912 ...
138 LEFT Firescreen 由鄧肯·格蘭特 (Duncan Grant) 設計，奧托琳·莫雷爾 (Ottoline Morrell) 女士刺繡，1912 年...
139 RIGHT Vanessa Bell, Cracow, 1913 (detail) ...
139 右 Vanessa Bell，克拉科夫，1913 年（細節）...
high and low art, or between art and craft. As no contracts were given to participating artists, their products were tacitly understood to be privileged, distinct from other forms of labor and indistinguishable from "art." That many of the workshop's patrons were wealthy women-Lady Desborough, Lady Curzon, Lady Ottoline Morrell, Lady Cunard, Lady Drogheda-the same women who patronized the fine arts and the couture houses, set up a relationship between class and modernity that had far- reaching implications. ...
高雅藝術與低俗藝術，或藝術與工藝之間。由於沒有與參與藝術家簽訂任何合同，他們的產品被預設為享有特權，與其他形式的勞動不同，與「藝術」沒有區別。工作室的許多贊助人都是富有的女性——德斯伯勒夫人、柯松夫人、奧托琳·莫雷爾夫人、丘納德夫人、德羅赫達夫人——正是這些女性贊助了美術和時裝屋，在階級與現代性之間建立了一種關係，這種關係在歷史上一直存在。 …
Omega designs for curtains, bedspreads, and boxes were prominently displayed at venues like the Daily Mail Ideal Home exhibition and the Allied Artists exhibition. Typical of the items shown were screens with stylized nearly abstract motifs designed by Grant and Bell and embroidered by Morrell, and abstract printed linens like Cracow, designed by Bell in 1913. Many of the designs were based on oil paintings. Like the early abstractions of Kandinsky and Mondrian, those of Bell ...
歐米茄設計的窗簾、床罩和盒子在《每日郵報》理想家居展覽和聯盟藝術家展覽等場所得到了顯著展示。所展示的典型物品是帶有由格蘭特和貝爾設計、由莫雷爾刺繡的風格化近抽象圖案的屏風，以及由貝爾於1913 年設計的克拉科夫等抽像印花亞麻布。油畫。就像康丁斯基和蒙德里安的早期抽像作品一樣，貝爾的作品...
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140 Vanessa Bell, The Tub, 1917 ...
140 凡妮莎貝爾，《浴缸》，1917 年…
and Grant were derived from nature; the process of formal simplification and abstraction resulted in tightly structured compositions which replaced anecdotal content with absolute aesthetic values. The exaggerated distinctions which art historians have made between Bell's easel paintings and her decorative work has obscured the significant role of decoration in the development of the structure and lyrical and sensuous color harmonies that underlie her later figurative works. ...
和格蘭特源自大自然；形式簡化和抽象的過程產生了結構嚴謹的作品，以絕對的美學價值取代了軼事內容。藝術史學家對貝爾的架上繪畫和她的裝飾作品進行了誇大的區分，掩蓋了裝飾在她後來的具像作品的結構發展以及抒情和感性色彩和諧中的重要作用。 …
The eight works which Bell exhibited in "The New Movement in Art" at the Mansard Gallery in London in 1916 included four abstract paintings closely related to her current work in fabrics. The previous year, she had taken charge of a new program introducing dressmaking into the Omega. The smock-like simplicity of dresses modeled by the painters Winifred Gill, Bell, and Nina Hamnett recall earlier Reform Dress styles. The Omega experiment in dress design was not a success and few sold, perhaps because the designs were too exotic for the Omega's clientele. Even Bell's sister, Virginia Woolf, was shocked by the bold colors and patterns: "My god! What clothes you are responsible for! Karin's clothes wrenched my eyes from the sockets-a skirt barred with reds and yellows of the violent ...
貝爾1916年在倫敦芒薩畫廊「藝術新運動」中展出的八幅作品中，有四幅抽象畫與她目前的織品作品密切相關。去年，她負責了一個將製衣工藝引入歐米茄的新項目。畫家 Winifred Gill、Bell 和 Nina Hamnett 設計的罩衫般簡約的連身裙讓人想起早期的改革連身裙風格。歐米茄在服裝設計上的實驗並不成功，銷售量也很少，也許是因為這些設計對歐米茄的顧客來說太過異國情調。就連貝爾的妹妹維吉尼亞·伍爾夫也被大膽的色彩和圖案震驚了：「天哪！你要對什麼衣服負責！卡琳的衣服讓我眼花繚亂——裙子上有暴力的紅色和黃色…
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kind, a pea-green blouse on top, with a gaudy handkerchief on her head, supposed to be the very boldest taste. I shall retire into dove color and old lavender, with a lace collar and lawn wristlets." ...
親切，上身一件豌豆綠的襯衫，頭上戴著花俏的手帕，應該是最大膽的品味了。我將退休時穿上鴿子色和舊薰衣草色，戴著蕾絲領子和草坪腕帶。
During the years when Omega was most active, ease of movement and primacy of color as expressive medium also characterized Sonia Delaunay's work in both painting and decoration. Delaunay (1885-1979), a Russian artist who moved to Paris in 1905 and in 1910 married the Cubist painter Robert Delaunay, synthesized Post-Impressionism, early Matisse, and Russian folk art in paintings such as the Portrait of Tchouiko (1906) and Young Finnish Woman (1907). Like her husband, Delaunay soon became firmly convinced that modernity could best be expressed through a dynamic interplay of color harmonies and dissonances which replicated the rhythms of modern urban life. Robert Delaunay's Red Eiffel Tower of 1911 derived its interlocking facets and dynamic forms from Picasso's Cubist paintings of the same years, and its highly keyed palette from Fauve painting. Sonia Delaunay's first piece ...
在歐米茄 (Omega) 最活躍的年代，索尼婭·德勞內 (Sonia Delaunay) 的繪畫和裝飾作品以輕鬆的運動和色彩作為表現媒介為首要特徵。德勞內（Delaunay，1885-1979）是一位俄羅斯藝術家，1905 年移居巴黎，1910 年與立體派畫家羅伯特·德勞內(Robert Delaunay) 結婚，綜合了後印象派、早期馬蒂斯和俄羅斯民間藝術的畫作，如《喬伊科肖像》(1906) 和年輕的芬蘭女子（1907）。和她的丈夫一樣，德勞內很快就堅信，現代性可以透過色彩和諧與不和諧的動態相互作用來最好地表達，從而複製現代城市生活的節奏。羅伯特·德勞內(Robert Delaunay) 於1911 年創作的紅色艾菲爾鐵塔，其環環相扣的面和動態的形式源自畢卡索同年的立體派繪畫，其高度基調的調色板則源自野獸派繪畫。索尼婭·德勞內 (Sonia Delaunay) 的第一部作品...
141 Winifred Gill and Nina Hamnett modeling dresses at the Omega Workshops, c. 1913 ...
141 溫妮弗萊德·吉爾 (Winifred Gill) 和尼娜·哈姆內特 (Nina Hamnett) 在歐米茄工作室 (Omega Workshops) 的模特禮服，c. 1913年...
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of decorative art, and first completely abstract work, however, was a pieced quilt influenced by Russian peasant designs and made shortly after the birth of her son in 1911. It developed from many sources, including Delaunay's knowledge of early Cubist painting. She later attributed her move away from painting to a desire to put her husband's career first: “From the day we started living together, I played second fiddle and I never put myself first until the 1950s." ...
然而，她的第一個完全抽象的作品是裝飾藝術的作品，也是受俄羅斯農民設計影響的拼縫被子，是在1911 年她兒子出生後不久製作的。勞內對早期立體派繪畫的了解。她後來將自己放棄繪畫的原因歸因於將丈夫的事業放在第一位的願望：「從我們開始同居的那天起，我就處於次要地位，直到20 世紀50 年代我才把自己放在第一位。
Delaunay's work with textiles and embroidery encouraged her to break down forms and emphasize surface structure. She quickly began designing book covers, posters, lampshades, curtains, cushion covers, and other objects for her home. Throughout 1912, while Robert Delaunay experimented with a theory of simultaneity based on the use of light to unify contrasting colors, Delaunay produced objects through which the theory was submitted to the play of actual light. Her painting of 1912, Simultaneous Contrasts, reveals an interest in the dynamics of surface design which then became her primary concern, whereas Robert Delaunay's Simultaneous Windows of the same year reflects his consuming interest in the problem of spatial illusion. In retrospect it is perhaps significant that Robert Delaunay, who worked so closely with her, was convinced that it was through textiles that Delaunay learned to use color freely, later commenting of her painting that "The colors are dazzling. They have the look of enamels or ceramics, of carpets—that is, there is already a sense of surfaces that are being combined, one might say, successively on the canvas." ...
Delaunay 在紡織品和刺繡方面的工作鼓勵她打破形式並強調表面結構。她很快就開始為她的家設計書籍封面、海報、燈罩、窗簾、墊套和其他物品。整個1912 年，羅伯特·德勞內(Robert Delaunay) 試驗了一種基於使用光來統一對比色的同時性理論，同時德勞內(Delaunay) 製作了一些物體，透過這些物體，該理論被提交給實際光線的發揮。她1912 年的畫作《同時對比》揭示了對錶面設計動態的興趣，這後來成為她的主要關注點，而羅伯特·德勞內同年的《同時窗戶》則反映了他對空間錯覺問題的強烈興趣。回想起來，與她密切合作的羅伯特·德勞內(Robert Delaunay) 確信，德勞內(Delaunay) 正是透過紡織品學會了自由地使用色彩，這一點也許很重要，後來評論她的畫時說： 「顏色令人眼花繚亂。它們具有琺瑯的外觀或陶瓷、地毯——也就是說，人們可能會說，已經有一種表面在畫布上連續組合的感覺。” …
Dissatisfied with the inherently static qualities of painting as a medium, during the Summer of 1913 Delaunay began to make simultaneous dresses, in reaction against the drabness of current fashions. Their patterns of abstract forms were arranged both to enhance the natural movement of the body and to establish a shimmering movement of color. The poet Blaise Cendrars's remark of 1913 that "On her dress she wears her body," suggests that the female body itself was being perceived as an important signifier for modernity. In the twentieth century, as we shall see, it was fashion which translated the principles of abstraction to, and defined modernity for, a broad public. At the same time, the production of art as commodified object is linked to the commodification of the female body after the First World War. ...
由於對繪畫作為一種媒介固有的靜態品質感到不滿，德勞內在 1913 年夏天開始製作同步連身裙，以對抗當前時尚的單調。他們的抽象形式圖案的排列既增強了身體的自然運動，又建立了閃爍的色彩運動。詩人布萊斯·桑德拉爾斯 (Blaise Cendrars) 1913 年的評論“她的衣服上穿著她的身體”，這表明女性身體本身被視為現代性的重要標誌。正如我們將看到的，在二十世紀，正是時尚將抽象原則轉化為廣大大眾，並為廣大大眾定義了現代性。同時，作為商品化物品的藝術生產與第一次世界大戰後女性身體的商品化連結在一起。 …
News of Delaunay's simultaneous dresses spread swiftly. According to Cendrars, someone, “sent a telegram to Milan, describing our general get-up and, precisely, and in detail, Mrs. Sonia Delaunay's 'simultaneous dresses.' Milan spread this information through the world as a Futurist manifestation, ...
德勞內同款禮服的消息迅速傳開。根據桑德拉爾斯的說法，有人「給米蘭發了一封電報，描述了我們的總體著裝，並準確而詳細地描述了索尼婭·德勞內夫人的『同步服裝』。米蘭將這一訊息作為未來主義的表現形式傳播到世界各地，...
Chapter 9
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so that our behavior, gestures, and harlequin costumes... were known to the entire world, particularly to the avant-garde, which wanted to be up with the latest Paris fashions. Our extravagances especially influenced the Moscow futurists, who modelled themselves after us." ...
這樣我們的行為、手勢和醜陋的服裝……就為全世界所熟知，尤其是那些想要跟上巴黎最新時尚的前衛人士。我們的奢侈行為尤其影響了莫斯科的未來主義者，他們以我們為榜樣。
By 1913, the Italian Futurists were exploiting the idea of clothing as a signifier for revolutionary modernism. Futurist attitudes toward feminism, however, were deeply compromised from the beginning by their cult of virility. "We want to glorify war-the only cleansing act of the world-militarism, patriotism, the destructive act of the anarchists, beautiful ideas which kill, and contempt of women," proclaimed the Futurist manifesto of 1909. "We want to destroy museums, libraries, to combat moralism, feminism and all such opportunistic and utilitarian acts of cowardice." ...
到 1913 年，義大利未來主義者開始利用服裝這一概念作為革命現代主義的象徵。然而，未來主義者對女權主義的態度從一開始就因其對男子氣概的崇拜而深受損害。 1909 年的未來主義宣言宣稱：“我們想要美化戰爭——世界上唯一的淨化行為——軍國主義、愛國主義、無政府主義者的破壞性行為、殺人的美麗想法以及對婦女的蔑視。” “我們想要摧毀博物館，圖書館，以打擊道德主義、女權主義和所有此類機會主義和功利主義的怯懦行為。” …
Giacomo Balla, the movements foremost theorist, proclaimed dress as an element in a philosophy of dynamic change and novelty (now identified with avant-garde modernism), in which Futurism was to move out of the gallery and museum and into the street, but most Futurist costume design was for male dress and was conceived as an assault on social conventions. Balla's 1914 manifesto, "The Antineutral Dress," proposed replacing the drabness of men's suits with a "living plastic complex." "Futurist clothes," he commented, "will be dynamic in form and colors." Balla's manifesto owes much to Delaunay's pioneering experiments, and the designs which resulted, in both Paris and Milan, marked the beginning of a new wave in fashion which rose to general popularity a decade later. Intervening, however, were both the First World War and the October Revolution of 1917. ...
該運動最重要的理論家賈科莫·巴拉(Giacomo Balla) 宣稱服裝是動態變化和新穎哲學（現在被認為是前衛現代主義）的一個元素，在這種哲學中，未來主義將走出畫廊和博物館，進入街頭，但大多數未來主義服裝設計是針對男性服裝的，被認為是對社會習俗的攻擊。 Balla 1914 年的宣言「反中性服裝」提議用「活的塑膠複合體」取代單調的男士西裝。 “未來主義服裝，”他評論道，“在形式和顏色上都將充滿活力。” Balla 的宣言在很大程度上要歸功於 Delaunay 的開創性實驗，而在巴黎和米蘭產生的設計標誌著時尚新浪潮的開始，並在十年後普遍流行。然而，第一次世界大戰和 1917 年十月革命的介入...
Nowhere is the defining of modernity more firmly rooted in social idealism than in the Russian avant-garde to which Cendrars referred. Russian art in the first decade of the twentieth century was divided between artists like Vladimir Tatlin, Alexandra Exter, Liubov Popova, and Kasimir Malevich who welcomed European innovations in the arts, and those like Natalia Goncharova and Mikhail Larionov who believed that only by reference to their own cultural traditions could Russian artists express ideas of any importance. The unusual importance of women in the Russian avant-garde—where they were treated as full equals—grew from nineteenth- century radical political movements in which women of the intelligentsia were motivated by a strong desire to serve the people, but their lasting success as producers of the new art owes much to the breakdown of traditional distinctions between the fine and applied arts. ...
現代性的定義最牢固地植根於社會理想主義，莫過於桑德拉爾所提到的俄羅斯前衛藝術。二十世紀前十年的俄羅斯藝術分為兩類藝術家：弗拉基米爾·塔特林(Vladimir Tatlin)、亞歷山德拉·埃克斯特(Alexandra Exter)、柳波夫·波波娃(Liubov Popova) 和卡西米爾·馬列維奇(Kasimir Malevich)，他們歡迎歐洲藝術創新；而娜塔莉亞·貢查洛娃(Natalia Goncharova) 和米哈伊爾·拉里奧諾夫(Mikhail Larionov) 則認為，歐洲藝術創新只能透過參考俄羅斯藝術家可以透過自己的文化傳統來表達任何重要的想法。女性在俄羅斯前衛藝術中的非凡重要性——她們受到完全平等的對待——源於十九世紀的激進政治運動，在這些運動中，知識分子的女性受到為人民服務的強烈願望的激勵，但她們的持久成功新藝術的產生在很大程度上要歸功於美術與應用藝術之間傳統區別的打破。 …
Modernism, Abstraction, and the New Woman ...
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142 Sonia Delaunay, Couverture, 1911 ...
142 索妮亞‧德勞內 (Sonia Delaunay)，庫維杜爾 (Couverture)，1911 ...
Russian art in the years before the Revolution of 1917 developed along two broad paths. While some artists worked primarily in two dimensions, others emphasized construction, texture, and design. Neoprimitivism, Cubofuturism, Rayonism, Suprematism, and Constructivism coexisted and artists looked to both Paris and Moscow for support. The ballet impresario Serge Diaghilev's exhibition of younger Russian artists at the Salon d'Automne in 1906 brought the painter Mikhail Larionov to Paris, and his long-time companion Natalia Goncharova (1881-1962) exhibited first in the same exhibition. Her Neoprimitivist work was succeeded by the Rayonist paintings which began before 1914 when she left Russia to work with Diaghilev's Ballets Russes in Paris. Paintings like Rayonist Garden: Park (c. 1912-13) fuse Fauvism, Cubism, and indigenous Russian Decorative-Primitivism in the refracted rays of light which scatter color across the canvas surface. ...
1917 年革命之前的幾年裡，俄羅斯藝術沿著兩條主要道路發展。雖然有些藝術家主要在二維上創作，但其他藝術家則強調結構、紋理和設計。新原始主義、立體未來主義、人造絲主義、至上主義和構成主義並存，藝術家們向巴黎和莫斯科尋求支持。 1906 年，芭蕾舞團經理謝爾蓋·佳吉列夫(Serge Diaghilev) 在秋季沙龍舉辦了俄羅斯年輕藝術家展覽，將畫家米哈伊爾·拉里奧諾夫(Mikhail Larionov) 帶到了巴黎，他的長期伴侶娜塔莉亞·貢查洛娃(Natalia Goncharova，1881-1962) 也首次在同一展覽中展出。她的新原始主義作品被人造絲繪畫所繼承，這些繪畫早在 1914 年她離開俄羅斯前往巴黎與佳吉列夫的俄羅斯芭蕾舞團合作時就開始了。像 Rayonist Garden: Park (c. 1912-13) 這樣的畫作融合了野獸派、立體派和俄羅斯本土的裝飾原始主義，折射的光線將色彩散佈在畫布表面。 …
In 1912, Larionov and Goncharova participated in the second Blaue Reiter exhibition in Munich and in Fry's second Post- Impressionist exhibition in London. That same year, Larionov's manifesto, "The Donkey's Tail," published in Moscow, ...
1912年，拉里奧諾夫和岡察洛娃參加了在慕尼黑舉行的第二屆藍騎士展覽和弗萊在倫敦舉行的第二屆後印象派展覽。同年，拉里奧諾夫的宣言「驢子的尾巴」在莫斯科發表，...
Chapter 9 ...
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143 Sonia Delaunay, Simultaneous Contrasts, 1912 ...
143 索妮亞‧德勞內 (Sonia Delaunay)，同時對比，1912 年…
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144 Natalia Goncharova, Rayonist Garden: Park, c. 1912-13 ...
144 Natalia Goncharova，Rayonist 花園：公園，c。 1912-13 ...
proclaimed the independence of his group from Western art values and their commitment to developing a Russian national art. The first Rayonist exhibition included Goncharova, Larionov, and Malevich, whose abstract work was greatly influenced by that of Goncharova, plus examples of children's art, sign painters' work, and traditional popular woodcuts (luboks). ...
宣稱他的團隊獨立於西方藝術價值觀，並致力於發展俄羅斯民族藝術。第一屆人造絲主義展覽包括岡察洛娃、拉里奧諾夫和馬列維奇，他們的抽像作品深受岡察洛娃的影響，另外還有兒童藝術、標誌畫家的作品和傳統流行木刻（盧博克）的例子。 …
The work of Tatlin, Exter, Popova, and Nadezhda Udaltsova, on the other hand, was more closely tied to Cubism. Tatlin's 1913 Counter-reliefs, his first experiments with real materials in real space, originated after a visit to Picasso. Udaltsova (1885-1961), after attending the Académie de la Palette and receiving instruction from the Cubist painters Metzinger, Le Fauconnier, and Segonzac in Paris in 1911, returned to Russia in 1913 and worked with Popova in Tatlin's Moscow studio where they combined Cubist principles with Russian folk art and used letters and fragments of words in collages, paintings, and constructions. Exter (1884-1949), an early associate of David Burliuk (whose manifesto, "A Slap in the Face of Public Taste" [1912], advocated the principles of disharmony, dissymmetry, and disconstruction), met the Cubists in Paris in 1912. By 1913, Exter's collages were producing effects of expansive space through wedges of flat, crude color. ...
另一方面，塔特林、艾克斯特、波波娃和納德日達·烏達爾佐娃的作品與立體主義的連結更為緊密。塔特林 1913 年的《反浮雕》是他在真實空間中首次對真實材料進行的實驗，源自於畢卡索的拜訪。烏達佐娃（Udaltsova，1885-1961）於1911 年就讀於調色板學院並在巴黎接受立體派畫家梅辛格（Metzinger）、勒福康尼爾（Le Fauconnier）和塞貢扎克（Segonzac ）的指導後，於1913 年返回俄羅斯，並與波波娃在塔特林的莫斯科工作室工作，在那裡他們將立體派結合在一起俄羅斯民間藝術的原則，並在拼貼、繪畫和建築中使用字母和單字片段。艾克斯特(Exter，1884-1949) 是大衛‧伯留克(David Burliuk) 的早期同事（其宣言《大眾品味的一記耳光》[1912]，提倡不和諧、不對稱和解構原則） ，1912 年在巴黎會見了立體派到 1913 年，埃克斯特的拼貼畫透過平坦、粗糙的色彩產生了廣闊的空間效果。 …
Futurist costume entered the Russian vocabulary in exhibitions, lectures, and demonstrations by Burliuk, Olga Rozanova, Larionov, Goncharova, and other Cubofuturists. Marinetti's Futurist tour of Russia in 1914 led Exter, Rozanova, and Archipenko to participate in the "Free Futurist Exhibition" at the Galleria Sprovieri in Rome in 1914. The years from 1914, when Russia was forced into intellectual and cultural isolation, to 1917 are the zenith of the avant-garde movement in Russia, as many artists who had been living abroad-among them Marc Chagall, El Lissitsky, and Kandinsky-were forced to return home. The leading artists shared a belief in the coming political revolution and in the need to produce a new art for the people. Their sources lay in Russian peasant art and in European Modernism, but their vision was Utopian. Their search for a new aesthetic language compatible with the modern reality of industrializing Russia led them to anti- illusionistic, two-dimensional compositions in which the surface plane and/or painterly texture became the focus. ...
未來主義服裝在布爾留克、奧爾加·羅扎諾娃、拉里奧諾夫、岡查洛娃和其他立體未來主義者的展覽、講座和演示中進入了俄語詞彙。 1914 年馬裡內蒂的俄羅斯未來主義之旅導致埃克斯特、羅扎諾娃和阿奇彭科參加了1914 年在羅馬斯普羅維耶里畫廊舉辦的「自由未來主義展覽」。俄羅斯被迫陷入知識和文化孤立到1917 年是當時正值俄羅斯前衛運動的鼎盛時期，許多旅居國外的藝術家——其中包括馬克·夏卡爾、埃爾·利西茨基和康定斯基——被迫回國。領先的藝術家都相信即將到來的政治革命以及為人民創造新藝術的必要性。他們的根源在於俄羅斯農民藝術和歐洲現代主義，但他們的願景是烏托邦式的。他們對一種與俄羅斯工業化現代現實相容的新美學語言的探索導致他們創作出反幻覺的二維作品，其中表面平面和/或繪畫紋理成為焦點。 …
Popova (1889-1924), the daughter of a wealthy family, first studied painting in Moscow. She spent the winter of 1912-13 in Paris where she worked under Le Fauconnier and Metzinger at La Palette and met Udaltsova. Also influenced by Futurism, her reliefs from around 1918 develop their abstract idiom from what ...
波波娃（1889-1924）是個富裕家庭的女兒，最初在莫斯科學習繪畫。 1912-13 年冬天，她在巴黎度過，在 La Palette 的 Le Fauconnier 和 Metzinger 手下工作，並結識了 Udaltsova。同樣受到未來主義的影響，她的 1918 年左右的浮雕從…發展了抽象風格。
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145 Nadezhda Udaltsova, At the Piano, 1914 ...
145 娜傑日達‧烏達爾佐娃 (Nadezhda Udaltsova)，《在鋼琴前》，1914 年…
she called "the painterly architectonics," interpreting Cubism and Futurism as "the problem of form" and "the problem of the movement of color." "Texture is the content of painterly surfaces," she wrote in 1919. ...
她稱之為“繪畫建築學”，將立體主義和未來主義解釋為“形式問題”和“色彩運動問題”。 「紋理是繪畫表面的內容，」她在 1919 年寫道。
While Popova emphasized color and texture, other painters, such as Rodchenko and Exter, emphasized line which they considered the pictorial counterpart of rhythm. Exter's Line-Force Constructions of 1919-20 develop a logical system of lines in relation to each other that was eventually most fully realized in her innovative costume and theater designs ...
波波娃強調色彩和紋理，而其他畫家，如羅德琴科和埃克斯特，則強調線條，他們認為線條是節奏的繪畫對應物。 Exter 1919-20 的 Line-Force Constructions 開發了一種相互關聯的線條邏輯系統，最終在她創新的服裝和戲劇設計中得到了最充分的實現...
146 OPPOSITE ABOVE Alexandra Exter, Composition, 1914 147 OPPOSITE BELOW Liubov Popova, Painterly Architectonics, 1918 ...
146 上方對面 Alexandra Exter，構圖，1914 年 147 下方對面 Liubov Popova，繪畫建築學，1918 ...
of the 1920s. But it was the needs of a revolutionary society which forced artists to abandon painting in favor of utilitarian applications of the principles of Modernism. ...
1920 年代。但革命社會的需要迫使藝術家放棄繪畫，轉而採用現代主義原則的功利主義。 …
After the Revolution, several art schools were combined to form the SVOMAS (Free State Art Studios). Since established artists were often opposed to the goals of the Revolution, the way was opened for young avant-garde artists to enter the state educational system. Rozanova (1886-1918), a friend of Malevich, turned to Suprematism following Cubist and Futurist experiments. Believing that art belonged to the proletariat and should reflect the essential elements of industrial and urban life, she founded in 1918 an Industrial Art Section of IZO Narkompros (the Visual Arts Section of the Commissariat for Public Education), which she headed with Rodchenko. Although she died suddenly of diphtheria in November of that year, her work set the tone for what was to follow. ...
革命後，幾所藝術學校合併成立了 SVOMAS（自由州藝術工作室）。由於知名藝術家經常反對革命的目標，因此為年輕的前衛藝術家進入國家教育系統開闢了道路。羅札諾娃（Rozanova，1886-1918）是馬列維奇的朋友，在立體主義和未來主義實驗後轉向至上主義。她相信藝術屬於無產階級，應該反映工業和城市生活的基本要素，因此於 1918 年創立了 IZO Narkompros（公共教育委員會視覺藝術部門）的工業藝術部門，並與 Rodchenko 一起領導該部門。儘管她在當年 11 月因白喉突然去世，但她的工作為接下來的事情定下了基調。 …
By 1921 Productivism-the belief that art should be practised as a trade and that the production of well-designed articles for everyday use was of far greater value than individual expression or experiment-dominated the teaching of art in Russia. In that year, Popova embraced the utilitarian position of Constructivism along with Rodchenko and Varvara Stepanova (1894-1958), with whom she later designed textiles. In September 1921, Rodchenko, Stepanova, Alexander Vesnin, Popova, and Exter organized an exhibition called "5×5 = 25" to display the results of their past year's work in "laboratory art." The catalogue announced the "end of painting" as an expressive medium and in the "Productivist Manifesto" which accompanied the exhibition Stepanova and Rodchenko called for artists to serve the public. Textile and dress design were central in the Productivist desire to fuse completely the artistic and technological aspects of production, but before examining this aspect of Russian art in the 1920s it is important to consider what had happened in western Europe in the intervening years. ...
到 1921 年，生產主義——認為藝術應該作為一種貿易來實踐，以及生產精心設計的日常用品比個人表達或實驗更有價值——主導了俄羅斯的藝術教學。那一年，波波娃與羅德琴科和瓦爾瓦拉·斯捷潘諾娃（1894-1958）一起接受了構成主義的功利主義立場，後來她與他們一起設計了紡織品。 1921年9月，羅德琴科、斯捷潘諾娃、亞歷山大·韋斯寧、波波瓦和埃克斯特組織了一場名為“5×5 = 25”的展覽，展示他們過去一年在「實驗室藝術」的工作成果。該目錄宣布了“繪畫作為一種表達媒介的終結”，並在展覽附帶的“生產力主義宣言”中，斯捷潘諾娃和羅琴科呼籲藝術家為公眾服務。紡織品和服裝設計是生產力主義者希望完全融合生產的藝術和技術方面的核心，但在研究 1920 年代俄羅斯藝術的這一方面之前，重要的是要考慮西歐在這幾年中發生的事情。 …
Sonia and Robert Delaunay had spent the war years in Spain and Portugal. It was while in Barcelona in October 1917 that they heard the news of the Russian Revolution, an event which signaled the end of the income from Sonia's wealthy family on which they had relied. Nevertheless, they celebrated the change. Delaunay was resolved to find a market for her creations in the applied arts, so they moved to Madrid to earn a living. Her first opportunity came through Diaghilev, whose ballet sets and costumes were instrumental in combining visual art and theatrical design. Invited to design costumes (while Robert Delaunay designed the sets) for Cléopâtre, one of the ...
索尼婭·德勞內 (Sonia Delaunay) 和羅伯特·德勞內 (Robert Delaunay) 在西班牙和葡萄牙度過了戰爭歲月。 1917 年 10 月，他們在巴塞隆納聽到了俄國革命的消息，這一事件標誌著他們賴以生存的索尼婭富裕家庭的收入結束了。儘管如此，他們還是慶祝了這項改變。德勞內決心為她的應用藝術創作找到市場，因此他們搬到馬德里謀生。她的第一個機會來自佳吉列夫，他的芭蕾舞佈景和服裝在視覺藝術和戲劇設計的結合方面發揮了重要作用。受邀為 Cléopâtre 設計服裝（羅伯特·德勞內 (Robert Delaunay) 設計佈景），Cléopâtre 是...
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most successful ballets in the company's repertory, Delaunay produced a two-dimensional geometric ordering of discs and boldly frontal geometric designs ideally suited to the angular processional quality of the ballet's movements. Lengths of fabric wrapped around the human form animated the body of the dancer. Through Diaghilev, Delaunay was introduced to prominent members of Spanish society and, with backing from an English bank, she soon opened a small shop, the Casa Sonia, which introduced modern design to Spain. ...
作為該公司保留劇目中最成功的芭蕾舞劇，德勞內製作了圓盤的二維幾何排序和大膽的正面幾何設計，非常適合芭蕾舞動作的角度行進質量。長長的織物包裹著人體，使舞者的身體充滿活力。透過迪亞吉列夫，德勞內結識了西班牙社會的知名人士，並在一家英國銀行的支持下，她很快就開設了一家小商店 Casa Sonia，將現代設計引入西班牙。 …
Returning to Paris in 1921, the Delaunays quickly became absorbed into the Dada milieu there. They were accepted by the nihilistic Dada group largely because, due to Delaunay's integration of painting and decoration, they lived their art in every aspect of their lives. Moreover, they shared their commitment to breaking free from the static quality of painting by applying the language of abstraction as widely as possible with other Dada collaborators. Jean Arp and his wife, Sophie Taeuber-Arp (1889-1943), had been active participants in Zurich Dada since the founding of the Cabaret Voltaire in 1916; Raoul Hausmann and Hannah Höch (1889-1978), whose pioneering experiments with photomontage helped sever the photograph from its existence as an autonomous artifact and emphasize its role in ideological production, were members of Berlin Dada. Höch's DADA-Dance (1919-21) juxtaposes machine parts with a female dancer and a model who is elegantly dressed and posed but whose head has been replaced by that ...
1921 年返回巴黎後，德勞內夫婦很快就融入了那裡的達達氛圍。他們之所以被虛無主義的達達派所接受，很大程度上是因為，由於德勞內將繪畫與裝飾融為一體，他們將藝術融入了生活的方方面面。此外，他們與其他達達合作者共同致力於透過盡可能廣泛地應用抽象語言來擺脫繪畫的靜態品質。自1916 年伏爾泰酒館成立以來，讓·阿爾普(Jean Arp) 和他的妻子索菲·陶貝爾-阿爾普(Sophie Taeuber-Arp)（1889-1943 年）一直是蘇黎世達達運動的積極參與者。拉烏爾·豪斯曼(Raoul Hausmann) 和漢娜·霍赫(Hannah Höch)（1889-1978）是柏林達達的成員，他們對蒙太奇的開創性實驗幫助將照片從其作為自主人工製品的存在中分離出來，並強調了它在意識形態生產中的作用。霍赫的《達達舞》（1919-21）將機器部件與女舞者和模特兒並置，模特兒穿著優雅，姿勢優雅，但頭部已被那個...
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of a black man. Violent distortions of scale and a rejection of conventionalized femininity undermine the commodification of the idealized female body and its relationship to mass- produced goods. In collages like The Tailor's Flower (1920), forms signifying abstraction are set uneasily next to the cultural signs of femininity so that gender and art are shown as social productions. ...
一個黑人的。尺度的暴力扭曲和對傳統女性氣質的拒絕破壞了理想化女性身體的商品化及其與大量生產的商品的關係。在《裁縫之花》（1920）這樣的拼貼畫中，象徵抽象的形式不安地放置在女性氣質的文化標誌旁邊，因此性別和藝術被表現為社會生產。 …
The emergence of an abstract geometric style in Tacuber Arp's work around 1915 reflected her interest in the work of Kandinsky, Robert Delaunay, and Paul Klee, but probably derived its horizontal/vertical syntax from her training in textiles. She had specialized in textiles at the schools of applied arts in Saint Gallen and Hamburg, and she was a Professor of Textile Design and Techniques at the School of Applied Arts in Zurich from 1916 to 1929. Working between media, she explored the relation of color and form in the belief that there was little distinction between ornamentation and "high art" when the "wish to produce beautiful things-when that wish is true and profound-falls together with striving for perfection." She and jean Arp began working collaboratively in 1915, producing paintings, collages, embroideries, and weavings with shared motifs, like a collage and the embroidery based on it which date from 1916. ...
1915 年左右，塔庫伯·阿爾普(Tacuber Arp) 作品中出現的抽象幾何風格反映了她對康定斯基(Kandinsky)、羅伯特·德勞內(Robert Delaunay) 和保羅·克利(Paul Klee) 作品的興趣，但其水平/垂直語法可能源自她在紡織品方面的訓練。她曾在聖加侖和漢堡的應用藝術學院專攻紡織品，並於 1916 年至 1929 年間擔任蘇黎世應用藝術學院的紡織品設計與技術教授。創造美麗事物的願望——當這個願望是真實而深刻的——與追求完美同時發生時，裝飾和「高雅藝術」之間沒有什麼區別。她和 Jean Arp 於 1915 年開始合作，創作具有共同主題的繪畫、拼貼畫、刺繡和編織品，例如 1916 年的拼貼畫和以此為基礎的刺繡。 ...
Working with paper, cloth, embroidery, and other materials enabled Arp and Tacuber-Arp to free themselves from pictorial traditions. In an introduction to the catalogue for an exhibition, "Modern tapestries, embroideries, paintings, drawings," held in Zurich in 1915 Arp had written: "These works are put together from lines, planes, forms, and colors. They try to approach the unfathomable and eternal values above mankind. They are a reaction against egotistical human concerns. They show hatred for the shamelessness of human existence, a hatred of paintings as such." ...
使用紙張、布料、刺繡和其他材料使阿爾普和塔庫伯-阿爾普擺脫了繪畫傳統。 1915 年在蘇黎世舉辦的「現代掛毯、刺繡、繪畫、素描」展覽目錄介紹中，阿爾普寫道：「這些作品由線條、平面、形式和色彩組合在一起。他們試圖接近它們是對人類自私自利的反應，它們表現出對人類存在的無恥的憎恨，對繪畫本身的憎恨。 …
The Dada contempt for traditional painting as a static, materialistic form, unable to communicate the vitality of modern life, found a sympathetic spirit in Delaunay, but it was her employment of a variety of media and her liberal attitude to breaking down the distinction between art and craft that probably inspired the Dadaists. The poet Rene Crevel left a moving description of the vitality of the Delaunay apartment; "At the entrance... there was a surprise. The walls were covered with multicolored poems. Georges Auric, a pot of paint in one hand, was using the other to paint the notes of a marvelous treble clef. Beside him Pierre de Massot was drawing a greeting. The master of the house invited every new guest to go to work and made them admire the curtain of gray crêpe ...
達達對傳統繪畫作為一種靜態的、唯物主義的形式、無法傳達現代生活活力的蔑視，在德勞內身上找到了同情的精神，但正是她對多種媒介的運用和她打破藝術之間界限的自由主義態度和工藝可能啟發了達達主義者。詩人勒內·克雷韋爾 (Rene Crevel) 對德勞內公寓的活力留下了動人的描述； 「一進門…令人驚訝的是。牆上掛滿了五彩斑斕的詩篇。喬治·奧里克（Georges Auric）一手拿著一壺顏料，另一隻手正在畫一個奇妙的高音譜號的音符。
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de Chine on which his wife, Sonia Delaunay, had through a miracle of inexpressible harmonies deftly embroidered in linen arabesques the impulsive creation of Philippe Soupault with all his humor and poetry.... After five minutes at the home of Sonia Delaunay no one is surprised to find that it contains more than a certitude of its happiness... you enter the home of Sonia Delaunay and she shows you dresses, furniture, sketches for dresses, drawings for furniture. Nothing that she shows you resembles anything you have ever seen at the couturiers or at furniture displays. They are really new things...." In 1922, Delaunay began producing embroidered and simultaneous scarves for sale. A maquette for "Curtain-Poème" by Soupault in 1922 led to a series of "dress/poems" on which colors and words were brought into ever-changing relationships through the movement of the body. Dada poets wrote poems for Delaunay's creations and Tzara, Crevel, and Louis Aragon all wore clothes she had designed and made. ...
他的妻子索尼婭·德勞內(Sonia Delaunay) 在他的妻子索尼婭·德勞內(Sonia Delaunay) 的家裡，巧妙地將菲利普·蘇波(Philippe Soupault) 的衝動創作與他的幽默和詩意繡在亞麻阿拉伯花紋上，創造了難以言喻的和諧奇蹟。你進入索尼婭·德勞內(Sonia Delaunay) 的家，她向你展示衣服、家具、衣服草圖、家具圖紙。她向你展示的任何東西都與你在時裝店或家具展上見過的任何東西都不相同。它們確實是新事物...」1922 年，Delaunay 開始生產刺繡和同步圍巾進行銷售。1922 年Soupault 的“Curtain-Poème”模型催生了一系列“裙子/詩”，其上的顏色和文字透過身體的運動，達達派詩人為德勞內的作品寫詩，查拉、克雷維爾和路易斯·阿拉貢都穿著她設計和製作的衣服…
In early 1923, the Union of Russian Artists in Paris organized an evening of dance, performance, and exhibition at the Bal Bullier (a popular dance hall frequented by avant-garde artists). The participants included Delaunay, Goncharova, Larionov, and Fernand Léger, Delaunay designed a booth of modern fashions which displayed her scarves, ballet costumes, embroidered vests, and coats. It was her first presentation of clothing and design in a fully unified exhibition setting, and the first of many fancy dress events of the 1920s in which artists and socialites joined, fusing production and consumption of the new image of the modern. Later in 1923, Dada artists in Paris restaged Tzara's play Le Coeur à Gaz. Costumes by Delaunay exhibited the same frontal abstract and geometric conception soon to be displayed on the backs of fashionable society women in Paris who bought her appliquéd coats. So successful were these designs that they were purchased by architects like Gropius, Mendelsohn, and Breuer for their wives, and by actresses like Gloria Swanson, whose purchase spread the new fashion to America, ...
1923 年初，巴黎俄羅斯藝術家聯盟在 Bal Bullier（前衛藝術家經常光顧的熱門舞廳）組織了一場舞蹈、表演和展覽之夜。參與者包括 Delaunay、Goncharova、Larionov 和 Fernand Léger，Delaunay 設計了一個現代時裝展位，展示她的圍巾、芭蕾舞服裝、刺繡背心和外套。這是她第一次在完全統一的展覽環境中展示服裝和設計，也是 1920 年代眾多藝術家和社會名流參與的化裝盛會中的第一場，融合了現代新形象的生產和消費。 1923 年晚些時候，巴黎的達達藝術家重演了 Tzara 的戲劇 Le Coeur à Gaz。 Delaunay 的服裝正面展現了同樣的抽象和幾何概念，很快，巴黎時尚社會女性購買了她的貼花外套後，她們的背上也出現了這種概念。這些設計非常成功，以至於格羅皮烏斯、門德爾松和布勞爾等建築師都購買了它們作為他們的妻子，格洛麗亞·斯旺森等女演員也購買了它們，格洛麗亞·斯旺森的購買將新時尚傳播到了美國…
Delaunay's designs were also well represented in an evening organized by the collector Laurent Monnier the following year at the Hotel Claridge. In a parade of fashions from past, present, and future, her designs represented the style of the future. Poems by Jacques Delteil accompanied the models and summarized Delaunay's ideals; "Immobility is dead and this is the reign of movement/ Movement is born at the heads to spread among the stars/The circular colored movement which is at the center of everything/ which is everything/ And look, a dress is a dance." ...
第二年，收藏家洛朗·莫尼耶 (Laurent Monnier) 在克拉里奇酒店 (Hotel Claridge) 組織的晚會上，德勞內 (Delaunay) 的設計也得到了很好的體現。在過去、現在和未來的時尚遊行中，她的設計代表了未來的風格。雅克·德爾泰 (Jacques Delteil) 的詩歌伴隨著模型，概括了德勞內 (Delaunay) 的理想； “靜止已死，這是運動的統治/運動在頭部誕生，在星星之間傳播/圓形彩色運動是一切的中心/這就是一切/看，裙子是一種舞蹈。” …
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The evolution of Delaunay's fashion and textile designs, which by 1923 were being commercially produced, reflects both the French textile industry's attempt to recover quickly from the slump caused by the War by identifying their designs with contemporary avant-garde art, and new ways of thinking about the body and display. Avant-garde spectacles like Dada performances helped break down earlier notions about clothing as a cover for the body, replacing them with an image of the body as a fluid screen, capable of reflecting back a present constantly undergoing redefinition and transformation. ...
Delaunay 的時尚和紡織品設計的演變（到1923 年已開始商業化生產）既反映了法國紡織業通過將其設計與當代前衛藝術相結合，試圖從戰爭造成的低迷中快速恢復過來，也反映了新的思維方式關於機身和顯示器。像達達表演這樣的前衛奇觀幫助打破了早期關於服裝作為身體遮蓋物的觀念，取而代之的是身體作為流體屏幕的圖像，能夠反映不斷經歷重新定義和轉變的當下。 …
Although Delaunay's designs included costumes worn by male artists, their commercial development was entirely directed toward women's wear. The avant-garde myth that these transformations of the relationship between the body and modern life were prompted by the acts of unique individuals ...
儘管德勞內的設計包括男性藝術家穿著的服裝，但他們的商業發展完全針對女裝。先鋒派神話認為，身體與現代生活之間關係的這些轉變是由獨特個體的行為促成的…
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was soon challenged as competing ideologies began to use images of the body as signifiers for other kinds of social meanings. ...
隨著相互競爭的意識形態開始使用身體圖像作為其他社會意義的象徵，這種觀念很快就受到了挑戰。 …
The years during which Delaunay was most involved in textile and clothing design in Paris correspond to the period when Russian artists sought to find socially useful applications for their aesthetic theories. In Russia, many architectural and other plans by avant-garde artists remained theories only because of crippling shortages of raw materials after the Revolution and the Civil War of 1918-21. Yet Moscow had a large textile industry and designs for textiles and clothes were valuable for the practical application of Constructivist ideas about materials and the application of design principles to everyday life. ...
德勞內 (Delaunay) 在巴黎參與紡織和服裝設計最多的時期，恰逢俄羅斯藝術家尋求為其美學理論尋找對社會有用的應用的時期。在俄羅斯，前衛藝術家的許多建築和其他計劃仍然停留在理論階段，只是因為革命和 1918-21 年內戰後原材料嚴重短缺。然而，莫斯科擁有龐大的紡織工業，紡織品和服裝的設計對於材料構成主義思想的實際應用以及設計原則在日常生活中的應用非常有價值。 …
At the beginning of 1923 an article appeared in Pravda urging artists to address industrial problems. The first artists to ...
1923 年初，《真理報》發表了一篇文章，敦促藝術家解決工業問題。第一批藝術家...
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respond were Popova, Rodchenko, Stepanova, Tatlin, and Exter who sent sketches to the First State Textile Factory in Moscow, but only Popova and Stepanova entered mass production. The results were bright, simple geometric patterns. "Anonymous" geometric/ mechanical and abstract motifs articulated the individual's place within industrial civilization, while kinetic forms symbolized emancipation and mobility. ...
波波娃、羅德欽科、斯捷潘諾娃、塔特林和埃克斯特做出了回應，他們向莫斯科第一國家紡織廠發送了草圖，但只有波波娃和斯捷潘諾娃進入了批量生產。結果是明亮、簡單的幾何圖案。 「匿名」幾何/機械和抽象圖案闡明了個人在工業文明中的地位，而動態形式則象徵著解放和流動性。 …
Tatlin and Rodchenko developed clothing designs that offered solutions to the new social functions of clothing, but it was Popova and Stepanova who rethought the whole cloth and clothing design process within the framework of the existing industry. Both wanted to link textile design to the principles of dress design and in an article of 1929, "Present Day Dress- Production Clothing," Stepanova defined the challenge facing them: "The basic task of the textile artist today is to link his [sic] work on textiles with dress design... to outlive all the craft methods of working, to introduce mechanical devices... to be involved in the life of the consumer... and most importantly to know what happens to the cloth after it is taken from the factory." Stepanova's article rejects the pre-revolutionary concept of fashion which stressed form and decoration and instead defines the aesthetic effect as a by-product of the physical movement required in everyday activities. Popova's 1923 essay, "The Dress of Today is the Industrial Dress," also argued for a redefinition of dress as function rather than object: "Fashion, which used to be the psychological reflection of everyday life, of customs and aesthetic taste, is now being replaced by a form of dress designed for use in various forms of labor, for a particular activity in society. This form of dress can only be shown during the process of work. Outside of practical life it does not represent a self-sufficient value or a particular kind of 'work of art."" ...
塔特林和羅德琴科開發的服裝設計為服裝的新社會功能提供了解決方案，但波波娃和斯捷潘諾娃在現有行業的框架內重新思考了整個布料和服裝設計過程。兩人都希望將紡織品設計與服裝設計原則聯繫起來，在1929 年的一篇文章《當今的服裝——生產服裝》中，斯捷潘諾娃定義了他們面臨的挑戰：「當今紡織藝術家的基本任務是將他的[原文如此] ] 從事服裝設計的紡織品...超越所有工藝工作方法，引入機械設備...參與消費者的生活...最重要的是了解布料在使用後會發生什麼是從工廠拿來的。斯捷潘諾娃的文章拒絕了革命前強調形式和裝飾的時尚概念，而是將美學效果定義為日常活動中所需身體運動的副產品。波波娃 1923 年的文章《當今的服裝是工業服裝》也主張將服裝重新定義為功能而非物品：「時尚曾經是日常生活、習俗和美學情趣的心理反映，現在被設計用於各種勞動形式的服裝形式所取代，這種服裝形式只能在實際生活之外表現出來，並不代表一種自給自足的價值。
In Paris Russian and French design came together in 1925. That year an Exhibition of Decorative and Industrial Arts was organized to exalt the fusion of art and commercial enterprise in decorative design. Delaunay set up a shop called The Simultaneous Boutique with the furrier Jacques Heim; Russian artists sent clothing, fabric, and industrial objects. Close similarities between Soviet "Communist" and Western "capitalist" textile designs were immediately apparent, raising questions about the actual content of the new fashion. In 1925, Vogue magazine also showed abstract textiles in an article entitled "Paris Paints its Frocks in Cubist Patterns." "Like wash drawings, accented with one note of color, are these new modernist costumes and accessories..." proclaimed the editors. Quickly spreading across Western Europe and America, and ...
1925 年，俄羅斯和法國的設計在巴黎匯聚一堂。德勞內 (Delaunay) 與毛皮商雅克·海姆 (Jacques Heim) 合作開設了一家名為 The Simultaneous Boutique 的商店；俄羅斯藝術家送來了服裝、織品和工業品。蘇聯「共產主義」和西方「資本主義」紡織品設計之間的密切相似性立即顯而易見，引發了人們對新時尚實際內容的質疑。 1925年，《Vogue》雜誌也在一篇題為「巴黎以立體主義圖案繪製連身裙」的文章中展示了抽象紡織品。 「這些新的現代主義服裝和配件就像水墨畫一樣，強調一種色彩……」編輯們宣稱。迅速傳遍西歐和美洲，並且......
Chapter 9 ...
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shifting from one-of-a-kind designs for wealthy women to mass- produced clothing for the middle class, "modern" textile and clothing designs by Delaunay and Russian artists carried the image of the New Woman to a wide public, but this new image served ends that had little to do with actually changing the conditions of life for most women. ...
從為富裕女性設計的獨一無二的設計轉向為中產階級批量生產的服裝，德勞內和俄羅斯藝術家的“現代”紡織品和服裝設計將新女性的形象傳遞給了廣大公眾，但這種新的圖像所服務的目的與實際改變大多數女性的生活條件無關。 …
That the New Woman is the Modern Woman is reiterated in mass-market publications of the 1920s. She is Nancy Cunard, wealthy and bohemian daughter of the English shipping family, whose exploits are documented in Dada memoirs of the period. She is Coco Chanel, doyenne of the French fashion world who around 1910 had adapted sportswear to daily life and capitalized on feminizing masculine fashion, posing in the "little black dress" that became the hallmark of 1930s fashion and was photographed by Man Ray. Above all, in the popular imagination, she is Victor Marguerite's Monique Lerbier, the heroine of La Garçonne, an enormously popular novel which sold twenty thousand copies in advance of its 1922 publication date and, by 1929, was translated into many languages and had sold over one million copies. Monique Lerbier wore her hair and skirts short, danced, played sports, took courses at the Sorbonne, and worked in an interesting job. ...
1920 年代的大眾市場出版物重申了新女性是現代女性。她是南希·庫納德 (Nancy Cunard)，英國船運世家的富有、波西米亞風格的女兒，她的功績被記錄在那個時期的達達回憶錄中。她是法國時尚界的元老可可·香奈兒(Coco Chanel)，她在1910 年左右將運動裝融入日常生活，並利用女性化的男性時尚，穿著成為1930 年代時尚標誌的“小黑裙”，由曼·雷(Man Ray) 拍攝。最重要的是，在大眾的想像中，她是維克多瑪格麗特筆下的《La Garçonne》中的女主角，這本非常受歡迎的小說在1922 年出版之前就售出了兩萬冊，到1929 年，它被翻譯成多種語言，並在1929 年翻譯成多種語言。莫妮克·勒比爾（Monique Lerbier）留著短髮和短裙，跳舞、做運動、在索邦大學學習課程，並從事一份有趣的工作。 …
The real relationship between a 1920s ideal of fashion and glamor which stressed the modern woman's youth and sexuality and the reality of most women's lives was far more complex. The ideal that had been derived originally from avant- garde art masked profound economic and cultural changes, but it is the images produced by modernists like Delaunay and the Russian artists which became the basis of a modern ideology in which the commodified image of woman signifies her expanded role as consumer. According to Stewart Ewen, those in industry in Western Europe and America were often the most enthusiastic proponents of the new womanhood for they realized that liberated women were more able consumers. One result was the many advertisements which show the fashionably dressed flapper at work. Manufacturers were happy to present women with a reconstituted ideal which gave much notice to their new identity as industrial workers and consumers. Industries that marketed cosmetics and other personal care items mushroomed in the 1920s and the "new look," which had come from the innovations of the avant-garde, became ideologically useful as a banner standing for newness and innovation generally as purchasable properties. ...
1920 年代強調現代女性年輕和性感的時尚和魅力理想與大多數女性生活的現實之間的真正關係要複雜得多。最初源自前衛藝術的理想掩蓋了深刻的經濟和文化變革，但德勞內和俄羅斯藝術家等現代主義者創造的圖像成為現代意識形態的基礎，在這種意識形態中，女性的商品化形象象徵著她的身分。史都華·埃文認為，西歐和美國的工業界人士往往是新女性最熱心的支持者，因為她們意識到解放後的女性是更有能力的消費者。結果之一就是出現了許多展示穿著時尚的摩登女郎在工作上的廣告。製造商很高興向女性展示一種重新建構的理想，充分關注她們作為產業工人和消費者的新身分。銷售化妝品和其他個人護理用品的行業在 1920 年代如雨後春筍般湧現，來自前衛創新的「新面貌」在意識形態上變得非常有用，成為代表新穎和創新的旗幟，通常作為可購買的財產。 …
Finally, this manipulation of working woman's independent purchasing power also masked her increasingly routine work life, as well as complex and far-reaching changes in ...
最後，這種對職業女性獨立購買力的操縱也掩蓋了她日益常規的工作生活，以及複雜而深遠的變化…
Modernism, Abstraction, and the New Woman ...
現代主義、抽象主義與新女性......
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Chapter 10 Modernist Representation: The Female Body ...
第10章現代主義表現：女性身體…
The emergence of a self-conscious set of practices and characteristics through which the modern in art is understood developed gradually and coincided with the appearance of a first generation of women artists with more or less equal access to artistic training. However, the related notion of an "avant- garde" as the dominant ideology of artistic production and scholarship served to marginalize the woman artist as surely as did the guilds in the fifteenth century, and the academies in the seventeenth and eighteenth. There is no female Bohemia against which to measure the exploits of a Suzanne Valadon, no psychoanalytic equating of artistic creativity and female sexuality, no Romantic legacy of the woman artist as an intense and gifted outsider. If Expressionism, as feminist art historians have argued, stands as a revolt of "sons" against "fathers," the relationships of Paula Modersohn-Becker, Käthe Kollwitz, among others, to German Expressionism is difficult to elucidate. Valorizing stylistic innovation and monumental size, Modernist mythologizing leaves little room for the modest, stylistically consistent paintings of Gwen John and Florine Stettheimer. Identifying woman with nature, and imaging femininity in its instinctive, enigmatic, sexual, and destructive aspects places women artists from Georgia O'Keeffe and Emily Carr to Frida Kahlo and Leonor Fini in an impossible double-bind in which femininity and art become self-canceling ...
一套自覺的實踐和特徵的出現逐漸發展起來，並與第一代女性藝術家或多或少平等地接受藝術訓練的機會同時出現，透過這些實踐和特徵來理解現代藝術。然而，作為藝術生產和學術的主導意識形態的「前衛」相關概念無疑地將女性藝術家邊緣化，就像十五世紀的行會和十七、十八世紀的學院一樣。沒有波西米亞女性可以用來衡量蘇珊娜·瓦拉東的功績，沒有精神分析將藝術創造力和女性性行為等同起來，也沒有女藝術家作為一個熱情而有天賦的局外人的浪漫遺產。如果像女性主義藝術史學家所說的那樣，表現主義是「兒子」對「父親」的反抗，那麼保拉·莫德森-貝克爾、凱綏·科爾維茨等人與德國表現主義的關係就很難闡明。現代主義的神話化重視風格創新和巨大的規模，為格溫·約翰和弗洛琳·斯特海默的樸素、風格一致的繪畫留下了很少的空間。將女性等同於自然，並想像女性氣質的本能、神秘、性和破壞性方面，使從喬治亞·歐姬芙（Georgia O'Keeffe）和艾米麗·卡爾（Emily Carr）到弗里達·卡羅（Frida Kahlo）和萊昂諾·菲尼（Leonor Fini）等女性藝術家陷入了一種不可能的雙重束縛，在這種束縛中，女性氣質和藝術變得自我——取消...
phrases. ...
短語。 …
Another aspect of the early Modernist myth, which is receiving increasing attention from feminist art historians and critics, concerns the extent to which the major paintings― and sometimes sculptures-associated with the development of modern art wrest their formal and stylistic innovations from an erotically based assault on female form: Manet's and ...
早期現代主義神話的另一個方面越來越受到女性主義藝術史學家和評論家的關注，它涉及與現代藝術發展相關的主要繪畫（有時是雕塑）在多大程度上從基於色情的對女性形態的攻擊：馬奈和......
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Picasso's prostitutes, Gauguin's "primitives," Matisse's nudes, Surrealism's objects. Modern artists from Renoir ("I paint with my prick") to Picasso ("Painting, that is actual lovemaking") have collaborated in fusing the sexual and the artistic by equating artistic creation with male sexual energy, presenting women as powerless and sexually subjugated. ...
畢卡索的妓女、高更的「原始人」、馬蒂斯的裸體、超現實主義的物體。從雷諾阿（“我用我的陰莖作畫”）到畢卡索（“繪畫，這就是真正的做愛”）等現代藝術家合作，通過將藝術創作與男性性能量等同起來，將性與藝術融合在一起，將女性描繪成無能為力和性屈服的形象。 …
In her article, "Domination and Virility in Vanguard Painting," Carol Duncan traces the sexualizing of creativity in the work of the Fauves, the Cubists, and the German Expressionists, and she argues that the vanguard myth of individual artistic freedom is built on sexual and social inequalities. Reduced to flesh, the female subject is rendered powerless before the artist/viewer: “... her body contorted according to the dictates of his erotic will. Instead of the consuming femme-fatale, one sees an obedient animal. The artist, in asserting his own sexual will, had annihilated all that is human in his opponent.... The socially radical claims of a Vlaminck, a Van Dongen or a Kirchner are thus contradicted. According to their paintings, the liberation of the artist means the domination of others; his freedom requires their unfreedom." ...
卡羅爾鄧肯在她的文章《先鋒繪畫中的統治與男子氣概》中追溯了野獸派、立體派和德國表現主義作品中創造力的性化，她認為個人藝術自由的先鋒神話是建立在性的基礎上的。女性主體被簡化為肉身，在藝術家/觀眾面前變得無能為力：「…她的身體根據他的性慾意志而扭曲。人們看到的不是令人著迷的蛇蠍美人，而是一隻聽話的動物。藝術家在主張自己的性意志時，已經消滅了對手身上所有的人性……弗拉明克、範東根或基什內爾的社會激進主張因此是矛盾的。根據他們的畫作，藝術家的解放意味著對他人的統治；藝術家的解放意味著對他人的統治。他的自由需要他們的不自由。
Duncan's essay points toward a long history in which the representation of the female body has been organized for male viewing pleasure. The subject of the nude in art brings together discourses of representation, morality, and female sexuality, but the persistent presentation of the nude female body as a site of male viewing pleasure, a commodified image of exchange, and a fetishized defense against the fear of castration has left little place for explorations of female subjectivity, knowledge, and experience. The difficulty of distinguishing between overtly sexualized (i.e., voyeurism, fetishism, and scopophilia) and other forms of looking, the issue of female subjectivity, and the identification of the female body with nature, generation, and the instinctual life have become important areas of investigation for contemporary feminism. The roots of those investigations (if not their theoretical formulations), however, lie with earlier generations of women artists. ...
鄧肯的文章指出了一段漫長的歷史，其中女性身體的表現一直是為了男性的觀看樂趣而組織起來的。藝術中的裸體主題匯集了表徵、道德和女性性慾的話語，但裸體女性身體的持續呈現是男性觀看愉悅的場所，是一種商品化的交換形象，是一種對恐懼的迷戀防禦。沒有留下探索女性主體性、知識和經驗的空間。區分明顯的性化（即窺視癖、戀物癖和窺視癖）和其他形式的觀看的困難、女性主體性問題以及女性身體與自然、世代和本能生活的認同已成為重要領域當代女權主義調查。然而，這些調查的根源（如果不是其理論表述）則在於前幾代女性藝術家。 …
Marginalized in the aesthetic and political debates swirling around modern art movements in the early decades of the twentieth century, many women turned to the female body as the primary subject of a woman's experience. Although contemporary critics remain deeply divided about essentialism-the belief in a female essence residing somewhere within the body of women—and many have instead chosen a theoretical practice that addresses the social construction of femininity and the psychoanalytic ...
在二十世紀初期圍繞著現代藝術運動的美學和政治辯論中，許多女性被邊緣化，她們將女性身體視為女性體驗的主要主題。儘管當代批評家對本質主義——相信女性本質存在於女性身體的某個地方——仍然存在深刻的分歧，但許多人反而選擇了一種解決女性氣質的社會建構和精神分析的理論實踐…
Modernist Representation: The Female Body ...
現代主義表現：女性身體......
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construction of sexual difference, the search for the sources and self-imaging of women's creative energy remains very much with us. As we become more conscious of the fact that we do not possess unmediated access to our own bodies-that our understanding and conceptualization of the body is structured by discourses from those of art to medicine and law-the work of earlier generations of women artists who addressed the interaction of gender, class, artistic conventions, and milieux in representations of the female body provides important precedents. ...
性別差異的建構、女性創造力的來源和自我形象的探索仍然是我們的重中之重。隨著我們越來越意識到這樣一個事實，即我們無法直接接觸自己的身體——我們對身體的理解和概念化是由從藝術到醫學和法律的話語構建的——早期幾代女性藝術家的作品解決性別、階級、藝術傳統和環境在女性身體表現中的互動提供了重要的先例。 …
Valadon and Modersohn-Becker were two of the first women artists to work extensively with the nude female form. Their paintings collude with, and challenge, narratives that construct female identity, through connections to nature, and that view women as controlled by emotions, sexual instincts, and biology. Confronted with Valadon's powerful nudes, critics were unable to sever the nude from its status as a signifier for male creativity; instead, they severed Valadon (not a respectable middle-class woman) from her femininity and allowed her to circulate as a pseudo-male, complete with "masculine power" and "virility." "And perhaps in this disregard for logic," wrote Bernard Dorival, “in this inconsistency and indifference to contradiction, lies the only feminine trait in the art of Suzanne Valadon-that most virile—and greatest-of all the women in painting." ...
瓦拉東和莫德松-貝克爾是最早廣泛創作裸體女性形象的兩位女性藝術家。他們的畫作與透過與自然的連結建構女性身分的敘事相呼應，也挑戰了這種敘事，這些敘事將女性視為受情感、性本能和生物學控制。面對瓦拉東強而有力的裸體畫，評論家們無法將裸體與其作為男性創造力的象徵的地位割裂開來。相反，他們切斷了瓦拉東（不是受人尊敬的中產階級女性）的女性氣質，並允許她作為一個偽男性傳播，充滿“男性力量”和“男子氣概”。伯納德·多里瓦爾（Bernard Dorival）寫道：「也許正是在這種對邏輯的漠視中，在這種不一致和對矛盾的冷漠中，存在著蘇珊娜·瓦拉東（Suzanne Valadon）藝術中唯一的女性特徵——她是繪畫界所有女性中最有男子氣概、最偉大的。
Dorival's critical position is similar to that taken by many twentieth-century critics who, omitting one of the two sexes neatly divided as to attributes and capabilities by a nineteenth- century social ideology that stressed separate spheres for men and women, have confidently asserted that "art has no sex." At the same time, they have often bestowed canonical status only on a few, selected women artists whose work they have termed "virile." Nevertheless, Valadon's status in the eyes of Dorival and other contemporary critics was not sufficient to ensure her place in histories of modern art. Although she exhibited at the Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts, the Indépendants, and at private galleries like Berthe Weil and Bernheim-Jeune, and although Ambroise Vollard published and sold her engravings in 1897, by the 1920s her work was all but ignored. ...
多里瓦爾的批評立場與許多二十世紀的批評家所採取的立場相似，他們忽略了由強調男女不同領域的十九世紀社會意識形態在屬性和能力方面整齊劃分的兩種性別中的一種，並自信地斷言“藝術沒有性別。”同時，他們常常只將經典地位授予少數經過挑選的女性藝術家，他們稱這些女性藝術家的作品具有「男子氣概」。然而，瓦拉東在多里瓦爾和其他當代批評家眼中的地位並不足以確保她在現代藝術史上的地位。儘管她在國家美術學院、獨立畫廊以及 Berthe Weil 和 Bernheim-Jeune 等私人畫廊展出，儘管 Ambroise Vollard 在 1897 年出版並出售了她的版畫，但到了 1920 年代，她的作品幾乎被忽視了。 …
Valadon became an artist's model in the early 1880s after working as a circus performer. Posing for Puvis de Chavannes, Toulouse Lautrec, Renoir, and other artists, she was part of the sexually free Bohemian life of early twentieth-century Paris. Her entrée into the world of art came not through education, for she was largely self-taught, but through her identification with a class of sexually available artists' models, an association ...
Valadon 在擔任馬戲團演員後，於 1880 年代初成為藝術家模特兒。她為普維斯·德·沙凡納(Puvis de Chavannes)、圖盧茲·勞特雷克(Toulouse Lautrec)、雷諾阿(Renoir) 和其他藝術家擺姿勢，成為二十世紀初巴黎性自由的波西米亞生活的一部分。她進入藝術世界並不是透過教育，因為她很大程度上是自學成才，而是透過她對一類可進行性接觸的藝術家模特兒的認同，一種協會…
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which liberated her from any lingering expectations about respectability and allowed her to enter into the easy relationships with other artists and with her patrons which we seldom see in the careers of middle-class women artists of those years. ...
這使她擺脫了對受人尊敬的揮之不去的期望，並使她能夠與其他藝術家和她的讚助人建立輕鬆的關係，這在當時的中產階級女性藝術家的職業生涯中很少見。 …
Valadon's female nudes fuse observation with a knowledge of the female body based on her experience as a model. Rejecting the static and timeless presentation of the monumental nude that dominates Western art, she emphasizes context, specific moment, and physical action. Instead of presenting the female body as a lush surface isolated and controled by the male gaze, she emphasizes the awkward gestures of figures apparently in control of their own movements. Valadon often placed her figures in specific domestic settings, surrounding them with images of domesticity and community as in Woman with Large Breasts and Old Woman (1908). Works such as these represent a striking departure from the practices of her contemporaries, like Renoir, who referred to his models as "beautiful fruit." ...
瓦拉東的女性裸體將觀察與基於她作為模特兒的經驗的女性身體知識融為一體。她拒絕主導西方藝術的靜態和永恆的不朽裸體呈現，而是強調背景、特定時刻和身體動作。她沒有將女性身體呈現為被男性目光孤立和控制的鬱鬱蔥蔥的表面，而是強調了人物顯然控制著自己動作的尷尬姿勢。瓦拉東經常將她的角色置於特定的家庭環境中，周圍環繞著家庭生活和社區的圖像，如《大乳房的女人》和《老婦人》（1908）。諸如此類的作品與雷諾阿等同時代藝術家的做法截然不同，雷諾阿稱他的模特兒為「美麗的水果」。 …
Like Degas, who recognized and encouraged her talent, Valadon often turned her bathers away from the viewer and depicted them absorbed in their own activities. But in her emphasis on the tension of the body as it executes specific movements there is little or no attempt to establish the closely framed single point of visual connection between viewer and model that is the hallmark of Degas's many pastels of bathers. The nakedness of Valadon's figures is specific to the act of bathing. Her nudes are full-bodied, weighty, and sturdy. Although sensuous, they stand in opposition to the archetypal and fertile female figures so prevalent in the avant-garde circles of Gauguin and the Fauves. ...
就像德加認可並鼓勵她的才華一樣，瓦拉東經常將沐浴者從觀眾身邊移開，並描繪他們專注於自己的活動。但在她強調身體執行特定動作時的張力時，很少或根本沒有嘗試在觀眾和模特兒之間建立緊密框架的單點視覺聯繫，而這正是德加許多柔和的沐浴者的標誌。瓦拉東人物的裸體是沐浴行為所特有的。她的裸體畫豐滿、厚重、堅固。雖然感性，但她們與高更和野獸派先鋒派中盛行的原型和生育力女性形象相對立。 …
The shift from the imagery of seductive and devouring femininity produced by Symbolist painters and poets to an ideology of "natural womanhood" which identified the female body with biological nature was historically and culturally specific, part of a reaction against feminism and the neo- Malthusians. Modest gains made by women in education and employment in France at the end of the nineteenth century provoked an intense anti-feminist backlash. It culminated in the battle over control of reproductive rights in France. Indignation among demographers over declining birth rates at the end of the nineteenth century was taken up by literary figures such as Zola, whose novel La Fecondité (1899) gave fictional form to a growing cult of fertility: "There is no more glorious blossoming, no more sacred symbol of living eternity than an infant at its mother's breast." The cry was taken up by ...
從象徵主義畫家和詩人所創造的誘人而吞噬的女性氣質形象，到將女性身體與生物本質等同起來的「自然女性氣質」意識形態的轉變，具有歷史和文化上的特殊性，是對女權主義和新馬爾薩斯主義者的反應的一部分。十九世紀末，法國婦女在教育和就業方面的微薄成就引發了強烈的反女權主義反彈。它在法國的生育權控制權之爭中達到了頂峰。人口統計學家對19 世紀末出生率下降的憤慨被左拉等文學人物所觸動，他的小說《La Fecondité》（1899）以虛構的形式描述了日益增長的生育崇拜：「不再有輝煌的綻放，也不再有比母親懷裡的嬰兒更神聖地像徵永恆的生命。哭聲被……接住了。
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Jazerne Valedon ...
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158 Suzanne Valadon, Woman with Large Breasts and Old Woman, 1908 ...
158 蘇珊娜‧瓦拉東 (Suzanne Valadon)，《大胸部女人與老婦人》，1908 年…
artists, including Gauguin, whose colonization of the "natural" female Tahitian body reinforced early Modernism's exaltation of the "natural" female body always subject to the literal and metaphoric control of man. ...
包括高更在內的藝術家，他們對「自然」女性塔希提身體的殖民化強化了早期現代主義對「自然」女性身體的推崇，而「自然」女性身體始終受到男人的字面和隱喻的控制。 …
Among the work of women artists associated with Expressionism, that of Paula Modersohn-Becker and Käthe Kollwitz most clearly reveals the clash between Modernist ideology and social reality. Caught between the artistic and social conservatism of the Worpswede painters and the influence of French Modernism, Modersohn-Becker struggled to produce images that embodied both poles of experience. Kollwitz (1867-1945) was committed to an art of radical social content unrivaled in her day. Her choice of graphic realism as a style, her exclusive use of printmaking media, and her production of posters and humanitarian leaflets, all contributed to later devaluations of her work and its dismissal by art historians as "illustration" and "propaganda." ...
在與表現主義相關的女性藝術家的作品中，保拉·莫德松-貝克爾和凱綏·科爾維茨的作品最清楚地揭示了現代主義意識形態與社會現實之間的衝突。莫德森-貝克爾夾在沃爾普斯韋德畫家的藝術和社會保守主義與法國現代主義的影響之間，努力創造出體現兩種經驗極的圖像。柯勒惠支（Kollwitz，1867-1945）致力於創作一種激進的社會內容藝術，這在她那個時代是無與倫比的。她選擇圖形現實主義作為一種風格，她對版畫媒體的獨家使用，以及她製作的海報和人道主義傳單，都導致了她的作品後來被貶低，並被藝術史學家斥為“插圖”和“宣傳」。 …
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Born in Dresden in 1876, Modersohn-Becker was the child of comfortably middle-class parents who encouraged her artistic interests until she showed signs of serious professional ambition. She made her first visit to the Worpswede artists' community in northern Germany in the summer of 1897 where she began to study with Fritz Makensen. The Worpswede painters were nature painters in the Barbizon tradition. Encouraged by Julius Langbehn's eccentric book, Rembrandt as a Teacher (1890), and by their interest in Nietszche, Zola, Rembrandt, and Dürer, they embraced nature, the primitive simplicity of peasant life, and the purity of youth. Langbehn's book became the textbook of the "Volkish" movement, a Utopian reaction against industrialization which celebrated the rural values of the peasantry. Although she settled more or less permanently in the village after completing her studies in 1898, later marrying the painter Otto Modersohn, Modersohn- Becker did not share the group's disdain for academic training; the flattened and simplified forms that mark her mature style derive from the influence of French painters, particularly Cézanne and Gauguin, whose work she saw during four ...
莫德森-貝克爾於 1876 年出生於德勒斯登，她的父母是富裕的中產階級家庭，他們一直鼓勵她的藝術興趣，直到她表現出嚴肅的職業抱負。 1897 年夏天，她第一次訪問德國北部的沃爾普斯韋德 (Worpswede) 藝術家社區，並開始跟隨弗里茨·馬肯森 (Fritz Makensen) 學習。沃爾普斯韋德畫家是巴比松傳統的自然畫家。受到朱利葉斯·朗本古怪的書《倫勃朗作為老師》（1890）的鼓勵，以及對尼采、左拉、倫勃朗和丟勒的興趣，他們擁抱自然、農民生活的原始質樸和青春的純潔。朗本的書成為「Volkish」運動的教科書，這是一種反對工業化的烏托邦式反應，頌揚農民的鄉村價值。儘管她在1898 年完成學業後或多或少地永久定居在這個村莊，後來嫁給了畫家奧托·莫德森(Otto Modersohn)，但莫德森-貝克爾並沒有像這個群體一樣蔑視學術培訓；標誌著她成熟風格的扁平和簡化的形式受到法國畫家的影響，特別是塞尚和高更，她在四年內看到了他們的作品...
159 Suzanne Valadon, The Blue Room, 1923 ...
159 蘇珊‧瓦拉東 (Suzanne Valadon)，《藍色房間》，1923 年…
visits to Paris between 1899 and 1903, four years before her premature death. ...
1899 年至 1903 年間（即她早逝的四年前）訪問巴黎。 …
Modersohn-Becker's interest in her models as personifications of elemental nature developed in the context of the Worpswede artists' cultivation of the theme of the "earth mother," but it was not until after her first trip to Paris in 1899 that it entered her work as a major theme. One of Fritz Mackensen's first Worpswede canvases was a life-sized Madonna of the Moors and as early as 1898 Modersohn-Becker recorded her impression of a peasant woman suckling a child in her diary: "Frau Meyer, a voluptuous blonde.... This time with her little boy at her breast. I had to draw her as a mother. That is her single true purpose." Linda Nochlin has also pointed to sources for Modersohn-Becker's cultivation of the imagery of fecund maternity in J. J. Bachofen's Mutterecht (1861), reissued in 1897 and widely circulated among artists and writers. Surrounding her figures with flowers and foliage, Modersohn- Becker ignored conventional perspective and anecdotal detail to produce monumental images of idealized motherhood: "I kneel before it (motherhood) in humility," she wrote. ...
莫德松-貝克爾對她的模特兒作為元素自然擬人化的興趣是在沃爾普斯韋德藝術家對「地球母親」主題的培育的背景下發展起來的，但直到1899 年她第一次去巴黎旅行後，這種興趣才進入她的作品作為一個主要主題。 Fritz Mackensen 的第一幅Worpswede 畫布是真人大小的摩爾人聖母，早在1898 年，Modersohn-Becker 在日記中記錄了她對一名農婦哺乳的印象：“Frau Meyer，一位性感的金發女郎.. ....和她的小男孩在一起的時光，我必須把她畫成一個母親，這是她唯一的真正目的。琳達·諾克林(Linda Nochlin) 也指出了莫德森-貝克爾(Modersohn-Becker) 在JJ Bachofen 的《Mutterecht》（1861 年）中塑造多產母性意象的來源，該書於1897 年重新發行，並在藝術家和作家中廣泛流傳。莫德松-貝克爾用鮮花和樹葉圍繞著她的人物，忽略了傳統的視角和軼事細節，創作出理想化母性的不朽形象：「我謙卑地跪在它（母性）面前，」她寫道。 …
Her diary records her ambivalence toward marriage, motherhood, and art. Modeled after the diaries of Marie Bashkirtseff, Modersohn-Becker, unlike the former, had little sympathy for the growing women's movement. Although Karl Scheffler's misogynist Woman and Art (Die Fraue und die Kunst) was not published until 1908, the year after her death, its sentiments were commonly accepted throughout the period of Modersohn-Becker's development as an artist. Scheffler emphasized woman's inability to participate in the production of culture because of her ties to nature and her lack of spiritual insight. Modersohn-Becker's own ambivalence on these points is recorded in an allegorical prose poem in which she acknowledges her artistic ambitions as “masculine” and remarks on the mutual exclusivity of sexual love and artistic success. ...
她的日記記錄了她對婚姻、母性和藝術的矛盾。莫德松-貝克爾以瑪麗·巴什基爾采夫的日記為藍本，與前者不同，她對不斷發展的婦女運動幾乎沒有同情心。儘管卡爾·舍夫勒的厭惡女性主義的《女人與藝術》（Die Fraue und die Kunst）直到1908 年，即她去世後的第二年才出版，但在莫德松-貝克爾作為藝術家的整個發展過程中，其觀點被普遍接受。舍夫勒強調，由於女性與大自然的連結以及缺乏精神洞察力，她無法參與文化的生產。莫德松-貝克爾自己在這些問題上的矛盾心理記錄在一首寓言散文詩中，她在詩中承認自己的藝術抱負是“男性化的”，並評論了性愛和藝術成功的相互排斥性。 …
Modersohn-Becker participated in the second group exhibition in the Bremen Kunsthalle in 1899, despite an attempt by its director to dissuade her. Negative critical response focused mainly on the work of the women artists in the colony and Modersohn-Becker left almost immediately for Paris. There she entered the Académie Colarossi and visited galleries showing the work of Puvis de Chavannes, the Barbizon painters, Courbet, and Monet. Gradually rejecting the Worpswede artists' commitment to a crude naturalism, her work began to record influences from Rodin, Japanese art, Daumier, Millet, and other French painters. By 1906, she had ...
1899 年，莫德森-貝克爾參加了在不萊梅藝術館舉行的第二次群展，儘管館長極力勸阻。負面的批評反應主要集中在殖民女性藝術家的作品上，莫德松-貝克爾幾乎立即前往巴黎。在那裡，她進入了科拉羅西學院(Académie Colarossi)，參觀了展示普維·德·沙凡納(Puvis de Chavannes)、巴比松畫家、庫爾貝(Courbet) 和莫奈(Monet)作品的畫廊。她逐漸拒絕了沃爾普斯韋德藝術家對原始自然主義的承諾，她的作品開始記錄羅丹、日本藝術、杜米埃、米勒和其他法國畫家的影響。到 1906 年，她...
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requested a copy of Gauguin's autobiography, Noa Noa, from her sister in Paris and had thrown off her husband's artistic influence. ...
她向巴黎的姊姊要了一本高更的自傳《諾亞·諾亞》，並擺脫了丈夫的藝術影響。 …
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Viewing Gauguin's retrospective exhibition in Paris in 1906 helped move Modersohn-Becker's figurative works in the direction of a search for primordial power through images of nature. Her nude self-portraits may be the first such paintings in oil by a woman artist, but as such, they reveal all the contradictions inherent in the woman artist's attempt to insert her own image into existing artistic conventions. Rejecting Gauguin's romantic nostalgia, she carries the simplification of form to an extreme which blunts the sensuality normally assigned female flesh in the history of Western art. Whereas his nudes recline in states of dreamy reverie or emerge from the imagery of an exoticized otherness (i.e., the Tahitian landscape constructed as "feminine" through an overemphasis on its exoticism, bounteousness, and “primitivism" in relation to Western cultural norms), hers dominate their surroundings. The immobility, monumentality, and generalized surfaces of these self-portrait nudes place them within conventions that work to universalize the female nude as a transcendent image. At the same time, the careful scrutiny of the female body with its gravelly surfaces, and the frank confrontation between the woman and the artist, disrupt the conventions of the female nude, fusing the issues of femaleness and creativity in new ...
1906 年在巴黎觀賞高更回顧展，幫助莫德松-貝克爾的具像作品走向了透過自然圖像尋找原始力量的方向。她的裸體自畫像可能是女性藝術家的第一幅此類油畫，但正因為如此，它們揭示了女性藝術家試圖將自己的形象插入現有藝術慣例中所固有的所有矛盾。她拒絕高更的浪漫懷舊，將形式的簡化發揮到了極致，削弱了西方藝術史上通常賦予女性肉體的性感。儘管他的裸體斜倚在夢幻般的遐想狀態中，或從異國情調的他者意像中浮現出來（即，通過過分強調與西方文化規範相關的異國情調、慷慨和“原始主義”，將大溪地風景建構為「女性化」），這些裸體自畫像的靜止性、紀念性和普遍化的表面使它們處於一種慣例中，這些慣例致力於將女性裸體普遍化為一種超然的形象，同時，對女性身體及其礫石的仔細審視。 表面以及女性和藝術家之間的坦誠對抗，打破了女性裸體的慣例，將女性性和創造力問題融合在新的…
ways. ...
方式。 …
Modersohn-Becker's archetypal fertility images of 1906 and 1907, Mother and Child Lying Nude and Mother with Child at Her Breast, are closely related to Gauguin paintings such as the Kneeling Day of the God, but they clothe the subject of fertility and nurture with dignity, while at the same time collaborating with a late nineteenth-century ideology of timeless, unvaryingly "natural" womanhood. The subtext of violence and control that accompanies Gauguin's representations of Tahitian women is missing from Modersohn-Becker's paintings with their lowered viewpoint and direct gaze. Gauguin's many paintings of Tahitian women replay the unequal relationship of the male artist and the female model in the inequities of the white male artist's relationship to native women in a colonialized society. His paintings bind women to nature through repetitions of colors, patterns, and contours; crouching female figures are placed in a submissive relationship to the downward gaze of the male artist and the women's implacable gazes offer little ...
莫德森-貝克爾在1906 年和1907 年創作的典型生育圖像《裸體的母子》和《懷抱孩子的母親》與高更的畫作如《上帝下跪的日子》密切相關，但它們為生育和養育的主題賦予了尊嚴。高更對塔希提婦女的描繪所伴隨的暴力和控制的潛台詞在莫德松-貝克爾的畫作中消失了，因為他們的視角較低，目光直視。高更的許多塔希提婦女畫作再現了殖民社會中白人男性藝術家與原住民婦女關係的不平等中男性藝術家和女性模特兒之間的不平等關係。他的畫作透過顏色、圖案和輪廓的重複將女性與大自然聯繫在一起；蹲伏的女性人物與男性藝術家的向下凝視處於一種順從的關係，而女性無情的凝視幾乎沒有提供...
insight into the specifics of their lives. ...
深入了解他們生活的具體情況。 …
Modersohn-Becker's death a few days after giving birth provides an ironic commentary on the gulf between idealized ...
莫德森-貝克爾在產後幾天就去世了，這對理想化的人與人之間的鴻溝提供了諷刺性的評論…
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motherhood and the biological realities of fecundity, Nochlin has pointed out this disjunction, observing that it is Käthe Kollwitz's depictions of women and children that insert motherhood "into the bitterly concrete context of class and history." ...
諾克林指出了母性與生育力的生物學現實之間的脫節，並指出正是凱綏·珂勒惠支對婦女和兒童的描述將母性「插入了階級和歷史的痛苦具體背景中」。 …
Kollwitz replaces the archetypal imagery of female abundance with the realities of female bodies marked by a poverty which often prevents women from nourishing their children or enjoying their motherhood. In Portraits of Misery III, a lithograph, and in many other works, pregnancy without material support is cause for grief rather than rejoicing. Kollwitz, the first woman elected to the Prussian Academy of the Arts in 1919, and the foremost graphic artist of the first half of the twentieth century, was encouraged to draw as a child by her father. Studies in Berlin and Munich followed a period of training in Konigsberg (now Kaliningrad) under the engraver Rudolph Maurer. In 1891, she married Dr. Karl Kollwitz and settled in Berlin where she came in contact with the industrial workers of Berlin through his practice. A socialist, feminist (founder of the Women's Arts Union [Frauen Kunstverband] in Berlin in 1913), and pacifist, the themes of war, hatred, poverty, love, grief, death, and struggle dominate her mature work. ...
科爾維茲用女性身體的現實取代了女性豐裕的典型形象，而女性身體的貧窮常常阻礙婦女養育孩子或享受母性。在石版畫《苦難肖像 III》和許多其他作品中，沒有物質支持的懷孕是悲傷而不是歡樂的原因。柯勒惠支是 1919 年第一位當選普魯士藝術學院院士的女性，也是二十世紀上半葉最重要的圖形藝術家，她小時候就受到父親的鼓勵去畫畫。在柯尼斯堡（現在的加里寧格勒）雕刻家魯道夫·毛雷爾（Rudolph Maurer）的指導下接受了一段時間的培訓後，又在柏林和慕尼黑進行了學習。 1891年，她與卡爾·科爾維茨博士結婚並定居柏林，透過他的實踐接觸了柏林的產業工人。身為社會主義者、女性主義者（1913 年在柏林創立婦女藝術聯盟[Frauen Kunstverband]）和和平主義者，戰爭、仇恨、貧窮、愛、悲傷、死亡和鬥爭等主題主導了她成熟的作品。 …
Influenced by Max Klinger's engravings, by Zola's realism, and by the memory of her father reciting Thomas Hood's "The Song of the Shirt" with its passionate appeal on behalf of working women, she turned to themes of social conditions and to the expressive mediums of engraving and lithography. Kollwitz's first major success came with a cycle of three engravings and three lithographs entitled The Weavers' Revolt (1895-97), based on Gerhart Hauptmann's play, The Weavers, about the revolt of the Silesian weavers in 1844. ...
受到馬克斯·克林格的版畫、左拉的現實主義以及她父親背誦托馬斯·胡德的《襯衫之歌》的記憶以及代表職業女性的熱情感染的影響，她轉向了社會狀況的主題和藝術的表達媒介。柯勒惠支的第一個重大成功是由三幅版畫和三幅石版畫組成的系列，題為《織工的起義》（1895-97），改編自格哈特·豪普特曼的戲劇《織工》，講述了1844 年西里西亞織工的起義。
As a result of the success of The Weavers' Revolt (which proved so politically effective when exhibited in 1898 that the Kaiser refused to award Kollwitz the gold medal she had won), Kollwitz was appointed to teach graphics and nude studies at the Berlin Kunstlerinnenschule. Her subsequent concentration on the mother and child theme developed hand in hand with a series of personal tragedies which included the death of a son in the First World War and the loss of a grandson in the Second. Documenting the suffering that results from war and poverty led Kollwitz away from the expressions of individual torment that mark the work of her contemporaries Edvard Munch and James Ensor and that would soon dominate ...
由於《織布工起義》的成功（1898 年展出時證明其在政治上非常有效，以至於德皇拒絕將她獲得的金質獎章授予科爾維茨），科爾維茨被任命在柏林藝術學校教授圖形和裸體研究。她隨後對母子主題的關注與一系列個人悲劇齊頭並進，其中包括第一次世界大戰中兒子的死亡和第二次世界大戰中失去的孫子。記錄戰爭和貧窮造成的痛苦使科爾維茨擺脫了對個人痛苦的表達，而這種表達是她同時代的愛德華·蒙克和詹姆斯·恩索爾的作品的標誌，並且很快就會佔據主導地位…
160 OPPOSITE ABOVE Paula Modersohn-Becker, Self-Portrait with Amber Necklace, 1906 161 OPPOSITE BELOW Paula Modersohn-Becker, Mother and Child Lying Nude, 1907 ...
160 上圖對面 保拉·莫德森-貝克爾，《戴琥珀項鍊的自畫像》，1906 年 161 下圖對面 保拉·莫德森-貝克爾，裸體躺著的母子，1907 年 ...
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German Expressionism. Although her work shares the graphic expressiveness of the prints of the members of the Brücke and Blaue Reiter groups, she increasingly came to see Expressionism as a rarefied art of the studio, divorced from social reality. "I am convinced," she wrote in a diary of 1908, "that there must be an understanding between the artist and the people such as there always used to be in the best periods in history." ...
德國表現主義。儘管她的作品具有布魯克和藍騎士團體成員版畫的圖形表現力，但她越來越將表現主義視為工作室的一種稀有藝術，脫離了社會現實。 “我堅信，”她在 1908 年的日記中寫道，“藝術家和人民之間必須有一種理解，就像歷史上最好的時期一樣。” …
Kollwitz's insistence on the social function of art divorced her work from the Modernist cultivation of individual artistic freedom. Although very different in its social and political imperatives, the work of the British painter Gwen John (1876–1939) also challenges the scope, and often the scale, of Modernist ambitions. To link these artists in a chronological discussion-although it may make their histories available for survey classes and introductory texts-risks inscribing them in a fallacious lineage that replicates art history's emphasis on a seamless narrative of individual genius. In extracting Gwen John's life from the historical circumstances in which she lived, from the lives of the hundreds of other women painters working in London and Paris in the same years, and from the ...
柯勒惠支對藝術社會功能的堅持使她的作品與現代主義對個人藝術自由的培養脫節。儘管其社會和政治要求截然不同，但英國畫家 Gwen John，1876-1939 年）的作品也挑戰了現代主義野心的範圍（通常是規模）。將這些藝術家按時間順序討論聯繫起來——儘管這可能會讓他們的歷史可供調查課程和介紹性文本使用——但有可能將他們銘刻在一個錯誤的譜系中，這種譜系複製了藝術史對個人天才的無縫敘述的強調。從格溫約翰生活的歷史環境、同期在倫敦和巴黎工作的數百名其他女畫家的生活以及…中提取格溫約翰的生活。
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emergence of the social and intellectual networks and systems of support that enabled women's creative lives, even feminist art historians become complicit in positioning the woman artist to be continually "rediscovered" as an exception and represented as unique. ...
隨著社會和知識網絡以及支持系統的出現，使女性能夠進行創造性的生活，甚至女性主義藝術史學家也成為同謀，將女性藝術家定位為不斷「重新發現」的例外，並被視為獨特的。 …
Though she knew Picasso, Braque, Matisse, Rodin, and many other contemporary artists, and read widely, John had little interest in the theoretical aspects of artistic movements. Nor was she a joiner. Yet her marginalized relationship to the formative Modernist movements also produced its own myths about her as a woman artist. Despite regular exhibitions, she, like Valadon, was until recently most often presented as an "unknown," to be regularly rediscovered by subsequent generations of curators and critics, always in relation to masculine figures such as her brother Augustus John, whose work bears little similarity to hers; her lover, the sculptor Auguste Rodin; and her patron, the American John Quinn. ...
儘管她認識畢卡索、布拉克、馬蒂斯、羅丹和許多其他當代藝術家，並且閱讀廣泛，但約翰對藝術運動的理論方面興趣不大。她也不是木匠。然而，她與正在形成的現代主義運動的邊緣化關係也產生了關於她作為女性藝術家的神話。儘管定期舉辦展覽，但她和瓦拉東一樣，直到最近才經常被視為“無名之輩”，經常被後代策展人和評論家重新發現，總是與男性人物聯繫在一起，例如她的兄弟奧古斯都·約翰，後者的作品幾乎沒有什麼意義。她的情人，雕塑家奧古斯特·羅丹；和她的贊助人，美國人約翰·奎因。 …
Born and raised in Wales, John was educated at the Slade School in London, and worked in Whistler's studio. She went to France at the age of twenty-seven and remained there for the rest of her life. Her work contains superficial affinities to the work of Rodin, Puvis de Chavannes, Vuillard, Bonnard, Modigliani, and Roualt, but its dry surfaces, restrained color and patterned brushwork are closer to the paintings produced by the Camden Town Group in London than to the French Modernists. Her reliance on intimate subject matter was shaped by her early experiences at the Slade and her paintings, muted in color, subdued in tone, and formal in arrangement, evoke powerful emotional responses. Their intimate scale and personal subjects-often the figure of the artist herself seated on the edge of her bed, gazing intently into the mirror-have also helped fuel the widespread myth in which the woman artist's life is seen as providing the principal source of meaning for the work. ...
約翰在威爾斯出生長大，在倫敦斯萊德學校接受教育，並在惠斯勒的工作室工作。她二十七歲時去了法國，並在那裡度過了餘生。她的作品表面上與羅丹、普維斯·德·沙凡納、維亞爾、博納爾、莫迪里阿尼和魯阿爾的作品有相似之處，但其乾燥的表面、克制的色彩和圖案化的筆觸更接近倫敦卡姆登鎮集團的畫作，而不是倫敦的卡姆登鎮集團的作品。她對親密主題的依賴是由她早期在斯萊德的經歷和她的畫作塑造的，柔和的色彩、柔和的色調和正式的佈局，喚起了強烈的情感反應。它們親密的尺度和個人主題——通常是藝術家本人坐在床邊，專心凝視鏡子的形象——也助長了一種廣泛流傳的神話，在這種神話中，女性藝術家的生活被視為提供了意義的主要來源。 …
John first exhibited in 1900 at the New English Art Club, returning to Paris after that exhibition partly to escape Augustus John's influence over her life. She supported herself by posing as an artist's model, often for English women artists. Distinctive themes emerged in her work during this period, among them simple interiors bathed in soft light and isolated female figures set against textured walls. Formally constructed, these works capture specific moments filled with light and atmosphere. The repetition of compositions again and again is characteristic of her mature work and provided a means for the formal investigations which were her primary concern as a painter. ...
約翰於 1900 年在新英國藝術俱樂部首次展出，展覽結束後返回巴黎，部分原因是為了逃避奧古斯都·約翰對她生活的影響。她透過冒充藝術家模特兒來養活自己，通常是為英國女藝術家做模特兒。在此期間，她的作品中出現了獨特的主題，其中包括沐浴在柔和光線下的簡單室內裝飾以及靠在有紋理的牆壁上的孤立的女性人物。這些作品結構正式，捕捉充滿光線和氛圍的特定時刻。一次又一次的構圖重複是她成熟作品的特徵，並為正式研究提供了一種手段，這是她作為畫家最關心的問題。 …
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By the summer of 1904, John was also posing for Rodin. Her relationship with the sculptor belongs to the difficult history of women who, lacking familial and societal support for their endeavors, have annexed their talent to that of male mentors and have seen their own careers suffer as a result. Rodin defined his own artistic genius in sexual terms and his critics followed suit: "The period when Rodin was caught up in the grand passion of his life coincided with the creation of his most impassioned works," notes one twentieth-century critic—"Such was his innate vigor, even in decline, that everything which flowed from his hands with such dangerous facility bore the imprint of genius...." But what of the women who moved, ...
1904 年夏天，約翰也開始為羅丹擺造型。她與雕塑家的關係屬於女性的艱難歷史，她們的努力缺乏家庭和社會的支持，將自己的才能附在男性導師的身上，並因此看到自己的職業生涯受到影響。羅丹用性的術語來定義自己的藝術天才，他的批評家也紛紛效仿：「羅丹陷入一生的偉大激情的時期，恰逢他創作出最熱情的作品，」一位二十世紀的評論家指出——「是他與生俱來的活力，即使在衰退中，從他手中流出的一切都帶有如此危險的能力，都帶有天才的印記……」但是那些移動的女人呢，……
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however briefly, into the sculptors orbit? John, like the sculptor Camille Claudel (1864-1943) who entered Rodin's studio as an assistant in 1883 and remained to become model, lover, and collaborator, saw her creative life subsumed into a myth of romantic love in which the role of muse eclipses that of artist. ...
然而短暫地進入雕塑家的軌道？約翰像雕塑家卡米爾·克洛岱爾（Camille Claudel，1864-1943）一樣，於1883 年作為助理進入羅丹工作室，後來成為模特兒、情人和合作者，看到她的創作生活被納入浪漫愛情的神話，其中繆斯的角色黯然失色。 …
John's reflective, dedicated life allowed her to live largely independent of the social obligations placed on most women of her class and historical period, while Claudel's later life, and institutionalization, was subject to familial control exercised by her brother, the poet Paul Claudel. Neither artist, however, escaped subsequent critical searches for signs of the "essentially feminine" in her work. This and related terms have also been used to define categories within which to view the work of other women who moved in avant-garde circles during the first half of the twentieth century, but whose idiosyncratic styles find no place in vanguard mythology. Indeed there is growing evidence that both Marie Laurencin and Florine Stettheimer collaborated in the fashioning of the mythology of the feminine that allowed each a voice, even though it ensured ...
約翰的反思和奉獻的生活使她能夠在很大程度上獨立於她的階級和歷史時期的大多數女性所承擔的社會義務，而克洛岱爾的晚年生活和製度化則受到她的兄弟、詩人保羅·克洛岱爾的家庭控制。然而，兩位藝術家都未能逃脫隨後對其作品中「本質上女性化」跡象的批評。這個術語和相關術語也被用來定義類別，在這些類別中查看二十世紀上半葉進入先鋒派圈子的其他女性的作品，但她們獨特的風格在先鋒派神話中找不到一席之地。事實上，越來越多的證據表明，瑪麗·勞倫森和弗洛琳·斯特海默共同塑造了女性神話，讓每個人都有自己的聲音，儘管它確保了…
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that they would never be taken as seriously as their male colleagues. ...
她們永遠不會像男性同事那樣受到認真對待。 …
Educated at the Lycée Lamartine and at the Académie Humbert, where she met the Cubist painter Georges Braque, Marie Laurencin (1885-1956) had a long, stormy affair with the poet Guillaume Apollinaire, which placed her at the center of the group of artists who gathered around Picasso in the studio at the Bateau Lavoir, a rundown former wash house in Montmartre. Her painting, Group of Artists (1908), includes Apollinaire, Picasso, herself, and Picasso's companion, Fernande Olivier, but the presence of herself and Olivier in the painting points to the binding ties of friendship rather than to shared artistic goals. ...
瑪麗·勞倫森（1885-1956）在拉馬丁中學和亨伯特學院接受教育，在那裡她遇到了立體派畫家喬治·布拉克，瑪麗·勞倫森（1885-1956）與詩人紀堯姆·阿波利奈爾有著一段漫長而激烈的戀情，這使她成為藝術家群體的中心人物他們聚集在畢卡索的工作室裡，那是位於蒙馬特區的一座破舊的洗衣房，前身是巴托拉沃( Bateau Lavoir)。她的畫作《藝術家群》（1908）包括阿波利奈爾、畢卡索、她本人以及畢卡索的同伴費爾南德·奧利維爾，但她和奧利維爾在畫中的出現表明了友誼的紐帶，而不是共同的藝術目標。 …
In his 1913 treatise, Les Peintres Cubistes: Meditations esthétiques, Apollinaire called her a "scientific Cubist," but in fact her work has little to do with Cubism's conceptual and formal investigations. Instead it was her "femininity" that became the artistic yardstick against which her work ...
阿波利奈爾在 1913 年的論文《立體派畫家：美學沉思》中稱她為“科學的立體主義者”，但事實上她的作品與立體主義的概念和形式研究幾乎沒有關係。相反，她的「女性氣質」成為了她作品的藝術標準…
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was measured. She brought "feminine art to major status," claimed Apollinaire, but it was as his muse that she entered the Modernist mainstream. It was this construction which was to provide the Surrealists with a new image of the creative couple. Henri Rousseau's painting of Apollinaire and Laurencin, The Muse Inspiring the Poet (1909), presents her as a nature goddess. Apollinaire designated her "a little sun-a feminine version of myself," thereby removing her entirely from the creative ferment that propeled his male friends. “Though she has masculine defects," he wrote, "she has every conceivable feminine quality. The greatest error of most women artists is that they try to surpass men, losing in the process their taste and charm. Laurencin is very different. She is aware of the deep differences that separate men from women-essential, ideal differences. Mademoiselle Laurencin's personality is vibrant and joyful. Purity is her very element." ...
被測量。阿波利奈爾聲稱，她將“女性藝術推向了重要地位”，但正是作為他的繆斯女神，她進入了現代主義主流。正是這種結構為超現實主義者提供了這對富有創造力的夫婦的新形象。亨利·盧梭為阿波利奈爾和勞倫森創作的畫作《激發詩人靈感的繆斯》（1909）將她描繪成自然女神。阿波利奈爾稱她為“一個小太陽——我自己的女性化版本”，從而將她完全從推動他的男性朋友的創造性發酵中移除。 「儘管她有男性缺陷，」他寫道，「但她擁有一切可以想像到的女性特質。大多數女性藝術家最大的錯誤就是試圖超越男性，因此失去了自己的品味和魅力。勞倫森則非常不同。她意識到男性與女性之間的深刻差異——本質上的、理想上的差異。勞倫森小姐的個性充滿活力和快樂。純潔是她的特質。
Laurencin exhibited alongside the Cubists in 1907, and from 1909 to 1913, but as part of the shifting circle of artists whose presence has often served Modernist art history's need for other talents to be subordinate to the genius of Picasso. Florine Stettheimer also became better known for her friends than for ...
勞倫森在 1907 年和 1909 年至 1913 年間與立體派一起展出，但作為藝術家不斷變化的圈子的一部分，他的存在往往滿足了現代主義藝術史對其他人才從屬於畢加索天才的需要。 Florine Stettheimer 也因她的朋友而不是...而出名。
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her work. She had only one single solo exhibition during her lifetime and, after 1916, she exhibited only at the Independent Society of Arts Annuals. Instead she used her wealth and social position as a defense against art world intrusion, elaborating her notion of the "feminine" through wispy calligraphic paintings in which physical bodies were dematerialized and details of costume and accessories were exaggerated for effect. ...
她的工作。她一生中只舉辦過一次個展，1916 年後，她只在獨立藝術協會年會上舉辦展覽。相反，她利用自己的財富和社會地位來防禦藝術世界的入侵，透過纖細的書法畫來闡述她的「女性」概念，在這些書法畫中，身體被非物質化，服裝和配件的細節被誇大以達到效果。 …
Born in Rochester, New York, in 1871, Florine Stettheimer was the youngest of five children in a prosperous German-Jewish family. She studied at the Art Students League in New York from 1892 to 1895 and then traveled in Europe with two of her sisters, taking painting lessons in Germany and visiting museums. The outbreak of war in 1914 forced the Stettheimer sisters to return to New York where the family home soon became famous as the social center of a group of avant-garde art dealers, dancers, musicians, artists, and writers. Stettheimer's paintings of this period are bright, amusing sketches full of personal symbolism, anecdote, and social satire. Her unique personal style was evolved out of a rigorous academic training, but her paintings focus almost exclusively on the social milieu in which she lived. The Studio Party (1917), like many of her other works, includes the members of her social and artistic circle: Maurice Sterne, Gaston and Isabelle Lachaise, Albert Gleizes, Leo Stein, and her sisters. After brushing in the details, she used a palette knife to apply a thick paste of paint to the surface. Touches of white paint lend a shimmer to the thickly applied blue pigment. ...
Florine Stettheimer 1871 年出生於紐約州羅徹斯特，是富裕的德國猶太家庭中五個孩子中最小的一個。 1892年至1895年，她在紐約藝術學生聯盟學習，然後與她的兩個姐妹一起遊歷歐洲，在德國學習繪畫並參觀博物館。 1914 年戰爭的爆發迫使 Stettheimer 姐妹返回紐約，他們的家很快就因成為一群前衛藝術經銷商、舞者、音樂家、藝術家和作家的社交中心而聞名。斯特海默這段時期的畫作明亮、有趣，充滿了個人像徵、軼事和社會諷刺。她獨特的個人風格是從嚴格的學術訓練中演變而來的，但她的繪畫幾乎完全關注她所處的社會環境。 《工作室派對》（1917）和她的許多其他作品一樣，包括她的社交和藝術圈的成員：莫里斯·斯特恩、加斯頓和伊莎貝爾·拉雪茲、阿爾伯特·格萊茲、利奧·斯坦和她的姊妹們。刷完細節後，她用調色刀在表面塗上一層厚厚的油漆。白色顏料的點綴為厚重的藍色顏料增添了一絲微光。 …
Stettheimer produced paintings as part of a self-consciously cultivated lifestyle which drew few, if any, distinctions between making art and living well. Protected by her wealth from having to exhibit or sell, she further insulated herself from the professional art world through her demand that any gallery wishing to exhibit her works be redecorated like her home. ...
史特海默創作繪畫是一種自覺修養的生活方式的一部分，這種生活方式在創作藝術和美好生活之間幾乎沒有任何區別。由於她的財富使她不必展覽或出售，她要求任何希望展出她作品的畫廊都像她的家一樣重新裝修，從而進一步將自己與專業藝術界隔離開來。 …
Personal wealth also shielded Stettheimer's countrywoman Romaine Brooks from having to exhibit or sell her work, though she did both. Brooks, like Stettheimer, linked her pictorial style to her environment, decorating her apartment with the subdued shades of black, white, and gray that she chose for her palette, seeking in her life the understated elegance and simplicity that characterized her paintings. But Brooks, though she, like Stettheimer, left a pictorial record of her cultural and social milieu behind, is best known today as the first woman painter consciously to forge a new visual imagery for the twentieth-century lesbian. ...
個人財富也使斯特海默的同胞羅曼布魯克斯不必展示或出售她的作品，儘管她兩者都做到了。布魯克斯和斯特海默一樣，將她的繪畫風格與她的環境聯繫起來，用她選擇的柔和的黑、白和灰色作為調色板來裝飾她的公寓，在她的生活中尋求她的畫作特有的低調優雅簡約。但布魯克斯，儘管她和斯特特海默一樣，留下了她的文化和社會環境的圖畫記錄，但她今天最為人所知的是，她是第一位有意識地為二十世紀女同性戀打造新視覺形象的女畫家。 …
An American, born in Rome in 1874, Brooks spent most of her life in Paris fleeing from the physical and psychological cruelties she had suffered at the hands of her mother and her ...
布魯克斯是一名美國人，1874 年出生於羅馬，她一生的大部分時間都在巴黎度過，以逃避母親和她的家人對她身心的虐待。
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insane brother St. Mar, which she detailed in her unpublished autobiography, No Pleasant Memories. She met the wealthy American poet Natalie Barney in 1915 and, although she participated only indirectly in the literary salon which Barney made famous, the two women spent the rest of their lives in close proximity at the center of a community of women committed to producing serious art. ...
她在未出版的自傳《沒有愉快的回憶》中詳細描述了瘋狂的弟弟聖馬爾。 1915 年，她遇到了富有的美國詩人娜塔莉·巴尼(Natalie Barney)，儘管她只是間接參加了巴尼(Barney) 成名的文學沙龍，但這兩位女士在致力於創作嚴肅作品的女性社區的中心度過了餘生。 …
Brooks's first one-person exhibition took place at the prestigious Galerie Durand-Ruel in 1910, the same gallery that had first shown the work of the Impressionists. The paintings exhibited that year were almost all of women, and ranged from portraits to figure studies of unnamed models such as The Red Jacket and White Azaleas or Black Net (both 1910), which evoke the melancholy and morbid eroticism of the Symbolist poets. The exhibition included paintings employing a restricted palette based on a range of gray tonalities and executed during earlier stays in Cornwall and London under the influence of Whistler and the English Symbolist painters and poets. There were also portraits and delicately rendered studies of young women confined within the shallow spaces of balconies, one of the nineteenth century's primary public spaces of female spectatorship. ...
布魯克斯的第一次個人展覽於 1910 年在著名的杜蘭德-魯爾畫廊 (Galerie Durand-Ruel) 舉辦，該畫廊首次展出了印象派的作品。那一年展出的畫作幾乎都是女性，範圍從肖像畫到無名模特兒的人物研究，如《紅夾克》、《白杜鵑花》或《黑網》（均1910年），喚起了象徵主義詩人的憂鬱和病態的情慾。展覽中的畫作採用了基於一系列灰色調的有限調色板，這些畫作是在惠斯勒和英國象徵主義畫家和詩人的影響下早期在康沃爾郡和倫敦期間創作的。還有一些關於年輕女性被限制在陽台淺層空間內的肖像畫和精緻的研究，陽台是十九世紀女性觀眾的主要公共空間之一。 …
Brooks has often been marginalized in histories of modern art because of her decision to work primarily as a portraitist, and because of her apparent disinterest in the stylistic innovations and movements that have defined the Modernist avant-garde. Although she has been presented as relatively untouched by the Modernist ferment swirling around her in the Paris of the 1910s, the paintings themselves suggest a more self-conscious dialogue with vanguard tendencies. The painting The Balcony (1910), and the Portrait of Jean Cocteau (1914), which shows the poet posing with insouciant elegance in front of the skeletal framework of the monument that had come to stand for the modern city, cannot but evoke comparisons with other accepted monuments in the history of Modernism, such as Manet's The Balcony (1868-69) and Robert Delaunay's Eiffel Tower (1910). There is more than a little wit in this deliberate insertion of an effeminate Cocteau into the Modernist spaces of femininity so widely utilized by the Impressionist painters. And more than a little of Berthe Morisot's attention to the attitudes and rituals that mark the social construction of femininity in Brooks's paintings of young women gazing out at the modern city. ...
布魯克斯經常在現代藝術史上被邊緣化，因為她決定主要作為肖像畫家工作，並且因為她對定義現代主義前衛的風格創新和運動明顯不感興趣。儘管她在 1910 年代巴黎的表現中相對未受到現代主義浪潮的影響，但這些畫作本身暗示了與先鋒派傾向的更自覺的對話。 《陽台》（1910）和《讓·谷克多肖像》（1914）這幅畫展現了詩人在代表現代城市的紀念碑的骨架前擺出漫不經心的優雅姿勢，不禁讓人將其與現代主義史上其他公認的紀念碑，如馬奈的《陽台》（1868-69）和羅伯特·德勞內的《艾菲爾鐵塔》（1910）。刻意將女性化的谷克托插入印象派畫家廣泛使用的現代主義女性空間，其中不乏智慧。在布魯克斯的畫作中，年輕女性凝視著現代城市，貝爾特·莫里索（Berthe Morisot）對態度和儀式的關注也不少，這些態度和儀式標誌著女性氣質的社會建構。 …
Brooks once referred to her favored nude model, the dancer and actress Ida Rubinstein, as "Olympia's sister." The painting White Azaleas was the first of a series of paintings of slender, ...
布魯克斯曾將她最喜歡的裸體模特兒、舞者兼演員艾達·魯賓斯坦 (Ida Rubinstein) 稱為“奧林匹亞的妹妹”。 《白杜鵑花》這幅畫是一系列修長、…的畫作中的第一幅。
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small-breasted reclining nudes that would prove as daring as Manet's Olympia (1863-65) in their simultaneous eroticizing of the female body within the context of lesbian spectatorship, and their repudiation of the conventions of the voluptuous female nude in Western art. Brooks's search to forge a new visual representation of the modern lesbian would lead her to a series of powerful images of amazons and warrior women that include Boréale (also called Chasseresse) and The Amazon (Natalie Barney) (both 1920). They lead finally to the groundbreaking self-portrait of 1923 through a series of works that visually articulate the modern lesbian's relationship to contemporary medical literature on homosexuality, as well as to pictorial traditions that destabilize the categories of masculinity and femininity. ...
小胸斜倚裸體像馬奈的《奧林匹亞》（1863-65）一樣大膽，它們同時在女同性戀觀眾的背景下對女性身體進行色情化，並對西方藝術中性感的女性裸體的傳統進行了否定。布魯克斯致力於打造現代女同性戀的新視覺表現形式，這讓她創作了一系列強有力的亞馬遜和女戰士形象，其中包括《Boréale》（也稱為Chasseresse）和《亞馬遜》（娜塔莉·巴尼飾）（皆為1920 年）。他們最終透過一系列作品創作了 1923 年開創性的自畫像，這些作品在視覺上闡明了現代女同性戀與當代同性戀醫學文獻的關係，以及破壞男性氣質和女性氣質類別穩定的繪畫傳統。 …
The emergence around 1900 of a cross-gender figure whose behavior and/or dress manifested elements commonly identified as "masculine" corresponded to an early twentieth- century medical model which constructed lesbianism around notions of perversion, illness, inversion, and paranoia. The ideology of the "third sex" advanced by pioneering sexologists like Havelock Ellis and Kraft-Ebing was rooted in homophobic attitudes. These theories, although their merits are still debated, did provide new models for artists and writers early in the twentieth century, enabling women to break the asexual mold of romantic friendship through which nineteenth-century women had expressed their relationships with one another. ...
1900 年左右出現了一個跨性別人物，其行為和/或衣著表現出通常被認為是「男性化」的元素，這與20 世紀早期的醫學模式相對應，該模式圍繞著變態、疾病、倒錯和偏執等概念建構了女同性戀。哈夫洛克·艾利斯（Havelock Ellis）和克拉夫特·埃賓（Kraft-Ebing）等先驅性學家提出的「第三性」意識形態植根於恐同態度。這些理論雖然其優點仍存在爭議，但確實為二十世紀初的藝術家和作家提供了新的模式，使女性能夠打破浪漫友誼的無性模式，十九世紀女性透過這種模式表達彼此之間的關係。 …
The imagery of intellectually and physically powerful femininity and that of the lesbian New Woman of the early twentieth century intersect in Brooks's paintings which rely on the imagery of cross-dressing. In her Self-Portrait of 1923, she shows herself rigidly contained against a landscape of ruined buildings. The face is mask-like, the eyes shadowed by the brim of a top hat, one gloved hand clenched in front of her. The gaze is watchful, the costume stylish but severe. Combining the thematics of romantic independence and endurance, and the sartorial signs of wealth and independence, Brooks produces a powerful female image. ...
在布魯克斯的畫作中，智力和身體上強大的女性形象與二十世紀初的女同性戀新女性形象相交，這些畫作都依賴異裝形象。在 1923 年的《自畫像》中，她將自己嚴格限制在一片廢墟建築的背景下。她的臉像面具一樣，眼睛被大禮帽的帽簷遮住，一隻戴著手套的手緊握在她面前。目光警惕，服裝時尚但嚴肅。布魯克斯將浪漫的獨立和忍耐的主題與財富和獨立的服裝標誌相結合，塑造了一個強大的女性形象。 …
Literary critic Susan Gubar has written of Brooks's self- depiction as that of an outsider, "Byronic in her... revolt against social conventions... an outsider marked by her shaded brow like Byron's Cain." It is also possible, however, to see Brooks's choice of equestrian garb as positioning the figure within sets of visual codes dating at least from the eighteenth century, when the two Ladies of Llangollen-Elizabeth Butler and Sarah Ponsonby-adopted the less gender-bound clothing of equestrians as signs of the greater freedom to which ...
文學評論家蘇珊·古巴爾（Susan Gubar）將布魯克斯的自我描述描述為一個局外人，“拜倫式的……對社會習俗的反抗……一個局外人的標誌是她的陰影眉毛，就像拜倫筆下的凱恩一樣。然而，也有可能將布魯克斯對馬術服裝的選擇視為將人物定位在至少可以追溯到十八世紀的視覺代碼中，當時蘭戈倫的兩位女士——伊麗莎白·巴特勒和莎拉·龐森比——採用了性別限制較少的服裝。
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they aspired, and evident a century later in Rosa Bonheur's representations (see Chapter 6). ...
他們渴望，並在一個世紀後羅莎·博納爾（Rosa Bonheur）的陳述中得到體現（見第六章）。 …
The possibility of gender mobility implied by the choice of ambiguous clothing styles has also characterized the dress of the dandy and the New Woman. Brooks inserts her figures into a long line of well-dressed men about town, from Beau Brummell, whose attire in Robert Dighton's painting of 1805 finds an echo in Brooks's own portrait of Elisabeth de Gramont, Duchess of Clermont-Tonnerre (c. 1924) to Max Beerbohm. The dandy, like the lesbian, stands outside bourgeois culture, flouting conventions of dress and social roles, and it is this tradition to which the society portraitists that Brooks admired-Whistler and Boldini-also belonged. ...
模糊服裝款式的選擇暗示著性別流動的可能性，這也是花花公子和新女性服裝的特徵。布魯克斯將她的人物融入鎮上一長排穿著考究的男人中，這些男人來自博·布魯梅爾(Beau Brummell)，羅伯特·戴頓(Robert Dighton) 1805 年的畫作中，他的著裝與布魯克斯自己的克萊蒙-托內爾公爵夫人伊麗莎白·德·格拉蒙(Elisabeth de Gramont, Duchess of Clermont-Tonnerre) 肖像（約1924 年）相呼應。與女同性戀一樣，花花公子也站在資產階級文化之外，蔑視著裝和社會角色的傳統，而布魯克斯所欽佩的社會肖像畫家——惠斯勒和博爾迪尼——也屬於這種傳統。 …
By the first decade of the twentieth century, dandyism and Modernism had intersected in those men and women whose sexual lives also had a life in their art, and the cross- dressed figure of the woman artist had gained particular currency. At an historical moment when radical feminists were advocating "androgyny," and designers like Coco Chanel were “masculinizing" women's fashions, the "new look" also began to make its presence felt in the visual arts. In 1918, Alfred Stieglitz photographed Georgia O'Keeffe's pale face and hooded eyes emerging from the inky darkness of a black bowler hat and high-necked coat. Sexual ambiguity also defined O'Keeffe's modernity; like Brooks and her circle, the American painter had adopted a wardrobe of simple and elegantly tailored black-and- white costumes which she would wear for the rest of her life. ...
到了二十世紀的第一個十年，花花公子主義和現代主義在那些性生活也在藝術中佔有一席之地的男人和女人身上交叉起來，女藝術家的異裝形象變得特別流行。在激進女權主義者提倡「雙性化」、可可·香奈兒等設計師將女性時尚「男性化」的歷史時刻，「新面貌」也開始在視覺藝術中嶄露頭角。蒂格利茨(Alfred Stieglitz) 拍攝了喬治亞·O (Georgia O)基夫蒼白的臉和從黑色圓頂禮帽和高領外套的墨黑中露出的雙眸也定義了奧基夫的現代感；就像布魯克斯和她的圈子一樣，這位美國畫家也採用了簡單而優雅的服裝。
168 Romaine Brooks, White Azaleas or Black Net, 1910 ...
168 羅曼‧布魯克斯 (Romaine Brooks)，《白杜鵑花或黑網》，1910 年…
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Despite the fact that her own body was often on display through the eroticized nude photographs which her husband Alfred Stieglitz took of her, and that an obsession with the female body has always been read in her work, O'Keeffe spent much of her life trying to escape attempts by critics and a well-meaning public to read her life in her work. O'Keeffe's place in the history of American modern art, while far more secure than that of many other women artists, remains circumscribed by critical attempts to create a special category for her. Her career, critic Hilton Kramer later wrote, "is unlike almost any other in the history of modern art in America" for it embraced its whole history, from the founding of Stieglitz's ...
儘管她自己的身體經常透過她的丈夫阿爾弗雷德·施蒂格利茨為她拍攝的色情裸照來展示，而且她的作品中始終體現出對女性身體的痴迷，但歐姬芙一生中的大部分時間都在嘗試為了逃避批評家和善意的公眾試圖從她的作品中解讀她的生活。奧基夫在美國現代藝術史上的地位雖然比許多其他女性藝術家要穩固得多，但仍然受到為她創造一個特殊類別的批評嘗試的限制。評論家希爾頓·克萊默後來寫道，她的職業生涯“與美國現代藝術史上的幾乎任何其他職業都不同”，因為它涵蓋了從斯蒂格利茨創立以來的整個歷史…
169 ABOVE LEFT Romaine Brooks, The Amazon (Natalie Barney), 1920 170 ABOVE RIGHT Romaine Brooks, Self-Portrait, 1923 ...
169 左上羅曼·布魯克斯，亞馬遜（娜塔莉·巴尼），1920 年 170 右上羅曼·布魯克斯，自畫像，1923 年 ...
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171 Man Ray, Coco Chanel, 1935 ...
171 曼雷、可可香奈兒，1935 年…
gallery with its shocking displays of European Modernism to the eventual acceptance of modern art in America. And it anticipated by some years the color field paintings of Clyfford Still, Helen Frankenthaler, Ellsworth Kelly, Barnett Newman, and others. Recently elevated to major status among American twentieth-century artists, the "rediscovery" that began her meteoric rise to the forefront of American art came only with her retrospective exhibition at the Whitney Museum in 1970 when a new generation of viewers were drawn to the uncompromising example of her life and the quiet integrity of her work. ...
畫廊以其令人震驚的歐洲現代主義展示而最終在美國接受了現代藝術。它比克萊福德·斯蒂爾、海倫·弗蘭肯塔勒、埃爾斯沃斯·凱利、巴尼特·紐曼等人的色域畫作早了幾年。最近在美國二十世紀藝術家中獲得了重要地位，直到1970 年在惠特尼博物館舉辦她的回顧展時，「重新發現」才開始讓她迅速崛起到美國藝術的前沿，當時新一代的觀眾被毫不妥協的藝術所吸引。 …
Her relationship to her colleagues in the circle around Stieglitz, with whom she began living in 1919-the painters Marsden Hartley, Charles Demuth, Arthur Dove, and the photographer Paul Strand-was often equivocal. Referring to them as "the boys," she later commented that "The men liked to put me down as the best woman painter. I think I'm one of the best painters." O'Keeffe chose to live much of her life away from New York, developing her paintings in relation to the vast, austere landscape of the southwestern United States, ...
她與施蒂格利茨周圍的同事（畫家馬斯登·哈特利、查爾斯·德穆斯、阿瑟·多夫和攝影師保羅·斯特蘭德）的關係常常是模棱兩可的，她於1919 年開始與施蒂格利茨周圍的同事住在一起。她將他們稱為“男孩們”，後來評論道，“男人們喜歡把我視為最好的女畫家。我認為我是最好的畫家之一。”歐姬芙選擇在遠離紐約的地方生活，她的畫作與美國西南部廣闊而嚴峻的風景有關，...
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particularly the area around Abiquiu, New Mexico, where she moved permanently after Stieglitz's death in 1946. ...
尤其是新墨西哥州阿比丘週邊地區，1946 年斯蒂格利茨去世後，她永久搬到了那裡。
Born in 1887, O'Keeffe studied anatomical drawing with John Vanderpoel at the Art Institute of Chicago in 1905; two years later she was in New York studying painting at the Art Students League. Quickly losing interest in academic styles derived from European models, she left to work as a commercial artist in Chicago. After attending a course on the principles of abstract design taught by Alan Bement-a follower of the art educator Arthur Wesley Dow-she taught Dow's principles in schools in Virginia, South Carolina, and Texas. She met Stieglitz after she sent a batch of abstract charcoal drawings based on personal feelings and sensations to Anita Politzer, a friend in New York who subsequently took them to Stieglitz. ...
歐姬芙出生於 1887 年，1905 年在芝加哥藝術學院師從約翰·范德普爾 (John Vanderpoel) 學習解剖學繪畫；兩年後，她在紐約藝術學生聯盟學習繪畫。她很快就對源自歐洲模特兒的學院派風格失去了興趣，轉而在芝加哥擔任商業藝術家。在參加了藝術教育家阿瑟·韋斯利·道(Arthur Wesley Dow) 的追隨者艾倫·貝門特(Alan Bement) 教授的抽象設計原理課程後，她在弗吉尼亞州、南卡羅來納州和德克薩斯州的學校教授道的原理。她在將一批基於個人感受和感覺的抽象木炭畫寄給紐約的朋友安妮塔·波利策(Anita Politzer)後認識了斯蒂格利茨，後者隨後將這些畫帶到了斯蒂格利茨。 …
In 1916, Stieglitz was one of the organizers of "The Forum Exhibition of Modern American Painters." The only woman included among the seventeen leading American Modernists whose work was shown was Marguerite Zorach (1887-1968), a California artist who helped introduce Fauve painting into the United States, but who is better known for her brilliant abstract tapestries. Thus, O'Keeffe was not the only woman shown by Stieglitz at his avant-garde 291 Gallery, but her situation there was unique. ...
1916年，施蒂格利茨是「美國現代畫家論壇展」的組織者之一。十七位美國現代主義領軍人物中唯一一位展出作品的女性是瑪格麗特·佐拉赫（Marguerite Zorach，1887-1968 年），她是一位加州藝術家，幫助將野獸派繪畫引入美國，但她更出名的是她出色的抽象掛毯。因此，歐姬芙並不是施蒂格利茨在他的前衛 291 畫廊展出的唯一女性，但她在那裡的處境是獨一無二的。 …
O'Keeffe's paintings of the 1920s-from the planar precisionist studies of New York's buildings and skyline to the New Mexico landscapes with their distilled forms and intense colors, and the many paintings of single flowers-are intensely personal statements expressed in the reductive language of early Modernism. Her emergence during the early 1920s as an artist of great promise coincided with what appeared to be more liberal attitudes toward women including their increased attendance in art schools. Between 1912 and 1918, a number of women students at the Art Students League, among them Cornelia Barnes, Alice Beach Winter, and Josephine Verstille Nivison, contributed drawings and illustrations to the radical Socialist magazine, The Masses, which promoted women's causes from suffrage to birth control. Other women produced paintings addressing current social realities, like Theresa Bernstein's Suffragette Parade (1916) and Waiting Room― Employment Office (1917), which depicts a group of weary women waiting for jobs. ...
奧基夫1920 年代的畫作——從對紐約建築和天際線的平面精確主義研究，到具有精煉形式和強烈色彩的新墨西哥州風景，以及許多單朵花朵的畫作——都是用簡化的語言表達的強烈的個人陳述。她在 1920 年代初作為一位前途無量的藝術家而嶄露頭角，恰逢人們對女性採取更自由的態度，包括她們在藝術學校就讀的人數增加。 1912 年至1918 年間，藝術學生聯盟的一些女學生，包括科妮莉亞·巴恩斯(Cornelia Barnes)、愛麗絲·比奇·溫特(Alice Beach Winter) 和約瑟芬·韋爾斯蒂尼維森(Josephine Verstille Nivison)，為激進的社會主義雜誌《群眾》貢獻了繪畫和插圖，該雜誌促進了從選舉權到婦女權利的婦女事業。其他女性創作的畫作反映了當前的社會現實，例如特蕾莎·伯恩斯坦的《婦女參政遊行》（1916）和《等候室——就業辦公室》（1917），描繪了一群疲憊的等待工作的女性。 …
Throughout the 1920s, the complex associations between O'Keeffe's paintings of natural forms and the female body elicited readings which the artist herself recognized as ideological constructions. Responding to the widespread popularizing of Freud's ideas in America, Henry McBride noted: ...
在整個 1920 年代，奧基夫的自然形式繪畫與女性身體之間的複雜關聯引發了藝術家本人認為是意識形態建構的解釋。針對佛洛伊德思想在美國的廣泛普及，亨利‧麥克布萊德指出：…
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172 喬治亞‧歐姬芙，美國散熱器大樓，1927 年…
"Georgia O'Keeffe is probably what they will be calling in a few years a B.F. (before Freud) since all her inhibitions seem to have been removed before the Freudian recommendations were preached upon this side of the Atlantic. She became free without the aid of Freud. But she had aid. There was another who took the place of Freud.... It is of course Alfred Stieglitz...." ...
「幾年後，喬治亞·歐姬芙可能會被稱為BF（在弗洛伊德之前），因為在弗洛伊德的建議在大西洋彼岸傳播之前，她所有的抑制似乎都已被消除。她在沒有援助的情況下獲得了自由。
The ideology of femininity, which presented O'Keeffe as Stieglitz's protegée and which constructed her considerable talent as "essentially feminine," legitimized male authority and male succession. "Alfred Stieglitz presents" read the ...
女性氣質意識形態將奧基夫視為施蒂格利茨的門生，並將她的巨大才華塑造為“本質上女性化”，使男性權威和男性繼承合法化。 「阿爾弗雷德·史蒂格利茨的禮物」讀...
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announcement for O'Keeffe's 1923 exhibition at his gallery; the following year he declared: "Women can only create babies, say the scientists, but I say they can produce art-and Georgia O'Keeffe is the proof of it." ...
歐姬芙 1923 年在其畫廊舉辦展覽的公告；第二年，他宣稱：“科學家們說，女性只能創造嬰兒，但我說她們可以創造藝術——喬治亞·歐姬芙就是證明。” …
In a decade of declining birth rates women were confronted by a barrage of literature urging them to stay home where, as mothers and homemakers, they became perfect marketing targets for a new peacetime economy based on household consumption. Throughout the 1920s, O'Keeffe was forced to watch her work constantly appropriated to an ideology of sexual difference built on the emotional differences between the sexes which supported this social reorganization. Men were "rational," manipulating the environment for the good of their families; women were “intuitive" and "expressive," dominated by their feelings and their biological roles. She was shocked when, in 1920, the painter Marsden Hartley wrote an article casting her abstractions in Freudian terms and discussing "feminine perceptions and feminine powers of expression" in her work and that of Delaunay and Laurencin. "No man could feel as Georgia O'Keeffe," noted the Modernist critic Paul Rosenfeld in 1924, "and utter himself in precisely such curves and colors; for in those curves and spots and prismatic color ...
在出生率下降的十年裡，婦女面臨著大量敦促她們留在家裡的文獻，作為母親和家庭主婦，她們成為基於家庭消費的新和平時期經濟的完美行銷目標。在整個 1920 年代，歐姬芙被迫看著她的作品不斷地融入一種性別差異意識形態，這種意識形態建立在支持這種社會重組的兩性情感差異之上。男人是“理性的”，為了家庭的利益而操縱環境；女性具有“直覺”和“表現力”，受她們的感受和生理角色支配。她的抽象，並討論了“女性感知和女性表達能力”，這讓她感到震驚”在她以及德勞內和勞倫森的作品中。“沒有人能像喬治亞·歐姬芙一樣，”現代主義評論家保羅·羅森菲爾德在1924 年指出，「並以這樣的曲線和色彩表達自己；因為那些曲線、斑點和棱柱顏色......
173 Georgia O'Keeffe, Black Hollyhock. Blue Larkspur, 1930 ...
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there is the woman referring the universe to her own frame, her own balance; and rendering in her picture of things her body's subconscious knowledge of itself." ...
女人將宇宙歸結於自己的框架、自己的平衡；並在她對事物的描繪中呈現出她的身體對自身的潛意識知識。
Criticisms such as these constructed a specific category for O'Keeffe. Hailed as the epitome of emancipated womanhood, she was accorded star status, but only at the top of a female class. The biological fact of her femininity took precedence over serious critical evaluations of her work. While Edmund Wilson lauded her "particularly feminine intensity," and the New York Times critic declared that "she reveals woman as an elementary being, closer to the earth than men, suffering pain with passionate ecstacy and enjoying love with beyond-good-and- evil delight," O'Keeffe threatened to quit painting if Freudian interpretations continued to be made. Complaining that Hartley's and Demuth's flower paintings were not interpreted erotically, she struggled against a cultural identification of the female with the biological nature of the body which has long been used to assign woman a negative role in the production of culture. It is hardly surprising that she responded with so little sympathy to attempts by feminist artists and critics during the 1970s to annex her formal language to the renewed search for a "female" imagery. ...
諸如此類的批評為歐姬芙建構了一個特定的類別。她被譽為解放女性的縮影，享有明星地位，但僅處於女性階層的頂端。她女性氣質的生物學事實優先於對她作品的嚴肅批判性評估。雖然埃德蒙·威爾遜稱讚她“特別女性化的強度”，《紐約時報》的評論家宣稱“她揭示了女性是一種基本的存在，比男性更接近地球，以熱情的狂喜承受痛苦，以超越善惡的方式享受愛情”邪惡的快樂”，奧基夫威脅說，如果繼續進行弗洛伊德的解釋，他將退出繪畫。她抱怨哈特利和德穆斯的花卉畫沒有被色情解讀，她反對將女性與身體的生物本質等同的文化，這種認同長期以來一直被用來賦予女性在文化生產中的負面角色。毫不奇怪，她對 20 世紀 70 年代女權主義藝術家和批評家試圖將她的正式語言納入對「女性」意象的重新探索的嘗試幾乎沒有同情。 …
O'Keeffe met the Canadian painter, Emily Carr (1871-1945), at Stieglitz's gallery in 1930. Although no details remain of the brief meeting, these two major figures in North American landscape painting were evidently sympathetic. If O'Keeffe finally found the art world's insistent refusal to allow her painting to stand in relation to that of her contemporaries a burden and a barrier to her development as a painter, Carr's isolation in British Columbia saved her from most such intrusions. After studying painting in San Francisco, London, and Paris in relatively short intervals between 1890 and 1910, Carr's strong, brooding paintings of the Pacific northwest and its Indians went almost completely unnoticed until the 1920s, when she met Mark Tobey and the painters of Canada's Group of Seven. Although never formally a member of the group, she exhibited with them beginning in 1927 in an exhibition called "Canadian West Coast Art: Native and Modern." Like O'Keeffe, Carr built an intensely personal style from a range of influences and, like the American painter, she distilled essential forms from a monumental and imposing nature and presented them without sentiment, moralizing, or anecdote. The breadth of these painters' visions calls for a redrawing of the boundaries between woman, nature, and art. ...
1930 年，歐姬芙在史蒂格利茨畫廊結識了加拿大畫家艾米麗·卡爾（Emily Carr，1871-1945 年）。的重要人物顯然是同情的。如果奧基夫最終發現藝術界堅決拒絕讓她的畫作與同時代人的畫作相提並論，這是她作為畫家發展的負擔和障礙，那麼卡爾在不列顛哥倫比亞省的孤立使她免受大多數此類入侵。 1890 年至1910 年間，卡爾在舊金山、倫敦和巴黎學習繪畫，時間相對較短，之後，她對太平洋西北部及其印第安人的強烈、沉思的畫作幾乎完全被忽視，直到1920 年代，她遇到了馬克·托比(Mark Tobey) 和加拿大的畫家。儘管她從未正式成為該團體的成員，但她從 1927 年開始與他們一起在一個名為“加拿大西海岸藝術：本土與現代”的展覽中展出。像奧基夫一樣，卡爾在一系列影響下建立了強烈的個人風格，並且像這位美國畫家一樣，她從不朽而壯麗的自然中提煉出基本的形式，並在沒有情感、道德或軼事的情況下呈現它們。這些畫家視野的廣度要求重新劃定女性、自然和藝術之間的界線。 …
During the 1930s, European artists like Barbara Hepworth and Germaine Richier also elaborated the connections between ...
20 世紀 30 年代，Barbara Hepworth 和 Germaine Richier 等歐洲藝術家也闡述了…
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nature's cycles of generation and erosion in abstract and representational works. Hepworth (1903-1975), one of England's leading sculptors, studied at the Leeds School of Art and at the Royal College of Art in London where she and Henry Moore became fascinated by the interplay of mass and negative space. Visits to the studios of Constantin Brancusi and Jean Arp in Paris in 1931 encouraged Hepworth to explore biomorphism within an increasingly abstract vocabulary. Living with the painter Ben Nicholson during the 1930s, she was an active participant in the development of abstraction in England. Working steadily, even after the birth of triplets in 1934 slowed her sculptural production, she gradually evolved a totally abstract, geometric vocabulary. ...
抽象和具像作品中自然的生成和侵蝕循環。赫普沃斯（1903-1975）是英國頂尖的雕塑家之一，曾就讀於利茲藝術學院和倫敦皇家藝術學院，在那裡她和亨利摩爾對品質和負空間的相互作用著迷。 1931 年，赫普沃斯參觀了康斯坦丁·布朗庫西 (Constantin Brancusi) 和讓·阿爾普 (Jean Arp) 位於巴黎的工作室，這鼓勵他在日益抽象的詞彙中探索生物形態。 20 世紀 30 年代，她與畫家 Ben Nicholson 生活在一起，是英國抽象藝術發展的積極參與者。儘管 1934 年三胞胎的出生減慢了她的雕塑創作，但她仍穩步工作，逐漸形成了一種完全抽象的幾何詞彙。 …
Adrian Stokes, the painter and essayist, was a member of the group in England-along with the painter Paul Nash and the physicist J. D. Bernal-who helped define this formal vocabulary. Writing in The Spectator in 1933 after her exhibition at Reid and Lefevre, he noted: "These stones are inhabited with feeling, even if, in common with the majority of 'advanced' carvers, Miss Hepworth has felt not only the block, but also its potential fruit, to be always feminine...." ...
畫家兼散文家阿德里安·斯托克斯(Adrian Stokes) 是英國該團體的成員，與畫家保羅·納什(Paul Nash) 和物理學家JD·伯納爾(JD Bernal) 一起幫助定義了這一正式詞彙。 1933 年，在里德和勒菲弗爾舉辦展覽後，他在《旁觀者》雜誌上撰文指出：「這些石頭充滿了感情，儘管與大多數'高級'雕刻家一樣，赫普沃斯小姐不僅感受到了石塊，也感受到了石頭的質感。
This generative metaphor was deeply internalized by artists working under the influence of Surrealism. In a poem written in the early 1930s and dedicated to Max Ernst, the English poet David Gascoyne celebrated "the great bursting womb of desire." ...
這種生成隱喻被在超現實主義影響下工作的藝術家深深內化了。英國詩人大衛·加斯科因 (David Gascoyne) 在 1930 年代初寫的一首獻給馬克斯·恩斯特 (Max Ernst) 的詩中歌頌了「慾望的偉大破裂的子宮」。 …
Barbara Hepworth, Two Forms, 1934 ...
芭芭拉‧赫普沃斯，《兩種型態》，1934 年
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Jean Arp also chose procreation as a metaphor for artistic generation, writing in 1948 that "art is a fruit that grows in man, like a fruit on a plant or like a child in its mother's womb." The reasons for this particular trope lie outside the present work, but its effects proved nowhere more conflicting than for women artists in the Surrealist movement. ...
讓·阿爾普也選擇生殖作為藝術一代的隱喻，他在 1948 年寫道：“藝術是人類身上生長的果實，就像植物上的果實或母親子宮裡的孩子一樣。”這種特殊比喻的原因不在於當前的作品，但事實證明，它的影響對於超現實主義運動中的女性藝術家來說是最矛盾的。 …
No artistic movement since the nineteenth century has celebrated the idea of woman and her creativity as passionately as did Surrealism during the 1920s and 1930s. None has had as many female practitioners, and none has evolved a more complex role for the woman artist in a modern movement. André Breton's romantic vision of perfect union with the loved woman as the source for an art of convulsive disorientation that would resolve polarized states of experience and awareness into a new, revolutionary surreality was formulated in response to a culture shaken by war. He advanced his image of the spontaneous, instinctive woman in a social context in which women were demanding the right to work and to vote, and the French government was promoting pronatalism as a strategy for repopulating the war-ravaged country. “The fate of France, its existence, depends on the family," declared a slogan of 1919, the same year that Breton, recently demobilized, returned to Paris. The following year a law was passed forbidding the mere advocacy of abortion or birth control; by 1924, when the First Surrealist Manifesto appeared, Breton had dedicated himself to liberating woman from such "bourgeois" considerations. ...
自 19 世紀以來，沒有任何藝術運動能夠像 20 世紀 20 年代和 1930 年代的超現實主義那樣熱情地頌揚女性理念及其創造力。沒有人擁有如此多的女性藝術家，也沒有人在現代運動中為女性藝術家發展出更複雜的角色。安德烈·布雷頓（André Breton）的浪漫願景是與所愛的女人完美結合，作為一種痙攣性迷失藝術的源泉，將經驗和意識的兩極分化解決為一種新的、革命性的超現實，這是為了回應因戰爭而動搖的文化。他在女性要求工作和投票權的社會背景下提升了自發性、本能的女性形象，而法國政府正在推動生育主義作為重建這個飽受戰爭蹂躪的國家的戰略。 1919 年的口號是“法國的命運及其存在取決於家庭”，同年布雷頓剛剛復員返回巴黎。主義宣言出現時，布列塔尼致力於將女性從這種「資產階級」的考慮中解放出來…
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The image of ethereal and disruptive womanhood, which enters Breton's poetry of the 1920s, owes much to Apollinaire's imbrication of erotic and poetic emotion, to the poet's reliance on Symbolist polarities to express the duality of female nature, and to his presentation of Marie Laurencin as muse and eternal child. But the Surrealist woman was also born out of Freud's ambivalent and dualistic positioning of woman at the center of the creative and the subversive powers of the love instinct in her incompatible roles as mother and the bearer of life, and destroyer of man. The works of male Surrealists are dominated by the presence of a mythical Other onto whom their romantic, sexual, and erotic desire is projected. The female body- assaulted, fragmented, rewritten as subject and verb, interior and exterior-became the Surrealist signifier par excellence, the visual point at which the polarities of Western thought collapsed into a new reality. ...
1920年代布列塔尼詩歌中出現的空靈而具有破壞性的女性形象，很大程度上歸功於阿波利奈爾對情色和詩意情感的疊瓦，歸功於詩人依靠象徵主義的極性來表達女性天性的二元性，以及他將瑪麗·勞倫森描述為繆斯和永恆的孩子。但超現實主義女性也誕生於佛洛伊德的矛盾和二元定位，即女性處於愛本能的創造力和顛覆力量的中心，在她作為母親、生命的承載者和男人的毀滅者的不相容的角色中。男性超現實主義者的作品以神話中的他者的存在為主導，他們的浪漫、性和色情慾望都投射到他者身上。女性身體——被攻擊、支離破碎、被重寫為主語和動詞、內部和外部——成為超現實主義的卓越標誌，西方思想的兩極化為新現實的視覺點。 …
During the 1930s, women artists came to Surrealism in large numbers, attracted by the movement's anti-academic stance and by its sanctioning of an art in which personal reality dominates. But they found themselves struggling toward artistic maturity in the context of a movement that defined their role as one of confirming and completing a male creative cycle, and that metaphorically obliterated subject/ object polarities through violent assaults on the female image. Not surprisingly, most women ended by asserting their independence from Surrealism. ...
20 世紀 30 年代，超現實主義運動的反學院立場及其對個人現實占主導地位的藝術的認可所吸引，大量女性藝術家來到超現實主義領域。但他們發現自己在一場運動的背景下努力走向藝術成熟，這場運動將他們的角色定義為確認和完成男性創作週期，並透過對女性形象的暴力攻擊隱喻性地消除了主體/客體的極性。毫不奇怪，大多數女性最終都宣稱自己獨立於超現實主義。 …
Almost without exception, women artists saw themselves as outside the inner circle of poets and painters that produced Surrealist manifestos and formulated Surrealist theory. Most of them were young women just embarking on artistic careers when they came to Paris; many of them would do their mature work only after leaving the Surrealist circle. Often they came to Surrealism through personal relationships with men in the group rather than shared political or theoretical goals. Yet they made significant contributions to the language of Surrealism, replacing the male Surrealists' love of hallucination and erotic violence with an art of magical fantasy and narrative flow, and moving, however tentatively, toward laying claim to female subject positions within male-dominated movements. Moreover, their images of the female body, conceived not as Other but as Self, anticipate a feminine poetics of the body- imaging and celebrating the female body's organic, erotic, and maternal reality-that would fully emerge only with the feminist movement of the 1970s. ...
幾乎無一例外，女性藝術家都將自己視為產生超現實主義宣言並發展超現實主義理論的詩人和畫家核心圈子之外的人。他們中的大多數是來到巴黎時剛踏上藝術生涯的年輕女性；他們中的許多人是在離開超現實主義圈子之後才開始創作成熟的作品的。他們通常是透過與團體中的男性的個人關係而不是共同的政治或理論目標而進入超現實主義的。然而，她們對超現實主義的語言做出了重大貢獻，用魔法幻想和敘事流的藝術取代了男性超現實主義者對幻覺和色情暴力的熱愛，並試圖在男性主導的運動中主張女性主體地位，儘管是試探性的。此外，她們對女性身體的想像，不是被視為他者，而是被視為自我，預示著一種關於身體的女性詩學——想像和慶祝女性身體的有機、情慾和母性現實——只有隨著女性主義運動的興起，這種詩學才會完全出現。 …
Surrealism's multiple and ambivalent visions of woman converge in identifications of the female body with the ...
超現實主義對女性的多重且矛盾的看法融合在對女性身體與…的認同中。
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177 Leonor Fini, Petit Sphinx Hermite, 1948 ...
177 萊昂諾‧菲尼，《小獅身人面像隱士》，1948 年…
mysterious forces and regenerative powers of nature. Women artists were quick to draw on this identification of woman with creative nature, but they did it with an analytic mind and an ironic stance at that. Artists like Leonora Carrington, Leonor Fini, the American painters Kay Sage and Dorothea Tanning, and the Spanish-Mexican artist Remedios Varo received varying degrees of formal training. Yet they worked in a meticulous manner, building up tight surfaces with layers of small and carefully modulated brushstrokes. However fantastic their imagery, they often worked with the precision and care of illustrators, as if their creative model was scientific investigation rather than Surrealist explosiveness. Fini's many paintings of bones and rotting vegetation-like Petit Sphinx Hermite (1948) and Varo's carefully crafted scientific fantasies ...
大自然的神秘力量和再生力量。女藝術家很快就利用了對女性創造力的這種認同，但她們是用分析性的思維和諷刺的立場來做到這一點的。萊奧諾拉·卡林頓（Leonora Carrington）、萊昂諾爾·菲尼（Leonor Fini）、美國畫家凱·塞奇（Kay Sage）和多蘿西婭·坦寧（Dorothea Tanning）以及西班牙裔墨西哥藝術家雷梅迪奧斯·瓦羅（Remedios Varo）等藝術家都接受過不同程度的正規訓練。然而，他們的工作方式卻一絲不苟，用層層細小的、精心調製的筆觸構建出緊密的表面。無論他們的圖像多麼美妙，他們經常以插畫家的精確和細心進行創作，就好像他們的創作模式是科學研究而不是超現實主義的爆炸性。菲尼的許多關於骨頭和腐爛植被的畫作，如《小獅身人面像埃爾米特》（Petit Sphinx Hermite，1948）和瓦羅精心製作的科學幻想...
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such as Harmony (1956) and Unsubmissive Plant (1961), resituate the woman artist in the worlds of science and art. ...
例如《和諧》（Harmony）（1956）和《不屈的植物》（Unsubmissive Plant）（1961），將女性藝術家重新安置在科學和藝術的世界中。 …
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Women artists dismissed male romanticizing of nature as female and nurturing (or female and destructive) and replaced it with a more austere and ironic vision. Bizarre and unusual natural forms attracted the photographic eye of Eileen Agar and Lee Miller, while the Czech painter Marie Cerminova, called Toyen, in a series of paintings and drawings executed during and after the Second World War, presents nature as a potent metaphor for inhumanity. ...
女性藝術家將男性對自然的浪漫化視為女性和養育性（或女性和破壞性），並以更嚴峻和諷刺的願景取而代之。奇異而不尋常的自然形態吸引了艾琳·阿加爾和李·米勒的攝影目光，而捷克畫家瑪麗·切爾米諾娃（Toyen）在第二次世界大戰期間和戰後創作的一系列在繪畫和素描中，將自然呈現為對不人道的有力隱喻。 …
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Toyen's (1902-1980) use of nature as a metaphor for political reality finds an echo in the work of Kay Sage (1898-1963), who met the Surrealists in Paris in 1937 and who spent the war years in New York with the Surrealist painter Yves Tanguy. Her paintings are among the most abstract produced within a Surrealist circle and embraced symbolic figuration as the key to the language of the dream and the unconscious. A predilection for sharp, spiny forms, slaty surfaces, and subdued melancholy light infuses her landscapes with an air of emptiness and abandonment; she herself identified strongly with these barren vistas stripped of human habitation. ...
Toyen（1902-1980）使用自然作為政治現實的隱喻，在Kay Sage（1898-1963）的作品中得到了呼應，Kay Sage 於1937 年在巴黎遇見了超現實主義者，並在紐約與超現實主義者一起度過了戰爭年代。她的畫作是超現實主義圈中最抽象的畫作之一，並接受象徵性的圖像作為夢和無意識語言的關鍵。她對尖銳、多刺的形式、石板表面和柔和憂鬱的光線的偏愛給她的風景注入了一種空虛和遺棄的氣氛；她本人對這些無人居住的貧瘠景觀有著強烈的認同感。 …
Alienated from Surrealist theorizing about women, and from the search for a female muse, women turned instead to their ...
女性遠離了關於女性的超現實主義理論，也不再尋找女性繆斯，而是轉向了她們的…
178 OPPOSITE ABOVE Eileen Agar, Ploumanach, 1936 179 OPPOSITE BELOW Toyen, illustration from The Rifle-Range, 1940 180 BELOW Kay Sage, In the Third Sleep, 1944 ...
178 上方對面 Eileen Agar，Ploumanach，1936 年 179 下對面 Toyen，《步槍靶場》插圖，1940 年 180 下方 Kay Sage，《第三次睡眠》，1944 年 ...
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own reality. Surrealism constructed women as magic objects and sites on which to project male erotic desire. They re-created themselves as beguiling personalities, poised uneasily between the worlds of artifice (art) and nature, or the instinctual life. The duality of Kahlo's (1910-1954) life-an exterior persona constantly reinvented with costume and ornament, and an ...
自己的現實。超現實主義將女性塑造成神奇的物體和投射男性性慾的場所。他們將自己重新塑造成迷人的人物，在技巧（藝術）與自然或本能生活的世界之間不安地保持平衡。卡羅（1910-1954）生活的二元性－不斷透過服裝和裝飾重塑的外在形象，以及…
181 Frida Kahlo, The Broken Column, 1944 ...
181 弗里達‧卡羅，《斷柱》，1944 年…
Frida Kahlp.44 ...
弗里達卡爾普.44 ...
interior image nourished on the pain of a body crippled in a trolley accident when she was an adolescent-invests her painting with a haunting complexity and a narrative quality disturbing in its ambiguity. This is also characteristic of much of the work of another contemporary Mexican artist, Maria Izquierdo (1902-1955). ...
青少年時期因電車事故而致殘的身體的痛苦滋養了她的內心形象，賦予她的畫作一種令人難以忘懷的複雜性和一種在模糊性中令人不安的敘事質量。這也是另一位墨西哥當代藝術家瑪麗亞·伊斯奎爾多（Maria Izquierdo，1902-1955）的大部分作品的特點。 …
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Like Kahlo's The Broken Column (1944), the Self-Portrait (1938) by Leonora Carrington (1917-2011) reinforces the woman artist's use of the mirror to assert the duality of being, the self as observer and observed. In The Second Sex (1949), Simone de Beauvoir holds up the image of the mirror as the key to the feminine condition. Women concern themselves with their own images, she asserts, men with an enlarged self-image provided by their reflection in a woman. Kahlo used painting as a means of exploring the reality of her own body and her consciousness of its vulnerability; in many cases the reality dissolves into a duality, exterior evidence versus interior perception of that reality. The self-image in the work of women artists in the Surrealist movement becomes the focus for a dialogue between the constructed social being and the powerful forces of the instinctual life which Surrealism celebrated as the ...
與卡羅的《斷柱》（1944）一樣，利奧諾拉·卡林頓（Leonora Carrington，1917-2011）的《自畫像》（1938）強化了這位女藝術家對鏡子的使用，以強調存在的二元性，即作為觀察者和被觀察者的自我。在《第二性》（1949）中，西蒙娜‧德‧波伏娃將鏡子的圖像視為女性狀態的關鍵。她斷言，女人關心自己的形象，而男人則透過女人的反映來擴大自我形象。卡羅以繪畫作為探索自己身體現實及其脆弱性意識的一種手段；在許多情況下，現實會分解為二元性：外部證據與對該現實的內部感知。超現實主義運動中女性藝術家作品中的自我形象成為建構的社會存在與本能生活的強大力量之間對話的焦點，超現實主義被譽為…
182 Leonora Carrington, Self-Portrait, 1938 ...
182 利奧諾拉‧卡林頓，《自畫像》，1938 年…
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183 Dorothea Tanning, Children's Games, 1942 ...
183 多蘿西亞‧坦寧 (Dorothea Tanning)，兒童遊戲，1942 年…
revolutionary tool that would overthrow the control exerted by the conscious mind. ...
革命性的工具將推翻意識的控制。 …
When it came to taking a position vis-à-vis Surrealism's inflammatory erotic language, women artists vacillated. More often than not they approached the issue of eroticism obliquely, focusing attention on aspects of the erotic that were not exclusively woman's sexual desires. Carrington rejected Freud and turned to alchemy and magic for subjects; Dorothea Tanning (1910-2012) transferred sexuality from the world of adults to that of children. Paintings like Palaestra (1947) and Children's Games (1942) reveal nubile young girls caught in moments of ecstatic transformation. Their bodies respond to unseen forces which sweep through the room, animating drapery and whipping the children's hair and garments into the air. ...
當談到對超現實主義煽動性的色情語言採取立場時，女藝術家們猶豫不決。他們常常以間接的方式處理色情問題，將注意力集中在色情的各個方面，而不僅僅是女性的性慾。卡林頓拒絕了佛洛伊德，轉而以煉金術和魔法為主題；多蘿西亞·坦寧（Dorothea Tanning，1910-2012）將性從成人世界轉移到兒童世界。 《體育場》（Palaestra，1947 年）和《兒童遊戲》（Children's Games，1942 年）等畫作展現了正值青春期的年輕女孩陷入欣喜若狂的轉變時刻。他們的身體會對席捲整個房間的看不見的力量做出反應，使窗簾動起來，並將孩子們的頭髮和衣服甩到空中。 …
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Unmoved by Surrealist theorizing on the subject of erotic desire, and by Freud's writings, women appear to have found little theoretical support for the more liberated understanding of sexuality that Surrealism pursued so avidly. Turning to their own sexual reality as source and subject, they were unable to escape the conflicts engendered by their flight from conventional female roles. The imagery of the sexually mature, sometimes maternal, woman has almost no place in the work of women Surrealists. Their conflicts about this aspect of female sexuality reflect the difficult choices forced upon women of their generation who attempted to reconcile traditional female roles with lives as artists in a movement that prized the innocence of the child-woman and attacked the institutions of marriage and family. ...
女性對超現實主義關於情慾主題的理論和佛洛伊德的著作無動於衷，似乎沒有為超現實主義如此狂熱地追求的對性的更自由的理解找到什麼理論支持。將自己的性現實作為來源和主題，她們無法擺脫因逃離傳統女性角色而產生的衝突。性成熟的、有時是母性的女性形像在女性超現實主義者的作品中幾乎沒有地位。她們關於女性性行為這一方面的衝突反映了這一代女性被迫做出的艱難選擇，她們試圖在一場珍惜童女純真並攻擊婚姻和家庭制度的運動中將傳統女性角色與藝術家的生活調和起來。 …
Less than positive views of maternity also carry over into their work. The most disturbing images of maternal reality in twentieth-century art are to be found in Tanning's Maternity (1946), Varo's Celestial Pablum (1958), and Kahlo's My Birth (1932), ...
對母性的不正面看法也延續到了她們的工作。二十世紀藝術中最令人不安的母性現實形象可以在坦寧的《母性》（1946）、瓦羅的《天上的帕布魯姆》（1958）和卡羅的《我的誕生》（1932 ）中找到。
184 Remedios Varo, Celestial Pablum, 1958 ...
184 雷梅迪奧斯‧瓦羅，《天體帕布魯姆》，1958 年…
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Henry Ford Hospital (1932), and other paintings on this theme. In Varo's Celestial Pablum, an isolated woman sits in a lonely tower, a blank expression on her exhausted face, and mechanically grinds up stars which she feeds to an insatiable moon. The somber palette and mat surface cast their own pall over the work. These paintings are remarkable for their powerful imaging of the conflicts inherent in maternity: the physical changes initiated by pregnancy and lactation, the mother's exhaustion and feared loss of autonomy. The element of erotic violence so prevalent in the work of male Surrealist artists makes its first appearance here in works by Dorothea Tanning, Meret Oppenheim, and Frida Kahlo that deal with childbirth and motherhood. Now it is violence directed against the self, not projected onto another-violence inseparable from the physiological reality of woman's sexuality and the social construction of her feminine role. For Kahlo, as for other women artists associated with the Surrealists, painting became a means of sustaining a dialogue with inner reality. Surrealism sanctioned personal exploration for men and women; in doing so, it legitimized a path already familiar to many women and gave new artistic form to some of the conflicts confronting women in early twentieth-century artistic movements. ...
亨利福特醫院（1932），以及其他以此主題的畫作。在瓦羅的《天國帕布魯姆》中，一位孤獨的女人坐在一座孤獨的塔里，疲憊的臉上表情茫然，機械地碾碎星星，將其餵給貪得無厭的月亮。陰暗的調色板和墊子表面為作品蒙上了一層陰影。這些畫作因其對母性固有衝突的有力描繪而引人注目：懷孕和哺乳引起的身體變化、母親的疲憊和擔心失去自主權。男性超現實主義藝術家作品中如此普遍的色情暴力元素首次出現在多蘿西婭·坦寧（Dorothea Tanning）、梅雷特·奧本海姆（Meret Oppenheim）和弗里達·卡羅（Frida Kahlo ）有關分娩和母性的作品中。現在它是針對自我的暴力，而不是投射到另一種暴力上——這種暴力與女性性的生理現實和女性角色的社會建構密不可分。對卡羅以及其他與超現實主義相關的女性藝術家來說，繪畫成為維持與內在現實對話的手段。超現實主義認可男性和女性的個人探索；在此過程中，它使許多婦女已經熟悉的道路合法化，並為二十世紀初藝術運動中婦女面臨的一些衝突提供了新的藝術形式。 …
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Chapter 11 Gender, Race, and Modernism after the Second World War ...
第十一章第二次世界大戰後的性別、種族與現代主義…
The emergence of an American avant-garde, along with a body of formalist criticism centered in the writings of Clement Greenberg and his followers, dominates traditional art historical accounts of the period after the Second World War. Nevertheless, abstract and figurative art coexisted despite the increasing critical and curatorial attention directed toward the Abstract Expressionists and their successors after 1948. The ways that the meanings of this Modernist art have been produced, reinforced, and challenged can be observed in the shifting relationship of women's art to broader social formulations and mainstream art during this period. The origins of these shifts lie in the 1930s, the period when American artists began self-consciously to formulate a social role for the visual arts. ...
美國先鋒派的出現，以及以克萊門特·格林伯格及其追隨者著作為中心的形式主義批評體系，主導了二戰後時期的傳統藝術史敘事。然而，儘管1948 年後抽象表現主義及其後繼者受到越來越多的批評和策展關注，但抽象和具象藝術並存。藝術之間關係的轉變中觀察到。這些轉變的根源在於 20 世紀 30 年代，當時美國藝術家開始有意識地為視覺藝術塑造社會角色。 …
During the Depression, American artists under government patronage became an integral part of the workforce and evolved a socially conscious visual language. Working outside the dealer/critic/museum system, male and female artists identified themselves with the labor force. Federal arts projects, like the Works Progress (later Projects) Administration (WPA, 1934-39), supported women's struggles for professional recognition; a 1935 survey of professional and technical workers on relief revealed that among artists receiving aid, approximately forty-one per cent were women. The federal section of Fine Arts, a non-relief program which funded murals for public buildings, awarded its commissions on the basis of anonymous competitions in which artists submitted unsigned sketches. Louise Nevelson, Lee Krasner, Isabel Bishop, and Alice Neel were first supported by such programs. WPA patronage also extended to artists of color. During the 1930s, the sculptor Augusta Savage (who was one of the few visual ...
大蕭條期間，在政府資助下的美國藝術家成為勞動力不可分割的一部分，並發展出一種具有社會意識的視覺語言。在經銷商/評論家/博物館系統之外工作，男性和女性藝術家將自己視為勞動力。聯邦藝術項目，如工程進步（後來的項目）管理局（WPA，1934-39），支持婦女爭取專業認可的鬥爭； 1935年對救濟專業和技術工作者的一項調查顯示，在接受援助的藝術家中，大約百分之四十一是女性。聯邦美術部門是一個資助公共建築壁畫的非救濟計劃，它根據藝術家提交未簽名草圖的匿名競賽來授予佣金。 Louise Nevelson、Lee Krasner、Isabel Bishop 和 Alice Neel 首先得到了此類計劃的支持。 WPA 的贊助也延伸到了有色人種藝術家。在 1920 世紀 30 年代，雕塑家奧古斯塔·薩維奇（Augusta Savage）（他是為數不多的視覺藝術家之一）
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artists involved in the previous decade's cultural movement known as The Harlem Renaissance, and one of the most influential artists working in New York's Harlem) lobbied the WPA to include African-American artists in its programs. Later, she became an instructor at the WPA-supported Harlem Community Art Center and a major force in the training of younger African-American artists. In 1939, Pueblo painter Pablita Velarde was commissioned by the WPA to paint the customs and ceremonies of the Pueblo people in 84 paintings for the Bandelier National Monument, Just outside Santa Fe, New Mexico. The iconography of the paintings that resulted developed from library research and interviews with the elders. Velarde went on to become the most prominent Indian woman easel painter in North America during the 1950s, but by the time she won the Grand Purchase Award at the Philbrook Art Center in 1953, postwar American painting had become synonymous with Abstract Expressionism in the eyes of critics and museums. ...
參與過去十年被稱為「哈林文藝復興」文化運動的藝術家，以及在紐約哈林區工作的最有影響力的藝術家之一）遊說 WPA 將非裔美國藝術家納入其計畫中。後來，她成為 WPA 支持的哈林社區藝術中心的講師，並成為培訓年輕非裔美國藝術家的主要力量。 1939 年，普韋布洛畫家 Pablita Velarde 受 WPA 委託，為新墨西哥州聖達菲郊外的班德利爾國家紀念碑 (Bandelier National Monument) 繪製 84 幅畫作，描繪普韋布洛人民的習俗和儀式。這些畫作的圖像是透過圖書館研究和對長輩的訪談而形成的。維拉德後來成為 20 世紀 50 年代北美最傑出的印度女架上畫家，但當她於 1953 年在菲爾布魯克藝術中心獲得大採購獎時，戰後美國繪畫已成為抽象表現主義的代名詞。家和博物館。 …
Despite such achievements, women of color often faced formidable political and social barriers. Mine Okubo, Elizabeth Catlett, and Lois Mailou Jones were among a larger group of ...
儘管取得了這些成就，有色人種女性仍然經常面臨巨大的政治和社會障礙。 Mine Okubo、Elizabeth Catlett 和 Lois Mailou Jones 是一大群人中的一員…
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artists who, for a variety of reasons, were displaced from their communities of origin. Okubo (1912-2001), who trained at the University of California in Berkeley and exhibited at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art in 1940, was incarcerated two years later along with over 100,000 persons of Japanese ancestry. While living in relocation centers at Tanforan and Topaz, she executed many paintings and drawings in charcoal, pen and ink, gouache and watercolor that forcefully express the effects of dislocation on the lives of America's Japanese communities and their families. ...
因各種原因而離開其原籍社區的藝術家。大久保（1912-2001）曾在加州大學柏克萊分校接受培訓，並於 1940 年在舊金山現代藝術博物館展出，兩年後與超過 10 萬日本裔人士一起被監禁。在坦弗蘭和托帕茲的安置中心居住期間，她用木炭、鋼筆、水粉和水彩畫創作了許多繪畫作品，有力地表達了流離失所對美國日本社區及其家庭生活的影響。 …
Catlett's (1915-2012) work has roots in the social consciousness of the Harlem Renaissance and Depression eras (she studied with the Regionalist painter Grant Wood at the University of Iowa) and the art of the Mexican muralists. Upon receiving a fellowship in 1945 to execute a series of prints on the lives of black women, she traveled to Mexico and participated in the Taller de Gráfica Popular, a collective print workshop concerned with the social function of art. In Mexico, Catlett also studied with the sculptor Francisco Zuniga. During the 1960s, when she was harassed by the House Un-American Activities Committee for her left-wing political beliefs, Catlett decided to become a Mexican citizen. Not until 1971, when the Studio Museum in Harlem organized a retrospective of her work, was she allowed to reenter the United States. Catlett was one of a significant group of American artists and writers of color who, at least since the 1920s, had sought an escape from racism and restricted professional and social opportunities by removing themselves to other countries. Lois Mailou Jones (1905-1998), on the other hand, voluntarily chose to live as an expatriate for extended periods of time rather than suffer racism at home, and to connect more intensely with the artistic traditions of France and, later, Haiti. ...
卡特萊特（1915-2012）的作品植根於哈林文藝復興和大蕭條時代的社會意識（她在愛荷華大學師從地區主義畫家格蘭特·伍德）和墨西哥壁畫家的藝術。 1945 年，她獲得了創作一系列有關黑人女性生活的版畫的獎學金後，前往墨西哥參加了 Taller de Gráfica Popular，這是一個關注藝術社會功能的集體版畫研討會。在墨西哥，卡特萊特還師從雕塑家法蘭西斯科·祖尼加。 1960 年代，卡特萊特因左翼政治信仰而受到眾議院非美活動委員會的騷擾，她決定成為墨西哥公民。直到 1971 年，哈林工作室博物館舉辦了她的作品回顧展，她才被允許重新進入美國。卡特萊特是美國有色人種藝術家和作家中的一員，至少從 1920 年代起，他們就透過移居其他國家來尋求擺脫種族主義和限制職業和社會機會的機會。另一方面，洛伊絲·麥盧·瓊斯（Lois Mailou Jones，1905-1998）自願選擇長期移居海外，而不是在國內遭受種族主義，並與法國以及後來的海地的藝術傳統建立更緊密的聯繫。 …
The New Deal's non-discriminatory policies, and the number of women active professionally in the arts, form only part of a larger picture. A backlash against women wage earners during the 1930s took a devastating toll. Caroline Bird has dated the origin of the move to return women from work back into the home to the 1930s, rather than after the Second World War, as is commonly believed, and labor statistics confirm her contention. Mass-market publications, as well as statistics compiled during the 1930s, point to the contradictions between New Deal policies, with Roosevelt as President and Frances Perkins, the first woman in the US Cabinet, as Secretary of Labor, and extensive public hostility toward working women. On the cultural front, at the same time that Marion Greenwood, Minna Citron, Doris Lee, Lucienne Bloch, Neel, Bishop, ...
新政的非歧視政策，以及活躍在藝術領域的女性人數，只是更大圖景的一部分。 20 世紀 30 年代，針對女性工薪階層的強烈抵製造成了毀滅性的損失。卡洛琳·伯德(Caroline Bird) 將女性下崗重返家庭這一舉措的起源追溯到1930 年代，而不是像人們普遍認為的那樣是在第二次世界大戰之後，勞工統計數據也證實了她的論點。大眾市場出版物以及20 世紀30 年代編制的統計數據都指出了羅斯福擔任總統和美國內閣第一位女性勞工部長弗朗西斯·珀金斯(Frances Perkins) 擔任新政政策與公眾對工作的廣泛敵意之間的矛盾。文化方面，同時還有 Marion Greenwood、Minna Citron、Doris Lee、Lucienne Bloch、Neel、Bishop...
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Nevelson, Krasner, and others were participating in mural projects which explored the social realities of unemployment and life under the Depression, Hollywood was producing the first of a series of films popularly known as "weepies." Addressed to a female audience, their female protagonists confronted issues or problems specified as "female"-domestic life, the family, maternity, self-sacrifice, and romance. ...
內維爾森、克拉斯納和其他人正在參與壁畫項目，探討大蕭條時期失業和生活的社會現實，好萊塢正在製作一系列通常被稱為「哭泣」的電影中的第一部。針對女性觀眾，她們的女性主角面臨著被指定為「女性」的問題或問題——家庭生活、家庭、母性、自我犧牲和浪漫。 …
Women artists active in public arts programs during the 1930s found themselves on a less secure footing in the next decade as government patronage gave way to private art ...
20 世紀 30 年代活躍於公共藝術計畫的女性藝術家發現，在接下來的十年裡，隨著政府贊助讓位給私人藝術，她們的地位不再那麼穩固…
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galleries, and as social ideologies promoted sexual difference as cause for removing women from productive labor. In the early 1940s, before the consolidation of Abstract Expressionism, artists in New York worked in styles ranging from Social Realism to Geometric Abstraction. Realists like Isabel Bishop (1902-1988) sought to connect the grand manner of classical tradition and Renaissance composition with contemporary urban subjects. Other painters, including John Graham, Stuart Davis, Irene Rice Pereira (1902-1971), and Balcomb Greene, ...
畫廊，並且社會意識形態宣揚性別差異，將其作為將婦女從生產性勞動中剔除的原因。 20 世紀 40 年代初，在抽象表現主義鞏固之前，紐約藝術家的創作風格從社會寫實主義到幾何抽象化。像伊莎貝爾·畢肖普（Isabel Bishop，1902-1988）這樣的現實主義者試圖將古典傳統和文藝復興時期構圖的宏偉風格與當代城市主題聯繫起來。其他畫家，包括約翰·格雷厄姆、斯圖爾特·戴維斯、艾琳·萊斯·佩雷拉（1902-1971）和巴爾科姆·格林…
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continued to espouse the principles of Geometric Abstraction. Still others, influenced by the presence of many Surrealist artists during the War, moved to a biomorphic abstraction responsive to the Surrealist belief that automatism released the rich imagery of the unconscious mind. ...
繼續擁護幾何抽象的原則。還有一些人，受到戰爭期間許多超現實主義藝術家的影響，轉向生物形態抽象，以響應超現實主義的信念，即自動主義釋放了無意識心靈的豐富意象。 …
The Museum of Modern Art, New York, today perceived as the major cultural institution enshrining Modernist art, in fact came to support the new painting only gradually. The consolidation of Abstract Expressionism as the dominant practice in American modern art pushed to the margins not only women moving toward artistic maturity in other "modern" styles during the 1940s, but also many women professionally active in what would come to be seen as "conservative" and "outmoded" figurative styles. The paintings of women whose careers developed within Abstract Expressionism are not representative of the wide range of work actually executed by women at this time. Nor did these women form a unified "group." Nevertheless, their engagement with this and other issues that defined Modernist art after the Second World War brought them into direct confrontation with artistic and social practices that shaped many women's relationships to mainstream art after the War. ...
紐約現代藝術博物館如今被視為珍藏現代主義藝術的主要文化機構，實際上只是逐漸支持這種新繪畫。抽象表現主義作為美國現代藝術的主導實踐的鞏固，不僅將20 世紀40 年代其他「現代」風格的女性推向了藝術成熟的邊緣，而且也將許多活躍在後來被視為「保守主義」風格的職業婦女推向了邊緣。在抽象表現主義中發展職業生涯的女性畫作並不能代表當時女性實際創作的廣泛作品。這些女性也沒有形成一個統一的「群體」。然而，她們對二戰後定義現代主義藝術的這個問題和其他問題的參與使她們直接面對藝術和社會實踐，這些實踐塑造了許多戰後女性與主流藝術的關係。 …
Explanations for why so few women attempted to align themselves with Abstract Expressionism during its early years must be sought in the confluence of historical, artistic, and ideological forces in American Modernism. Lee Krasner's career during the 1940s and 1950s, for example, points up the precarious place of the feminine within the rhetoric and institutions of Abstract Expressionism. Krasner was involved in the search by New York painters for a synthesis of abstract form and psychological content from the beginning. She trained first at the Women's Art School of Cooper Union and at the National Academy of Design. After meeting Jackson Pollock in 1941, she gave up working from nature and turned to automatism. Her gradual emergence as an abstract painter occurred in the context of an intensely personal struggle to define herself as an artist, and to establish her artistic difference from Pollock, whom she married in 1945. ...
為什麼在抽象表現主義早期嘗試與抽象表現主義結盟的女性如此之少，必須在美國現代主義的歷史、藝術和意識形態力量的匯合中尋找解釋。例如，李·克拉斯納 (Lee Krasner) 在 20 世紀 40 年代和 1950 年代的職業生涯指出了女性在抽象表現主義的修辭和製度中的不穩定地位。克拉斯納從一開始就參與了紐約畫家對抽象形式和心理內容的綜合的探索。她首先在庫柏聯盟女子藝術學院和國家設計學院接受培訓。 1941 年遇見傑克遜波洛克後，她放棄了自然創作，轉向自動化創作。她逐漸成為一名抽象畫家，發生在她個人為將自己定義為藝術家而進行激烈鬥爭的背景下，並試圖確立她與波洛克的藝術差異（她於 1945 年與波洛克結婚）。
The critical language of Abstract Expressionism that developed alongside Pollock's drip paintings of the late 1940s isolated and celebrated certain features-notable among them scale, action, and energy-using terms that became, as art historian T. J. Clark noted, part of an "informing metaphorics of masculinity." The gendered language that opposed an art of heroic individual struggle to the weakened (i.e., "feminized") culture of postwar Europe positioned women outside an ...
抽象表現主義的批判語言與20 世紀40 年代末波洛克的滴畫一起發展起來，它分離並頌揚了某些特徵，其中值得注意的是尺度、動作和能量使用術語，正如藝術史學家TJ Clark 所指出的那樣，這些術語成為“信息隱喻”的一部分。反對英雄個人鬥爭藝術的性別語言與戰後歐洲被削弱的（即「女性化」）文化將女性置於…之外。
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emerging model of subjectivity understood in terms of male agency articulated through the figure of the male individual. Krasner, engaging with Action Painting's intuitive gestural language with its emphasis on a subjectivity produced through the physical actions of the body in relation to the canvas, was forced to confront the ways her own body was inscribed as "feminine." Anne Wagner has argued that Krasner's art during this period was marked by its refusal to produce a self in painting. She concludes that Krasner resisted, allowing herself to emerge in her art out of fear that it would betray her femaleness in a movement that prized male heroics. Resisting certain aspects of Pollock's art, particularly his evocations of mythic and primitive imagery and his reliance on psychologically loaded symbols, she attempted to establish a difference that could not be dismissed as the otherness of woman. ...
新興的主體性模式是透過男性個體形象所表達的男性能動性來理解的。克拉斯納採用了動作繪畫直觀的手勢語言，強調透過身體與畫布相關的身體動作產生的主觀性，她被迫面對自己的身體被標記為「女性化」的方式。安妮·瓦格納認為，克拉斯納這段時期的藝術的特徵是拒絕在繪畫中創造自我。她得出的結論是，克拉斯納進行了抵制，允許自己出現在她的藝術中，因為擔心這會在一場崇尚男性英雄事蹟的運動中背叛她的女性特質。她抵制波洛克藝術的某些方面，特別是他對神話和原始意象的喚起以及對心理負荷符號的依賴，她試圖建立一種不能被視為女性的差異性而被忽視的差異。 …
To position herself independently of Pollock's forceful artistic personality, Krasner had to separate herself from the construction of masculine subjectivity embedded in Abstract Expressionism, as well as from a European tradition that included Hans Hofmann and the Cubists, previously the strongest influence on her work. Moreover, the shift from government-sponsored, non-discriminatory art projects to the emerging world of the private dealer/gallery/critic also meant seeing Mrs. Pollock/wife overshadow Lee Krasner/painter in New York's art world. ...
為了使自己獨立於波洛克強大的藝術個性，克拉斯納必須將自己與抽象表現主義中嵌入的男性主體性的建構分開，也必須與包括漢斯·霍夫曼和立體派在內的歐洲傳統分開，這些傳統先前對她的作品影響最大。此外，從政府資助的非歧視性藝術計畫到私人經銷商/畫廊/評論家的新興世界的轉變也意味著波洛克夫人/妻子在紐約藝術界的光芒蓋過了李·克拉斯納/畫家。 …
As she struggled to lay claim to the all-over images produced through automatism, Krasner began to approach painting as a meditative exercise. Seeking to obliterate figurative references and hierarchical composition, she worked and re-worked her canvases, scraping them down until nothing remained but granular gray slabs two to three inches thick, most of which she eventually destroyed. Not until 1946 did images that satisfied her begin to appear out of the effaced "grounds" of gray. The "Little Image" paintings that resulted oppose the mural-size canvases that were later accepted as defining the ambition of the (male) Abstract Expressionists. Their untranslatable hieroglyphic surfaces suggest unconscious linguistic structures. ...
當克拉斯納努力爭取透過自動化產生的全面圖像時，她開始將繪畫視為一種冥想練習。為了消除象徵性的參考和層次結構，她一次又一次地重新加工她的畫布，把它們刮下來，直到只剩下兩到三英寸厚的粒狀灰色板，其中大部分最終被她毀掉了。直到 1946 年，令她滿意的圖像才開始從被抹去的灰色「背景」中出現。由此產生的「小圖像」畫作與後來被認為定義了（男性）抽象表現主義者野心的壁畫大小的畫布相對立。它們不可翻譯的象形文字表面暗示了無意識的語言結構。 …
The elegant intimacy of Krasner's "Little Images" may be linked to her fascination with Irish and Persian illuminated manuscripts, or with the Hebrew inscriptions familiar from her childhood. The process out of which they emerged, however, and the crisis which generated them, demand rereading in the light of psychoanalytically oriented theories of the 1970s and 1980s about women's relationship to writing, a term which ...
克拉斯納的《小圖像》的優雅親密感可能與她對愛爾蘭和波斯泥金手稿的迷戀有關，或者與她童年時熟悉的希伯來銘文有關。然而，它們出現的過程以及產生它們的危機，需要根據 20 世紀 70 年代和 80 年代關於女性與寫作的關係的精神分析理論來重新閱讀，這個術語...
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emotional source of male creative activity. For Dehner, the demands of marriage and art proved incompatible and she began to work professionally as a sculptor only after leaving Smith and her home in 1950. ...
男性創造性活動的情感泉源。對 Dehner 來說，婚姻和藝術的需求被證明是不相容的，直到 1950 年離開史密斯和她的家後，她才開始作為專業雕塑家工作。
Many women artists, encouraged by their teachers to divorce art practice from female experience and self- awareness in order to succeed professionally, found themselves painfully aware of the contradictions between artistic and personal identity. The nexus of body/home/art is central to the early work of Louise Bourgeois (1911-2010), whose femme-maison paintings were exhibited in 1947. Although Bourgeois pointed to the home as a place of conflict for the woman artist, critics read the paintings as affirming a “natural” identification between women and home. Her paintings of 1947 evolved out of earlier ones based on the grid, a structural form familiar to her from her early weaving and tapestry, and from her training in Cubist abstraction. Under the influence of Surrealism, she developed the personal, quasi-figurative imagery of these femme-maison paintings with their houses perched on top of women's bodies in place of heads. In these disquieting works, domesticity, imaged through blank facades and small windows, defines women but denies them speaking voices. "Hers is a world of women," wrote one critic. "Blithely they emerge from chimneys, or, terrified, they watch from their beds as curtains fly from a nightmare window. A whole family of females proves their domesticity by having houses for heads." ...
許多女性藝術家在老師的鼓勵下，將藝術實踐與女性經驗和自我意識分開，以便在職業上取得成功，但她們卻痛苦地意識到藝術與個人身份之間的矛盾。身體/家庭/藝術的連結是路易絲·布爾喬亞（Louise Bourgeois，1911-2010）早期作品的核心，她的女性住宅畫作於 1947 年展出。這些畫作肯定了女性與家庭之間的「自然」認同。她 1947 年的畫作是從早期基於網格的畫作演變而來的，網格是她從早期的編織和掛毯以及立體派抽象訓練中熟悉的結構形式。在超現實主義的影響下，她發展了這些女性宅邸繪畫中的個人化、準具象的意象，其中的房屋棲息在女性身體上而不是頭部之上。在這些令人不安的作品中，透過空白的外牆和小窗戶描繪的家庭生活定義了女性，但否認她們有發言權。 「她的世界是女性的世界，」一位評論家寫道。 “她們興高采烈地從煙囪裡出來，或者，她們害怕地從床上看到窗簾從噩夢般的窗戶裡飛出來。整個家庭的女性都通過為頭部建造房子來證明她們的家庭生活。” …
The presence of a politics of gender in Bourgeois's work has been recognized only in retrospect, in the light of more recent feminist-inspired investigations into the workings of socially assigned notions of difference and the gradual acknowledgment of Bourgeois's contribution in creating a body of work remarkable for its personal, associative, autobiographical, and emotional content. ...
布爾喬亞作品中性別政治的存在只有在回顧時才被認識到，因為最近受女權主義啟發對社會分配的差異概念的運作進行了調查，並且逐漸承認布爾喬亞在創造一系列引人注目的作品方面的貢獻。 …
Her exhibition as a sculptor in 1949 included a group of tall, narrow wooden sculptures, several of which display moving "arms." Art historian Ann Gibson points to these works as examples of Bourgeois's use of the language of war as metaphor for gender. Drawings, prints, paintings, and sculpture produced during these years of the Cold War display images that oscillate between vulnerability and an "aggressive machismo," figures that suggest both spears and phallic instruments of penetration. "It is a period without feet," Bourgeois recalls. "During that period things were not grounded. They expressed a great fragility and uncertainty.... If I pushed them, they would have fallen. And this was self-expression." ...
1949 年，她作為雕塑家舉辦的展覽包括一組又高又窄的木雕，其中幾件展示著可移動的「手臂」。藝術史學家安·吉布森指出這些作品是布爾喬亞使用戰爭語言作為性別隱喻的例子。冷戰時期創作的素描、版畫、繪畫和雕塑展示了在脆弱和「侵略性大男子主義」之間搖擺的圖像，這些圖像暗示著長矛和陽具的滲透工具。 「這是一個沒有腳的時期，」布爾喬亞回憶道。 「在那段時期，事物沒有立足之地。它們表達了一種巨大的脆弱性和不確定性……如果我推動它們，它們就會倒下。這就是自我表達。」 …
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In 1949, the Club and the Eighth Street Club were founded and became, along with the Cedar Bar, the major public meeting places for the New York School painters, whose intense discussions with critics and curators concerning the new avant-garde admitted women largely as audience. Confined to the margins of a largely male discourse, women functioned as decorative accessories of Bohemia, their presence often seen as confirming the heterosexuality and "masculinity" of their partners. Although Krasner, Joan Mitchell, Elaine de Kooning, and Mercedes Matter were among the club's few female members, the painters Paul Brach and Miriam Schapiro (1923- 2015), who regularly attended meetings, remember no women at board meetings or policy discussions. Women were “treated like cattle" at the Cedar Bar, Krasner later recalled. Between 1948 and 1951, Art News ran articles on Willem de Kooning, Clyfford Still, Mark Rothko, Jackson Pollock, and Arshile Gorky. By 1951, Art News and Thomas Hess's Abstract Painting, published that year, were championing the older artists associated with the new painting. Krasner, still struggling to ...
1949 年，俱樂部和第八街俱樂部成立，並與雪松酒吧一起成為紐約學派畫家的主要公共聚會場所，他們與評論家和策展人就新前衛派進行了激烈的討論，承認女性在很大程度上上是觀眾。女性被限制在以男性為主的話語的邊緣，充當波西米亞的裝飾品，她們的存在常常被視為證實了她們伴侶的異性戀和「男子氣概」。儘管克拉斯納、瓊·米切爾、伊萊恩·德·庫寧和梅塞德斯·馬特是俱樂部為數不多的女性成員，但定期參加會議的畫家保羅·布拉赫和米里亞姆·夏皮羅（1923-2015）卻記得董事會會議或政策討論中沒有女性成員。克拉斯納後來回憶道，雪松酒吧裡的女性「像牛一樣受到對待」。 ·羅斯科、傑克遜·波洛克和阿希爾·高爾基的文章。努力…
189 BELOW Louise Bourgeois, Femme-Maison, c. 1946-47 190 RIGHT Dorothy Dehner, Scaffold, 1983 ...
189 下面路易斯·布爾喬亞，《Femme-Maison》，c。 1946-47 190 右 Dorothy Dehner，鷹架，1983 ...
" ' ☐ ☐ 0 0 1 . D ...
“ ' ○ ○ 0 0 1 .D ...
191 Joan Mitchell, Cross Section of a Bridge, 1951 ...
191 瓊‧米切爾 (Joan Mitchell)，橋樑橫斷面，1951 年…
define her relationship to the new abstraction, found herself placed among a "second generation" that soon included Helen Frankenthaler, Joan Mitchell, Grace Hartigan, Hedda Sterne, Elaine de Kooning, Sonia Getchoff, and Ethel ...
定義她與新抽象的關係，發現自己被置於「第二代」之中，很快就包括海倫·弗蘭肯塔勒、瓊·米切爾、格蕾絲·哈蒂根、海達·斯特恩、伊萊恩·德·庫寧、索尼婭·格喬夫和埃塞爾…
Schwabacher. Mitchell, Frankenthaler, and Hartigan were ambitious artists who received positive critical support during the early 1950s and whose work was included in major Abstract Expressionist exhibitions. Yet all of them struggled, as did Krasner, to define a difference from the painting of their male contemporaries that could not be reduced to the difference of women. Mitchell (1926-1992) arrived in New York from Chicago in 1949 and participated in the Ninth Street Show in 1951, exhibiting canvases in which amorphous forms, influenced by Gorky's biomorphic shapes, flow in and out of ambiguous spaces. Paintings like Untitled (1950) and Cross Section of a Bridge (1951) show a tension between direct, vigorous brushstrokes and sensuous surface color. Hartigan's (1922-2008) period of abstraction, on the other hand, was brief, lasting only until 1952, but she produced paintings characterized by strong, gestural brushwork and clashing colors and lines. One of the first abstract women artists of her generation to earn an ...
施瓦巴赫。米切爾、弗蘭肯塔勒和哈蒂根都是雄心勃勃的藝術家，他們在 20 世紀 50 年代初期得到了積極的批評支持，他們的作品被納入主要的抽象表現主義展覽中。然而，正如克拉斯納一樣，他們所有人都在努力定義與男性同時代繪畫的差異，而這種差異不能簡化為女性的差異。米切爾（1926-1992）於1949 年從芝加哥抵達紐約，並參加了1951 年的第九街展，展出的畫布上，受到高爾基生物形態影響的無定形形式在模糊的空間中進進出出。 《無題》（1950）和《橋的橫斷面》（1951）等畫作展現了直接、有力的筆觸和感性的表面色彩之間的張力。另一方面，哈蒂根（Hartigan，1922-2008）的抽象時期很短暫，只持續到1952年，但她創作的畫作以強烈的手勢筆觸以及衝突的色彩和線條為特徵。她這一代第一批獲得該獎的抽象女性藝術家之一…
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international reputation, her painting Persian Jacket (1952) was purchased by the Museum of Modern Art, New York, in 1952. However, Hartigan's subsequent decision to give up abstraction and introduce recognizable forms into her work—many of them reminiscent of de Kooning's women-was prompted, at least in part, by ambivalence over her attitude toward the visual language of Abstract Expressionism. In 1974, she referred to the problem of feeling that her images were derived from the more established male artists: "I began to get guilty for walking in and freely taking their form... without having gone through their struggle for content, or having any context except an understanding of formal qualities." ...
她的畫作《波斯夾克》（Persian Jacket，1952）於1952 年被紐約現代藝術博物館購買。想起德庫寧筆下的女性——至少部分是由於她對抽象表現主義視覺語言的態度的矛盾。 1974 年，她提到了感覺自己的圖像源自於更成熟的男性藝術家的問題：「我開始為走進並自由地採用他們的形式而感到內疚……沒有經歷過他們對內容的鬥爭，也沒有經歷過他們的努力。 …
In 1949, Krasner and Pollock had exhibited in Sidney Janis's group exhibition "Man and Wife." The very title of the exhibition organized women's productions into a subsidiary, socially defined category. The experience, and the negative reviews of her work, proved wrenching and Krasner did not exhibit again until 1951, later destroying most of the paintings from this period. Other women shared her awareness of the deep divisions in the play of sexual difference within social ideology and artistic practice. Krasner and Elaine de Kooning both chose to sign their works with initials only, while Hartigan briefly adopted the sobriquet "George" (in homage to George Sand and George Eliot). In each case, the decision to erase ...
1949年，克拉斯納和波洛克在西德尼·賈尼斯的群展「男人和妻子」中展出。展覽的標題將女性作品歸類為一個附屬的、社會定義的類別。事實證明，這段經歷以及對她作品的負面評論令人痛苦，克拉斯納直到 1951 年才再次展出，後來又毀掉了這一時期的大部分畫作。其他女性也和她一樣意識到社會意識形態和藝術實踐中性別差異的深刻分歧。克拉斯納和伊萊恩·德·庫寧都選擇只在自己的作品上簽名，而哈蒂根則短暫地採用了“喬治”這個綽號（向喬治·桑和喬治·艾略特致敬）。在每種情況下，刪除的決定...
192 Grace Hartigan, Persian Jacket, 1952 ...
192 Grace Hartigan，波斯夾克，1952 年......
192
191 Joan Mitchell, Cross Section of a Bridge, 1951 ...
191 瓊‧米切爾 (Joan Mitchell)，橋樑橫斷面，1951 年…
define her relationship to the new abstraction, found herself placed among a "second generation" that soon included Helen Frankenthaler, Joan Mitchell, Grace Hartigan, Hedda Sterne, Elaine de Kooning, Sonia Getchoff, and Ethel Schwabacher. ...
定義她與新抽象的關係，發現自己屬於“第二代”，很快包括海倫·弗蘭肯塔勒、瓊·米切爾、格蕾絲·哈蒂根、海達·斯特恩、伊萊恩·德·庫寧、索尼婭·格喬夫和埃塞爾·施瓦巴赫。 …
Mitchell, Frankenthaler, and Hartigan were ambitious artists who received positive critical support during the early 1950s and whose work was included in major Abstract Expressionist exhibitions. Yet all of them struggled, as did Krasner, to define a difference from the painting of their male contemporaries that could not be reduced to the difference of women. Mitchell (1926-1992) arrived in New York from Chicago in 1949 and participated in the Ninth Street Show in 1951, exhibiting canvases in which amorphous forms, influenced by Gorky's biomorphic shapes, flow in and out of ambiguous spaces. Paintings like Untitled (1950) and Cross Section of a Bridge (1951) show a tension between direct, vigorous brushstrokes and sensuous surface color. Hartigan's (1922-2008) period of abstraction, on the other hand, was brief, lasting only until 1952, but she produced paintings characterized by strong, gestural brushwork and clashing colors and lines. One of the first abstract women artists of her generation to earn an ...
米切爾、弗蘭肯塔勒和哈蒂根都是雄心勃勃的藝術家，他們在 20 世紀 50 年代初期得到了積極的批評支持，他們的作品被納入主要的抽象表現主義展覽中。然而，正如克拉斯納一樣，他們所有人都在努力定義與男性同時代繪畫的差異，而這種差異不能簡化為女性的差異。米切爾（1926-1992）於1949 年從芝加哥抵達紐約，並參加了1951 年的第九街展，展出的畫布上，受到高爾基生物形態影響的無定形形式在模糊的空間中進進出出。 《無題》（1950）和《橋的橫斷面》（1951）等畫作展現了直接、有力的筆觸和感性的表面色彩之間的張力。另一方面，哈蒂根（Hartigan，1922-2008）的抽象時期很短暫，只持續到1952年，但她創作的畫作以強烈的手勢筆觸以及衝突的色彩和線條為特徵。她這一代第一批獲得該獎的抽象女性藝術家之一…
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international reputation, her painting Persian Jacket (1952) was purchased by the Museum of Modern Art, New York, in 1952. However, Hartigan's subsequent decision to give up abstraction and introduce recognizable forms into her work-many of them reminiscent of de Kooning's women-was prompted, at least in part, by ambivalence over her attitude toward the visual language of Abstract Expressionism. In 1974, she referred to the problem of feeling that her images were derived from the more established male artists: "I began to get guilty for walking in and freely taking their form... without having gone through their struggle for content, or having any context except an understanding of formal qualities." ...
她的畫作《波斯夾克》（Persian Jacket，1952）於1952 年被紐約現代藝術博物館購買。想起德庫寧筆下的女性——至少部分是由於她對抽象表現主義視覺語言的態度的矛盾。 1974 年，她提到了感覺自己的圖像源自於更成熟的男性藝術家的問題：「我開始為走進並自由地採用他們的形式而感到內疚……沒有經歷過他們對內容的鬥爭，也沒有經歷過他們的努力。 …
In 1949, Krasner and Pollock had exhibited in Sidney Janis's group exhibition "Man and Wife." The very title of the exhibition organized women's productions into a subsidiary, socially defined category. The experience, and the negative reviews of her work, proved wrenching and Krasner did not exhibit again until 1951, later destroying most of the paintings from this period. Other women shared her awareness of the deep divisions in the play of sexual difference within social ideology and artistic practice. Krasner and Elaine de Kooning both chose to sign their works with initials only, while Hartigan briefly adopted the sobriquet "George" (in homage to George Sand and George Eliot). In each case, the decision to erase ...
1949年，克拉斯納和波洛克在西德尼·賈尼斯的群展「男人和妻子」中展出。展覽的標題將女性作品歸類為一個附屬的、社會定義的類別。事實證明，這段經歷以及對她作品的負面評論令人痛苦，克拉斯納直到 1951 年才再次展出，後來又毀掉了這一時期的大部分畫作。其他女性也和她一樣意識到社會意識形態和藝術實踐中性別差異的深刻分歧。克拉斯納和伊萊恩·德·庫寧都選擇只在自己的作品上簽名，而哈蒂根則短暫地採用了“喬治”這個綽號（向喬治·桑和喬治·艾略特致敬）。在每種情況下，刪除的決定...
192 Grace Hartigan, Persian Jacket, 1952 ...
192 Grace Hartigan，波斯夾克，1952 年......
192
193 Helen Frankenthaler, Mountains and Sea, 1952 ...
193 海倫‧法蘭肯塔勒，《山與海》，1952 年…
gender as part of the creative process was less an attempt to hide their identities as women than to evade being labeled "feminine" by becoming the man/woman whose creative efforts earned praise. ...
性別作為創作過程的一部分，與其說是試圖隱藏自己作為女性的身份，不如說是透過成為其創作努力贏得讚揚的男人/女人來避免被貼上「女性化」的標籤。 …
Helen Frankenthaler (1928-2011) is the only woman painter of the period who consistently dismissed gender as an issue. Yet critics since the early 1950s follow the model used to contain the considerable talents of O'Keeffe and other previous women artists. Constructing a special category for her work in which color and touch are read as "feminine," they ceased examining it in relation to its specific historical context and instead linked it to an unchanging and essentialized tradition of women's work. ...
海倫‧弗蘭肯塔勒（Helen Frankenthaler，1928-2011）是該時期唯一一位始終不把性別視為一個問題的女畫家。然而，自 20 世紀 50 年代初以來，批評家們一直遵循著用來限制歐姬芙和其他先前女性藝術家的巨大才華的模式。他們為她的作品構建了一個特殊的類別，其中顏色和觸感被解讀為“女性化”，他們不再將其與特定的歷史背景聯繫起來，而是將其與女性作品中不變的、本質化的傳統連結起來。 …
In 1952, Frankenthaler began staining color directly into large pieces of unsized, unprinted duck laid on her studio floor. Mountains and Sea (1952), her first major stained canvas, contains richly colored masses and fluid forms reminiscent of Gorky's and Willem de Kooning's biomorphism. Although Frankenthaler benefited from Clement Greenberg's consistent critical support, it was not until the painters Kenneth Noland and Morris Louis adopted her technique that she was accorded status as an "innovator." She was not the first artist to stain canvases but she was the first to develop a complete ...
1952 年，弗蘭肯塔勒開始將顏色直接染色到放在工作室地板上的大塊尺寸不定、未印刷的鴨子上。 《山與海》（1952）是她的第一幅主要彩色畫布，包含豐富的色彩和流體形式，讓人想起高爾基和威廉·德·庫寧的生物形態。儘管弗蘭肯塔勒受益於克萊門特·格林伯格一貫的批評支持，但直到畫家肯尼思·諾蘭和莫里斯·路易斯採用了她的技巧，她才被賦予“創新者”的地位。她不是第一個給畫布染色的藝術家，但她是第一個開發完整的...
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formal vocabulary from the technique. "It is free, lyrical, and feminine-very different from the more insistent and regular rhythms of the best and most typical Pollocks of the late 40s and early 50s," wrote a later critic, overlooking the fact that both Pollock's and Rothko's use of the staining technique had resulted in softened and sensuous colors. ...
來自技術的正式詞彙。一位後來的評論家寫道：「它是自由的、抒情的和女性化的——與40 年代末和50 年代初最好、最典型的波洛克的更堅持和有規律的節奏非常不同。 」染色技術產生了柔和且感性的色彩。 …
Atmospheric and landscape references remained strong in the works of Mitchell, Frankenthaler, and Schwabacher during the 1950s, for Hofmann's influential teachings emphasized nature as a source. All of the artists involved with Abstract Expressionism identified the process of generating images with "nature" ("I am nature," Pollock declaimed), but the differing relationships of male and female painters to this very important aspect remain to be clarified. Schwabacher (1903-1984) made the transition to Abstract Expressionism through images directly equating biological reproduction and artistic genesis, and both she and Willem de Kooning produced controversial images of women which specifically referred to a nature/culture dichotomy. ...
1950 年代，米切爾、弗蘭肯塔勒和施瓦巴赫的作品中對大氣和景觀的參考仍然很強烈，因為霍夫曼頗具影響力的理論強調自然作為源頭。所有參與抽象表現主義的藝術家都將生成圖像的過程與「自然」聯繫起來（波洛克宣稱「我就是自然」），但男性和女性畫家與這一非常重要方面的不同關係仍有待澄清。施瓦巴赫（1903-1984）透過將生物繁殖和藝術起源直接等同的圖像，向抽象表現主義過渡，她和威廉·德庫寧都創作了有爭議的女性圖像，特別提到了自然/文化二分法。 …
After Pollock's death in 1956, Krasner turned to large-scale, hybrid anthropomorphic forms in a series of disturbing paintings which Barbara Rose has called "an exorcism of her feelings of rage, guilt, pain, and loss." A period of intense creative activity followed during which she fully developed a unique idiom. Deliberately choosing colors with "feminine" connotations, she used them in ways that negated their traditional associations. In paintings like Cat Image (1957), ...
1956 年波洛克去世後，克拉斯納在一系列令人不安的畫作中轉向了大規模、混合的擬人化形式，芭芭拉·羅斯稱之為“對她憤怒、內疚、痛苦和失落感的驅魔」。接下來是一段激烈的創作活動，在此期間她完全形成了一種獨特的習慣用語。她刻意選擇具有「女性化」內涵的顏色，並以否定其傳統聯想的方式使用它們。在《貓像》（1957）等畫作中，...
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pastel tones, foliate shapes, and egg forms combine with brushwork and aggressive loaded forms to produce the large works that ultimately secured her place in Abstract Expressionism. ...
柔和的色調、葉狀形狀和雞蛋形狀與筆觸和激進的負載形式相結合，創作出大型作品，最終確保了她在抽象表現主義中的地位。 …
Louise Nevelson (1900-1988), like Krasner, also worked with cast-off and recycled materials during the 1950s. They, and other women of their generation, worked steadily for many years before receiving the recognition given their male contemporaries at a much earlier date. Despite exhibiting since 1941, and having her work widely acknowledged abroad, Nevelson did not receive a solo museum exhibition in the United States until 1960. Germaine Richier (1904-1959), who had exhibited in Europe since 1934, had her first solo exhibition in New York in 1957; Barbara Hepworth's first retrospective exhibition in London, followed by the public commissions that finally enabled her to work at the scale she had long desired, took place in 1954, after twenty-five years of steady work. ...
路易絲‧內森森 (Louise Nevelson，1900-1988) 和克拉斯納一樣，在 1950 年代也從事廢棄和回收材料的研究。她們以及同代的其他女性，穩定工作了很多年，然後才更早地獲得了她們同時代男性的認可。儘管內維爾森自1941 年起就開始展出，並在國外獲得廣泛認可，但直到1960 年才在美國博物館舉辦個展。在歐洲舉辦個展，2017 年首次舉辦個展。經過25 年的穩定工作，芭芭拉·赫普沃斯(Barbara Hepworth) 於1954 年在倫敦舉辦了首次回顧展，隨後又接受了公共委託，最終使她能夠按照自己渴望已久的規模進行工作。 …
Despite a lack of institutional support, however, the period from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s was important in bringing recognition to a number of women sculptors. Nevelson had studied painting with Hofmann in Munich during the 1930s and won her first sculpture competition at the A.C.A. Galleries, New York, in 1936, but the blatantly sexist critical response to her first major exhibition at the Nierendorf Gallery, also New York, in 1946 drove her from the gallery world for almost ten years. "We learned the artist was a woman, in time to check our enthusiasm," wrote one critic. "Had it been otherwise, we might have hailed these sculptural expressions as by surely a great figure among the moderns." ...
然而，儘管缺乏機構支持，20 世紀 50 年代中期到 60 年代中期這段時期對許多女性雕塑家的認可至關重要。內維爾森於20 世紀30 年代在慕尼黑跟隨霍夫曼學習繪畫，並於1936 年在紐約ACA 畫廊贏得了她的第一次雕塑比賽，但1946 年她在紐約Nierendorf 畫廊舉辦的首次大型展覽遭到了公然的性別歧視批評讓她離開畫廊世界近十年。一位評論家寫道：“我們了解到這位藝術家是一位女性，這及時地抑制了我們的熱情。” “如果不是這樣，我們可能會稱讚這些雕塑表達無疑是現代藝術中的偉大人物。” …
In 1955, Nevelson exhibited, and was acclaimed for, her first environment, Ancient Games and Ancient Places. Fusing Cubism and Constructivism, Dada readymade and Surrealist dream-object, she began constructing entire walls out of crates, boxes, architectural fragments, pieces of pianos, stair railings, chair slats, and other urban bric-a-brac. The mat black of the elements, painted before assemblage, unified form and surface, and the wall-size constructions created new environments within the gallery. Moon Garden Plus One (1958), her first entire wall, was arranged in the Grand Central Moderns Gallery to take advantage of its unusual light. "Appalling and marvellous," wrote Hilton Kramer, "utterly shocking in the way they violate our received ideas on the limits of sculpture... yet profoundly exhilarating in the way they open an entire realm of possibility." Yet part of the astonishment was directed at a woman working in sculpture and on a scale that rivaled that of male artists. ...
1955 年，內維爾森展出了她的第一個環境“古代遊戲和古代場所”，並因其而受到好評。她融合了立體主義和構成主義、達達現成品和超現實主義夢想物體，開始用板條箱、盒子、建築碎片、鋼琴碎片、樓梯欄桿、椅子板條和其他城市小玩意建造整面牆。組合前塗漆的黑色元素、統一的形式和表面以及牆壁大小的結構在畫廊內創造了新的環境。 《月亮花園加一》（Moon Garden Plus One，1958）是她的第一面整面牆，被佈置在中央現代畫廊中，以利用其不尋常的光線。希爾頓·克萊默（Hilton Kramer）寫道：「令人震驚且奇妙，它們違反了我們對雕塑極限的既定觀念，令人震驚……但它們打開了整個可能性領域的方式令人深感振奮。然而，這種驚訝的部分原因是針對一名從事雕塑工作的女性，其規模可與男性藝術家相媲美。 …
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By the end of the 1950s many artists were turning away from the drama of Abstract Expressionism and denouncing symbolic, mythic, and subjective content as rhetorical devices. A younger generation of artists embraced the mechanical processes and everyday imagery of Pop art, or the non- relational, colorful surfaces of Postpainterly Abstraction and the industrially fabricated geometrical solids of Minimal ...
到 20 世紀 50 年代末，許多藝術家開始遠離抽象表現主義的戲劇，並譴責象徵性、神話性和主觀內容是修辭手段。年輕一代的藝術家擁抱普普藝術的機械過程和日常意象，或是後繪畫抽象的非關係性、色彩繽紛的表面，以及極簡主義的工業製造的幾何實體…
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sculpture. Although faithful to the scale and direct impact of Abstract Expressionism, younger artists cultivated detachment from the process of making images. The exhibition organized by Greenberg at French & Co. in 1959-60 emphasized pure color as an expressive vehicle in works which favored flat, non-textured paint surfaces and non-illusionistic space. Frankenthaler, Jo Baer, Schapiro, Agnes Martin (1912- 2004)—whose pencilled grids aimed at a balance between the individuality of the mark and the impersonality of the structure-and the British Op artist, Bridget Riley (b. 1931), were among the women who adapted to this dominant language of formalist abstraction. ...
雕塑。儘管忠於抽象表現主義的規模和直接影響，年輕藝術家培養了對圖像製作過程的超然態度。格林伯格於 1959-60 年在 French & Co. 組織的展覽強調純色作為作品中的表現力載體，偏好平坦、無紋理的油漆表面和非幻覺空間。弗蘭肯塔勒(Frankenthaler)、喬·貝爾(Jo Baer)、夏皮羅(Schapiro)、艾格尼絲·馬丁(Agnes Martin)（1912-2004 年）——他們的鉛筆網格旨在標記的個性與結構的客觀性之間取得平衡——以及英國歐普藝術家布里奇特·萊利(Bridget Riley，生於1931 年)在適應這種形式主義抽象的主導語言的女性中。 …
Riley and Martin, working relatively independently of art world fashion, have pursued uncompromising visions of a reductive abstraction that continue to influence younger painters. Martin's barely perceptible grids and delicate, pencil lines against faintly modulated backgrounds evoke feelings of joy, light and infinite expanses. "My paintings have neither objects nor space nor time nor anything," she has said. "They are light, lightness, about merging, about formlessness breaking down forms." Riley's uncompromising non-figurative work, which first attracted critical attention during the Op art ...
萊利和馬丁的工作相對獨立於藝術界時尚，他們追求毫不妥協的還原抽象願景，這種願景繼續影響著年輕的畫家。馬丁幾乎難以察覺的網格和精緻的鉛筆線條在微弱調製的背景下喚起了歡樂、光明和無限廣闊的感覺。 「我的畫既沒有物體，也沒有空間，沒有時間，也沒有任何東西，」她說。 “它們是輕的，輕的，關於融合，關於無形打破形式。”萊利毫不妥協的非具像作品在歐普藝術時期首次引起了批評家的注意…
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movement of the 1960s, addresses itself to the formal issues of painting: the nature of color and pictorial space, shape and flatness, the relation of feeling to color and image, the historical traditions of painting. ...
1960年代的運動，致力於解決繪畫的形式問題：色彩和圖像空間的本質、形狀和平面度、感覺與色彩和圖像的關係、繪畫的歷史傳統。 …
The relative lack of attention paid by mainstream galleries and critics to artists working in alternative ways helped perpetuate the fiction of the mainstream as monolithic and masculine, a world in which women functioned only as exceptions, or in which they were forced to deny any identification with other women. Riley seemed to speak for many ambitious women when she later said: "Women's liberation when applied to artists seems to me a naive concept. It raises issues which in this context are quite absurd. At this particular point in time, artists who happen to be women need this particular form of hysteria like they need a hole in the head." ...
主流畫廊和評論家對以另類方式創作的藝術家相對缺乏關注，這有助於將主流的虛構性視為單一和男性化，在這個世界中，女性只能充當例外，或者被迫否認與女性有任何認同。賴利似乎代表了許多雄心勃勃的女性，她後來說：「在我看來，婦女解放應用於藝術家是一個天真的概念。它提出的問題在這種背景下是相當荒謬的。在這個特定的時間點，碰巧是藝術家女性需要這種特殊形式的歇斯底里，就像她們需要在頭上打一個洞一樣。 …
It is significant, however, that among the women who received the greatest critical attention during the early 1960s were three sculptors whose work, in fact, embodied highly subjective responses to mainstream concerns. In retrospect, ...
然而，值得注意的是，在 20 世紀 60 年代初期最受批評關注的女性中有三位雕塑家，她們的作品實際上體現了對主流關注的高度主觀反應。回想起來，...
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the work of Bontecou, Marisol, and Niki de Saint Phalle appears ever more pointedly at odds with the cultivated detachment and cool imagery of mainstream art, as well as with the slick media- derived female imagery of Pop art. ...
Bontecou、Marisol 和 Niki de Saint Phalle 的作品似乎與主流藝術中培養的超然態度和冷靜意像以及波普藝術中巧妙的媒體衍生的女性意象格格不入。 …
Bontecou (b. 1931) studied sculpture at the Art Students' League with William Zorach and spent several years in Rome on a Fulbright Fellowship. Her large, rugged constructions were fabricated from worn-out commercial laundry conveyor belts which she sewed onto steel frames. First shown in 1960, they were compared to everything from airplane engines to female sexual parts. They exerted a considerable influence on Eva Hesse, Robert Morris, and other Process artists interested in exploring the use of non-traditional industrial materials in sculpture in the late 1960s. ...
邦特庫（生於 1931 年）在藝術學生聯盟跟隨威廉·佐拉克學習雕塑，並獲得富布賴特獎學金在羅馬待了幾年。她龐大而堅固的結構是用破舊的商業洗衣傳送帶製成的，她將其縫在鋼框架上。 1960 年首次亮相，人們將它們與從飛機發動機到女性性器官的各種事物進行比較。他們對 20 世紀 60 年代末期的伊娃·黑塞 (Eva Hesse)、羅伯特·莫里斯 (Robert Morris) 和其他有興趣探索在雕塑中使用非傳統工業材料的工藝藝術家產生了相當大的影響。 …
Marisol (1930-2016), born in Paris of Venezuelan parents in 1930, had lived in New York since 1950. Around 1954, influenced by Jasper Johns's Target with Four Faces, she began putting little terracotta figures in boxes. Her exhibition at the Stable Gallery in 1962 catapulted her into the public eye. "The first girl artists with glamour," Andy Warhol declared and his remark was followed by extensive media attention to Marisol's life, her beauty, and her enigmatic silences. Marisol's representational images based on American figures were immediately linked to Pop art, but her work in fact has sources in Precolumbian art, early American folk carving, and Surrealist dream images. A 1964 exhibition included The Wedding, Andy Warhol, John Wayne, Double Date, and The Babies. Women encased and imprisoned in wooden blocks and stultifying social roles, endlessly repeated figures, monstrous babies, and Pop heroes dominated. Often she incorporated parts of herself in her work and her obsessive use of self-images, when combined with stereotypical presentations of women living out circumscribed roles, built a chilling picture of American middle-class life in the 1960s. ...
Marisol（1930-2016），1930 年出生於巴黎，父母是委內瑞拉人，自1950 年以來一直住在紐約。放入盒子中。 1962 年，她在馬厩畫廊舉辦的展覽讓她進入了公眾的視野。安迪沃荷宣稱，“第一位具有魅力的女藝術家”，他的這句話引起了媒體對瑪麗索爾的生活、她的美麗和她神秘的沉默的廣泛關注。馬里索爾以美國人物為基礎的代表性圖像與普普藝術直接聯繫在一起，但她的作品實際上來自前哥倫布時期的藝術、早期美國民間雕刻和超現實主義夢幻圖像。 1964 年的展覽包括《婚禮》、《安迪沃荷》、《約翰韋恩》、《雙重約會》和《嬰兒》。婦女被困在木塊中，僵化的社會角色、無休止地重複的人物、可怕的嬰兒和流行英雄佔據了主導地位。她經常將自己的一部分融入自己的作品中，她對自我形象的痴迷與對女性角色的刻板印象相結合，構建了一幅 20 世紀 60 年代美國中產階級生活的令人毛骨悚然的畫面。 …
Saint Phalle (1930-2002) also offered up images of women that ran counter to formalist aesthetics during the years when Pop art gave us slick nudes, pin-ups, and sex objects. Her work, with its playful absurdity and ephemeral objects, made little critical impact in a New York art world dedicated to Minimalism, but her monstrous female figures were impossible to ignore. A member of the Nouveaux Réalistes, a group of European neo-Dada artists active during the 1960s, Saint Phalle's work is a kind of precursor to feminist art concerns of the 1970s. Her large-scale female figures evolved out of earlier assemblage and collage pieces of statuary, figurines, toys, dolls, and other found objects which she reassembled into chaotic tableaux. ...
聖法勒（Saint Phalle，1930-2002）也提供了一些與形式主義美學背道而馳的女性形象，當時普普藝術為我們帶來了光滑的裸體、性感女郎和性物品。她的作品充滿了俏皮的荒誕和轉瞬即逝的物體，在致力於極簡主義的紐約藝術界幾乎沒有產生什麼重要影響，但她那可怕的女性形象卻不容忽視。聖法勒是活躍於 1960 年代的歐洲新達達藝術家團體「新現實主義者」的成員，她的作品是 1970 年代女權主義藝術關注的先驅。她的大型女性人物形像是從早期的雕像、雕像、玩具、玩偶和其他發現的物品的組合和拼貼演變而來的，她將這些物品重新組裝成混亂的畫面。 …
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The early "Nanas," gaily painted and exaggerated figures at once child-like and monstrous, archetypal and toy-like, were constructed on chicken-wire frames covered with fabric and yarn to create intricately textured surfaces. Aggressive but also wildly funny, they were like Willem de Kooning's Women stripped of the violence and misogyny. At the same time, they refused the mythic and romantic fantasies projected by men onto images of women. ...
早期的“Nana”，畫得歡快、誇張，既像孩子，又像怪物，既像原型，又像玩具，被建造在覆蓋著織物和紗線的鐵絲框架上，創造出複雜的紋理表面。她們咄咄逼人，但也非常有趣，就像威廉·德·庫寧的《女人》一樣，擺脫了暴力和厭女症。同時，她們拒絕男性將神話和浪漫的幻想投射到女性形像上。 …
In 1966, Saint Phalle produced Hon (She), a temporary monument at the Moderna Museet in Stockholm on which she collaborated with Jean Tinguely and Per Olof Ultvedt. Eighty- two feet long, Hon lay on her back on the ground, knees raised, heels planted. Spectators entered the figure through the vagina and found themselves in a female body that functioned as playground, amusement park, shelter, and pleasure palace with a milk-bar installed in one breast and an early Greta Garbo film playing elsewhere. Saint Phalle's Hon reclaimed woman's body as a site of tactile pleasure rather than an object of voyeuristic viewing; the figure was both a playful and colorful homage to woman as nurturer and a potent demythologizer of male ...
1966 年，Saint Phalle 與 Jean Tinguely 和 Per Olof Ultvedt 合作，在斯德哥爾摩現代博物館製作了一座臨時紀念碑「Hon (She)」。洪身高八十二英尺，仰躺在地上，膝蓋抬起，腳跟著地。觀眾透過陰道進入這個人物，發現自己置身於一個女性身體中，它充當遊樂場、遊樂園、庇護所和遊樂宮殿，一側乳房上安裝了一根奶棒，其他地方則播放著葛麗泰·嘉寶早期的電影。聖法勒先生將女性的身體視為觸覺愉悅的場所，而不是偷窺的對象；這個人物既是對作為養育者的女性的俏皮而多彩的敬意，也是對男性的有力的解構......
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romantic notions of the female body as a "dark continent" and unknowable reality. ...
將女性身體視為「黑暗大陸」和不可知的現實的浪漫觀念。 …
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, challenges to the hegemony of Modernism began to take place on many, often overlapping, fronts. Decisions by many artists to work outside the mainstream gallery/dealer system were part of a reaction against the growing commodification of the art object and the dehumanization of Pop, Postpainterly Abstraction, and Minimal art. Process artists reacted against the glamor of the object, replacing machine-finished and expensive industrial materials with the by-products of industrial civilization: raw wood, rubber, felt, and other materials of no intrinsic value. Conceptual artists replaced objects with framed propositions and ideas. And, after 1970, many women began to formulate specifically feminist works based on a commitment to radical social change that addressed the ways that women's experience has been suppressed and/or marginalized in Western culture. ...
在 1960 年代末和 1970 年代初，對現代主義霸權的挑戰開始在許多且往往重疊的戰線上發生。許多藝術家決定在主流畫廊/經銷商系統之外工作，這是對藝術品日益商品化以及波普、後繪畫抽象和極簡藝術的非人化的反應的一部分。工藝藝術家對物體的魅力做出了反應，用工業文明的副產品取代了機器加工的昂貴工業材料：原木、橡膠、毛氈和其他沒有內在價值的材料。概念藝術家用框架命題和想法取代了物體。而且，1970 年後，許多女性開始根據對激進社會變革的承諾制定專門的女性主義作品，以解決西方文化中女性經歷被壓制和/或邊緣化的問題。 …
During the later 1960s, challenges to Modernism's focus on aesthetic purity and transcendence, and the closely linked formalist aesthetic theories of Clement Greenberg with their ...
在 20 世紀 60 年代後期，現代主義對美學純粹性和超越性的關注，以及與克萊門特·格林伯格緊密相連的形式主義美學理論及其…的挑戰。
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emphasis on the work of art as self-contained and engaged with a critique of the medium, occurred on many fronts, not all of them feminist, and not all of them restricted to women. Areas in which the work of women artists would have a significant and lasting impact included the use of new materials and processes, the development of collective and collaborative ways of working, performance and body art, minimalism, earthworks and public art, and of course feminist art (that is, art that self-consciously embodies an aspect of feminism's ...
對藝術作品獨立性和對媒介的批判的強調，出現在許多方面，並非所有都是女權主義的，也並非所有都僅限於女性。女性藝術家的作品將產生重大而持久影響的領域包括新材料和新工藝的使用、集體和協作工作方式的發展、表演和人體藝術、極簡主義、土方工程和公共藝術，當然還有女性主義藝術（即自覺地體現女性主義某一方面的藝術......
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political agenda; see Chapters 12 and 16). While this work is not necessarily or intrinsically feminine, art historian Ann Gibson has suggested that it is historically feminine in its opposition to the reductive, totalizing, patriarchal aesthetics that have characterized Modernism. Although these developments took place internationally, the close identification of post-Second World War Modernism with institutions and practices in New York encourages a closer look at that cultural context. It is not possible to acknowledge the contributions of the many women working during this period, and the brief survey that follows can only identify a few major tendencies and touch upon representative issues raised by women. ...
政治議程；請參閱第 12 章和第 16 章）。雖然這件作品不一定或本質上是女性化的，但藝術史學家安·吉布森認為，它在歷史上是女性化的，因為它反對現代主義特徵的簡化、總體化、父權美學。儘管這些發展發生在國際上，但第二次世界大戰後現代主義與紐約的機構和實踐的密切聯繫鼓勵人們更仔細地審視這種文化背景。我們不可能承認這段時期許多婦女的貢獻，隨後的簡短調查只能確定一些主要趨勢並觸及婦女提出的代表性問題。 …
By the mid-1960s, a number of New York artists were incorporating non-art materials and new technologies into their work. Shigeko Kubota (1937-2015), who graduated from Tokyo University with a degree in sculpture, moved to New York in 1964. Inspired by the work of John Cage and David Tudor, she became involved with the avant-garde Fluxus Group, which also included Yoko Ono, George Maciunas, Alan Kaprow, and Nam June Paik. A decade-long obsession with Marcel Duchamp, whom she met on the way to Buffalo for the opening of Merce Cunningham's ballet, Walk Around Time, led to a series of sculptural installations that incorporate video. Using shifting camera angles and image processing techniques, she produced a version of Duchamp's 1912 painting Nude Descending a Staircase that represents the mechanized nude from a female perspective. ...
到 1960 年代中期，許多紐約藝術家將非藝術材料和新技術融入他們的作品中。久保田茂子（1937-2015）畢業於東京大學，獲得雕塑學位，1964 年移居紐約。喬治麥修納斯、艾倫卡普羅和白南準。她在前往布法羅參加默斯·坎寧安(Merce Cunningham) 的芭蕾舞劇《漫步時間》(Walk around Time) 開場的途中遇見了馬塞爾·杜尚(Marcel Duchamp)，長達十年的痴迷催生了一系列融入錄像的雕塑裝置。她利用變換攝影機角度和影像處理技術，製作了杜象 1912 年畫作《下樓梯的裸體》的一個版本，從女性的角度描繪了機械化的裸體。 …
Around 1964 Eva Hesse (1936-1970), a New York artist whose family had fled Nazi Germany when she was three years old, began to use industrial materials in sculpture that resisted the geometric and architectural ambitions of Minimalism. She worked with rope, latex, rubberized cheesecloth, clay, metal, and wire mesh in pieces that are additive, tactile, and radical in their witty and iconoclastic use of media. In 1966, feminist and critic Lucy Lippard included Hesse's work in the exhibition "Eccentric Abstraction" (which introduced the term "process art"). Along with Richard Serra, Carl Andre, Keith Sonnier, Robert Smithson, Robert Morris, Sol LeWitt, and others, Hesse adopted emotionally associative materials and structures in which layering, displacement, and serialization focused attention on process, anti-industrial technologies, and siting. Her notes and diaries from this period form an integral part of the investigative process that made up her work. Although she did not identify herself as a feminist, she was acutely aware of the contradictions between her commitment to her art and the social expectations demanded of women. "I cannot be so ...
1964 年左右，紐約藝術家伊娃·黑塞 (Eva Hesse，1936-1970)，她三歲時舉家逃離納粹德國，開始在雕塑中使用工業材料，抵制極簡主義的幾何和建築野心。她使用繩索、乳膠、橡膠粗棉布、黏土、金屬和金屬絲網製作作品，這些作品在媒介的機智和反傳統的使用中具有附加性、觸覺性和激進性。 1966年，女權主義者兼評論家露西·利帕德（Lucy Lippard）將黑塞的作品納入了「古怪抽象」展覽（其中引入了「過程藝術」一詞）。黑塞與理查德·塞拉、卡爾·安德烈、基思·桑尼爾、羅伯特·史密森、羅伯特·莫里斯、索爾·勒維特等人一起，採用了情感聯想的材料和結構，其中分層、移位和序列化將注意力集中在過程、反工業技術和選址上。她這時期的筆記和日記構成了她工作的調查過程的一個組成部分。儘管她不認為自己是女權主義者，但她敏銳地意識到她對藝術的承諾與社會對女性的期望之間的矛盾。 「我不能這樣…
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many things," she wrote in her diary in January 1964. "I cannot be something for everyone.... Woman, beautiful, artist, wife, housekeeper, cook, saleslady, all these things. I cannot even be myself or know who I am." ...
1964 年 1 月，她在日記中寫道。我甚至無法做我自己，也不知道我是誰。
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Hang Up (1966), a spare rectangular frame with a thin but flexible rod looping out from it and then back, is characteristic of her work in refusing to declare its meaning or to locate an inner "truth"; the frame presents a self-contained object, but the line which registers the mark of the artist is drawn in space, not captured permanently on a surface. ...
《掛起》（Hang Up，1966）是一個備用的矩形框架，一根細長但靈活的桿從框架中伸出，然後又返回，這是她拒絕聲明其含義或尋找內在「真相」的作品特徵；框架呈現出一個獨立的物體，但記錄藝術家標記的線條是在空間中繪製的，而不是永久地捕捉在表面上。 …
Critics have remarked on the erotic qualities of Hesse pieces like Ringaround Arosie (1965) and Accession II (1967) with their spongy membranes, their interiors bristling with soft projections, and their use of accretion to build up forms. Like Robert Morris's Cock/Cunt sculpture of 1963, with its schematic imagery of sexual difference and copulation, they suggest that the most abstract forms may be coded in ways that index the body metaphorically rather than literally. During the later 1960s, Louise Bourgeois's work also began to display a more tactile eroticism and her personal, intuitive sculptural forms became a rallying point for many younger women artists. Bulbous, abstract shapes and penile forms are replicated in a variety of materials from marble, bronze and plaster to latex, sometimes merging organically into composite forms, often part phallic, part fecal. The primary sensual world she evokes is undifferentiated and "polymorphously perverse." One critic described her latex Fillette (1968) as "a big, suspended decaying phallus, definitely on the rough side." Other pieces, like her series of small, female figures in plaster, clay, bronze, wax and marble, are both aggressive and vulnerable. ...
評論家們評論了黑森作品的色情特質，如《Ringaround Arosie》（1965）和《Accession II》（1967），它們的海綿狀膜、內部佈滿柔軟的突起，以及使用吸積來建構形式。就像羅伯特·莫里斯(Robert Morris) 1963 年創作的《公雞/陰戶》雕塑一樣，其對性差異和交配的示意性意象，表明最抽象的形式可能是以隱喻而非字面上的方式來編碼身體的。 20 世紀 60 年代後期，路易絲·布爾喬亞的作品也開始表現出更具觸覺的情慾，她個人直觀的雕塑形式成為許多年輕女性藝術家的聚集點。球狀、抽象的形狀和陰莖的形狀被複製在各種材料中，從大理石、青銅、石膏到乳膠，有時有機地融合成複合形式，通常部分是陰莖，部分是糞便。她所喚起的主要感官世界是無差別的且「多態反常」。一位評論家將她的乳膠菲萊特（1968）描述為「一個巨大的、懸掛的腐爛的陽具，絕對是粗糙的一面」。其他作品，例如她用石膏、黏土、青銅、蠟和大理石製作的小型女性人物系列，既具有攻擊性又脆弱。 …
The work of Bourgeois, Hesse, Marisol, and Saint Phalle implied content that could not be accommodated by formalist aesthetics, or by reducing the significance of gender to the sex of the artist or to her conscious intentions. By 1966, the first rumblings of dissent were beginning to be heard in America and elsewhere. Within a few years, the cultural conflicts that divided a generation of Americans-racism, sexism, and militarism-invaded the art world, until then secure in the belief that aesthetic issues were unrelated to or transcended social concerns. It is black artists and women (black and white) Romare Bearden, Raymond Saunders, Betye Saar, Faith Ringgold, Elizabeth Catlett, May Stevens-who first gave visual form to the growing gulf between the white American dream and the black American reality. Although Pop's embrace of American media imagery occasionally included images of blacks, their presence had tended to confirm white conventions ...
布爾喬亞、黑塞、馬裡索爾和聖法勒的作品所隱含的內容無法被形式主義美學所容納，也無法降低性別對藝術家的性別或她的意識意圖的意義。到 1966 年，美國和其他地方開始聽到第一批異議的聲音。幾年之內，分裂一代美國人的文化衝突——種族主義、性別歧視和軍國主義——侵入了藝術界，直到那時，人們才堅信美學問題與社會問題無關或超越社會問題。正是黑人藝術家與女性（黑人與白人）羅馬爾‧比爾登、雷蒙德‧桑德斯、貝蒂‧薩爾、費斯‧林戈爾德、伊莉莎白‧卡特萊特、梅‧史蒂文斯— —首先為白人美國夢與黑人美國現實之間日益擴大的鴻溝提供了視覺形式。儘管波普對美國媒體形象的接受偶爾會包括黑人的形象，但他們的存在往往證實了白人的慣例…
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201 ABOVE LEFT Eva Hesse, Hang Up. 1966 202 ABOVE RIGHT Louise Bourgeois, Fillette 1968 ...
201 左上 Eva Hesse，掛斷電話。 1966 202 右上路易絲‧布爾喬亞，菲萊特 1968 ...
203 BELOW Eva Hesse, Accession II, 1957 ...
203 下面伊娃‧黑塞，加入 II，1957 年...
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and stereotypes. It is Romare Bearden's collages, the sculpture and prints of Elizabeth Catlett, and the paintings of Raymond Saunders and Faith Ringgold that focused attention on the distance between the black community and the American mainstream. ...
和刻板印象。羅瑪爾·比爾登的拼貼畫、伊麗莎白·卡特萊特的雕塑和版畫、雷蒙德·桑德斯和菲斯·林戈爾德的繪畫，讓人們關注黑人社區與美國主流之間的距離。 …
Among Catlett's works from the 1960s are several on the theme of equal rights, including the series Civil Rights (1969), and the figurative sculptures Black Unity (1968) and Homage to My Young Black Sisters (1969), which later became icons in the struggle for social justice. She used the technique of linocut to commemorate black leaders in Malcolm X Speaks For Us (1969) and Homage to the Panthers (1970). ...
在卡特萊特20 世紀60 年代的作品中，有幾件以平等權利為主題的作品，包括《民權》系列（1969 年）、具象雕塑《黑人團結》（1968 年）和《向我年輕的黑人姐妹致敬》（1969 年），這些作品後來成為了平等權利的標誌。她在《馬爾科姆·艾克斯為我們說話》（Malcolm X Speaks For Us，1969）和《向黑豹致敬》（Homage to the Panthers，1970）中使用油氈浮雕技術來紀念黑人領袖。 …
During the 1960s Ringgold (b. 1930), an African-American raised in Harlem, and May Stevens, a white painter from New York, also investigated the connections between patriarchy, racism, and imperialism. Ringgold's American People Series (1963-67) was influenced by the writings of James Baldwin and Amiri Baraka (then LeRoi Jones). In 1966, she participated in the first exhibition of black artists held in Harlem since the 1930s. The following year Ringgold exhibited Die, a twelve-foot wide mural of a street riot painted in a simplified representational style influenced by the 1930s realism of painters like Jacob Lawrence and Ben Shahn. ...
1960 年代，在哈林區長大的非裔美國人林戈爾德（Ringgold，生於1930 年）和來自紐約的白人畫家梅史蒂文斯（May Stevens）也研究了父權制、種族主義和帝國主義之間的聯繫。林戈爾德的美國人物系列（1963-67）受到詹姆斯鮑德溫和阿米里巴拉卡（當時的勒羅伊瓊斯）著作的影響。 1966年，她參加了自1930年代以來在哈林區舉辦的首次黑人藝術家展覽。第二年，Ringgold 展出了《Die》，這是一幅12 英尺寬的街頭騷亂壁畫，其繪畫風格受到20 世紀30 年代雅各布·勞倫斯(Jacob Lawrence) 和本·沙恩(Ben Shahn)等畫家寫實主義的影響，採用簡化的具象風格。 …
By 1968 May Stevens (1924-2019), who had also played an active role in the Civil Rights Movement, was producing images in response to the current racial strife. In Big Daddy, Paper Doll (1968), fragmented but menacing male figures are used to explore the relationship between patriarchal power in the family and in social institutions like the American judicial system. At about the same time, the California artist Betye Saar (b. 1926) began incorporating stereotypic images of blacks in collages and constructions. Inspired by Joseph Cornell's boxes, their content, however, was political and angry rather than dream-like and Surrealist. The Liberation of Aunt Jemima (1972), one of a group of works dealing with white culture's stereotypical images of blacks, included an Aunt Jemima image holding a small revolver in one hand and a rifle in the other in a box papered with “mammy" pictures. ...
到 1968 年 5 月，曾在民權運動中發揮積極作用的史蒂文斯（1924-2019）開始製作圖像來應對當前的種族衝突。在《大爸爸，紙娃娃》（1968）中，支離破碎但具有威脅性的男性形像被用來探討家庭中的父權權力與美國司法系統等社會機構中的父權權力之間的關係。大約在同一時間，加州藝術家貝蒂耶·薩爾（Betye Saar，生於 1926 年）開始將黑人的刻板形象融入拼貼和建築中。然而，受約瑟夫·康奈爾盒子的啟發，它們的內容是政治性的和憤怒的，而不是夢幻般的和超現實主義的。 《傑邁瑪阿姨的解放》（1972）是一組處理白人文化中對黑人刻板形象的作品之一，其中傑邁瑪阿姨的圖像一手拿著一把小左輪手槍，另一隻手拿著步槍，盒子裡裝著一個寫著「媽媽」的盒子。
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A series of events in late 1969 and early 1970 led to the first protests against racism and sexism in the American art world; out of these interventions, and the growing Women's Liberation Movement, came the feminist art activities of the 1970s. In December 1969, New York's Whitney Museum Annual opened with 143 artists, only eight of whom were women. Demonstrations against the museum led to the formation of Women Artists in Revolution (WAR) within the Art Workers' ...
1969年底和1970年初發生的一系列事件引發了美國藝術界首次針對種族主義和性別歧視的抗議活動；這些幹預措施以及不斷發展的婦女解放運動催生了 20 世紀 70 年代的女性主義藝術活動。 1969 年 12 月，紐約惠特尼博物館年展開幕，共有 143 位藝術家參加，其中只有 8 位是女性。針對博物館的示威活動導致藝術工人組織內成立了革命中的女性藝術家（WAR）...
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Coalition; Ringgold organized Women Students and Artists for Black Art Liberation (WASABAL); and the New York Art Strike Against War, Racism, Fascism, Sexism and Repression, organized by the Art Workers Coalition, closed New York museums for one day in May 1970. Ringgold and WASABAL also launched a highly effective protest against an exhibition at the School of Visual Arts in New York organized by Robert Morris which attacked United States policies of war, repression, racism, and sexism but included no women artists (later amended due to the effectiveness of the protest). By 1970, the Art Workers' Coalition had collapsed and women artists in New York formed the Ad Hoc Women Artists' Committee, a loosely organized group that devoted the bulk of its energies ...
聯盟;林戈爾德組織了女性學生和藝術家黑人藝術解放組織（WASABAL）； 1970 年5 月，由藝術工人聯盟組織的紐約藝術罷工反對戰爭、種族主義、法西斯主義、性別歧視和壓迫，紐約博物館關閉了一天。了高效的抗議由羅伯特·莫里斯在紐約組織的視覺藝術節攻擊了美國的戰爭、鎮壓、種族主義和性別歧視政策，但沒有包括女性藝術家（後來由於抗議的有效性而進行了修改）。到 1970 年，藝術工人聯盟已經瓦解，紐約的女性藝術家成立了特設女性藝術家委員會，這是一個組織鬆散的團體，投入了大部分精力…
204 TOP Faith Ringgold, Die, 1967 205 ABOVE May Stevens, Big Daddy, Paper Doll, 1968 ...
204 TOP Faith Ringgold，《死亡》，1967 年 205 以上 May Stevens，《大爸爸》，紙娃娃，1968 年 ...
to challenge successfully the number of women in the Whitney Annuals and to found the Women's Slide Registry. In the face of protests by blacks, students, and women, the fiction of an art world isolated from broader social and political issues by "objectivity," "quality," and "aesthetics" began to be exposed. ...
成功挑戰《惠特尼年鑑》中女性的數量，並建立了女性幻燈片登記處。面對黑人、學生和女性的抗議，藝術世界透過「客觀性」、「品質」和「美學」與更廣泛的社會和政治問題隔離的虛構開始被揭露。 …
The work of Barbara Chase-Riboud (b. 1939) and Betye Saar was shown at the Whitney Museum (the first major museum exhibition of the work of contemporary black women artists) and Chase-Riboud dedicated the sculpture in her first solo show in New York to the memory of Malcolm X. When the percentage of women artists represented in the Whitney Annual rose from fifteen in 1969 to twenty-two in 1970, "museum officials conceded, somewhat reluctantly, that pressure from the women's groups was effective." ...
芭芭拉·蔡斯-呂布（Barbara Chase-Riboud，生於1939 年）和貝蒂耶·薩爾(Betye Saar) 的作品在惠特尼博物館展出（這是當代黑人女性藝術家作品的第一個大型博物館展覽），蔡斯-呂佈在她在New York 的首次個展中奉獻了這件雕塑。當上升到1970 年的22 人時，“博物館官員承認，雖然有些不情願，但來自婦女團體的壓力是有效的。” …
The feminist movement in the arts-that is, the commitment to an art that reflects women's political and social consciousness-profoundly influenced artistic practice in America during this period through its constant questioning of and challenge to patriarchal assumptions about ideologies of "art" and "artist" (see Chapter 12). A renewed interest in art produced by women generally also spread to a number ...
藝術領域的女性主義運動——即對反映女性政治和社會意識的藝術的承諾——透過不斷質疑和挑戰關於「藝術」和「藝術」意識形態的父權假設，深刻影響了這一時期美國的藝術實踐。對女性創作的藝術重新產生的興趣也蔓延到了許多......
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of artists from an earlier generation, many of whom had been professionally active since the 1930s. The work of Bourgeois, Neel, Bishop, Kahlo, Nevelson, and others began to receive the critical and public attention it had long deserved. While some women defined their practice in feminist terms, others rejected the designation altogether. Still others continued to work within abstraction, but saw their work inflected in new ways by their political and social consciousnesses. Although they chose to pursue non-figurative ways of working, artists from Joan Jonas and Dorothea Rockburne to Jackie Ferrara and Mary Miss have pointed to the efficacy of women's political organizing in the early 1970s in bringing curatorial and critical attention to their work. ...
由上一代藝術家組成，其中許多人自 1920 世紀 30 年代以來一直活躍在專業領域。布爾喬亞、尼爾、畢肖普、卡洛、內維爾森等人的作品開始受到長期以來應有的批評和公眾關注。雖然有些女性用女性主義術語來定義她們的實踐，但其他女性則完全拒絕這個稱呼。還有一些人繼續在抽像中工作，但看到他們的工作受到他們的政治和社會意識的新影響。儘管瓊·喬納斯(Joan Jonas) 和多蘿西婭·洛克伯恩(Dorothea Rockburne)、傑基·費拉拉(Jackie Ferrara) 和瑪麗·密斯(Mary Miss) 等藝術家選擇追求非具象的工作方式，但她們都指出20 世紀70 年代初婦女政治組織的有效性，為她們的作品帶來了策展和批評關注。 …
During the early 1970s, women artists of the previous generation responded to the new, more open climate in a variety of ways. While some continued to insist that issues of gender were irrelevant in making art, others spoke out. Nevelson (1900-1988), interviewed by Cindy Nemser, made her views of how women were treated in the New York art world very clear. Bourgeois participated in feminist meetings and took part in protests while Krasner, insisting that she was not a feminist, nevertheless picketed the Museum of Modern Art along with other women. In Mexico, Carrington designed an early Women's Liberation poster, Mujeres conscienscia, while in New York and Paris, Dorothea Tanning and Meret Oppenheim announced their opposition to exhibitions of art that "ghettoized" women. ...
1970 年代初期，上一代女性藝術家以各種方式應對更開放的新氣候。儘管有些人仍然堅持性別議題與藝術創作無關，但其他人卻直言不諱。內維爾森（1900-1988）在接受 Cindy Nemser 採訪時，非常清楚地表達了她對紐約藝術界如何對待女性的看法。布爾喬亞參加了女權主義會議並參加了抗議活動，而克拉斯納堅稱自己不是女權主義者，但仍與其他女性一起在現代藝術博物館設立了糾察線。在墨西哥，卡林頓設計了早期婦女解放海報《Mujeres conscienscia》，而在紐約和巴黎，多蘿西婭·坦寧(Dorothea Tanning) 和梅雷特·奧本海姆(Meret Oppenheim) 宣布反對“貧民窟化」女性的藝術展覽。 …
Throughout the decade, women identified and defined a multiplicity of relationships to feminist and mainstream concerns: "... we were all asking about feminism and what it means to be a woman," Joan Jonas later remarked. "The women's movement profoundly affected me; it led me, and all the people around me, to see things more clearly. I don't think before that I was aware of the roles women played.... There is always a woman in my work, and her role is questioned." Throughout the decade, women continued to question existing definitions of form and materials. While some of this work was specifically feminist, other women, ignoring the sex of maker and audience, developed their forms within conceptual and pictorial interrogations of materials and processes which had begun during the 1960s but gained new momentum and support from the Women's Movement. The pioneering minimalist dances of Yvonne Rainer and the Judson Dance Group exerted a profound influence on artists like Joan Jonas and Dorothea Rockburne, as they worked to break the boundaries between sculpture and performance/video, and ...
在這十年中，女性識別並定義了與女權主義和主流關注點的多種關係：「…我們都在詢問女權主義以及作為女性意味著什麼，」瓊·喬納斯後來評論道。 「婦女運動深刻地影響了我；它讓我和我周圍的人更清晰地看待事物。我認為以前我並沒有意識到女性所扮演的角色......總是有一個女人我的工作，而她的角色受到質疑。在這十年中，女性不斷質疑現有的形式和材料定義。雖然其中一些作品是特別女權主義的，但其他女性作品卻忽略了創作者和觀眾的性別，在對材料和過程的概念和圖像審訊中發展了自己的形式，這種審訊始於1960 年代，但獲得了婦女運動的新動力和支持。伊馮·雷納(Yvonne Rainer) 和賈德森舞蹈團(Judson Dance Group) 開創性的極簡主義舞蹈對瓊·喬納斯(Joan Jonas) 和多蘿西婭·洛克伯恩(Dorothea Rockburne) 等藝術家產生了深遠的影響，因為他們致力於打破雕塑和表演/視頻之間的界限，並且…
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painting and sculpture. Jonas's performances Jones Beach (1970) and Delay, Delay (1972) mix sound, movement, and image in complex statements, while Rockburne's (b. 1932) carbon paper drawing/installations and folded paper and linen-based paintings attached directly to the wall drew on mathematical Set Theory and dance movement in works that redefined the illusionism of the painted image and the physicality of sculpture. ...
繪畫和雕塑。喬納斯的表演《瓊斯海灘》（Jones Beach，1970 年）和《延遲，延遲》（Delay, Delay，1972 年）將聲音、動作和圖像混合在複雜的陳述中，而洛克伯恩（Rockburne，生於1932 年）的複寫紙繪畫/裝置以及直接貼在牆上的折疊紙和亞麻畫在作品中藉鑑了數學集合論和舞蹈動作，重新定義了繪畫圖像的幻覺和雕塑的物理性。 …
The combining of an abstract formal vocabulary with materials and forms inflected by female associations is also characteristic of the work of Joan Snyder, Lynda Benglis, Ree Morton, and others. Snyder's (b. 1940) paintings of the 1970s related to older traditions of abstraction, while increasingly using personal signs and marks. She first linked ostensibly non-referential passages in the paintings Flesh/Art (1973) and Symphony III (1975), where loose painterly fields coexist with fragmentary figurative references, and brushstrokes assume a variety of meanings, from drips, spills, and grids to gashes, tears, and blood. Small Symphony for Women (1974), Vanishing Theater (1974-75), and Heart-On (1975) combine and re-combine themes and images, transforming the individual consciousness behind the Abstract Expressionist gesture into a political ...
將抽象的正式詞彙與受女性聯想影響的材料和形式相結合也是瓊·斯奈德、琳達·本格里斯、雷·莫頓等人作品的特徵。斯奈德（生於 1940 年）20 世紀 70 年代的繪畫與古老的抽象傳統相關，同時越來越多地使用個人符號和記號。她首先將畫作《肉體/藝術》（1973）和《交響曲III》（1975）中表面上非指涉的段落聯繫起來，其中鬆散的繪畫領域與零碎的比喻性指涉共存，筆觸呈現出多種意義，從滴水、溢出和網格到傷口、眼淚和血。 《婦女小交響曲》（1974）、《消失的劇場》（1974-75）和《心在》（1975）將主題和圖像組合併重新組合，將抽象表現主義姿態背後的個人意識轉化為政治… …
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response, born out of an awareness of the collective experiences of war, the student riots of the late 1960s, and the Women's Movement. ...
這種反應源於對戰爭、20 世紀 60 年代末學生騷亂和婦女運動的集體經驗的認識。 …
Snyder espoused feminist principles as she worked to infuse the language of abstraction with a content that was not formalist. Benglis (b. 1941), after first making narrow wax paintings as long as her arm, began pouring polyurethane pieces, moving from single freestanding objects to rows of extruded forms attached to the wall. Her subsequent use of rubber and latex was influenced by Hesse's choice of materials and by the work of Miriam Schapiro and Judy Chicago in California with its developing iconography of female imagery and costuming (see Chapter 12). Audrey Flack (b. 1931) repainted the vanitas as an icon of femininity using the neutral vision and meticulous brushstroke of the photorealists, while a number of artists, including Idelle Weber, Sylvia Mangold, and Janet Fish introduced new subjects into realist painting. ...
史奈德擁護女性主義原則，努力將抽象語言與非形式主義的內容結合。 Benglis（生於 1941 年）在第一次製作與手臂一樣長的窄蠟畫後，開始澆注聚氨酯碎片，從單一的獨立物體轉變為附著在牆上的一排擠壓形式。她隨後對橡膠和乳膠的使用受到黑塞對材料的選擇以及加利福尼亞州米里亞姆·夏皮羅和朱迪·芝加哥的作品的影響，以及其發展中的女性形象和服裝圖像（見第12章）。奧黛麗·弗萊克（Audrey Flack，生於1931 年）利用照片寫實主義畫家的中性視覺和細緻的筆觸，將虛榮重新描繪成女性氣質的象徵，而包括艾黛爾·韋伯（Idelle Weber） 、西爾維亞·曼戈爾德（Sylvia Mangold）和珍妮特·菲什（Janet Fish）在內的許多藝術家則在寫實主義繪畫中引入了新的主題。 …
208 Lynda Benglis, For Carl Andre, 1970 ...
208 琳達‧本格里斯 (Lynda Benglis)，獻給卡爾‧安德烈 (Carl Andre)，1970 年 ...
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Hesse and Bourgeois used materials that had hardly ever been used before in sculpture to form objects that were powerfully tactile and suggestive, yet relied on an abstract formal language. By the early 1970s, a larger group of women artists had formed in New York, focusing on explorations into materials, process, and time. The natural and public worlds had been shaped by a series of exhibitions that began in 1966 with "Eccentric Abstraction," organized by Lucy Lippard for the Fischbach Gallery, and continued with "Anti-Illusion: Process/ Materials," organized by Marcia Tucker at the Whitney Museum in 1969, and "Twenty-Six Contemporary Women Artists" at the Aldrich Museum in 1971. Among those who exhibited at the latter, also organized by Lippard, were Alice Aycock, Mary Miss, Howardena Pindell, Adrian Piper, Jackie Winsor, and Barbara Zucker. ...
黑塞和布爾喬亞使用了以前在雕塑中幾乎從未使用過的材料來形成具有強大觸覺和暗示性的物體，但依賴抽象的形式語言。到 20 世紀 70 年代初，紐約形成了更多的女性藝術家群體，專注於對材料、過程和時間的探索。自然和公共世界是由一系列展覽塑造的，這些展覽始於1966 年露西·利帕德(Lucy Lippard) 為Fischbach 畫廊組織的「古怪抽象」(Eccentric Abstraction)，以及由瑪西婭·塔克(Marcia Tucker) 組織的「反幻覺：過程/材料」(Anti-Illusion: Process/ Materials)。位當代女性藝術家」展覽。後者也是由利帕德組織的，其中包括愛麗絲·艾科克、瑪麗·密斯、霍華德納·平德爾、阿德里安·派珀、傑基·溫莎。和芭芭拉·扎克。 …
At an historical moment when feminism was encouraging many women to explore issues of autobiography, narrative, ...
在女性主義鼓勵許多女性探索自傳、敘事等議題的歷史時刻…
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and personal identity in their work, other women embarked on investigations motivated by their interest in history, archaeology, and anthropology. Nancy Graves (1939-1995), in her camel sculptures, and Jackie Winsor (b. 1941), in pieces made from plywood, pine, rope, twine, trees, lath and nails, also addressed issues of material and process. The labor- intensive process of binding used by Winsor in works such as Bound Grid (1971-72), and 30 to 1 Bound Trees (1971) also recalls a hidden history of female productivity in areas like needlework, basketry, and quiltmaking. Winsor's work made visible what has historically been a hidden process-the complexity and labor of women's traditional handicrafts-establishing it in dialogue with traditional mainstream sculptural concerns such as those of scale and material. ...
以及工作中的個人身份，其他女性出於對歷史、考古學和人類學的興趣而開始了調查。南希·格雷夫斯（Nancy Graves，1939-1995）在她的駱駝雕塑中，以及傑基·溫莎（Jackie Winsor，生於1941 年）在由膠合板、松樹、繩子、麻線、樹木、板條和在釘子製成的作品中，也討論了材料和工藝的問題。溫莎在《Bound Grid》（1971-72）和《30 to 1 Bound Trees》（1971）等作品中使用的勞動密集型裝訂過程也讓人回想起女性在針線活、編織和被子製作等領域生產力的隱藏歷史。溫莎的作品使歷史上隱藏的過程——女性傳統手工藝的複雜性和勞動——變得可見，並透過與傳統主流雕塑關注點（如規模和材料）的對話來建立它。 …
Many artists chose to put their works in the landscape rather than in the gallery. Graves's desire to connect the processes of art-making with other systems of knowledge, and Winsor's interest in natural materials and sites, were shared by other artists who, during the 1970s, began to use landscape forms ...
許多藝術家選擇將他們的作品放在風景中而不是畫廊中。格雷夫斯希望將藝術創作過程與其他知識體系聯繫起來，溫莎對自然材料和場地感興趣，這些都得到了其他藝術家的認同，他們在 20 世紀 70 年代開始使用景觀形式…
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and sites. In many cases, a desire to work in public developed in relation to an expanded view of social consciousness shaped by the social protest movements of the late sixties, the group experiences of feminism, and access to new sources of public funding in the arts. Although the move into the landscape corresponded with a growing public concern for the environment, earthworks had less to do with ecology in most instances than with expanding the boundaries of art. Although the works of, for example, Robert Smithson, Dennis Oppenheim, Nancy Holt, Walter De Maria, Mary Miss, Alice Aycock, Michelle Stuart, and Michael Heizer took place in nature, much of the work found its way back into the gallery in the form of materials and documentation. The monumental scale at which Smithson, DeMaria, Heizer, and Oppenheim worked is shared neither by women artists, nor by many of their European contemporaries, men or women. The reasons, however, have less to do with innate differences between men's and women's sensibilities, or their relationship to the earth and to nature, than with their differing access to the patronage which funded earthworks. ...
和網站。在許多情況下，在公共場所工作的願望的發展與六十年代末的社會抗議運動、女權主義的群體經歷以及獲得新的藝術公共資金來源所形成的社會意識的擴展有關。儘管進入景觀領域與公眾對環境的日益關注相一致，但在大多數情況下，土方工程與生態的關係不大，而是與擴大藝術邊界的關係有關。儘管羅伯特·史密森（Robert Smithson）、丹尼斯·奧本海姆（Dennis Oppenheim）、南希·霍爾特（Nancy Holt）、沃爾特·德·瑪麗亞（Walter De Maria）、瑪麗·密斯（Mary Miss ）、愛麗絲·艾科克（Alice Aycock）、米歇爾·斯圖爾特（Michelle Stuart）和邁克爾·海澤（Michael Heizer）等人的作品都發生在大自然中，但大部分作品又回到了畫廊。史密森、德瑪利亞、海澤和奧本海姆的創作規模之大，既不是女性藝術家所共有的，也不是許多歐洲同時代的男性或女性所共有的。然而，其原因與其說與男性和女性的情感之間的先天差異或他們與地球和自然的關係有關，不如說與他們獲得資助土方工程的資助的機會不同有關。 …
The work of many women sculptors reveals a concern with issues of geological time, the perception and experience of landscape, and the earth's annual cycles. It is about experiencing nature in terms of architectural sites, and about psychological, mythical, and historical associations with such sites. Michelle Stuart's (b. 1933) Earth Scrolls or drawings between 1973 and 1976 evoke a sense of geological time through the use of earth as a medium and the pulverization of rocks as a way of marking the paper. Literally using earth as her medium, Stuart's selections of rocks from different strata and geographic locations were based on her direct experience when growing up of the fissures and layers of southern California. ...
許多女性雕塑家的作品揭示了對地質時間、景觀的感知和體驗以及地球年循環問題的關注。它是關於透過建築遺址體驗大自然，以及與這些遺址的心理、神話和歷史聯繫。米歇爾·史都華（Michelle Stuart，生於 1933 年）1973 年至 1976 年間的《地球捲軸》或圖畫透過使用地球作為媒介和粉碎岩石作為紙張標記方式，喚起了人們對地質時間的感覺。史都華實際上是使用地球作為媒介，從不同地層和地理位置選擇岩石，這是基於她在南加州的裂縫和地層中成長的直接經驗。 …
Miss, Aycock, George Trakis, Holt, and Michael Singer used sculptural form in their work to construct the landscape as the site of a visual and tactile experience. French sculptors Anne and Patrick Poirier invested their archeological forms with mythic and fantastic associations. Miss's (b. 1944) Perimeters, Pavilions/Decoys (1978) included three towers and an underground atrium excavation as places from which to see and experience the land and sky. The scale was human and the whole work provided visual and experiential paradoxes: towers that could be seen into but not entered, underground chambers that could be entered but not seen. Aycock's (b. 1946) Maze (1972) makes use of a form rich in associations, ancient and contemporary, as do other structures by her such as the Battery Park installation (1980). ...
Miss、Aycock、George Trakis、Holt 和 Michael Singer 在他們的作品中使用雕塑形式將景觀建構為視覺和觸覺體驗的場所。法國雕塑家安妮·普瓦里爾和帕特里克·普瓦里爾將他們的考古形式與神話和奇幻的聯想聯繫起來。米斯（Miss，生於 1944 年）的《周界、展館/誘餌》（Perimeters, Pavilions/Decoys，1978）包括三座塔樓和一個地下中庭挖掘項目，作為觀看和體驗陸地和天空的場所。尺度是人性化的，整個作品提供了視覺和體驗上的悖論：可以看到但不能進入的塔樓，可以進入但不能看到的地下房間。艾科克（生於1946 年）的《迷宮》（Maze，1972 年）採用了一種富有聯想性的形式，無論是古代還是當代，她的其他建築也是如此，例如砲台公園裝置（1980 年） 。 …
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Sun Tunnels (1973-76) by Nancy Holt (1938-2014), also addresses issues of the timeless quality of the earth and its annual cycles. On a forty-acre site which she purchased in the Great Basin Desert in northwestern Utah, four concrete tunnels are laid in an open X shape marking the seasonal extreme positions of the sun on the horizon. Holes of 7, 8, 9, and 10 inches in diameter in the upper half of the tunnels correspond to stars in four different constellations. Again, an interest in the archeological and mythical past informs the exquisitely detailed reconstructions of imaginary, or partly imaginary, cultures made by the Poiriers. Ostia Antica (1971-73) is an elaborate ten-yard long terracotta reconstruction in model form that is neither fiction nor reality. ...
南希·霍爾特（Nancy Holt，1938-2014）的《太陽隧道》（Sun Tunnels，1973-76）也探討了地球的永恆品質及其年度週期的問題。她在猶他州西北部的大盆地沙漠購買了一塊四十英畝的土地，四個混凝土隧道鋪設成開放的 X 形狀，標誌著太陽在地平線上的季節性極端位置。隧道上半部直徑為 7、8、9 和 10 英吋的孔對應四個不同星座的星星。同樣，對考古學和神話過去的興趣影響了普瓦里耶人對虛構或部分虛構文化的精緻細緻的重建。 Ostia Antica（1971-73）是一個精心製作的十碼長的模型形式的陶俑重建品，它既不是虛構的也不是現實的。 …
During the same period, a number of younger women painters, not necessarily feminist, made significant contributions to the elaboration of mark and shape as expressive pictorial devices. The work of American artists Jennifer Bartlett and Dorothea Rockburne, and the Europeans Hanne Darboven and Edwina Leapman, grew out of a conceptually based non-gestural abstract language; that of Elizabeth Murray, Susan Rothenberg, Miriam Cahn, Pat Steir, Paula Rego, and Maggi Hambling was centered in ...
在同一時期，許多年輕的女畫家（不一定是女權主義者）對將標記和形狀作為表現性繪畫手段的闡述做出了重大貢獻。美國藝術家詹妮弗·巴特利特(Jennifer Bartlett) 和多蘿西婭·洛克伯恩(Dorothea Rockburne) 以及歐洲藝術家漢尼·達爾博文(Hanne Darboven) 和埃德溫娜·利普曼(Edwina Leapman) 的作品都源自於基於概念的非手勢抽象語言；伊莉莎白‧莫瑞(Elizabeth Murray)、蘇珊‧羅滕伯格(Susan Rothenberg)、米里亞姆‧卡恩(Miriam Cahn)、帕特‧斯泰爾(Pat Steir)、保拉‧雷戈(Paula Rego ) 和瑪吉·漢布林(Maggi Hambling) 的作品集中在…
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213 TOP Hanne Darboven, Evolution 86, 1986 214 ABOVE Jennifer Bartlett, Rhapsody, 1975-76 (detail) ...
213 TOP Hanne Darboven，Evolution 86，1986 214 ABOVE Jennifer Bartlett，Rhapsody，1975-76（細節）...
figuration and the new Expressionism of the later 1970s. They combine research, discovery, and analysis in their approach to the formal issues of painting and their work refuses easy categorization within Modernist paradigms. ...
具象主義和 20 世紀 70 年代後期的新表現主義。他們將研究、發現和分析結合起來解決繪畫的形式問題，他們的作品拒絕在現代主義範式中簡單分類。 …
Around 1965 Darboven (1941-2009), a German artist, began developing simple but flexible numerical systems. Recorded first in notebooks, the pages of which provided modules for larger installations, the best known of her systems were based on day, month, year, century—the digits added and multiplied until they became unmanageable and were then broken down into progressively smaller areas which could in turn be re- expanded. Graphic records of process and time, the individual pages were combined into wall or room-sized installations. ...
1965 年左右，德國藝術家 Darboven（1941-2009）開始開發簡單但靈活的數值系統。首先記錄在筆記本中，筆記本的頁面為大型裝置提供了模組，她最著名的系統是基於日、月、年、世紀——數字相加和相乘，直到變得難以管理，然後被分解為逐漸更小的區域。過程和時間的圖形記錄，各個頁面被組合成牆壁或房間大小的裝置。 …
Shortly after graduating from Yale in 1965, Bartlett (b. 1941) began to pursue chance as a way of selecting paint colors and steel plates for flat surfaces that would adhere to walls. In 1976, she completed Rhapsody, a large environmental painting made up of 988 square steel plates which took up approximately 154 feet of wall space. Described by the artist as "a conversation, where you start with a thought, bring in another idea to explain it, then drop it," the work had a total of twelve themes, including four kinds of lines, three shapes, four archetypal images (mountain, house, tree, ocean) and twenty-five colors of the kind commonly found in plastic model kits. ...
1965 年從耶魯大學畢業後不久，巴特利特（生於 1941 年）開始尋求機會，選擇油漆顏色和鋼板來製作可黏附在牆壁上的平坦表面。 1976年，她完成了《狂想曲》，這是一幅由988塊方形鋼板組成的大型環境畫，佔據了大約154英尺的牆面空間。藝術家將其描述為“對話，你從一個想法開始，引入另一個想法來解釋它，然後放棄它”，該作品共有十二個主題，包括四種線條、三種形狀、四種原型圖像（山、房子、樹、海洋）和塑膠模型套件中常見的二十五種顏色。 …
Gender, Race, and Modernism after the Second World War ...
第二次世界大戰後的性別、種族和現代主義...
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Bartlett's interest in systematizing the marks, dots, and strokes that make up representation and her analysis of shape were shared by other artists. Elizabeth Murray's (1940-2007) formal vocabulary developed out of a collection of simplified shapes based on common household and studio objects. Their fragmentation, layering, and re-combination in daring compositions that are part sculpture, part painting shift the emphasis from figuration to abstraction, and from formal play to the conceptual framing of ideas. Pat Steir's (b. 1938) multi- panel paintings, a massive summing up of painting-about- painting, on the other hand, challenge cultural assumptions about artistic "individuality." The Breughel Series (A Vanitas of Styles) (begun in 1981) is a two-part, eighty-panel work in which a still-life of flowers in a vase becomes a visual puzzle combining artistic styles from the High Renaissance to Abstract Expressionism. Assuming the "hands" of painters from Watteau to Pollock, Steir investigates the essence of style, theirs and hers. At the same time, other women continued to explore figurative and abstract pictorial languages that related more ...
巴特利特對系統化構成表現形式的標記、點和筆畫的興趣以及她對形狀的分析得到了其他藝術家的認同。伊麗莎白·莫瑞（Elizabeth Murray，1940-2007）的正式詞彙是從一系列基於常見家庭和工作室物品的簡化形狀發展而來的。它們的碎片、分層和重新組合形成了部分雕塑、部分繪畫的大膽構圖，將重點從具象轉向抽象，從形式遊戲轉向思想的概念框架。另一方面，帕特·斯泰爾（Pat Steir，生於 1938 年）的多幅繪畫是對繪畫的繪畫的大量總結，挑戰了關於藝術「個性」的文化假設。勃魯蓋爾系列（A Vanitas of Styles）（始於1981 年）是一部由兩部分、八十幅作品組成的作品，其中花瓶中的花朵靜物畫成為一個視覺拼圖，融合了從文藝復興盛期到抽象表現主義的藝術風格。斯泰爾以從華托到波洛克等畫家的「雙手」為背景，研究他們和她的風格本質。同時，其他女性繼續探索具象和抽象的繪畫語言，這些語言與更多…
215 ...
directly to the political goals of the Women's Movement. ...
直接關係到婦女運動的政治目標。 …
215 Pat Steir, The Breughel Series (A Vanitas of Styles), 1981-83 (detail). ...
215 派特‧斯泰爾，《勃魯蓋爾系列》（風格的虛榮），1981-83（細節）。 …
Chapter 12 Feminist Art in North America and Great Britain ...
第十二章北美和英國的女性主義藝術.....
Banding together around 1970 for the first time in modern history, women in North America and Great Britain gathered politically to protest their exclusion from male-dominated exhibitions and institutions. In New York, women artists and critics challenged the Museum of Modern Art and other New York art institutions, calling for continuous, non-juried exhibitions of women's work, more one-woman shows, a women artists' advisory board, and fifty per cent inclusion of women in all museum exhibitions. In Southern California, the Los Angeles Council of Women Artists met in the Fall of 1970 to protest the exclusion of women artists from the important "Art and Technology" exhibition at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Pointing out that only one per cent of work on display at the museum was by women, they demanded an "Educational Program for the Study of Women's Art." The Los Angeles County Museum of Art responded with two important shows: "Four Los Angeles Artists" in 1972, and the monumental 1976 exhibition "Women Artists: 1550-1950," organized by Linda Nochlin and Ann Sutherland Harris. ...
1970 年左右，北美和英國的女性在現代歷史上首次聯合起來，進行政治集會，抗議她們被排除在男性主導的展覽和機構之外。在紐約，女性藝術家和評論家向現代藝術博物館和其他紐約藝術機構發起挑戰，呼籲對女性作品進行連續的、非評審的展覽、更多的單人展覽、女性藝術家顧問委員會以及百分之五十的女性作品展覽。在南加州，洛杉磯女性藝術家委員會於 1970 年秋季召開會議，抗議將女性藝術家排除在洛杉磯縣藝術博物館的重要「藝術與技術」展覽之外。她們指出博物館展出的作品中只有百分之一是女性創作的，因此要求制定「女性藝術研究教育計畫」。作為回應，洛杉磯縣藝術博物館舉辦了兩場重要展覽：1972 年的「洛杉磯四位藝術家」展覽和1976 年由琳達·諾克林(Linda Nochlin) 和安·薩瑟蘭·哈里斯(Ann Sutherland Harris) 組織的紀念性展覽「女性藝術家：1550-1950」。 …
Around the same time, organizing efforts by British women artists paralleled those in the United States, but took place within a smaller professional art world and emphasized socialist politics rather than a politics of difference. The first Women's Liberation Art Group formed in London in 1970. The following year, it mounted its first exhibition at the Woodstock Gallery in London with works by Valerie Charlton, Ann Colsell, Sally Frazer, Alison Fell, Margaret Harrison, Liz Moore, Sheila Oliver, Monica Sjoo, and Rosalyn Smythe. Around the same time, the Woman's Workshop of the Artists' Union dedicated itself to combatting the isolation of women through collective creative action. In 1971, a display of Margaret Harrison's ...
大約在同一時間，英國女性藝術家的組織努力與美國的組織相似，但發生在一個較小的專業藝術界，並強調社會主義政治而不是差異政治。第一個婦女解放藝術團體於1970 年在倫敦成立。莉·弗雷澤、艾莉森·費爾、瑪格麗特·哈里森、利茲·摩爾、希拉·奧利佛的作品、莫妮卡·史喬和羅莎琳·史密斯。大約在同一時間，藝術家聯盟的婦女工作室致力於透過集體創造性行動來消除婦女的孤立感。 1971 年，瑪格麗特·哈里森 (Margaret Harrison) 的展覽...
371
drawings became the first solo feminist exhibition in London, and was quickly closed down by the police because of "offensive" material, in this case a drawing of Playboy's founder and editor, Hugh Hefner, depicted as a "Bunny girl" with a "Bunny penis." ...
這些畫作成為倫敦首個女權主義個人展覽，但很快就因為「冒犯性」材料而被警方關閉，在本次展覽中，《花花公子》的創始人兼編輯休·赫夫納的畫作被描繪成一個“兔女郎”，帶著“兔子”的形象。 …
By 1974, the work of women-much of it multi-media, conceptual, and cross-disciplinary-was evident in a number of venues outside the mainstream. Kate Walker and Sandy Gollop organized "Feministo," an exchange of small art works through the mail. Later exhibited as "Portrait of the Artist as Housewife," the works initiated a sustained dialogue on the ideology of domesticity and femininity which circulated outside the commercial art gallery system. In May, an exhibition organized by the American critic Lucy Lippard and and entitled "Ca. 7,500" opened at the Warehouse in Earlham Street, London. The show, which included the work of 26 American and European artists, had been exhibited at a number of prestigious American galleries, but was refused at the last minute by the Royal College of Art. A year later, Mary Kelly, Margaret Harrison, and Kay Hunt collaborated on an important documentary exhibition called "Women and Work" based on a group of workers in a Metal Box Company factory in Southwark, London. The desire to reach broader, non-art world audiences was also evident in performance works by Susan Hiller and others. In 1973 and 1974, Hiller worked on large public performances such as Street Ceremonies and Dream Mapping, which required the collective involvement of large numbers of participants. ...
到 1974 年，女性的作品——大部分是多媒體的、概念性的和跨學科的——在主流以外的許多場所都很明顯。凱特·沃克和桑迪·戈洛普組織了「女權主義」活動，透過電子郵件交換小型藝術作品。這些作品後來以《藝術家作為家庭主婦的肖像》的形式展出，引發了一場關於商業美術館系統之外流傳的家庭生活和女性氣質意識形態的持續對話。 5月，由美國評論家露西·利帕德（Lucy Lippard）組織的題為“Ca. 7,500”的展覽在倫敦厄勒姆街的倉庫開幕。展覽收錄了26位美國和歐洲藝術家的作品，曾在美國多家著名畫廊展出，但在最後一刻被皇家藝術學院拒絕。一年後，瑪麗凱利、瑪格麗特哈里森和凱亨特合作舉辦了一個重要的紀錄片展覽，名為“女性與工作”，以倫敦薩瑟克金屬盒公司工廠的一群工人為主題。蘇珊希勒（Susan Hiller）等人的表演作品也體現了接觸更廣泛的非藝術界觀眾的願望。 1973年和1974年，希勒參與了《街頭儀式》、《夢圖》等大型公共表演，需要大量參與者的集體參與。 …
Throughout the United States and Britain, in groups large and small, public and private, women in the arts were raising questions-from where to exhibit as women and how to find space for working, to political, theoretical, and aesthetic issues. Feminist artists in many countries shared similar concerns, and feminism developed as an international movement, with local socio-economic and ideological factors shaping its expression in different ways. The reclaiming of past histories was only one of several areas of feminist investigation. Many women sought forms through which to valorize women's experience and the early 1970s saw an explosion of work that consciously reinserted women's personal experiences into art practice. ...
在美國和英國，藝術界的女性在大大小小的、公共和私人的團體中提出了問題——從在哪裡作為女性進行展覽以及如何找到工作空間，到政治、理論和美學問題。許多國家的女性主義藝術家有著相似的擔憂，女性主義作為一項國際運動發展起來，當地的社會經濟和意識形態因素以不同的方式塑造了其表達方式。恢復過去的歷史只是女性主義研究的幾個領域之一。許多女性尋求能夠體現女性經驗的形式，20 世紀 70 年代初期，有意識地將女性個人經驗重新融入藝術實踐的作品激增。 …
Much of this work was disseminated through feminist publications. A collective of women founded the British feminist journal Spare Rib in 1972; in New York, the first issue of The Feminist Art Journal appeared the same year. A few years later, women artists and critics met to organize a feminist art ...
其中大部分作品是透過女性主義出版物傳播的。 1972年，一群婦女創辦了英國女性主義雜誌《Spare Rib》；同年，紐約《女性主義藝術雜誌》第一期出版。幾年後，女性藝術家和評論家齊聚一堂，組織了一場女性主義藝術…
Chapter 12 ...
第12章...
372
publication, and Heresies was born in 1977, the same year that Chrysalis began publication in Los Angeles. ...
《異端》誕生於 1977 年，同年《Chrysalis》在洛杉磯開始出版。 …
The emergence of a consciously feminist art practice in the United States is closely linked to developments on the West Coast, and to the artists Judy Chicago and Miriam Schapiro. Chicago (b. 1939), who had been working with minimal abstraction while a graduate student at the University of California, Los Angeles, began making groupings of plexiglass Domes in 1968. Though abstract in form, she associated them with female anatomy-breasts, belly, and vulva-and with sensations of sexual and emotional pleasure. A year later, she began a series of geometric abstractions, the Pasadena Lifesavers, which featured hexagonal forms with large central openings. ...
美國自覺女性主義藝術實踐的出現與西海岸的發展以及藝術家朱迪·芝加哥和米里亞姆·夏皮羅密切相關。芝加哥（生於1939 年）在加州大學洛杉磯分校攻讀研究生期間一直在進行極簡抽象的創作，並於1968 年開始製作有機玻璃圓頂的組合。連結在一起，腹部和外陰，並伴隨性快感和情感快感。一年後，她開始創作一系列幾何抽像作品，即“帕薩迪納救生員”，其特點是六角形形狀和中央大開口。 …
Chicago taught the first feminist art course at Fresno State College in 1970. The following year, she and Schapiro joined to offer a feminist art program at the California Institute of the Arts in Valencia. In studios restricted to women, students were encouraged to share their experiences and to work in ways that made specific references to women's experiences of themselves and their bodies. In January 1972, women from the feminist art program opened a site-specific installation in an old house in a residential neighborhood of Hollywood. Called "Womanhouse," the series of installations included Chicago's Menstruation Bathroom, Kathy Huberland's Bridal Staircase, Miriam Schapiro and Sherry Brody's Dollhouse, Faith Wilding's Womb Room, among a number of other daring explorations into sexual, social, and psychological constructions of femininity. ...
1970 年，芝加哥在弗雷斯諾州立學院教授第一門女性主義藝術課程。在女性限定的工作室中，鼓勵學生分享她們的經驗，並以具體參考女性自身和身體經驗的方式進行工作。 1972 年 1 月，女性主義藝術計畫的女性在好萊塢住宅區的一棟老房子裡開設了一個特定地點的裝置藝術。該系列裝置被稱為“女人之家”，包括芝加哥的月經浴室、凱西·休伯蘭的新娘樓梯、米里亞姆·夏皮羅和雪莉·布羅迪的玩具屋、費斯·威爾丁的子宮室，以及其他一些對女性氣質的性、社會和心理結構的大膽探索。 …
At the same time, Chicago and Schapiro were advocating the use of forms in which open, central shapes, and layered, often petal-like images predominated, images that related to what Chicago identified as "a central core, my vagina, that which made me a woman." The self-conscious investigation of female subjectivity through images of the body was one aspect of the desire to celebrate female knowledge and experience. But as early as 1973, Chicago and Schapiro coauthored an article in Womanspace Journal in which they asked, "What does it feel like to be a woman? To be formed around a central core and have a secret place which can be entered and which is also a passageway from which life emerges?" and Lucy Lippard listed a series of possible female characteristics in art: "A uniform density, an overall texture, often sensuously tactile and often repetitive to the point of obsession; the prepondence (sic) of circular forms and central focus... layers or strata; an indefinable looseness or flexibility of handling; a new fondness ...
同時，芝加哥和夏皮羅提倡使用開放的、中心形狀和分層的、通常是花瓣狀的圖像為主的形式，這些圖像與芝加哥所認為的「一個中央核心，我的陰道，使我是一個女人。透過身體圖像對女性主體性進行自覺的調查是慶祝女性知識和經驗的願望的一方面。但早在1973 年，芝加哥和夏皮羅就在《Womanspace Journal》上共同撰寫了一篇文章，其中他們問道：「作為一名女性，感覺如何？圍繞著一個中央核心形成，有一個可以進入的秘密場所，並且是一個秘密場所。露西·利帕德（Lucy Lippard）列出了藝術中一系列可能的女性特徵：「均勻的密度，整體的紋理，通常具有感官觸覺，並且經常重複到令人著迷的程度；圓形形式和中心焦點的優點（原文如此）......層次或階層；一種難以定義的鬆散或彈性的處理方式；
Feminist Art in North America and Great Britain ...
北美和英國的女性主義藝術...
216 ...
373
fragments of words, tongues that swell into the phallus of the Symbolic Order which governs language in patriarchy, are all used to reinforce the marginality of Artaud's, and by extension woman's, language. ...
文字碎片、舌頭膨脹成像徵秩序的陽具，在父權制中統治著語言，所有這些都被用來強化阿爾托語言的邊緣性，進而強化女性語言的邊緣性。 …
In 1972, Spero began thinking again about political subject- matter. With the Torture of Women in Chile (1974), she decided to use only images of women in her work. She juxtaposed quotations detailing repression and torture with fragments of text and the fragmented bodies of women to analyse the conditions of the torture of women (which always implies ...
1972 年，斯佩羅開始再次思考政治題材。在《智利婦女的酷刑》（1974）中，她決定在作品中只使用女性形象。她將詳細描述鎮壓和酷刑的引文與文本片段和婦女支離破碎的身體並列起來，以分析婦女遭受酷刑的狀況（這總是暗示......
217 Nancy Spero, Codex Artaud, 1970-71 (detail) ...
217 南希‧斯佩羅 (Nancy Spero)，阿爾託法典，1970-71（詳細）...
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1715 ...
218 May Stevens, Rosa from Prison from the series "Ordinary/Extraordinary," 1977-80 ...
5月218日，史蒂文斯，來自監獄的羅莎，來自“普通/非凡”系列，1977-80 ...
sexual control over the bodies of women) and to explicate the timelessness of this practice. Later, using the female body image as protagonist, and parody, quotation, and repetition as linguistic devices, Spero explored women's unstable and shifting identities within culture, their physical and spiritual strengths, their oppression under patriarchy, and their mythic and historical power. ...
對女性身體的性控制）並解釋了這種做法的永恆性。後來，斯佩羅以女性身體形象為主角，以戲仿、引用和重複為語言手段，探討了女性在文化中不穩定和變化的身份、她們的身體和精神力量、她們在父權制下的壓迫、以及她們的神話和歷史力量。 …
The work of May Stevens examines specific women's lives in relation to the patriarchal structuring of class and privilege, and the polarities of abnormal/normal, silent/vocal, acceptance/resistance. Weaving her biography with that of her mother and Rosa Luxemburg, the Polish-German revolutionary and political activist, in the series of works called Ordinary/ Extraordinary (1977) she layered her own memories and feelings with the personal and public images of two women, one of ...
梅史蒂文斯的作品審視了特定女性的生活與階級和特權的父權結構，以及異常/正常、沉默/發聲、接受/抵抗的極性。在名為《平凡/非凡》（1977）的系列作品中，她將自己的傳記與她的母親和波蘭裔德國革命家和政治活動家羅莎·盧森堡的傳記交織在一起，將自己的記憶和感受與兩位女性的個人和公眾形象分層，之一...
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whom lived her life entirely within the confines of family and work, the other of whom played a public historical role. Stevens exposed the false dichotomy between the public and the private in art and in history. Employing paintings, collages, and the artist's book, she revealed the human side of Luxemburg and made public the silent life of her own working-class mother, whose personal suffering represents the political oppression of all disadvantaged women for whom collective action is impossible without knowledge of history. ...
她們的生活完全在家庭和工作的範圍內進行，而另一位則扮演公共歷史角色。史蒂文斯揭露了藝術和歷史中公共與私人之間的錯誤二分法。她利用繪畫、拼貼和藝術家的書，揭示了盧森堡人性的一面，並公開了她自己的工人階級母親的沉默生活，她的個人痛苦代表了所有弱勢婦女的政治壓迫，對她們來說，沒有知識就不可能採取集體行動的歷史。 …
Given feminism's focus on exploring women's lives, it is not surprising that performance and video became major media for women who, seeking to celebrate the body's rhythms and pains, build new narratives of female experience, and explore relationships between the body as the performing agent and the subject of the activity and the body as site of the woman as spectacle. "A woman must continually watch herself," noted the critic John Berger, elaborating on Simone de Beauvoir's observation in The Second Sex (1949) that femininity is formed in part from the reflected or mirror images against which women are taught to measure themselves. ...
鑑於女性主義注重探索女性的生活，表演和視頻成為女性的主要媒體也就不足為奇了，她們尋求慶祝身體的節奏和痛苦，建立女性經歷的新敘事，並探索作為表演主體的身體與身體之間的關係。 「女人必須不斷地審視自己，」評論家約翰·伯傑指出，他詳細闡述了西蒙娜·德·波伏瓦在《第二性》（1949）中的觀察，即女性氣質部分是由反射或鏡像形成的，女性被教導根據這些反射或鏡像來衡量自己。 …
Some early performance works in America by Yoko Ono, Yvonne Rainer, and Carolee Schneeman were connected with "Happenings," experimental dance and theater events, and Minimal and Conceptual art that had begun in the 1960s. By 1970, Joan Jonas, Mary Beth Edelson, Adrian Piper, Mierle Laderman Ukeles, and others had begun performance works which relied heavily on narrative and autobiography. During the 1970s, these themes were also central to the work of Laurie Anderson, Eleanor Antin, Lynn Hershman, Suzanne Lacy, Rachel Rosenthal, Faith Wilding, and Hannah Wilke. More recently, conceptual and performance artist Lorraine O'Grady has singled out the year 1971, when Adrian Piper (b. 1948) first performed Food for the Spirit, in which she photographed her physical and metaphysical changes during a prolonged period of fasting and reading Kant's Critique of Pure Reason, as "the catalytic moment for the subjective black nude, introducing her into a history from which she had been excluded, symbolically castrated and/or stereotypically depicted as nurturing mammy or insatiable jezebel." ...
小野洋子(Yoko Ono)、伊馮·雷納(Yvonne Rainer) 和卡羅琳·施尼曼(Carolee Schneeman) 在美國的一些早期表演作品與20 世紀60 年代開始的“Happenings”、實驗舞蹈和戲劇活動以及極簡和概念藝術有關。到1970年，瓊·喬納斯、瑪麗·貝絲·艾德爾森、阿德里安·派珀、米爾勒·拉德曼·尤克萊斯等人開始創作嚴重依賴敘事和自傳的表演作品。 20 世紀 70 年代，這些主題也是 Laurie Anderson、Eleanor Antin、Lynn Hershman、Suzanne Lacy、Rachel Rosenthal、Faith Wilding 和 Hannah Wilke 作品的核心。最近，概念和表演藝術家洛林·奧格雷迪（Lorraine O'Grady）特別提到了1971 年，當時阿德里安·派珀（Adrian Piper，生於1948 年）首次表演了《精神食糧》（Food for the Spirit），其中她拍攝了長時間禁食和閱讀期間她的身體和形而上學的變化。性地被閹割和/或被刻板地描繪成養育媽媽或貪得無厭的耶洗別的歷史。 …
During the early 1970s, Faith Ringgold also began to articulate the realities of black women's lives in works that quickly moved beyond the confines of the stretched canvas to become unframed tankas and masks, performances, and three-dimensional soft sculptures in which narrative voices tell the stories of their lives ("Wilt Series" and "Couple Series," 1974; "Harlem Series," 1975). In Wake and Resurrection of the ...
1970 年代初期，費思·林戈爾德(Faith Ringgold) 也開始在作品中闡明黑人女性的生活現實，這些作品很快就超越了拉伸畫布的限制，變成了無框短歌和麵具、表演和三維軟雕塑，其中敘事的聲音講述了黑人女性的生活。喚醒與復活...
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Bicentennial Negro (1976), one of Ringgold's major works of the decade, narrative assumed new dimensions as she traveled the country performing the piece. The installation consisted of four main figures of life-size soft sculpture (Bena, Buba, Moma, and Nana) that lie on the floor and stand against the wall, five mask figures hanging on the walls, and a number of subsidiary dance masks. Through performing the piece, Ringgold articulated a specific story of family tragedy, loss, and redemption. ...
《黑人二百週年》（1976）是林戈爾德這十年來的主要作品之一，當她在全國各地表演這部作品時，敘事呈現出新的維度。該裝置包括四個真人大小的軟雕塑主要人物（貝納、布巴、莫馬和娜娜），它們躺在地板上，靠牆而立，五個面具人物掛在牆上，以及一些附屬的舞蹈面具。透過表演這首曲子，林戈爾德講述了一個關於家庭悲劇、失落和救贖的具體故事。 …
Other women, too, chose fabric, thread, and glitter for their associations with women's cultural traditions. Harmony Hammond chose rags (because they are neither precious nor easily damaged) which she stained, folded, coiled, and hung in abstract shapes; Anne Healy (b. 1939) floated large, gossamer banners; Rosemary Mayer (1943-2014) draped transparent fabric in circles. The use and development of nontraditional materials in art, combined with feminist consciousness about the relationship between certain materials and processes and women's cultural and historical traditions, led to an intense questioning of art traditions. Why was Hesse's use of rope exhibited in "art" galleries and museums, while Claire Zeisler's rope pieces remained in "craft" galleries? Why were Jackie Winsor's grids "art" and Lia Cook's grids "craft?" As some distinctions between "art" and "craft" seemed to break down, or at least fray around the edges, why did some women prefer to continue creating within the "fabric structure process" while others sought to abolish the distinction between "craft" and "art"? ...
其他女性也選擇織物、線和閃光材料，因為它們與女性文化傳統有關。哈莫尼·哈蒙德（Harmony Hammond）選擇了破布（因為它們既不珍貴，也不容易損壞），她將其染色、折疊、盤繞並懸掛成抽象形狀；安妮希利（Anne Healy，生於 1939 年）飄揚著巨大的薄紗橫幅；羅斯瑪麗·梅耶爾（Rosemary Mayer，1943-2014）將透明織物披在圓圈上。藝術中非傳統材料的使用和發展，加上女性主義對某些材料和過程與女性文化和歷史傳統之間關係的意識，導致了對藝術傳統的強烈質疑。為什麼黑塞對繩子的使用在「藝術」畫廊和博物館展出，而克萊爾·蔡斯勒的繩子作品卻留在「工藝」畫廊？為什麼傑基·溫莎（Jackie Winsor）的網格是“藝術”，而利亞·庫克（Lia Cook）的網格是“工藝”？由於“藝術”和“工藝”之間的一些區別似乎已被打破，或者至少在邊緣出現磨損，為什麼一些女性更願意在“織物結構過程”中繼續創作，而另一些女性則試圖廢除“工藝”之間的區別和“藝術”？ …
The 1971 exhibition, "Deliberate Entanglements," at the University of California in the Los Angeles Gallery, did much to further the international development of art in fiber during the 1970s, and the work of Zeisler, Leonore Tawney, Sheila Hicks, and Magdalena Abakanowicz received international attention with many critics arguing for a rejection of the art/ craft dichotomy. The idea of using fabric as an art material both summed up the iconoclasm of the 1970s and established a context within which to mount a feminist challenge to the way art history honored certain materials and certain processes instead of others. ...
1971 年在加州大學洛杉磯畫廊舉辦的展覽「故意糾纏」為推動 20 世紀 70 年代纖維藝術的國際發展做出了巨大貢獻，Zeisler、Leonore Tawney、Sheila Hicks 和 Magdalena Abakanowicz 的作品受到國際關注，許多批評家主張拒絕藝術/工藝二分法。使用織物作為藝術材料的想法既總結了20 世紀70 年代的反傳統，也建立了一個背景，在這個背景下，對藝術史尊重某些材料和某些過程而不是其他材料和過程的方式發起女權主義挑戰。 …
The movement known as Pattern and Decoration held its first exhibition, "Ten Approaches to the Decorative," at a SoHo gallery in New York in 1976. The new tendency, which attracted both men and women, formalized the use of fabric and surface elaboration as an assault on the rhetoric of Geometric Abstraction and the gender-based, and often pejorative, use of the term "decorative." In California in the early 1970s, Schapiro ...
被稱為「圖案與裝飾」的運動於 1976 年在紐約 SoHo 畫廊舉辦了首次展覽「裝飾的十種方法」。幾何抽象修辭和基於性別的、常常帶有貶義的“裝飾”一詞的使用的攻擊。 20 世紀 70 年代初，在加利福尼亞州，夏皮羅...
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and Joyce Kozloff (b. 1942) had turned to decorative imagery as a source for feminist paintings. Around the same time, students and the faculty at the University of California at San Diego had begun exploring the motifs and philosophy of Asian design. ...
喬伊斯·科茲洛夫（Joyce Kozloff，生於 1942 年）轉向裝飾性意像作為女性主義繪畫的來源。大約在同一時間，加州大學聖地牙哥分校的學生和教師開始探索亞洲設計的主題和哲學。 …
In 1973, Schapiro, building on her use of needlework and fabric in The Dollhouse, began combining fabric collage and acrylic painting in abstract paintings which she called "femmages," defining the term as "a word invented by us to include all of the above activities (i.e., collage, assemblage, decoupage, photomontage) as they were practised by women using traditional women's techniques to achieve their art- sewing, piecing, hooking, cutting, appliquéing, cooking and the like-activities also engaged in by men but assigned in history to women." Two of Schapiro's femmages were exhibited in 1976-Cabinet for All Seasons, and Anatomy of a Kimono, a fifty- foot wide painting in which scale is used to "reinvest what has previously been dismissed as modest with the scope of history painting." ...
1973 年，夏皮羅在《玩具屋》中對針線活和織物的使用基礎上，開始將織物拼貼和丙烯畫結合在抽象畫中，她稱之為“女性”，並將該術語定義為「我們發明的一個詞，包括以上所有內容」婦女利用傳統婦女技術實現她們的藝術的活動（即拼貼、組合、剪紙、蒙太奇）——縫紉、拼接、鉤接、切割、貼花、烹飪以及男性也從事但被分配的類似活動歷史上對女性來說。夏皮羅的兩幅女性作品曾於1976 年展出——《四季內閣》和《和服解剖》，這是一幅50 英尺寬的畫作，其中的比例被用來「重新投資以前被視為謙虛的歷史繪畫範圍」。 …
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The first artist-organized Pattern and Decoration exhibition included Valerie Jaudon's surface patterns based on Islamic and Celtic traditions and Kozloff's Hidden Chambers (1975), a work derived from Islamic tile patterns and based on the opposition of two decorative systems in which the superimposition of colors and pattern leads to a shifting sense of space. ...
第一個由藝術家組織的圖案和裝飾展覽包括瓦萊麗·喬登（Valerie Jaudon）基於伊斯蘭和凱爾特傳統的表面圖案以及科茲洛夫的《隱藏的房間》（1975），這是一件源自伊斯蘭瓷磚圖案的作品，基於兩種裝飾系統的對立，其中顏色的疊加圖案會帶來空間感的變化。 …
The critic Jeff Perrone, analysing the Pattern and Decoration movement, which extended well beyond the few artists discussed here, noted in 1976 that, in the process of taking over surface patterns, decoration always loses the meaning it had in its historical culture. More recently, critics have questioned appropriations that are ahistorical and transcultural and universalize as a formal device surface decoration from non- Western peoples without regard to its specific origins and meanings. At the same time, many feminists remained divided over whether the attempt to valorize the neglected "other" of high art does not instead perpetuate it as an alternative tradition a "woman's" tradition. ...
評論家傑夫·佩羅尼（Jeff Perrone）在分析圖案與裝飾運動時指出，該運動遠遠超出了這裡討論的少數藝術家，他在1976 年指出，在接管表面圖案的過程中，裝飾總是失去其在歷史文化中的意義。最近，批評者質疑非歷史和跨文化的挪用，並作為非西方民族的正式裝置表面裝飾而普遍化，而不考慮其具體起源和意義。同時，許多女權主義者對於重視高雅藝術中被忽視的「他者」的嘗試是否會使其作為另一種傳統「女性」傳統永久存在仍存在分歧。 …
In 1977, artist and critic Hammond became one of the first to address the question of the role of abstraction in feminist art in an essay published in Heresies. Hammond observed that of the many articles written on feminist art which tried to define a feminist sensibility, few went beyond the recognition that feminist art is based on the personal experiences of women. Recognizing that the identification of formalist criticism with an exclusionary Modernism had often resulted in feminist writings that dealt exclusively with political issues led her to focus on abstract art in order that it might also have a feminist and therefore political-rather than elitist-basis. She argued that abstract art, which has often been used to further the myth of the artist as an alienated and isolated (male) genius and has absorbed an illusion of apolitical "objectivity," might instead be seen in relation to a history of women's visual culture which has often utilized abstraction. ...
1977 年，藝術家兼評論家哈蒙德在《異端》雜誌上發表了一篇文章，成為最早探討抽像在女性主義藝術中的作用問題的人之一。哈蒙德觀察到，在許多試圖定義女性主義情感的關於女性主義藝術的文章中，很少有人超越了女性主義藝術基於女性個人經驗的認知。認識到將形式主義批評與排他性現代主義等同起來往往會導致女性主義著作專門討論政治問題，這導致她專注於抽象藝術，以便它也可能具有女權主義基礎，因此也具有政治基礎，而不是精英主義基礎。她認為，抽象藝術經常被用來加深藝術家作為疏離和孤立的（男性）天才的神話，並吸收了非政治性「客觀性」的幻覺，相反，抽象藝術可能被視為與女性視覺史的關係。 …
Cultural context also mediated women's uses of the body during the 1970s. While North American women typically operated within early feminism's generally autobiographical and celebratory stance vis-à-vis the female body, women artists in Europe, where there was no coherent feminist tradition, often worked in more confrontational, sociological, and psychoanalytical ways. Avoiding aligning their practices with a specifically feminist agenda, artists like the French Gina Pane (1939-1990), the Austrian Valie Export (b. 1940), and the Yugoslav Marina Abramović (b. 1946) often used the body as an artistic medium because it circumvented the conventions of both art and language. ...
1970 年代，文化背景也影響了女性對身體的使用。北美女性通常在早期女性主義相對於女性身體的自傳性和慶祝性立場中進行創作，而歐洲的女性藝術家則以更具對抗性、社會學和精神分析的方式進行創作，那裡沒有連貫的女權主義傳統。法國的吉娜·帕內（Gina Pane，1939-1990）、奧地利的瓦利·出口（Valie Export，生於1940 年）和南斯拉夫的瑪麗娜·阿布拉莫維奇（Marina Abramović，生於1946 年）等藝術家避免將自己的實踐與特定的女權主義議程結合起來，經常使用身體作為藝術媒介因為它規避了藝術和語言的慣例。 …
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Hammond was also instrumental in making public the history and experiences of lesbians. The Lesbian Art Project established by Arlene Raven at The Woman's Building in Los Angeles in 1977 used writings, art groups, salons, and performances as ways of recuperating and making public lesbian histories. The following year, Hammond organized "A Lesbian Show" of sixteen artists at 112 Green Street. Generally considered the first such exhibition in New York, it included pieces by herself and Louise Fishman, Betsy Damon, Maxine Fine, Jessie Falstein, Mary Ann King, Kate Millett, Don Nelson, Flavia Rando, Sandra de Sando, Amy Scarola, Janey Washburn, and Fran Winant. Most of the work in the exhibition was painting and sculpture; much of it was abstract. "In my search for contemporary lesbian artists," Hammond wrote at the time, "I spend much energy wondering and fantasizing about women who rejected passive female roles and committed themselves to art. After all, they did have young women as assistants and companions. But there is a space between us— time... a silence, as large as the desert, because history has ignored lesbian visual artists. The patriarchy has taken them." ...
哈蒙德在公開女同性戀者的歷史和經歷方面也發揮了重要作用。女同性戀藝術計畫由 Arlene Raven 於 1977 年在洛杉磯婦女大廈發起，利用寫作、藝術團體、沙龍和表演作為恢復和公開女同性戀歷史的方式。第二年，哈蒙德在格林街 112 號組織了由 16 位藝術家參加的「女同性戀秀」。通常被認為是紐約首次舉辦此類展覽，包括她本人以及Louise Fishman、Betsy Damon、Maxine Fine、Jessie Falstein、Mary Ann King、Kate Millett、Don Nelson、Flavia Rando、Sandra de Sando、Amy Scarola、Janey Washburn的作品和弗蘭懷南特。展覽中的作品以繪畫和雕塑為主；其中大部分內容都是抽象的。 「在我尋找當代女同性戀藝術家的過程中，」哈蒙德當時寫道，「我花了很多精力去思考和幻想那些拒絕被動女性角色並致力於藝術的女性。畢竟，她們確實有年輕女性作為助手和同伴。 …
Sexuality, class, race, and ethnicity mediated women's attempts to define what it meant to be a woman, to experience life from within a woman's body and to understand one's subjectivity as feminine. “People are frightened by female organs because they don't know what they look like," Hannah Wilke (1940-1993) observed of her piece called S.O.S. (1972) with its neat arrangements of rubber erasers chewed and modeled into labial forms. Wilke's mimicry of standard poses of femininity, her use of her own body and nudity, and her model- like good looks often led to highly conflicting readings of her art. She was among the first group of women to enact their feminism on their own bodies in ways that linked their practice to the body art of male artists though, as Lippard pointed out in 1976, "... whereas female unease [with the self] is usually dealt with hopefully, in terms of gentle self-exploration, self- criticism, or transformation, anxiety about the masculine role tends to take a violent, even self-destructive form." ...
性、階級、種族和族裔影響了女性試圖定義女性的意義、體驗女性身體內的生活、以及理解女性的主體性。漢娜·威爾克（Hannah Wilke，1940-1993）在評價她的作品《SOS》（1972）時說：「人們對女性器官感到害怕，因為他們不知道自己的器官是什麼樣子。」作品中整齊排列的橡皮擦被咀嚼並塑造成唇形。矛盾。而女性[對自我]的不安通常是透過溫和的自我探索、自我批評來解決的。
Ongoing attempts to define differences between men's and women's deployments of their bodies often reiterated cultural stereotypes about masculinity and femininity. Although artists like Chris Burden, who had himself shot in the arm by a friend in 1971, and Vito Acconci, who masturbated under a wooded gallery floor in Seedbed (1971), were often applauded for stretching limits-both of art and of the body-women artists tended to attract very different critical responses. ...
持續不斷地試圖界定男性和女性身體部署之間的差異，常常重申關於男性氣質和女性氣質的文化刻板印象。儘管像克里斯·伯登（Chris Burden）（1971 年手臂被朋友開槍打中）和維托·阿孔奇（Vito Acconci）（在《Seedbed》（1971 年）中在樹木繁茂的畫廊地板下自慰）這樣的藝術家，經常因突破藝術和身體的極限而受到稱讚。 …
In 1971, French artist Gina Pane climbed up and down a ...
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ladder embedded with sharp protrusions again and again until her bare feet and hands were cut and bleeding like stigmata in a performance entitled Ascent. For the most part, American feminist critics considered her an anomaly, or dismissed her as a masochist, despite the metaphorical linking of her ordeal with women's struggles "to climb the ladder of success." In other pieces, Pane chewed raw chopped meat until she vomited, and used razor blades to cut her flesh in ritual actions that gained her a following in Europe, but were largely ignored in Britain and the United States. While Gina Pane shocked audiences with her visceral edgy body art, and Valie Export confronted the Viennese public with her "action pants" (which bared her pubic area and genitals with a boldness that was an exception), the rest of Europe saw much less overtly feminist art and suspicion toward representational modes continued to characterize European feminist art and critical discourse. The first European survey of feminist art was not held until 1977 when the Kunstlerinnen International was mounted in Berlin. ...
在一場題為「上升」的表演中，她一次又一次地用嵌入尖銳突出物的梯子，直到她赤腳和雙手被割傷，像聖痕一樣流血。在大多數情況下，美國女性主義批評家認為她是一個異類，或者認為她是一個受虐狂，儘管她的苦難與女性「攀登成功階梯」的鬥爭隱喻聯繫在一起。在其他作品中，帕恩咀嚼生切碎的肉直到嘔吐，並以儀式性的動作使用刀片割肉，這為她在歐洲贏得了追隨者，但在英國和美國基本上被忽視了。雖然吉娜·帕恩(Gina Pane) 以其內臟前衛的人體藝術震驚了觀眾，瓦利·出口(Valie Export) 以她的“動作褲”（大膽地暴露了她的陰部和生殖器，這是一個例外）面對維也納大眾，但歐洲其他國家卻沒有那麼公開地看到女性主義藝術和對再現模式的懷疑繼續成為歐洲女性主義藝術和批判論述的特徵。直到 1977 年國際藝術節在柏林成立時，歐洲才首次對女性主義藝術進行了調查。 …
European artists and critics were generally more inclined to identify essentialist views with political fascism, while in the United States, artist actions were often identified with earlier, particularly Abstract Expressionist traditions of the artist as heroic (male) individual. For critics like Max Kozloff, the ability of artists like Burden and Acconci to sustain extreme states of physical punishment voluntarily was testimony to the the male body's capacity for strength and endurance. In contrast, he positioned women's body art as an inquiry into surface and appearance, and suggested that Wilke's and Benglis's performances were styled "to conform to the image of the glamorous sex object-with the usual glorified epidermis." Lippard, one of the first feminist critics to review the work of women artists who were working with their own images and their ability to change them at will, suggested in her essay “Transformation Art" that experiments with role playing such as Adrian Piper's Catalyst Pieces (1970), in which the artist wandered in public in clothes smeared with rancid butter or soaked in foul-smelling liquid, represented interventions into social conventions as part of an ongoing investigation into the limitations of patriarchal models of femininity. Piper described these street performances as "at times... violating my body; I was making it public. I was exposing it; I was turning into an object." ...
歐洲藝術家和評論家通常更傾向於將本質主義觀點與政治法西斯主義等同起來，而在美國，藝術家的行為常常被視為早期的，特別是藝術家作為英雄（男性）個體的抽象表現主義傳統。對於像馬克斯·科茲洛夫這樣的評論家來說，像伯登和阿孔奇這樣的藝術家自願承受極端體罰狀態的能力證明了男性身體的力量和耐力。相較之下，他將女性人體藝術定位為對錶面和外表的探究，並建議威爾克和本格里斯的表演風格「符合迷人的性對象的形象——通常有美化的表皮」。利帕德是最早評論女性藝術家作品的女權主義評論家之一，這些女性藝術家利用自己的形像以及隨意改變形象的能力，在她的文章“轉型藝術”中建議嘗試角色扮演，例如阿德里安·在派珀的《催化劑作品》（1970）中，藝術家穿著塗有腐臭黃油或浸泡在惡臭液體中的衣服在公共場合漫步，派珀描述了這些街頭表演，代表了對社會習俗的干預，這是對父權製女性模式限制的持續調查的一部分。我正在公開它。我正在揭露它；我正在變成一個物體。
Foregrounding bodily experience often left women artists open to charges of narcissism, though such charges were seldom, if ever, lodged against their male contemporaries. And male critics often praised Benglis, Wilke, and Schneeman for ...
突出的身體體驗常常讓女性藝術家容易受到自戀的指控，儘管這樣的指控很少（如果有的話）針對她們的男性同時代人。男性評論家經常稱讚本格里斯、威爾克和施尼曼…
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qualities that are aligned with femininity. In a 1972 review of an exhibition of Wilke's vaginal-shaped sculpture, her work was described as having an "overriding sense of delicacy and taste that restrains them in a state of overt, decorative pubescence." Citing Benglis's statement that her latex pour sculptures were the product of her masturbation in the studio, critic Cindy Nemser posited a clearly and biologically defined masculinity and femininity. She advocated a celebration of the vaginal and recognizably female as a way to combat the privilege assigned to the phallus. Such readings contributed greatly to growing attempts to theorize gender, subjectivity, and sexuality as less rigidly fixed, more unstable and open to negotiation. ...
與女性氣質一致的品質。在 1972 年對威爾克陰道形狀雕塑展覽的評論中，她的作品被描述為「具有壓倒性的精緻感和品味，將它們限制在明顯的、裝飾性的青春期狀態」。評論家辛蒂·內姆瑟（Cindy Nemser）引述本格利斯的說法，稱她的乳膠雕塑是她在工作室自慰的產物，並提出了明確的生物學定義的男性氣質和女性氣質。她主張慶祝陰道和可識別的女性，以此作為對抗賦予陰莖的特權的一種方式。這些解讀極大地推動了越來越多的嘗試將性別、主觀性和性行為理論化，認為不那麼嚴格固定，更加不穩定，並且可以進行談判。 …
Investigations into conventions of representing both male and female bodies were also conducted by women painters. Sylvia Sleigh's male nudes combine portrait genre with the nude as a representational type. In Philip Golub Reclining (1971), The Turkish Bath (1973), and other paintings of the 1970s, Sleigh reverses a history in which men contemplate the naked bodies of women. Other painters shifted the vantage point or challenged the idealizing conventions of Western art. ...
女畫家也對代表男性和女性身體的慣例進行了調查。西爾維亞·斯利的男性裸體畫將肖像流派與裸體作為代表性類型結合。在《菲利普·戈盧布的《斜躺》（1971）、《土耳其浴室》（1973）和其他 20 世紀 70 年代的畫作中，雪橇扭轉了男性注視女性裸體的歷史。其他畫家改變了有利位置或挑戰了西方藝術的理想化實踐。 …
Alice Neel (1900-1984) had been working figuratively since the 1930s, but it was not until 1974 that she had her first major museum retrospective. Refusing superficial pleasantries, her portraits are vigorous and direct. A series of paintings of pregnant women refused to generalize the expectant female within the conventions of fertility figures and earth mothers; instead, as Nochlin suggests, they dwell on the unnaturalness of pregnancy for modern urban women. In Joan Semmel's (b. 1932) larger-than-life paintings of the sex act, cropping the figures negates the distance and wholeness that fixes the image as a site of voyeuristic viewing pleasure. Surveying her own body, she presents the female image so that we see what she sees. ...
艾莉絲·尼爾（Alice Neel，1900-1984）自 1930 年代以來一直從事具象創作，但直到 1974 年她才舉辦了第一次大型博物館回顧展。她拒絕膚淺的客套話，她的肖像充滿活力和直接。一系列孕婦畫作拒絕將懷孕女性概括為生育人物和大地母親的慣例；相反，正如諾克林所說，他們關注的是現代都市女性懷孕的不自然現象。在瓊·塞梅爾（Joan Semmel，生於 1932 年）關於性行為的傳奇畫作中，對人物的裁剪否定了將圖像固定為偷窺觀看樂趣的場所的距離和完整性。她審視自己的身體，呈現出女性形象，讓我們看到她所看到的。 …
Other women, arguing that religious and symbol systems focused around male images of divinity affirm the inferiority of female power, chose to work with the archetype of the Great Goddess. They isolated this image as a symbol of the life and death powers and the waxing and waning cycles of women, the earth, and the moon. Drawing on traditions of goddess worship in the ancient Mediterranean, pre-Christian Europe, Native America, Mesoamerica, Asia, and Africa, Edelson, Damon, Monica Sjoo, Beverly Skinner, and Marika Tell used the imagery of the Goddess and goddess-worshipping religions as an affirmation of female power, the female body, the female will, and women's connections and heritage. ...
其他女性則認為，以男性神性形象為中心的宗教和符號系統肯定了女性力量的劣勢，她們選擇與偉大女神的原型合作。他們將這個圖像孤立起來，作為生與死的力量以及女性、地球和月亮的盈虧週期的象徵。埃德爾森、達蒙、莫妮卡·斯喬、貝弗利·斯金納和瑪麗卡·泰爾借鑒了古地中海、前基督教歐洲、美洲原住民、中美洲、亞洲和非洲的女神崇拜傳統，使用了女神和女神崇拜宗教的意象。 …
Monica Sjoo (1938-2005) published "Woman Power" in the first issue of Enough, a women's liberation journal produced ...
莫妮卡·斯喬（Monica Sjoo，1938-2005）在婦女解放雜誌《Enough》第一期上發表了《女性力量》…
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in Bristol, England. A self-taught artist, Sjoo spent many years studying ancient women's lunar mysteries and goddess- worshipping religions and was instrumental in organizing the first "Women's Liberation Art Group" exhibition in 1971. Two years later, Sjoo's God Giving Birth (1969), a birth image inspired by a goddess-worshipping religion and exhibited in the "Womanpower" exhibition, aroused intense controversy and the artist was threatened with legal action on charges of blasphemy and obscenity. ...
在英國布里斯托。作為一名自學成才的藝術家，Sjoo 花了多年時間研究古代婦女的月亮之謎和女神崇拜宗教，並在1971 年組織首屆「婦女解放藝術團」展覽中發揮了重要作用。 《上帝賜予誕生》（God Giving Birth，1969 年），在“女性力量”展覽中展出的受女神崇拜宗教啟發的出生圖像引起了激烈的爭議，藝術家被威脅要以褻瀆和淫穢的罪名採取法律行動。 …
Working from a different cultural perspective, that of a displaced Cuban living in the United States, Ana Mendieta (1948-1985) first used blood in a 1973 performance protesting against rape. Mendieta's artistic roots lay in feminism and in the anti-commodification tendencies of earth, performance, and process work in the 1970s. Subsequently, she began imposing the traces of her five-foot body on the earth in the environs of Iowa City, Iowa, Oaxaca, Mexico, and other sites, outlining it with ignited gunpowder, stones, flowers, and ...
安娜·門迭塔（Ana Mendieta，1948-1985）從不同的文化角度進行創作，她是一位生活在美國的流離失所的古巴人，她在1973 年的一場抗議強奸的表演中首次使用了血液。 Mendieta 的藝術根源在於女性主義和 20 世紀 70 年代大地、表演和工藝作品的反商品化趨勢。隨後，她開始在愛荷華州愛荷華城、墨西哥瓦哈卡州和其他地點的大地上留下她五英尺高的身體痕跡，用點燃的火藥、石頭、鮮花和…勾勒出它的輪廓。
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fireworks or having herself bound in strips of cloth and buried in mud and rocks. Her work made powerful identifications between the female body and the land in ways that annihilated the conventions of surface on which the traditions of Western art rest. Only traces of the mediated interaction between body and earth remained. ...
煙火或將自己包裹在布條中並埋在泥土和岩石中。她的作品在女性身體和土地之間建立了強有力的認同，消除了西方藝術傳統所依賴的表面慣例。只剩下身體和地球之間介導的相互作用的痕跡。 …
Work in the landscape often intersected with a desire by women artists to work in public places in order to affect the lives of people outside the closed confines of the art gallery and museum worlds. The imagery for many public mural projects, as well as for other public art and performance, evolved in dialogue with local people to produce a socially concerned and visually strong art. In San Francisco, the Mujeres Muralistas, the first women's mural collective, produced stunning public murals fusing the rich tradition of the Mexican muralists with contemporary history. In Los Angeles in 1976, after completing murals at a state women's prison and at a religious convalescent home, Judy Baca (b. 1946) began a monumental history painting. The Great Wall of Los Angeles, the longest mural in the world, runs half a mile along a flood control channel in the San ...
景觀工作常常與女性藝術家在公共場所工作的願望交織在一起，以影響美術館和博物館世界封閉範圍之外的人們的生活。許多公共壁畫計畫以及其他公共藝術和表演的圖像都是在與當地人的對話中演變的，從而產生了一種具有社會意義和視覺效果的藝術。在舊金山，第一個女性壁畫團體 Mujeres Muralistas 製作了令人驚嘆的公共壁畫，將墨西哥壁畫家的豐富傳統與當代歷史融為一體。 1976 年，朱迪·巴卡（Judy Baca，生於 1946 年）在洛杉磯完成一所州立女子監獄和一所宗教療養院的壁畫後，開始創作一幅具有紀念意義的歷史畫作。洛杉磯長城是世界上最長的壁畫，沿著聖河防洪渠延伸半英里...
224 Alice Neel, Pregnant Maria, 1964 ...
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225 TOP Monica Sjoo, God Giving Birth, 1969 226 RIGHT Ana Mendieta, Untitled (Silueta Series), c. 1977 ...
225 頂部 Monica Sjoo，《上帝賜予誕生》，1969 年 226 右側 Ana Mendieta，無題（Silueta 系列），c. 1977 年...
Fernando Valley. Made possible through the collaboration of 40 ethnic scholars, 450 multicultural neighborhood youths, 40 assisting artists, and over 100 support staff, the mural contains a history from the prehistoric pueblo to the present, organized in images that include the 1781 founding of Los Angeles, the coming of the railroad, scenes of the deportation of Mexican- Americans in the 1930s and Japanese-Americans the following decade, and the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. ...
費爾南多谷。這幅壁畫由40 名少數族裔學者、450 名多元文化鄰裡青年、40 名輔助藝術家和100 多名支援人員合作完成，包含了從史前普韋布洛到現在的歷史，其圖像組織包括1781 年洛杉磯的建立、鐵路的到來，1930年代墨西哥裔美國人和接下來十年的日裔美國人被驅逐的場景，以及1984年洛杉磯奧運會。 …
Los Angeles was also the site of Suzanne Lacy's (b. 1945) first citywide organizing feat, Three Weeks in May (1977), a three- week examination of and protest about rape. That year Lacy began collaborating with Leslie Labowitz (b. 1946), an artist and theorist who had studied with Joseph Beuys. Their first collaboration, In Mourning and in Rage (1977), was performed outside the Los Angeles City Hall. It brought women together to address the media's sensationalized coverage of a series of murders and, more generally, the spread of violence against women in American cities. Lacy and Labowitz founded "Ariadne: A Social Network," an organization intended to bring together women in the arts, media, and government who were committed to feminist issues. ...
洛杉磯也是蘇珊娜·萊西（Suzanne Lacy，生於 1945 年）首次全市範圍組織活動“五月三週”（1977 年）的舉辦地，該活動為期三週，對強姦進行審查和抗議。那一年，萊西開始與萊斯利·拉博維茨（Leslie Labowitz，生於1946 年）合作，萊斯利·拉博維茨是一位藝術家和理論家，曾師從約瑟夫·博伊斯。他們的首次合作《哀悼與憤怒》（In Mourning and in Rage，1977）在洛杉磯市政廳外演出。它將女性聚集在一起，共同應對媒體對一系列謀殺案的聳人聽聞的報道，以及更普遍的美國城市中針對女性的暴力行為的蔓延。萊西和拉博維茨創立了“阿里阿德涅：社交網絡”，該組織旨在將藝術、媒體和政府領域致力於女權主義議題的女性聚集在一起。 …
Feminist-inspired public works like these would play a significant role in decisions by many women to work in public, collaborative, and/or socially activist ways during the next decade. Women's collective histories also inspired Judy Chicago's The Dinner Party (1974-79). A monumental testament to women's historical and cultural contributions, it incorporated sculpture, ceramics, china painting, and needlework. Begun in 1974 with the help of the industrial designer Ken Gilliam, by 1979 it had been worked on by more than one hundred women. The piece attracted some of the largest crowds ever to attend a museum exhibition—it was viewed by some 100,000 people-when it opened at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art in April 1979. It consisted of an equilateral triangle of 48 feet a side with 39 place settings commemorating women in history and legend with an additional 999 names inscribed on the marble floor beneath. Each place included a ceramic plate, with a central raised motif designed by Chicago to symbolize the woman honored, a brilliantly colored runner executed in needlework techniques appropriate to the subject's period, and a chalice. The workshop nature of the piece mobilized the energies of many women and its influence was expanded through an ongoing quilt project ...
像這樣受女性主義啟發的公共工程將在許多女性決定在未來十年以公共、協作和/或社會活動方式工作的過程中發揮重要作用。女性的集體歷史也為朱迪芝加哥的《晚宴》（1974-79）提供了靈感。它融合了雕塑、陶瓷、瓷器畫和針線活，是對女性歷史和文化貢獻的不朽證明。該計畫於 1974 年在工業設計師肯·吉列姆 (Ken Gilliam) 的幫助下開始，到 1979 年已有一百多名女性參與其中。 1979 年4 月，這件作品在舊金山現代藝術博物館開幕時，吸引了有史以來參觀博物館展覽最多的人群——大約有10 萬人觀看了它。 ， 39 個座位設置紀念歷史和傳奇中的女性，另外 999 個名字刻在下面的大理石地板上。每個地方都包括一個陶瓷盤，中央有一個由芝加哥設計的凸起圖案，象徵著受尊敬的女性，一個色彩鮮豔的跑步者，採用適合該主題時期的針線技術製成，還有一個聖杯。這件作品的工作坊性質調動了許多女性的能量，並且透過正在進行的被子項目擴大了它的影響力...
227 OPOSITE ABOVE Las Mujeres Muralistas, mural, 1974 (detail) 228 OPPOSITE BELOW Suzanne Lacy and Leslie Labowitz, In Mourning and in Rage, 1977 ...
227 對面，《Las Mujeres Muralistas》，壁畫，1974 年（細節） 228 對面，Suzanne Lacy 和 Leslie Labowitz，《哀悼與憤怒》，1977 年 ...
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229 朱迪·芝加哥，《晚宴》，1974-79 ...
and events like Lacy's The International Dinner Party, organized to accompany the work in San Francisco. ...
以及為配合舊金山的工作而組織的諸如萊西國際晚宴之類的活動。 …
Chicago's desire to promote social change by creating respect for women's history and productions, to articulate a new language with which to express women's experience, and to address such a work to the widest possible audience was controversial. While some critics applauded the work's social and political intent, others attacked Chicago's central-core images as literal vaginal depictions rather than metaphoric celebrations of female power. Still others viewed the work as playing out the grand scale of conservative Salon painting and reproducing the structures of the Renaissance workshop with its "master" artist and its anonymous apprentices (even though ...
芝加哥希望透過尊重女性的歷史和作品來促進社會變革，闡明一種新的語言來表達女性的經歷，並向盡可能廣泛的受眾展示這樣的作品，但這一願望引起了爭議。雖然一些評論家讚揚作品的社會和政治意圖，但另一些評論家則批評芝加哥的核心圖像是字面上的陰道描述，而不是對女性權力的隱喻慶祝。還有一些人認為這件作品展現了保守沙龍繪畫的宏大規模，並複製了文藝復興時期作坊的結構及其“大師”藝術家和匿名學徒（儘管...
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Chicago scrupulously listed the names of all her assistants at the entrance to the gallery). African-American novelist Alice Walker criticized The Dinner Party in Ms. Magazine for ignoring women of color in history (specifically black women painters), and for representing black female subjectivity in the Sojourner Truth plate, the only plate that contains a face of the woman represented. ...
芝加哥在畫廊入口處仔細地列出了她所有助手的名字）。非裔美國小說家愛麗絲·沃克批評《女士雜誌》中的《晚宴》忽略了歷史上的有色人種女性（特別是黑人女畫家），並在《索傑納·真相》版畫中代表了黑人女性的主體性，這是唯一一張包含女性臉孔的版畫。 …
Over the next decade, The Dinner Party's assumption of a fixed and timeless female lineage and sensibility, its investment in biologically based theories of sexual difference, brought it into increasing conflict with theories that posited femininity as socially produced rather than innate. By the time Laura Mulvey's pivotal article, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema" appeared in Screen 16, published in London in 1975, British feminists-though not their American counterparts-were beginning to employ poststructuralist psychoanalytic theory to challenge such theories of sexual difference. Mulvey's review of artist Allen Jones's exhibition in London, "Fears, Fantasies and the Male Unconscious, or You Don't Know What's Happening, Do You Mr. Jones," had appeared in 1973. It proved enormously influential in redirecting attention to psychoanalytic theory, shifting the focus from the female nude as an image of male desire or lust to the representations of the nude as an expression of male castration anxiety, and therefore as more about male concerns, fears, and desires than about women. ...
在接下來的十年裡，《晚宴派對》對女性血統和情感的固定和永恆的假設，以及對基於生物學的性別差異理論的投資，使它與那些認為女性氣質是社會產生的而不是天生的理論產生了越來越大的衝突。當勞拉·穆爾維(Laura Mulvey) 的關鍵文章《視覺快感與敘事電影》出現在1975 年倫敦出版的《Screen 16》上時，英國女權主義者（儘管不是美國女權主義者）開始採用後結構主義精神分析理論來挑戰這類性別差異理論。穆爾維(Mulvey) 對藝術家艾倫瓊斯(Allen Jones) 在倫敦舉辦的展覽《恐懼、幻想和男性無意識，或者你不知道發生了什麼，瓊斯先生嗎》的評論發表於1973 年。 ，它在將注意力轉向精神分析理論方面具有巨大影響力，將焦點從女性裸體作為男性慾望或情慾的形象轉移到裸體作為男性閹割焦慮的表達，因此更多地關注男性的擔憂、恐懼和慾望，而不是女性。 …
From the late 1970s onward, broad shifts in feminist theory and practice occurred. Increasingly they pointed away from an emphasis on activism, group collaboration, and notions of feminist art as an articulation of female experience toward the examination of femininity as constructed through representations, many of them derived from mass media and popular culture sources. A strong critique of the so- called “male gaze" (emphasizing male sexual pleasure in certain kinds of looking, such as voyeurism) also developed. Though 1970s feminists understood that biology and culture were both present in our understanding of femininity, their often celebratory stance toward the female body and female experience would increasingly be criticized as essentialist (this term is used to identify the belief in a common female identity buried under layers of patriarchal conditioning). As French psychoanalytic and poststructuralist theory came to the attention of feminist scholars and artists in England through journals like m/f, Screen, and the Feminist Review, artists such as Marie Yates, Susan Hiller, Mary Kelly, and Sarah MacCarthy began to combine feminist analysis, psychoanalysis, and poststructuralism, as well as Marxist theory, in their work. ...
從 20 世紀 70 年代末開始，女性主義理論和實踐發生了廣泛的轉變。他們逐漸不再強調行動主義、群體合作和女性主義藝術作為女性經驗的表達的概念，而是透過表徵建構女性氣質的審視，其中許多表徵源自大眾媒體和流行文化來源。對所謂的「男性凝視」（強調男性在某些類型的觀看中獲得性快感，例如窺淫癖）的強烈批評也隨之興起。存在於我們對女性氣質的理解中，但她們常常慶祝隨著法國精神分析和後結構主義理論引起女性主義學者和女性主義學者的注意，對女性身體和女性體驗的立場將越來越多地被批評為本質主義（這個術語用於識別隱藏在父權制條件下的共同女性身份的信念）。希勒、瑪麗·凱利和莎拉·麥卡錫等藝術家開始將女性主義分析、精神分析和後結構主義以及馬克思主義理論結合起來，他們的工作...
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At the same time, British feminist scholars like Griselda Pollock argued strenuously for a repudiation of visual pleasure in the body (on the grounds that the female body when directly imaged is too easily co-opted for male viewing pleasure). Instead she suggests replacing realism with representational strategies that expose the ways that Western representation supports the dominant position of patriarchal white men and how they critique the role of mass media culture in producing and circulating the images that reinforce our notions of femininity and female sexuality. ...
同時，像格里塞爾達·波洛克這樣的英國女性主義學者極力主張否認身體的視覺愉悅（理由是直接成像時的女性身體太容易被男性的視覺愉悅所吸收）。相反，她建議用代表性策略取代現實主義，揭露西方代表性如何支持父權白人男性的主導地位，以及他們如何批評大眾媒體文化在生產和傳播強化我們女性氣質和女性性觀念的圖像中所扮演的角色。 …
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第 13 章新方向：部分概述......
By the late 1970s, a reaction against pluralism, and women and minorities, was evident within dominant institutions and discourse of the art world in the United States, Britain, and many parts of Europe. The publication of Susan Faludi's bestseller, Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women, in 1991 revealed that resistance to women's rights had acquired social and political acceptability during the conservative years of the Reagan and Thatcher administrations. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and military conflict in the Middle East, the Falklands, and then Bosnia, signaled new challenges to military and political hegemony, and to cultural relations of dominance and subordination. The rise of the Moral Majority in the United States, the Education Reform Bill in Britain, the influence of Queer Theory and Cultural Studies, the increasing bitterness of the abortion-rights debates and the worldwide spread of the AIDS epidemic all contributed to changes in the social climate that profoundly affected women. ...
到 1970 年代末，美國、英國和歐洲許多地區藝術界的主導機構和話語中出現了明顯的反對多元化、女性和少數群體的反應。蘇珊法魯迪(Susan Faludi) 1991 年出版的暢銷書《反彈：針對美國婦女的不宣而戰》揭示了在雷根和撒切爾政府的保守年代，對婦女權利的抵制已經獲得了社會和政治的接受。柏林圍牆的倒塌、共產主義的崩潰以及中東、福克蘭群島和波斯尼亞的軍事衝突，標誌著對軍事和政治霸權以及文化主從關係的新挑戰。美國道德多數派的崛起、英國教育改革法案、酷兒理論和文化研究的影響、墮胎權爭論的愈演愈烈以及愛滋病在全球範圍內的蔓延，都促成了世界觀的變化。 …
The discussion that follows focuses on developments in the United States and Britain not because there were more, or more important, artists active in these locations, but because many of the issues that shaped the artistic practices common to the 1980s and 1990s-including sexuality, gender, ethnicity, and race were widely theorized and circulated in English language journals and exhibition catalogues. It is also in these contexts that feminism left its strongest legacy on art by women. ...
接下來的討論重點關注美國和英國的發展，並不是因為有更多或更重要的藝術家活躍在這些地方，而是因為塑造20 世紀80 年代和1990 年代常見的藝術實踐的許多問題——包括性、性別、民族和種族在英語期刊和展覽目錄中被廣泛理論化和傳播。也正是在這些背景下，女性主義在女性藝術上留下了最強大的遺產。 …
Although some American women artists achieved superstar status in the early 1980s-among them Jennifer Bartlett, Cindy Sherman, and Susan Rothenberg-they tended to do so in work in which gender was not isolated as an issue. "When I'm in the studio, I'm just a painter," Rothenberg remarked, ...
儘管一些美國女性藝術家在20 世紀80 年代初獲得了超級巨星的地位，包括詹妮弗·巴特利特(Jennifer Bartlett)、辛迪·謝爾曼(Cindy Sherman) 和蘇珊·羅滕伯格(Susan Rothenberg) ，但她們往往在性別不被孤立作為一個問題的作品中取得這些成就。 「當我在工作室時，我只是一名畫家，」羅滕伯格說道，...
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before stating in 1984 that she would no longer participate in exhibitions in which she was the token woman. At the same time, exhibitions celebrating the "return" to painting, and focusing on a new generation of male Neo-expressionists- for example, David Salle, Julian Schnabel, and Francesco Clemente-were remarkable for their exclusion of virtually all women: "Zeitgeist" (Berlin, 1982, 40 artists, 1 woman); "The Expressionist Image: American Art From Pollock to Now" (New York, 24 artists, 2 women); and "The New Spirit in Painting" (London, 1981, no women). In 1984 the Museum of Modern Art in New York mounted an ambitious exhibition on the occasion of its reopening after a period of renovation. An "International Survey of Recent Painting and Sculpture" contained only 14 women among 165 artists. ...
1984年，她表示將不再參加以她為象徵的女性展覽。同時，慶祝繪畫「回歸」並關注新一代男性新表現主義藝術家——例如大衛·薩爾（David Salle）、朱利安·施納貝爾（Julian Schnabel）和弗朗西斯科·克萊門特（ Francesco Clemente）—的展覽因其幾乎排斥所有女性而引人注目：「 Zeitgeist」（柏林，1982 年，40 名藝術家，1 名女性）； 「表現主義形象：從波洛克到現在的美國藝術」（紐約，24位藝術家，2位女性）；和「繪畫中的新精神」（倫敦，1981 年，無女性）。 1984年，紐約現代藝術博物館在經過一段時間的整修後重新開放之際舉辦了一場雄心勃勃的展覽。一項「近期繪畫和雕塑國際調查」顯示，165 名藝術家中只有 14 名女性。 …
Shifts in emphasis also became clear within feminism as the collaborative and activist politics of the 1970s gave way to the institutionalizing of gender studies within American academic structures during the 1980s and the influence of European psychoanalytically based theories of sexual difference. In 1981, British feminists Griselda Pollock and Roszika Parker argued that the iconography of Judy Chicago's Dinner Party (1974-79), specifically its vaginal imagery, was retrograde because it set itself up for exploitation: "It is easily retrieved and co-opted by a male culture because [it does] not rupture radically meanings and connotations of woman in art as body, as sexual, as nature, as object for male possession." Six years later, the American art historians Thalia Gouma-Peterson and Patricia Mathews argued for a "first generation" of feminist writing that was engaged with questions of recuperation and biological difference, and a "second generation" aligned with the deconstructive impulse of European poststructuralism and psychoanalytic theory, Other scholars, however, pointed to a multiplicity of positions within feminist thought. In 1988, British art historian Lisa Tickner chose the term "feminisms" in an article mapping this terrain; and in 1995, American cultural historian Janet Woolf could emphatically state that "there is no 'correct' feminist aesthetic." ...
隨著 20 世紀 70 年代的合作和激進政治讓位於 20 世紀 80 年代美國學術結構中性別研究的製度化以及歐洲基於精神分析的性別差異理論的影響，女性主義內部的重點轉變也變得明顯。 1981 年，英國女權主義者格里塞爾達·波洛克(Griselda Pollock) 和羅斯茲卡·帕克(Roszika Parker) 認為，朱迪·芝加哥(Judy Chicago) 的晚宴派對(1974-79) 的圖像，特別是其中的陰道圖像，是倒退的，因為它為剝削做好了準備：「它很容易被其他人檢索和採用。男性文化，因為[它]並沒有從根本上打破藝術中女性作為身體、性、自然、男性佔有的對象的意義與內涵。六年後，美國藝術史學家塔利亞·古瑪-彼得森和帕特里夏·馬修斯提出了“第一代”女性主義寫作，涉及康復和生物差異問題，以及“第二代”與歐洲後結構主義的解構衝動相一致然而，其他學者指出了女性主義思想中的多種立場。 1988年，英國藝術史學家麗莎·蒂克納（Lisa Tickner）在一篇描繪這一領域的文章中選擇了「女性主義」一詞； 1995年，美國文化歷史學家珍妮特·伍爾夫可以強調「不存在『正確的』女性主義美學」。 …
In 1993, when Christos Joachimedes and Norman Rosenthal organized "American Art in the 20th Century," a survey of American art from a European perspective that traveled from London's Royal Academy to Martin Gropius-Bau in Berlin (at the now-invisible wall between the former East and West Berlins), it once again appeared that some things never change. Among the exhibition's 66 artists and 250 works were a mere five women: Georgia O'Keeffe, Agnes Martin, Eva Hesse, Jenny Holzer, and Cindy Sherman, ...
1993 年，克里斯托斯·約阿希米德斯(Christos Joachimedes) 和諾曼·羅森塔爾(Norman Rosenthal) 組織了“20 世紀的美國藝術”，從歐洲的角度對美國藝術進行了一次調查，從倫敦皇家學院到柏林的馬丁·格羅皮烏斯-鮑(Martin Gropius-Bau)（位於現在看不見的柏林牆之間）。不會改變。展覽的66 位藝術家和250 件作品中只有五位女性：喬治亞·歐姬芙(Georgia O'Keeffe)、艾格尼絲·馬丁(Agnes Martin)、伊娃·黑塞(Eva Hesse)、珍妮·霍爾澤(Jenny Holzer) 與辛蒂‧謝爾曼(Cindy Sherman)…
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During the 1980s, however, some critics more sympathetic to feminism were pointing to the wide range of practices in which women were currently engaged-from photography, abstract painting, collage, and drawing, to constructed sculpture, installations, and public art, and more or less traditional methods of art-making-and to the influence of certain kinds of feminist practice in shaping debates on Postmodernism. While some women artists have been politically engaged, others have embraced philosophical or theoretical models, and still others are working intuitively. Feminist critics remain sensitive to the dangers of confusing tokenism with equal representation, or the momentary embrace of selective feminist strategies with the ongoing subordination of art by and about women to what is, in the words of Griselda Pollock, "falsely claimed to be the gender free Art of men." It is also important to bear in mind the fact that, although recent critical debates within the mainstream have often focused on deconstructive art practices, many women artists continue their commitment to political activism and to evolving images, materials, and processes that address concerns central to women's experiences and to their personal, sexual, and cultural identities. ...
然而，在20 世紀80 年代，一些更同情女性主義的批評家指出，女性目前所從事的實踐範圍很廣——從攝影、抽象繪畫、拼貼和繪畫，到建築雕塑、裝置和公共藝術等等。雖然有些女性藝術家參與了政治，但有些女性藝術家則接受了哲學或理論模型，有些女性藝術家則憑直覺進行創作。女性主義批評家仍然對將象徵主義與平等代表性混淆的危險保持敏感，或者暫時接受選擇性女權主義策略，而女性創作的藝術和與女性有關的藝術持續從屬於“錯誤地聲稱是性別”的藝術。同樣重要的是要記住這樣一個事實，儘管最近主流內部的批判性辯論往往集中在解構性藝術實踐上，但許多女性藝術家繼續致力於政治活動以及不斷發展的圖像、材料和過程，以解決對藝術的核心關注。 …
It is not possible to address all the issues currently being raised by the work of women artists in a brief survey, but in this chapter I want to point to a few of the ways that work by women artists is both engaging with, and shaping debates around, contemporary art world issues. These include, but are certainly not limited to work that derives from media images and employs critical strategies of deconstruction, appropriation, and language; critiques of the social production of femininity and sexuality using deconstruction and a Brechtian strategy of distanciation (a politically based rejection of realism); explorations based in conceptual and socio-political paradigms; an engagement with public and/or activist concerns; work that directly addresses issues of the transgressive body, intimacy, abjection, sexual identity, and censorship; and examinations of narrativity and identity politics, personal and cultural. ...
在簡短的調查中不可能解決女性藝術家的作品目前提出的所有問題，但在本章中，我想指出女性藝術家的作品參與和塑造辯論的一些方式圍繞當代藝術界的問題。這些包括但當然不限於源自媒體圖像並採用解構、挪用和語言批判策略的作品；使用解構主義和布萊希特式的疏離策略（基於政治的對現實主義的拒絕）對女性氣質和性行為的社會生產進行批判；基於概念和社會政治範式的探索；參與公眾和/或活動家的關注；直接解決身體越界、親密關係、屈辱、性別認同和審查制度問題的工作；以及對個人和文化的敘事和認同政治的考察。 …
The term Postmodernism has been used to characterize the breaking down of the unified (though hardly monolithic) traditions of Modernism. From the beginning, feminism in the arts, committed to exposing the assumptions underlying many of the beliefs that defined vanguard art, engaged in a dialectic with Modernism. The complex relationship between feminist practices, which are both oppositional and also shaped by the terms of Modernism, and dominant cultural forms has been the subject of much recent critical writing. The fact that Postmodernism draws heavily on existing representations, ...
後現代主義一詞被用來描述現代主義統一（儘管不是鐵板一塊）傳統的瓦解。從一開始，藝術領域的女性主義就致力於揭露定義先鋒藝術的許多信念背後的假設，並與現代主義進行辯證。女性主義實踐既是對立的，又受到現代主義術語的影響，與主流文化形式之間的複雜關係一直是最近許多批評著作的主題。事實上，後現代主義很大程度上借鑒了現有的表現形式，...
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rather than inventing new styles, and that it often derives its imagery from mass media or popular culture, has focused attention on the ways that sexual and cultural difference are produced and reinforced in these images. The emergence of a set of critical practices within Postmodernism has led to critiques of the ways that media images position women, and how the social apparatus reinforces by images cultural myths of power and possession. During the late 1970s and the 1980s, a growing number of artists, male and female, worked to decenter language within the patriarchal order, exposing the ways that images are culturally coded, and renegotiating the position of women and minorities as "other" in patriarchal culture. Some of these strategies were feminist, others were part of more generalized Postmodernist discourses. ...
它沒有發明新的風格，而且它的圖像通常來自大眾媒體或流行文化，而是將注意力集中在這些圖像中產生和強化性別和文化差異的方式上。後現代主義中一系列批判實踐的出現引發了對媒體圖像定位女性的方式的批評，以及社會機構如何透過圖像強化權力和占有的文化神話的批評。在1970 年代末和1980 年代，越來越多的男性和女性藝術家致力於在父權秩序中去中心化語言，揭露圖像的文化編碼方式，並重新談判女性和少數族裔在父權秩序中作為「他者」的地位。其中一些策略是女權主義的，而另一些則是更廣義的後現代主義論述的一部分。 …
By the 1980s, it was a commonplace of feminist theory to view visual representation as a field divided along gender lines, with an active male artist or spectator opposed to a passive female object. Film critics and theorists like Laura Mulvey and Mary Ann Doane demonstrated how the camera assumes the controling position of the male spectator in order to produce voyeuristic pleasure for the male-positioned viewer presented with the fetishization of woman as spectacle. Women, on the other hand, can only either be narcissistically fascinated with the spectacle, or assume a complicated and conflicted cross- identification with the camera. ...
到了 20 世紀 80 年代，女性主義理論普遍認為視覺表徵是一個以性別劃分的領域，積極的男性藝術家或觀眾與被動的女性對象相對立。像勞拉·穆爾維和瑪麗安·多恩這樣的電影評論家和理論家展示了攝影機如何佔據男性觀眾的控制位置，以便為男性觀眾產生偷窺的快感，並以對女性的迷戀作為奇觀。另一方面，女性只能在自戀地著迷於景觀，或是對鏡頭產生複雜而矛盾的交叉認同。 …
Barbara Kruger's (b. 1945) blown-up, severely cropped photographs of women, and their short accompanying texts subvert the meanings of both image and text in order to destabilize the positioning of woman as object. She emphasizes the ways in which language manipulates and undermines the assumption of masculine control over language and viewing, by refusing to complete the cycle of meaning, and by shifting pronouns in order to expose the positioning of woman as "other." ...
芭芭拉·克魯格（Barbara Kruger，生於 1945 年）的放大、嚴重裁剪的女性照片及其簡短的隨附文本顛覆了圖像和文本的含義，從而動搖了女性作為客體的定位。她強調了語言操縱和破壞男性對語言和觀看的控制的假設，拒絕完成意義的循環，並透過改變代名詞來揭露女性作為「他者」的定位。 …
Like many artists working to extend conceptualism into Postmodernism, Jenny Holzer (b. 1950) also stresses art as information. Her anonymous posters of "Truisms" and "Inflammatory Essays," originally printed in black italic type on white paper, later appeared as billboards, as epitaphs carved onto stone benches, computerized moving signs, and installations. Their messages seem to offer information, but the "Truisms" are mostly opinions and the "Essays" are demands. The topics range from the scientific to the personal and include "thoughts on aging, pain, death, anger, fear, violence, gender, religion, and politics." Although they sound completely familiar to our ears, Holzer invents and polishes them until they assume ...
就像許多致力於將概念主義延伸到後現代主義的藝術家一樣，珍妮·霍爾澤（Jenny Holzer，生於 1950 年）也強調藝術作為訊息。她的匿名海報《真理》和《煽動性散文》最初以黑色斜體印刷在白紙上，後來以廣告看板、石凳上刻的墓誌銘、電腦化的移動標誌和裝置的形式出現。他們的訊息看似提供了訊息，但「道理」大多是意見，「隨筆」是要求。主題從科學到個人，包括「對老化、痛苦、死亡、憤怒、恐懼、暴力、性別、宗教和政治的思考」。儘管它們聽起來完全熟悉，但霍爾澤發明並完善了它們，直到它們假設...
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the authoritative "voice" of mass culture: "Morals are for little people/ Mostly you should mind your own business/ A little knowledge goes a long way/ Action causes more trouble than thought," to mention a few. ...
大眾文化的權威「聲音」：「道德是小人物的/大多數時候你應該管好自己的事/一知半解/行動比思想造成更多麻煩，」僅舉幾例。 …
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Cindy Sherman's (b. 1954) photographs reveal the instability of gender, and challenge the idea that there might be an innate, unmediated female sexuality. She does this by exposing the fiction of a "real" woman behind the images that Western culture constructs for our consumption in film and advertising media. In 1978, she began placing her own body in the conventions of advertising and film images of women. Many of them were drawn from the 1950s and 1960s; their use enabled her to act out the psychoanalytic notion of femininity as a masquerade—that is, as a representation of the masculine desire to fix the woman in a stable and stabilizing identity. Sherman's work denies this stability. Although her photographs were always self-portraits, they never revealed anything about Cindy Sherman the person. In her recent work-based on positioning herself within an art historical tradition that has for centuries objectified and fetishized the female body, or on delving into fairy-tale grotesqueries that deform the ...
辛蒂·舍曼（Cindy Sherman，生於 1954 年）的照片揭示了性別的不穩定性，並挑戰了女性可能存在與生俱來的、未經調解的性慾的觀點。她透過揭露西方文化為我們在電影和廣告媒體中消費而建構的形象背後的「真實」女性的虛構來做到這一點。 1978年，她開始將自己的身體置於廣告和電影中女性形象的慣例中。其中許多來自 20 世紀 50 年代和 60 年代；它們的使用使她能夠將女性氣質的精神分析概念表現為一場假面舞會，即作為男性渴望將女性固定在穩定和穩定的身份中的代表。謝爾曼的工作否認了這種穩定性。儘管她的照片都是自畫像，但從未透露過有關辛蒂謝爾曼這個人的任何資訊。在她最近的作品中，她將自己定位在幾個世紀以來物化和迷戀女性身體的藝術歷史傳統中，或者深入研究使女性身體變形的童話怪誕…
230 LEFT Barbara Kruger, Untitled (Your Gaze Hits the Side of My Face), 1981 231 RIGHT Jenny Holzer, Selection of Truisms, 1982 ...
230 左芭芭拉‧克魯格，無題（你的目光落在我臉上），1981 年 231 右珍妮‧霍爾澤，真理精選，1982 年 ...
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body through the use of prostheses, bodily surrogates, and theatrical illusion-her image functions as an object both of contemplation and of repulsion. ...
透過使用義肢、身體替代物和戲劇幻覺來塑造身體——她的形象既是沉思的對象，也是令人排斥的對象。 …
Sherrie Levine (b. 1947), on the other hand, has rephotographed and repainted canonical works of Modernist art, from the photographs of Walker Evans and Edward Weston to the paintings of Kasimir Malevich and Vladimir Tatlin. Rephotographed works, like Walker Evans's Allie May Burroughs (1936), which she has exhibited as her own, raise questions about originality and works of art as property in a culture which experiences much art only through its reproduction. ...
另一方面，雪莉·萊文（Sherrie Levine，生於1947 年）重新拍攝並重新繪製了現代主義藝術的經典作品，從沃克·埃文斯和愛德華·韋斯頓的照片到卡西米爾·馬列維奇和弗拉基米爾·塔特林的畫作。重新拍攝的作品，如沃克·埃文斯(Walker Evans) 的艾莉·梅·巴勒斯(Allie May Burroughs)（1936 年）（她將其作為自己的作品展出），提出了關於原創性和藝術作品作為一種文化中的財產的問題，這種文化只能透過複製來體驗許多藝術。 …
Levine's work not only contests notions of originality and authorship, but it situates those ideas within the premises of patriarchy. She does not pretend to be the maker of the original image; nor does she merely emphasize that "originality" in mechanical reproductions is ambiguous. Hers is an act of refusal: refusal of authorship, rejection of notions of self- expression, originality, or subjectivity. ...
萊文的作品不僅質疑原創性和作者身份的概念，而且還將這些想法置於父權制的前提下。她並不假裝自己是原始影像的製作者；她也不僅僅強調機械複製品中的「原創性」是模糊的。她的行為是一種拒絕：拒絕作者身份，拒絕自我表達、原創性或主體性的概念。 …
Challenges to Modernist notions of male authorship, originality, and the autonomy of the art object have become central features of postmodern critical theory. The work of the Americans Kruger, Sherman, Levine, Holzer, and Mary Kelly― all of whom achieved public prominence during the 1980s-is often cited as indicative of a merging of Postmodernist and ...
對男性作者、原創性和藝術品自主性等現代主義觀念的挑戰已成為後現代批判理論的核心特徵。美國人克魯格、謝爾曼、萊文、霍爾澤和瑪麗凱利——他們都在20 世紀80 年代獲得了公眾的關注——的作品經常被認為是後現代主義和…的融合的象徵。
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feminist thought. While it is true that feminism (and gay and lesbian critical theory) share with Postmodernism a critique of an earlier model of a unified, autonomous "master" subject and a belief in a "decentered" subject (that is, a notion of agency subjected to, and created through, language), many feminists are critical of Postmodernism's assumption of a position of cultural authority, its tendency to nihilism, and its emphasis on theory at the expense of social activism. ...
女權主義思想。確實，女性主義（以及男女同性戀批判理論）與後現代主義一樣，都對統一的、自主的「主」主體的早期模式進行批判，並相信「去中心」的主體（即，一種受制於主體的代理概念）。 …
Feminists have also pointed to the influence of feminist theory on the writings of male critics like the Americans Hal Foster, Craig Owens, and Douglas Crimp during the 1980s. Both Owens and Crimp linked their own public acknowledgment of their gay identity to the example of feminists, and reassessed the relationship of their own criticism and Postmodernism. Together with gay and lesbian critical theory (which emerged at about the same time and was also shaped by early feminist investigations), feminist theory has continued to challenge conventional assumptions about sexuality and gender, to raise issues of identity, and to engage in debates about ideology, the mass media, and the workings of authority. ...
女性主義者也指出了女性主義理論對 20 世紀 80 年代美國哈爾·福斯特、克雷格·歐文斯和道格拉斯·克里姆普等男性批評家著作的影響。歐文斯和克里姆普都將自己對同性戀身份的公開承認與女性主義者的例子聯繫起來，並重新評估了自己的批評與後現代主義的關係。與男女同性戀批判理論（幾乎同時出現，也受到早期女性主義調查的影響）一起，女性主義理論繼續挑戰關於性和性別的傳統假設，提出身份問題，並參與關於性和性別的辯論。大眾媒體和權威的運作。 …
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Recognizing the dangers of a split between theory and activist politics during the 1980s, feminists and gay and lesbian activists have employed similar strategies of challenge and disruption. While groups like the Guerrilla Girls (active since 1987) have targeted racism and sexism in the art world with statistics, poster displays, and lecture/performances, the short-lived Women Artists Coalition (WAC), founded in New York in the early 1990s, targeted a wide range of social issues from abortion to AIDS. Similar groups have formed to draw attention to more specific issues. The AIDS Coalition To Unleash Power (ACT UP), also founded in New York in 1987, has employed feminist strategies in a series of massive public demonstrations aimed at affecting public and social policies around the issue of AIDS. Another example of the overlapping of art, feminism, sexual identity politics, and social activism can be seen in the Vancouver-based collective, Kiss and Tell. In an installation entitled Drawing the Line (1990), which toured Canada, the United States, and Australia, they presented 100 photographs of lesbian sexuality, "arranged from less to more controversial." Visitors to the exhibition were invited to record their responses to the display, and the comments of women (written on the walls around the photographs) gradually added new layers of meaning to the installation. ...
認識到 20 世紀 80 年代理論與激進政治之間分裂的危險，女性主義者和男女同性戀活動人士採取了類似的挑戰和破壞策略。雖然遊擊女孩（Guerrilla Girls）（自1987 年以來一直活躍）等團體透過統計數據、海報展示和講座/表演來針對藝術界的種族主義和性別歧視，但20 世紀90 年代初在紐約成立的女性藝術家聯盟(WAC) 卻短命了。類似的團體也已成立，以引起人們對更具體問題的關注。同樣於 1987 年在紐約成立的愛滋病釋放力量聯盟 (ACT UP) 在一系列大規模公眾示威活動中採用了女性主義策略，旨在影響圍繞愛滋病議題的公共和社會政策。藝術、女性主義、性別認同政治和社會活動主義重疊的另一個例子可以在溫哥華的團體「Kiss and Tell」中看到。在一個名為「劃清界線」（Drawing the Line，1990）的裝置作品中，他們在加拿大、美國和澳大利亞巡迴展出，展示了100 張女同性戀性行為的照片，「按照爭議程度由小到大排列」。展覽的參觀者被邀請記錄他們對展覽的反應，而女性的評論（寫在照片周圍的牆上）逐漸為裝置增添了新的意義。 …
The siting of woman as "other" has taken place in societies that have rationalized both sexual and cultural oppression. During the 1970s, while white feminists pointed to women's shared experiences under patriarchy, feminists of color and lesbian feminists often took issue with the tendency to collapse female identity into a unified-and implicitly heterosexual and white (not to mention middle class)-category. Growing awareness that the Women's Movement reflected the dominant voice of white, middle-class women led to later investigations into more specific forms of oppression, and the processes of differentiation which establish race and gender positions. Michele Barrett's analysis of difference as experiential points to class and racism as two major axes of difference among women. Some women of color, like Faith Ringgold, Adrian Piper, and Betye Saar, had played formative roles in the feminist art movement from the beginning. Now feminism (or "post-feminism") in the 1980s conceptualized both race and sexual orientation as major components of identity politics under the influence of the rise of Queer Theory (a body of writings that often presented sexual orientation as a way of talking about gender) and poststructuralism, with its emphasis on difference rather than universalizing tendencies as the basis of politics. ...
在將性壓迫和文化壓迫合理化的社會中，女性被視為「他者」。 1970年代，雖然白人女權主義者指出女性在父權制下的共同經歷，但有色人種女權主義者和女同性戀女權主義者經常對將女性身份瓦解為統一的、隱含的異性戀和白人（更不用說中產階級）類別的趨勢提出異議。人們越來越認識到婦女運動反映了白人中產階級婦女的主導聲音，這導致後來對更具體的壓迫形式以及建立種族和性別地位的分化過程進行了調查。米歇爾·巴雷特（Michele Barrett）對經驗差異的分析指出，階級和種族主義是女性差異的兩個主要軸心。一些有色人種女性，如費思·林戈爾德、阿德里安·派珀和貝蒂·薩爾，從一開始就在女性主義藝術運動中發揮了重要作用。現在，在20 世紀80 年代的女性主義（或「後女性主義」）中，受酷兒理論（經常將性取向作為談論性取向的一種方式）興起的影響，將種族和性取向概念化為身份政治的主要組成部分。 …
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The controversial exhibition "Primitivism and Modern Art," organized by Rubin and Varnedoe at the Museum of Modern Art in New York in 1984, stimulated intense debate concerning Modernism's taste for appropriating otherness by annexing tribal objects to Western desires for artistic innovation. Since then, Postmodernist theory has examined constructions of "otherness" in several overlapping forms, including the feminine Other of sexual difference, and the Other of discourses of the Third World and/or cultural diaspora. ...
1984 年，魯賓和瓦內多在紐約現代藝術博物館舉辦了頗具爭議的展覽“原始主義與現代藝術”，該展覽引發了關於現代主義通過將部落物品與西方藝術創新慾望並存而挪用異類的品味的激烈爭論。從那時起，後現代主義理論以幾種重疊的形式審視了「他者」的建構，包括性別差異的女性他者，以及第三世界和/或文化散居者話語的他者。 …
A series of exhibitions during the 1980s considered women's productions within specific multicultural discourses around which there remains no totalizing or consensual concept. The British artist Lubaina Himid (b. 1954), in her essay, "We Will Be," mapped the range of issues confronting black women artists in Britain: "We are making ourselves more visible by making positive images of black women, we are reclaiming history, linking national economics with colonialism, and racism with slavery, starvation, and lynchings. There are some women whose work revolves around home, childhood and family, all of which are inextricably linked with racism in education, the challenging of racial stereotypes, and breaking through tokenism and sexism. These, and the broader themes of black heroes and heroines of the struggle for equality and freedom, international politics and the theft of our culture over hundreds of years show a personal/general, general/political, political/personal spiral in our work." ...
20 世紀 80 年代的一系列展覽在特定的多元文化論述中考慮了女性的作品，圍繞著這些論述仍然沒有總體或共識的概念。英國藝術家盧拜娜·希米德（Lubaina Himid，生於1954 年）在她的文章《我們將成為》中描繪了英國黑人女性藝術家面臨的一系列問題：「我們透過塑造黑人女性的正面形象來讓自己更加引人注目，我們恢復歷史，將民族經濟與殖民主義聯繫起來，將種族主義與奴隸制、飢餓和私刑聯繫起來。中的種族主義、種族成見的挑戰有著千絲萬縷的聯繫。個人/一般、一般/政治、政治/我們工作中的個人螺旋式上升。 …
In London, the exhibition "Four Indian Women Artists" at the Indian Artists United Kingdom Gallery in 1981 was followed by "Between Two Cultures" (Barbican Centre, 1982), "Nova Mulher-Contemporary Women Artists Living in Brazil and Europe" (Barbican Centre, 1983), and “Five Black Women" (Africa Centre, 1983), the first of several exhibitions on the work of black and Afro-Caribbean women. ...
1981年在倫敦，英國印度藝術家畫廊舉辦了「四位印度女性藝術家」展覽，隨後又舉辦了「兩種文化之間」展覽（巴比肯中心，1982年）、「諾瓦·穆勒——生活在巴西和歐洲的當代女性藝術家」（巴比肯中心）。中心，1983 年）和「五名黑人婦女」（非洲中心，1983 年），這是關於黑人和非洲裔加勒比婦女作品的多個展覽中的第一個。
Himid's argument that cultural appropriations must be placed in a dialogue between cultures in order to displace the relationships of dominance/subservience that have used the artifacts of non-Western cultures to "prove" the superiority of white culture reemerges in Sonia Boyce's multipanel Lay Back, Keep Quiet and Think About What Made Britain So Great (1985). Here the image of woman is displaced to the margin as the artist inserts an iconography of colonialism into the foliate forms of a decorative surface that recalls the cheerful domesticity of wallpaper. Himid's painting, Freedom and Change (1984), and her reworking of Picasso's Three Musicians as a mural for a black art center in London challenge the Modernist artists appropriations of African tribal masks and ceremonial ...
希米德的論點是，文化挪用必須置於不同文化之間的對話中，以取代使用非西方文化的文物來「證明」白人文化優越性的統治/從屬關係，這一論點在索尼婭·博伊斯的多面板《Lay Back》中再次出現，保持安靜，思考是什麼讓英國如此偉大（1985）。在這裡，女性的形像被轉移到了邊緣，藝術家將殖民主義的圖像插入裝飾表面的葉狀形式中，讓人想起壁紙的歡樂家庭生活。希米德的畫作《自由與變革》（1984），以及她將畢卡索的《三位音樂家》改造成倫敦黑人藝術中心的壁畫，挑戰了現代主義藝術家對非洲部落面具和儀式的挪用…
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234 Sonia Boyce, Missionary Position No. 2, from Lay Back, Keep Quiet and Think About What Made Britain So Great, 1985 ...
234 索妮亞‧博伊斯，第二號傳教士職位，出自《放鬆、保持安靜並思考是什麼讓英國如此偉大》，1985 年…
figures. She stated that her paintings are "about several things: they're about Africans today not using traditional music.... A lot of my work has been about how European masters took African artefacts.... I'm trying to say a lot about the kind of swapping of culture; how both sides, how everybody is taking from everyone else, to make a better art." ...
數字。她表示，她的畫作「關於幾件事：它們是關於今天的非洲人不使用傳統音樂……我的許多作品都是關於歐洲大師如何拿走非洲文物……我想說的是很多關於文化的交流；雙方如何從其他人那裡汲取經驗，以創造出更好的藝術。 …
Himid and Boyce (b. 1962) are two of the British artists from Afro-Caribbean backgrounds who are committed to exposing the reality behind the distortions that pretend to say what it is like to be black and female in white, male-dominated society. "Black art,' if this term must be used," argues Rasheed Aracen in the introduction to the catalogue of "The Essential Black Art" exhibition in London in 1988, "is in fact a specific historical development within contemporary art practices and has emerged directly from the joint struggle of Asian, African, and Caribbean people against racism, and the art work itself... specifically deals with and expresses a human condition, the condition of Afro-Asian people resulting from... a racist society and/or, in global terms, from western cultural imperialism." ...
希米德和博伊斯（生於 1962 年）是兩位來自加勒比海黑人背景的英國藝術家，他們致力於揭露扭曲背後的現實，這些扭曲假裝講述了白人男性主導的社會中黑人和女性的感受。拉希德·阿拉森(Rasheed Aracen) 在1988 年倫敦“黑人藝術本質”展覽目錄介紹中指出，“黑人藝術”，如果必須使用這個術語的話，“實際上是當代藝術實踐中的特定歷史發展，並且已經出現」。直接來自亞洲、非洲和加勒比地區人民反對種族主義的共同鬥爭，以及藝術作品本身……專門處理和表達了人類狀況，亞非人民的狀況，這是由於……種族主義社會和/或者，從全球角度來看，來自西方文化帝國主義。 …
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Issues of race and gender also underlie the three triptychs that make up Mitra Tabrizian and Andy Golding's installation, The Blues (1986-87). A collaboration between a London-based Iranian woman and a British man, The Blues draws on conventions of film-noir, black musical culture, hard-boiled detective novels, and Degas's painting The Interior (also known as The Rape) of 1867. Together the images and text elicit the viewers' fantasies about the "role" of black men and women in scenarios of sexuality, aggression, and victimization. Using narrative strategies, the work raises questions about whose stories we are witnessing, and how confrontations between self and other are invested with meaning. ...
種族和性別問題也是 Mitra Tabbrizian 和 Andy Golding 的裝置《藍調》（The Blues，1986-87）的三幅三聯畫的基礎。 《藍調》是一位居住在倫敦的伊朗女性和一位英國男性的合作作品，借鑒了黑色電影、黑人音樂文化、冷酷偵探小說和德加1867 年的畫作《內部》（也稱為《強姦》 ）的傳統。作品利用敘事策略，提出了一些問題：我們正在目睹誰的故事，以及自我與他人之間的對抗如何賦予意義。 …
A series of exhibitions in the United States also addressed the political aspects of multiculturalism by bringing together works that addressed the ways that identity-racial, ethnic, or sexual is imposed, contested, or fantasized. In 1985, Harmony Hammond (b. 1944) and Jaune Quick-to-See Smith organized "Women of Sweetgrass, Cedar and Sage" for the Gallery of the American Indian Community House, New York. The exhibition included paintings, drawings, and handicrafts by Native American women. Some had previously shown their work in art world contexts; others worked outside the commercial system. In her introduction, Quick-to-See Smith noted that: "Bringing forth the old forms and materials, building on them, and revitalizing them is a process which Indian women have done for eons. Like New York artists incorporating and reacting to western art history, we respond to our visual history while crossing into new territories. But in this case, we are bridging two cultures and two histories of art forms. Transcending tradition, Indian women have gone on to set new standards for Indian art and have shown that the work of Indian women belongs in the mainstream of world art history." Herself a painter, Quick-to-See Smith has linked the discourses of historical Indian art and the contemporary art world in her work. Her paintings and pastels frequently combine images of Indian pictographs with those derived from Western artists like Jackson Pollock, whose painting was directly influenced by the art of the Southwest American Indians. ...
美國的一系列展覽也透過匯集探討種族、民族或性別認同強加、爭議或幻想方式的作品來探討多元文化主義的政治面向。 1985 年，哈莫尼·哈蒙德（Harmony Hammond，生於1944 年）和Jaune Quick-to-See Smith 為紐約美國印第安人社區之家畫廊組織了“香草、雪松和鼠尾草的女性”活動。展覽包括美國原住民婦女的繪畫、素描和手工藝品。有些人之前曾在藝術世界的背景下展示過他們的作品；其他人在商業系統之外工作。快看史密斯在她的介紹中指出：「印度女性千百年來一直在不斷地提出舊的形式和材料，在它們的基礎上進行構建和復興。就像紐約藝術家融入西方藝術並對其做出反應一樣但在這種情況下，我們正在彌合兩種文化和兩種藝術形式的歷史，超越傳統，印度女性為印度藝術設定了新的標準，並表明了這一點。藝術史的主流。史密斯本人是一名畫家，她在她的作品中將印度歷史藝術與當代藝術世界的話語聯繫起來。她的繪畫和粉彩經常將印度象形文字的圖像與傑克遜·波洛克等西方藝術家的圖像結合起來，後者的繪畫直接受到西南美洲印第安人藝術的影響。 …
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While Quick-to-See Smith and other Native American artists have addressed the uneasy meeting of multiple, and sometimes opposed, cultures and geographies, Shelley Niro (b. 1954), a Mohawk painter, sculptor, photographer, filmmaker, and self- proclaimed "intellectual terrorist," who was raised on the Six Nations Reserve near Brantford, Ontario, in Canada, has used her photographic practice to undermine cultural stereotypes. A hand-tinted photograph of 1987 entitled The Rebel shows ...
雖然「快速觀察」史密斯和其他美洲原住民藝術家已經解決了多種（有時是對立的）文化和地理的令人不安的相遇，但雪萊·尼羅（Shelley Niro，生於1954 年），一位莫霍克畫家、雕塑家、攝影師、電影製作人和自稱在加拿大安大略省布蘭特福德附近的六國保護區長大的“知識分子恐怖分子”，用她的攝影實踐來破壞文化刻板印象。一張 1987 年題為《叛逆者》的手繪彩色照片展示了…
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Niro's mother lounging atop the family car, an AMC Rebel. The photograph undermines the stereotypes of both the Indian princess and the earth mother, while at the same time also challenging the cultural trope of sexy women selling sexy cars. ...
尼羅的母親懶洋洋地躺在一輛 AMC Rebel 家庭用車上。這張照片打破了印度公主和地球母親的刻板印象，同時也挑戰了性感女性銷售性感汽車的文化比喻。 …
As the committed pluralism of exhibitions such as "The Decade Show" (jointly organized by three New York cultural institutions in 1990), gave way to the foregrounding of the political aspects of multiculturalism in exhibitions like "Mistaken Identities" (which opened at the University Art Museum at the University of California, Santa Barbara, in 1992), a growing emphasis on the provisional, multifaceted nature of identity construction can be seen. The work of Korean-American artists Theresa Hak Kyung Cha and Yong Soon Min, the collaborations of Latino artist Guillermo Gómez- Peña with the Americans Emily Hicks and Coco Fusco, and the installations and murals of Chicanas Yolanda Lopez and ...
隨著「十年展」（1990年由三個紐約文化機構聯合舉辦）等展覽的堅定多元化，讓位於「錯誤的身份」（在大學開幕）等展覽中多元文化主義的政治方面的前景。韓裔美國藝術家 Theresa Hak Kyung Cha 和 Yong Soon Min 的作品，拉丁裔藝術家 Guillermo Gómez-Peña 與美國人 Emily Hicks 和 Coco Fusco 的合作，以及 Chicanas Yolanda Lopez 和 ...
235 Jaune Quick-to-See Smith, Site: Canyon de Chelly, 1980s ...
235 Jaune Quick-to-See Smith，地點：Chelly 峽谷，1980 年代...
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236 Shelley Niro, Portrait of the Artist Sitting with a Killer Surrounded by French Curves, 1991 ...
236 雪莉‧尼羅，《與法國曲線環繞的殺手坐在一起的藝術家肖像》，1991 年…
Juana Alicia, and African-Americans Lorraine O'Grady and Allison Saar all address the shifting, unstable ground on which notions of cultural identity rest. To commemorate the 500th anniversary of the Conquest of the Americas in 1992, Fusco and Gómez-Peña undertook a series of site-specific performances in which they lived in a gilded cage for three days in Columbus Plaza in Madrid, Covent Garden in London, the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, and several other American museums. In each case, presenting themselves as aboriginal inhabitants of an island in the Gulf of Mexico that had been overlooked by Columbus, they challenged the expectations and assumptions of their visitors. ...
胡安娜·艾莉西亞、非裔美國人洛林·奧格雷迪和艾莉森·薩爾都談到了文化認同觀念所依賴的不斷變化、不穩定的基礎。為了紀念 1992 年征服美洲 500 週年，富斯科和戈麥斯-佩納進行了一系列定點表演，他們在馬德里哥倫布廣場、倫敦考文特花園、華盛頓史密森學會和其他幾家美國博物館。在每一個案例中，他們都將自己描繪成墨西哥灣一座被哥倫布忽視的島嶼上的原住民，挑戰了遊客的期望和假設。 …
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A number of women in Britain and the United States have adopted deconstructive strategies as a means of exposing the assumptions underlying cultural constructions of gender, race, and sexuality. In the United States, Adrian Piper, Lorna Simpson, Carrie Mae Weems, Pat Ward Williams, and Lorraine O'Grady all use racially conscious photo/text and performance works to call into question media-based and visual representations of race and identity. ...
英國和美國的許多女性採取了解構策略，作為揭露性別、種族和性行為文化建構背後的假設的手段。在美國，阿德里安·派珀、洛娜·辛普森、凱莉·梅·威姆斯、帕特·沃德·威廉姆斯和洛林·奧格雷迪都使用具有種族意識的照片/文字和表演作品來質疑基於媒體和視覺的種族和身份表徵。 …
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US in Dub for t arlews in Area of Black Unrest Talent Looms by N.H.L Meadowlake Is Out for Year SOLUTION Under the Press Curbs in S No News Churches and Newspapers Called Target of Pref Rencorence Economic Study: Disputed by N.FL THE BE SPAGE ...
美國在黑人騷亂地區的黑人騷亂人才隱現的塔魯斯國家冰球聯盟梅多萊克（Meadowlake）在S新聞限制下缺席了一年解決方案沒有新聞教會和報紙被稱為州長經濟研究的目標：受到國家橄欖球聯盟（N.FL）BE SPAGE的爭議.. 。
237 OPPOSITE ABOVE Coco Fusco and Guillermo Gómez-Peña, Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit Madrid, performed at the Walker Art Center, 1992 238 OPPOSITE BELOW Allison Saar, Love Potion No. 9, 1988 239 ABOVE Adrian Piper, Vanilla Nightmares No. 2, 1986 ...
237 上對面Coco Fusco 和Guillermo Gómez-Peña，兩個未被發現的美洲印第安人訪問馬德里，在沃克藝術中心表演，1992 年238 下對面Allison Saar，愛情藥水No. 9，1988 239 上阿德里安·派珀，香草夢魘No. 2，1986 ...
Simpson's (b. 1960) work has been preoccupied with the invisibility of black women and their erasure from history and from white consciousness. In Guarded Conditions (1989), a brown-skinned woman dressed in a shapeless shift is shot from behind in a series of frames, so that every aspect of her subjectivity-bodily and facial-is both multiplied and obscured. Snippets of text accompanying these generic images further complicate the enigmatic presence of her black model. Williams's (b. 1948) What You Lookn at? (1987), originally installed in the windows of the gallery at Moore College of Art and Design in Philadelphia, uses photographs and text to confront spectators with life-sized images of five black men. Their presence, in conjunction with the challenging line of text used as the work's title, engages a wide variety of cultural stereotypes and fantasies. Provoking unacknowledged or unrecognized racism, while at the same time exposing cultural ...
辛普森（生於 1960 年）的作品專注於黑人女性的隱形以及她們從歷史和白人意識中的消失。在《守衛條件》（1989）中，一個穿著不成形的連衣裙的棕色皮膚的女人在一系列畫面中從後面拍攝，因此她的主觀性的各個方面——身體和麵部——都被放大和模糊。這些通用圖像附帶的文字片段進一步使她的黑人模特兒的神秘存在變得更加複雜。威廉斯（1948 年生）的《你在看什麼？ （1987）最初安裝在費城摩爾藝術與設計學院畫廊的窗戶上，使用照片和文字向觀眾展示五個黑人的真人大小的圖像。它們的存在，與用作作品標題的具有挑戰性的文字相結合，引發了各種各樣的文化刻板印象和幻想。挑起未被承認或未被承認的種族主義，同時揭露文化......
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assumptions about whiteness or blackness, is also the purpose of Adrian Piper's video/installation, Cornered (1989). Two birth certificates of Piper's father mounted on the wall behind the monitor give his race as white or black. Piper's monologue announces her as black, and then interrogates a range of possible viewer responses to this assertion and explores the impact of a history of interracial sexual relations on American beliefs about racial identity. ...
關於白色或黑色的假設，也是 Adrian Piper 的錄像/裝置《Corned》（1989）的目的。監視器後方的牆上貼著派珀父親的兩張出生證明，顯示他的種族是白人或黑人。派珀的獨白宣布她是黑人，然後詢問觀眾對此斷言的一系列可能反應，並探討了跨種族性關係的歷史對美國人關於種族身份的信仰的影響。 …
Shifting the focus from racial to sexual identity, the work of Catherine Opie, Millie Wilson, and Nan Goldin uses photographs and objects to dismantle the putative fixities of sexual identity. Wilson's (b. 1948) project, The Museum of Lesbian Dreams (1990-92), combines and draws on pseudo-scientific and medical discourses on lesbian dreams and their imagery with various constructions of lesbian desire. Her work articulates the historical inaccuracy, often absurdity, of social constructions of lesbianism within dominant heterosexual discourses. Such discursive formations often work to "fix" identity within, and outside, normative paradigms. Nan Goldin's (b. 1953) large, cibachrome photographs of drag queens and transsexuals defiantly celebrate the instability of contemporary gender roles. Catherine Opie (b. 1961) has also benefited from the spaces opened up by the transgressive photography of Robert Mapplethorpe, Nan Goldin, and others, and the social space provided by gay liberationists, feminists, and sex radicals engaged in anti-censorship critiques of pleasure and sexuality. Considering herself primarily a social documentary photographer, she has done work ranging from studies of master-plan communities in Southern California to S/M erotica for lesbian-owned sex magazines. Her portraits document both the California gay leather scene and the lesbian community in cross-dressed images that destabilize gender ...
凱瑟琳·奧佩(Catherine Opie)、米莉·威爾遜(Millie Wilson) 和南·戈爾丁(Nan Goldin) 的作品將焦點從種族身份轉移到性別身份，使用照片和物體來瓦解性別身份的假定固定性。威爾遜（生於 1948 年）的計畫「女同性戀夢想博物館」（1990-92）結合並借鑒了關於女同性戀夢及其意象的偽科學和醫學論述以及女同性戀慾望的各種構造。她的作品闡明了主導的異性戀論述中女同性戀社會建構的歷史不準確性，常常是荒謬的。這種話語結構通常有助於在規範範式內外「固定」身分。南·戈爾丁（Nan Goldin，生於 1953 年）拍攝的大幅變裝皇后和變性人的彩色照片大膽地頌揚了當代性別角色的不穩定。凱瑟琳‧奧佩（Catherine Opie，生於1961 年）也受惠於羅伯特‧梅普索普(Robert Mapplethorpe)、南‧戈爾丁(Nan Goldin) 等人的越軌攝影所開闢的空間，以及同性戀解放主義者、女性主義者和性激進分子參與反審查制度批評所提供的社會空間。她認為自己主要是一名社會紀實攝影師，她的工作範圍從南加州總體規劃社區的研究到女同性戀擁有的性雜誌的 S/M 色情作品。她的肖像以破壞性別穩定的異裝圖像記錄了加州同性戀皮革場景和女同性戀社區...
boundaries. ...
邊界。 …
The work of significant numbers of women during the 1980s strenuously resists unmediated expressions of "meanings," emphasizing instead ironic commentaries on categories of human knowledge from morphology and metaphysics to sociology and archaeology. The work of Rosemarie Trockel, Eva Maria Schon, Elvira Bach, Rachel Whiteread, to name a few, was influenced by conceptual and sociopolitical art, and the emergence of a new, "heroic" Expressionism in European and American painting and sculpture during the 1970s. ...
20 世紀 80 年代，大量女性的作品極力抵制對「意義」的直接表達，轉而強調對人類知識類別（從形態學和形而上學到社會學和考古學）的諷刺性評論。 Rosemarie Trockel、Eva Maria Schon、Elvira Bach、Rachel Whiteread 等人的作品受到概念藝術和社會政治藝術以及 20 世紀 70 年代歐洲和美國繪畫和雕塑中新的「英雄」表現主義的影響。 …
Trockel (b. 1952) is one of several artists—including Joyce Scott and Elaine Reichek-who rework domestic, ethnographic, and anthropological material. Her machine-knitted paintings incorporate political symbols or company logos into their ...
特羅克爾（生於 1952 年）是包括喬伊斯·斯科特和伊萊恩·賴切克在內的幾位藝術家之一，他們重新創作了國內、民族誌和人類學材料。她的機織繪畫將政治符號或公司標誌融入其中…
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240 ABOVE Millie Wilson, Merkins, from The Museum of Lesbian Dreams, 1990-92 241 BELOW Catherine Opie, Bo, 1994 ...
240 上方為米莉·威爾遜 (Millie Wilson)，默金斯 (Merkins)，來自女同性戀夢想博物館，1990-92 年 241 下方為凱瑟琳·奧佩 (Catherine Opie)，博，1994 年 ...
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認知，因此總和...
242 ABOVE Rosemarie Trockel, Cogito, Ergo Sum, 1988 243 BELOW Rosemarie Trockel, Untitled, 1983 ...
242 上面，羅斯瑪麗·特羅克爾，《我思故我在》，Ergo Sum，1988 243 下面，羅斯瑪麗·特羅克爾，無題，1983 ...
244 Paula Rego, The Family, 1988 ...
244 保拉‧雷戈，《家庭》，1988 ...
fabric. Her intentionally styleless and naive drawings, like the paintings of Elvira Bach, often use female images to parody the sexual stereotypes of German painting. In England, Paula Rego (b. 1935) returned to the figurative tradition of history painting but used heroic scale, harsh lighting, and theatrical compositions to present a pantheon of female figures traditionally suppressed in accounts of male exploits. The Soldier's Daughter (1987), The Cadet and His Sister (1988), and other works propose a new iconography for the female heroine. Many contemporary women sculptors, including Magdalena Jetelova, a Czechoslovakian artist now living in West Germany, Heide Fasnacht in New York, Rachel Lachowicz in Los Angeles, and Alison Wilding and Rachel Whiteread in Great Britain, also use materials and work at a scale that defies stereotyped notions about "women's" art. ...
織物。她故意無風格和天真的畫作，就像埃爾維拉·巴赫的畫作一樣，經常使用女性形象來模仿德國繪畫中的性別刻板印象。在英國，保拉·雷戈（Paula Rego，生於1935 年）回歸歷史繪畫的具象傳統，但使用英雄的規模、刺眼的燈光和戲劇構圖來呈現傳統上在男性功績的描述中受到壓制的女性形象萬神殿。 《士兵的女兒》（1987）、《學員與他的妹妹》（1988）等作品為女主角提出了新的形象。許多當代女性雕塑家，包括現居西德的捷克斯洛伐克藝術家瑪格達萊娜·傑特洛娃(Magdalena Jetelova)、紐約的海德·法斯納赫特(Heide Fasnacht)、洛杉磯的雷切爾·拉霍維奇(Rachel Lachowicz)、英國的艾莉森·威爾丁(Alison Wilding) 和雷切爾·懷特雷德(Rachel Whiteread)，也使用了令人難以抗拒的材料和作品。的刻板印象。 …
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In the mid-1980s, Fasnacht (b. 1951) began making cascading cocoons of raw, distressed wood that billowed out from the wall at eye level like big encephalic masses that recalled Lynda Benglis's exuberant wall sculptures of the 1970s. While Lachowicz (b. 1964) parodied the shapes of minimal sculpture in glistening blocks of lipstick, Whiteread (b. 1963) drew new parallels between the detachment of geometric abstraction and the intimacy of domestic architecture. Whiteread's House, a concrete cast of the interior of an entire three-storey London row house won the prestigious Turner prize in 1993 before being destroyed. Conceived as a commentary on the state of housing in Britain, its size, material, and austere physicality forced a new encounter with sculptural form, and with what is often unseen. ...
1980 年代中期，Fasnacht（生於1951 年）開始用原始的仿舊木材製作層疊的繭，這些繭從與眼睛齊平的牆壁上滾滾而出，就像巨大的腦團，讓人想起1970年代Lynda Benglis 的豐富牆壁雕塑。 Lachowicz（生於 1964 年）以閃閃發光的口紅塊模仿極簡雕塑的形狀，而 Whiteread（生於 1963 年）則在幾何抽象的分離和家庭建築的親密感之間建立了新的相似之處。懷特雷德之家 (Whiteread's House) 是一座由倫敦一棟三層排屋內部混凝土澆築而成的房屋，在 1993 年榮獲著名的特納獎，之後被毀。作為對英國住房狀況的評論，它的尺寸、材料和樸素的物理性迫使人們與雕塑形式以及通常看不見的東西發生新的遭遇。 …
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Treating language as both target and weapon, these and other contemporary artists consciously use it to explore the ways that information is socially and culturally coded. Susan Hiller's (1940-2019) studies in anthropology informed her early understanding of "otherness" and her analysis into how language functions as the basis of social structures. Since the late 1960s, her basic materials have been found things, cultural artifacts, including postcards, photo-booth pictures, memorial inscriptions, puppet shows, and wallpaper transformed in ways that uncover layers of meanings and paradoxes. Working to dissolve boundaries and borders fixed by the traditional spaces of rooms, streets, parks, and conceptual places, such as "home" and "abroad," she has continually redefined the relationship between actual and imaginative spaces. “What I am always trying to do, I suppose," she noted, "is to bring into ...
這些藝術家和其他當代藝術家將語言視為目標和武器，有意識地利用它來探索訊息在社會和文化上的編碼方式。蘇珊·希勒（Susan Hiller，1940-2019）的人類學研究使她對「他者」的早期理解以及對語言如何作為社會結構基礎的分析有了更多的了解。自 20 世紀 60 年代末以來，她的基本材料是發現的東西、文化文物，包括明信片、照相亭圖片、紀念銘文、木偶劇和壁紙，這些材料經過改造，揭示了層層意義和悖論。她致力於消除由房間、街道、公園和概念場所（例如「家」和「國外」）等傳統空間所固定的邊界和界限，不斷重新定義實際空間和想像空間之間的關係。 「我想，」她指出，「我一直在努力做的是…
246 Susan Hiller, An Entertainment, 1991 ...
246 蘇珊希勒，娛樂，1991 ...
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view those areas which are repressed socially and culturally, those areas which we do in fact share, and to retrieve for all of us... a sense of ourselves as part of a collective, to insert the notion of ourselves as the active makers rather than the passive recipients of a culture." During the 1980s, Hiller produced several multimedia installations that address issues of language and silence (Elan, 1982, and Magic Lantern, 1987). In these works, which include soundtracks combining her own voice with sounds recorded by the Latvian psychologist Konstantin Raudive, who claimed to have taped the voices of the dead, the artist explores silence—as loss and emptiness, but also as a ground for memory and imagination, themes which are further explored in later works such as An Entertainment (1991). ...
審視那些在社會和文化上受到壓抑的領域，那些我們實際上共享的領域，並為我們所有人找回……我們自己作為集體一部分的感覺，插入我們自己作為積極創造者的概念，而不是在20 世紀80 年代，希勒製作了幾件解決語言和沈默問題的多媒體裝置（Elan，1982 年和Magic Lantern，1987 年）。心理學家康斯坦丁·拉迪夫（Konstantin Raudive）聲稱錄製了死者的聲音，藝術家探索了沉默——作為失落和空虛，但也是記憶和想像的基礎，這些主題在後來的作品中得到了進一步探討，例如《An》娛樂（1991）...
In 1985, the exhibition "Difference: On Representation and Sexuality" brought together the work of a number of British and American artists-including Ray Barrie, Victor Burgin, Hans Haacke, Kelly, Kolbowski, Kruger, Levine, Yves Lomax, Jeff Wall, and Yates-which deals specifically with the intersection of gender and representation. In her introduction to the catalogue, Kate Linker noted that: "In literature, the visual arts, criticism, and ideological analysis, attention has focused on sexuality as a cultural construction, opposing a perspective based on a natural or 'biological' truth. This exhibition charts this territory in the visual arts.... Its thesis-the continuous production of sexual difference—offers possibilities for change, for it suggests that this need not entail reproduction, but rather a revision of our conventional categories of opposition." ...
1985年，「差異：論再現與性」展覽匯集了多位英美藝術家的作品——包括雷·巴里、維克多·布爾金、漢斯·哈克、凱利、科爾博夫斯基、克魯格、萊文、伊夫·洛馬克斯、傑夫·沃爾、和耶茨——專門處理性別和代表性的交叉點。凱特·林克（Kate Linker）在目錄簡介中指出：「在文學、視覺藝術、批評和意識形態分析中，人們的注意力集中在性作為一種文化建構，反對基於自然或「生物」真理的觀點。修正。 …
Refusing the image of woman as "sign" within the patriarchal order, these artists have chosen to work with an existing repertory of cultural images because, they insist, feminine sexuality is always constituted in representation and as a representation of difference. Silvia Kolbowski (b. 1953) uses fashion photographs because of their prominent role in structuring the female body as an object of desire and displacing desire from the body to a product which can be consumed. The Model Pleasure Series, begun in 1982, consists of ten parts, each composed of a wall grouping of images of models from fashion and advertising prints, re- photographed, and reassembled into gridded compositions. They are juxtaposed with other images, for example a drawing of a turkey, the leg of which is being carved, or a drawing of a foot entitled "Charm Anklet," and a text that reads: "There was something she carved/craved; something which cost/cast its spell on me, while it still remaimed/remained unscene/unseen...." ...
這些藝術家拒絕將女性形像作為父權秩序中的“標誌”，而是選擇與現有的文化形象進行合作，因為他們堅持認為，女性性慾總是在表徵中構成的，並且是差異的表徵。西爾維亞·科爾博斯基（Silvia Kolbowski，生於1953 年）使用時尚照片，因為它們在將女性身體構造為慾望的對像以及將慾望從身體轉移到可消費的產品方面發揮著重要作用。模特兒快樂系列始於 1982 年，由十個部分組成，每個部分都由一面牆組成，牆上排列著時尚和廣告印刷品的模特兒圖像，經過重新拍攝並重新組合成網格構圖。它們與其他圖像並置，例如火雞的圖畫，其腿正在被雕刻，或者題為“魅力腳鍊”的腳圖，以及一條文字，上面寫著：“她雕刻/渴望有一些東西；某種東西讓我付出了代價/對我施了咒語，而它仍然殘缺不全/仍然不存在/看不見…」…
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The work of British artists Yves Lomax and Marie Yates (b. 1940) investigates the relationship between the so-called enigma of femininity and the "truth" of photographic representation. Parodying psychoanalytic theories of sexual difference, Lomax uses irony to expose their phallocentricity. Yates's The Missing Woman (1982-84) consists of four panels of visual and verbal signs and fragments which invite the viewer to construct the identity of a woman who is revealed only by the traces of her social engagements-the family, property rights, legal ceremonies. ...
英國藝術家 Yves Lomax 和 Marie Yates（生於 1940 年）的作品探討了所謂的女性氣質之謎與攝影表現的「真相」之間的關係。洛馬克斯戲仿了性別差異的精神分析理論，用諷刺揭露他們的男性中心論。耶茨的《失蹤的女人》（1982-84）由四塊視覺和語言符號和片段組成，邀請觀眾建構一個女人的身份，這個身份只能透過她的社會活動的痕跡來揭示——家庭、財產權、法律。 …
Mary Kelly (b. 1941), an American who lived in London during the 1980s, also refused the direct representation of women in her work in order to subvert the use of the female image as object and spectacle. In 1979, she exhibited the opening section of her Post Partum Document (begun in 1973) at the Institute of Contemporary Art, London. This multi-sectioned work, like Chicago's Dinner Party of the same years, addressed the positioning of woman in patriarchal culture, but the assumptions underlying the two works, as well as their visual and conceptual articulation, pointed to the earlier impact of psychoanalytic theories of sexual difference on British and European artists. Kelly's work emphasized sexuality as an effect of social discourses and institutions and stresses the potentially oppressive socio-psychological production of sexuality. ...
瑪麗凱利（Mary Kelly，生於 1941 年），一位 20 世紀 80 年代居住在倫敦的美國人，也拒絕在她的作品中直接描繪女性，以顛覆將女性形像作為對象和景觀的使用。 1979 年，她在倫敦當代藝術學院展出了她的產後文獻（始於 1973 年）的開頭部分。這部由多個部分組成的作品，就像同年的《芝加哥晚宴》一樣，探討了女性在父權文化中的定位，但這兩部作品背後的假設，以及它們的視覺和概念表達，都指出了精神分析理論的早期影響。凱利的作品強調性是社會話語和製度的影響，並強調性的潛在壓迫性社會心理生產。 …
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The Post Partum Document, a 6-section, 165-part work, used multiple representational modes (literary, scientific, psychoanalytic, linguistic, archaeological) to chronicle Kelly's son's early life and her relationship with him. Kelly deconstructed psychoanalytic discourses on femininity and the assumed unity of the mother and child in order to articulate the mother's fantasies of possession and loss, and the child's insertion into the patriarchal order as a gendered (male) subject. Post Partum Document draws heavily on Lacan's analysis of language and sexuality, and on Foucault's emphasis on sexuality as an effect of social discourses and institutions. Later works by Kelly, as well by the American artists Martha Rosier (Semiotics of the Kitchen and Vital Statistics of a Citizen, Simply Obtained [1975 and 1978]) and Carrie Mae Weems (Family Pictures and Stories [1978-84]) also interrogate the ways that women's roles are formed within the family and in society. Kelly's photo/text installation Corpus (1985), the first section of a larger piece entitled Interim, explores femininity and representation by addressing the issue of aging, the period when the two are thrown into crisis. Articles of female clothing are photographed and juxtaposed with fashion ...
《產後文件》是一部共 6 個部分、165 個部分的作品，使用多種表現模式（文學、科學、精神分析、語言、考古）來記錄凱利兒子的早年生活以及她與他的關係。凱利解構了關於女性氣質和假定的母親和孩子的統一的精神分析話語，以闡明母親對佔有和失去的幻想，以及孩子作為性別（男性）主體插入父權秩序的幻想。 《產後文件》很大程度上借鑒了拉康對語言和性的分析，以及傅柯對性作為社會話語和製度影響的強調。凱利後來的作品以及美國藝術家瑪莎·羅西爾（Martha Rosier）（廚房符號學和公民生命統計，簡單獲得[1975和1978]）和凱莉·梅·威姆斯（家庭圖片和故事[1978 -84]）也質疑婦女在家庭和社會中的角色形成方式。凱利的照片/文字裝置《語料庫》（Corpus，1985）是題為《臨時》的大型作品的第一部分，透過解決衰老問題（兩者陷入危機的時期）來探索女性氣質和代表性。女性服裝的物品被拍攝並與時尚並列...
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photographs, nineteenth-century images of female hysterics, and a handwritten text tracing women's complex relations to the body, desire, and representation. The conceptual and actual-book-works, mail pieces, photographs, performances, and videos of Rosier-deal with motherhood, domesticity, femininity, class, and sexuality. She has analysed the uses and abuses of food through works based on anorexia nervosa, food adulteration, TV cooking lessons, waitressing, and restaurant unionizing. ...
照片、十九世紀女性歇斯底里的圖像，以及追蹤女性與身體、慾望和表徵的複雜關係的手寫文字。羅齊爾的概念和實際書籍作品、郵件、照片、表演和影片涉及母性、家庭生活、女性氣質、階級和性。她透過基於神經性厭食症、食品摻假、電視烹飪課程、女服務員和餐廳工會的作品分析了食物的使用和濫用。 …
During the 1980s, not all women embraced appropriation or media technologies as representational strategies. Women using paint as a medium also found themselves negotiating a complex territory as they continued to look for ways to locate themselves within a tradition where they have been historically discriminated against, and which has been defined in male terms. Women painters have been forced to confront numerous assumptions about the creative process, artistic "style," and/ or methods of applying paint, subject, etc. While some women have approached these issues through deconstructing visual imagery and challenging art history's omissions of almost all women from its canon, others have critically explored the processes of image-making and the relationship between mark- making and social constructions of femininity. ...
在 20 世紀 80 年代，並非所有女性都接受挪用或媒體技術作為代表性策略。使用油漆作為媒介的女性也發現自己正在面對一個複雜的領域，因為她們繼續尋找方法將自己定位在一個傳統中，在這個傳統中，她們在歷史上一直受到歧視，並且是用男性術語定義的。女性畫家被迫面對關於創作過程、藝術「風格」和/或繪畫方法、主題等的眾多假設。人們批判性地探討了形象塑造的過程以及標記製作與女性氣質的社會建構之間的關係。 …
Gillian Ayres, Alexis Hunter, Thérèse Oulton, and Fiona Rae in Britain, and Nancy Spero, Sue Coe, and Ida Applebroog in the United States, are among the many women painters committed to re-orienting painterly conventions. In the late 1970s Ayres (1930-2018), a British artist whose earlier works were Hard Edge abstractions, began using heavily impastoed ...
英國的 Gillian Ayres、Alexis Hunter、Thérèse Oulton 和 Fiona Rae，以及美國的 Nancy Spero、Sue Coe 和 Ida Applebroog 都是致力於重新定位繪畫傳統的眾多女畫家之一。 1970 年代末，英國藝術家艾爾斯 (Ayres，1930-2018) 的早期作品都是硬邊抽象畫，他開始大量使用厚塗顏料…
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surfaces and stressing the painterly mark as an expressive device. Around 1980, Hunter, who had come to London in 1972 from New Zealand, turned from conceptual and textual work addressing debates within the Women's Movement, to mythic, expressive painting. Oulton's paintings of the 1980s emphasize the materiality of paint and the expressive gesture as a political stance used to interrogate older conventions of painting. Spinner (1986) is one of a series of paintings called Letters to Rose which refuse traditional ways of "reading" by disrupting conventional modeling, chiaroscuro, and surface. Directed to the trivializing of women (as flowers and decorative objects) and women's work (spinning and weaving), they belong within a "crisis in representation" initiated by feminist resistance to the imagery of the female body. More recently, Rae has confronted issues of abstraction and figuration directly in paintings that incorporate both gestural strokes and popular imagery. The work of Nancy Spero and Ida Applebroog (b. 1929) ...
表面並強調繪畫標記作為一種表現手段。 1972 年從紐西蘭來到倫敦的亨特在 1980 年左右從解決婦女運動內部辯論的概念和文本作品轉向了神話般的、富有表現力的繪畫。奧爾頓 20 世紀 80 年代的繪畫強調繪畫的物質性和表達姿態，作為一種政治立場，用來質疑舊的繪畫慣例。 《Spinner》（1986）是名為《給玫瑰的信》系列畫作之一，該系列畫作透過破壞傳統的造型、明暗對比和表面來拒絕傳統的「閱讀」方式。他們針對女性（如花和裝飾）和女性工作（紡紗和編織）的輕視，屬於由女權主義者對女性身體形象的抵制引發的「再現危機」。最近，雷在融合手勢筆觸和流行意象的繪畫中直接面臨抽象和具象的問題。 Nancy Spero 和 Ida Applebroog（生於 1929 年）的作品...
links violence and sexuality, and associates intimacy with often murderous rage. Applebroog's simplified cartoon-like spaces reveal fragmented scenes of domestic spaces in which ...
將暴力與性聯繫起來，並將親密與兇殘的憤怒聯繫起來。 Applebroog 的簡化卡通式空間揭示了家庭空間的支離破碎的場景，其中...
248 ABOVE LEFT Mary Kelly Post Partum Document, Documentation VI, 1978-79 (detail) 249 ABOVE RIGHT Mary Kelly, Corpus, 1985 (supplication section) ...
248 左上瑪麗凱利產後文檔，文檔 VI，1978-79（詳細） 249 右上瑪麗凱利，語料庫，1985（懇求部分）...
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photographs, nineteenth-century images of female hysterics, and a handwritten text tracing women's complex relations to the body, desire, and representation. The conceptual and actual-book-works, mail pieces, photographs, performances, and videos of Rosier-deal with motherhood, domesticity, femininity, class, and sexuality. She has analysed the uses and abuses of food through works based on anorexia nervosa, food adulteration, TV cooking lessons, waitressing, and restaurant unionizing. ...
照片、十九世紀女性歇斯底里的圖像，以及追蹤女性與身體、慾望和表徵的複雜關係的手寫文字。羅齊爾的概念和實際書籍作品、郵件、照片、表演和影片涉及母性、家庭生活、女性氣質、階級和性。她透過基於神經性厭食症、食品摻假、電視烹飪課程、女服務員和餐廳工會的作品分析了食物的使用和濫用。 …
During the 1980s, not all women embraced appropriation or media technologies as representational strategies. Women using paint as a medium also found themselves negotiating a complex territory as they continued to look for ways to locate themselves within a tradition where they have been historically discriminated against, and which has been defined in male terms. Women painters have been forced to confront numerous assumptions about the creative process, artistic "style," and/ or methods of applying paint, subject, etc. While some women have approached these issues through deconstructing visual imagery and challenging art history's omissions of almost all women from its canon, others have critically explored the processes of image-making and the relationship between mark- making and social constructions of femininity. Gillian Ayres, Alexis Hunter, Thérèse Oulton, and Fiona ...
在 20 世紀 80 年代，並非所有女性都接受挪用或媒體技術作為代表性策略。使用油漆作為媒介的女性也發現自己正在面對一個複雜的領域，因為她們繼續尋找方法將自己定位在一個傳統中，在這個傳統中，她們在歷史上一直受到歧視，並且是用男性術語定義的。女性畫家被迫面對關於創作過程、藝術「風格」和/或繪畫方法、主題等的眾多假設。人們批判性地探討了形象塑造的過程以及標記製作與女性氣質的社會建構之間的關係。吉莉安·艾爾斯、亞歷克西斯·亨特、泰蕾茲·奧爾頓和菲奧娜…
Rae in Britain, and Nancy Spero, Sue Coe, and Ida Applebroog in the United States, are among the many women painters committed to re-orienting painterly conventions. In the late 1970s Ayres (1930-2018), a British artist whose earlier works were Hard Edge abstractions, began using heavily impastoed ...
英國的雷，以及美國的南希·斯佩羅、蘇·科和艾達·阿普爾布羅格，都是致力於重新定位繪畫傳統的眾多女畫家之一。 1970 年代末，英國藝術家艾爾斯 (Ayres，1930-2018) 的早期作品都是硬邊抽象畫，他開始大量使用厚塗顏料…
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247 Marie Yates, The Missing Woman, 1982-84 ...
247 瑪麗耶茨，《失蹤的女人》，1982-84 ...
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surfaces and stressing the painterly mark as an expressive device. Around 1980, Hunter, who had come to London in 1972 from New Zealand, turned from conceptual and textual work addressing debates within the Women's Movement, to mythic, expressive painting. Oulton's paintings of the 1980s emphasize the materiality of paint and the expressive gesture as a political stance used to interrogate older conventions of painting. Spinner (1986) is one of a series of paintings called Letters to Rose which refuse traditional ways of "reading" by disrupting conventional modeling, chiaroscuro, and surface. Directed to the trivializing of women (as flowers and decorative objects) and women's work (spinning and weaving), they belong within a "crisis in representation" initiated by feminist resistance to the imagery of the female body. More recently, Rae has confronted issues of abstraction and figuration directly in paintings that incorporate both gestural strokes and popular imagery. The work of Nancy Spero and Ida Applebroog (b. 1929) ...
表面並強調繪畫標記作為一種表現手段。 1972 年從紐西蘭來到倫敦的亨特在 1980 年左右從解決婦女運動內部辯論的概念和文本作品轉向了神話般的、富有表現力的繪畫。奧爾頓 20 世紀 80 年代的繪畫強調繪畫的物質性和表達姿態，作為一種政治立場，用來質疑舊的繪畫慣例。 《Spinner》（1986）是名為《給玫瑰的信》系列畫作之一，該系列畫作透過破壞傳統的造型、明暗對比和表面來拒絕傳統的「閱讀」方式。他們針對女性（如花和裝飾）和女性工作（紡紗和編織）的輕視，屬於由女權主義者對女性身體形象的抵制引發的「再現危機」。最近，雷在融合手勢筆觸和流行意象的繪畫中直接面臨抽象和具象的問題。 Nancy Spero 和 Ida Applebroog（生於 1929 年）的作品...
links violence and sexuality, and associates intimacy with often murderous rage. Applebroog's simplified cartoon-like spaces reveal fragmented scenes of domestic spaces in which ...
將暴力與性聯繫起來，並將親密與兇殘的憤怒聯繫起來。 Applebroog 的簡化卡通式空間揭示了家庭空間的支離破碎的場景，其中...
248 ABOVE LEFT Mary Kelly Post Partum Document. Documentation VI, 1978-79 (detail) 249 ABOVE RIGHT Mary Kelly, Corpus, 1985 (supplication section) ...
248 左上瑪麗凱利產後文件。文件 VI，1978-79（詳細）249 右上 Mary Kelly，語料庫，1985（懇求部分）...
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250 TOP Alexis Hunter, A Goddess Fighting Patriarchy, 1981 251 ABOVE Fiona Rae, Untitled (green with stripes), 1996 ...
250 TOP Alexis Hunter，對抗父權制的女神，1981 年 251 ABOVE Fiona Rae，無題（綠色條紋），1996 ...
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252 Ida Applebroog, Don't Call Me Mama, 1987 ...
252 艾達·阿普爾布羅格，別叫我媽，1987 ...
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humanity seems to have run amok and there is little to distinguish the ordinary and the bizarre. ...
人類似乎已經失控，普通與奇異幾乎沒有什麼不同。 …
Resistance to the imagery of the female body was also ...
對女性身體形象的抗拒也......
challenged during the 1980s. As social debates over abortion rights, censorship, AIDS, and the representation of sexuality, male and female, heterosexual and gay and lesbian, intensified, some artists and critics called for more explicit confrontations with issues of the body and intimacy. In 1990, social historian Janet Woolf published an essay entitled "Reinstating Corporeality: Feminism and Body Politics," in which she argued for the female body as a legitimate site of cultural politics. By that date, signs of the body and its intimate processes-maternal, “monstrous," sexually explicit, pleasure-loving, consuming, and consumed-were widely visible in images that broke down the boundaries of the body, addressing Julia Kristeva's theory of the abject, as well as public discourse of pain, sickness, fluids, and the meaning of artifacts. Two important exhibitions, "Corporal Politics" at MIT's List Visual Arts Center in 1992-93 and "Rites of Passage: Art for the End of the Century" at London's Tate Gallery in 1995, addressed issues concerning the meanings attached to representations of the body in recent art. "Corporal Politics," which attracted widespread media attention, in part for the National Endowment for the Arts' withdrawal of funding in response to several of the works' explicit content, was defined by historian Thomas Laqueur as "making manifest the body in all its vulnerable, disarticulated, morbid aspects, in its apertures, curves, protuberances where the boundaries between self and world are porous...." "Rites of Passage," on the other hand, articulated the contributions of women like Louise Bourgeois, Mona Hatoum, Susan Hiller, and Jana Sterbak to new formations of the body/individual within artistic practices that mark crucial transitions from life to death, matter to whatever its opposite may be, the present and the coming millennium. ...
20世紀80年代受到挑戰。隨著關於墮胎權、審查制度、愛滋病以及性、男性和女性、異性戀、男女同性戀的表現的社會辯論愈演愈烈，一些藝術家和評論家呼籲更明確地對抗身體和親密問題。 1990年，社會歷史學家珍妮特·伍爾夫發表了一篇題為“恢復肉體：女權主義和身體政治”的文章，其中她主張女性身體是文化政治的合法場所。到那時，身體及其親密過程的跡象——母性的、「怪異的」、露骨的性、熱愛快樂、消費和消費——在打破身體界限的圖像中隨處可見，解決了朱莉婭·克里斯蒂娃的理論兩個重要的展覽，即 1992-93 年在麻省理工學院李斯特視覺藝術中心舉辦的“肉體政治”和“生命儀式：終結的藝術”。 ”，討論了有關近期藝術中身體表現的意義的問題。“肉體政治”引起了媒體的廣泛關注，部分原因是國家藝術基金會撤回了對歷史學家托馬斯·拉克爾（Thomas Laqueur）將其對幾部作品的明確內容的回應定義為“使身體的所有脆弱、脫節、病態的方面，在其孔洞、曲線、突起中顯現出來，其中自我與世界之間的界限是多孔的。” ..另一方面，《成年儀式》闡明了路易絲·布爾喬亞、莫娜·哈圖姆、蘇珊·希勒和賈娜·斯特巴克等女性對藝術實踐中身體/個人新形態的貢獻，這些藝術實踐標誌著從生到死的關鍵轉變，無論它的對立面是什麼，現在和即將到來的千年都很重要...
Other exhibitions articulated self-conscious reactions against the moralistic tone of some 1970s and 1980s feminism in order to reconcile politics with pleasure, or to reinsert anger and confrontation as aspects of representation. The term "Bad Girls" was used in the titles of exhibitions that took place at the Institute of Contemporary Art, London, in 1993, the New Museum of Contemporary Art, New York, 1994, and The Wight Art Gallery at UCLA, 1994. Often the work on display seemed to relate more closely to the Surrealist-inspired work of Meret Oppenheim and Louise Bourgeois than to the didactic and deconstructive feminist art of Kruger, Levine, Kelly, and others. ...
其他展覽表達了對 20 世紀 70 年代和 80 年代女權主義道德主義基調的自覺反應，以便調和政治與快樂，或重新插入憤怒和對抗作為表現的方面。 「壞女孩」一詞被用在 1993 年倫敦當代藝術學院、1994 年紐約新當代藝術博物館和 1994 年加州大學洛杉磯分校懷特美術館舉辦的展覽標題中。 ·奧本海姆和路易絲·布爾喬亞受超現實主義啟發的作品更接近，而不是克魯格、萊文、凱利等人的說教和解構主義女性主義藝術。 …
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Although some of this work seemed like a return to 1970s feminist celebrations of the female body and female sexuality, it differed in its insistence that unmediated images of the female body were no longer possible, and its conceptualizing of the female body-often fragmented or rendered through substitutes like clothing-as radically polymorphous rather than representable through a unified image or symbol. ...
儘管其中一些作品似乎回歸了20 世紀70 年代女權主義對女性身體和女性性的慶祝，但它的不同之處在於它堅持認為女性身體的直接圖像不再可能，而且它對女性身體的概念化通常是支離破碎的或渲染的。 …
The work of Louise Bourgeois (1911-2010) has remained at the forefront of explorations of gender, sensibility, and sexuality expressed through images of the body and bodily surrogates since the 1940s. Her independent and powerful body of work, and the freedom with which she has experimented with materials and form, have left traces in the works of many younger artists. Arch of Hysteria (1993) evolved out of an important work, Cell (Arch of Hysteria), which was made in the previous year and first shown in the US pavilion of the 1993 Venice Biennale. In the 1992 version, the reclining man's headless torso is arched in the typical pose of hysteria, the body cast in mirrorlike polished bronze. In Arch of Hysteria the torso is further arched, the arms meeting the feet forming a circle, and the sculpture is suspended precariously from a string. ...
自 20 世紀 40 年代以來，路易絲·布爾喬亞 (Louise Bourgeois，1911-2010) 的作品一直處於探索性別、情感和性慾的前沿，這些作品透過身體和身體替代品的圖像來表達。她獨立而有力的作品，以及她對材料和形式的自由實驗，在許多年輕藝術家的作品中留下了痕跡。 《歇斯底里的拱門》（1993）是由前一年創作的重要作品《細胞》（歇斯底里的拱門）演變而來，該作品首次在1993年威尼斯雙年展美國館展出。在 1992 年的版本中，斜躺的男人無頭軀幹呈拱形，呈現出典型的歇斯底里姿勢，身體由鏡面拋光青銅鑄造而成。在《歇斯底里的拱門》中，軀幹進一步拱起，手臂與腳形成一個圓圈，雕塑被一條繩子搖搖欲墜地懸掛著。 …
Kiki Smith's (b. 1954) works often contain visceral references to internal organs, bodily fluids, and isolated limbs. In Untitled (1986), twelve empty glass water bottles bear the names of various bodily fluids spelled out in pseudo-scientific Gothic script: blood, tears, pus, urine, semen, etc. Hannah Wilkes last photographs of her own body ravaged by cancer, radiation, and chemotherapy (exhibited in 1993) positioned the body within current medical and political battles. Works like Kiki Smith's Tale (1992), in which a mannequin trails clumps of excrement and Christine Lidrbauch's Menstrual Blood Wallpaper (1992), deconstructed the equation of femininity and the visually pleasing. Other works, including those by Rachel Lachowicz, Millie Wilson, and Annette Messager, speak the body through its fetishized surrogates: the dress, the robe, the wig, and lipstick. Messager's Story of Dresses or Histoire des Robes (1990) examines and critiques Western cultural representations of female identity, intimate relations, sexuality, and power. She does this through a photographic dismemberment of the male and female body and its re-presentation in clusters of tiny black-and-white images of penises, pubic hair, breasts, nipples, buttocks, noses, and mouths suspended on strings in circles or pinned onto dresses. While earlier feminist works like Yoko Ono's Cut Piece (1964) and Eleanor Antin's Ballerina performances of the 1970s had addressed issues of femininity dress, their work ...
Kiki Smith（生於 1954 年）的作品經常包含內臟、體液和孤立肢體的內臟參考。在《無題》（1986）中，十二個空玻璃水瓶上寫著各種體液的名稱，這些體液的名稱以偽科學的哥德體文字拼寫：血、淚、膿、尿液、精液等。漢娜·威爾克斯（Hannah Wilkes）拍攝的她自己被癌症蹂躪的身體的最後一張照片、放療和化療（1993 年展出）將身體置於當前的醫學和政治鬥爭中。 《琪琪·史密斯的故事》（Kiki Smith's Tale，1992 年）中人體模型拖著一團排泄物，而克里斯汀·利德鮑赫的《經血壁紙》（Menstrual Blood Wall，1992 年）等作品則解構了女性氣質與視覺愉悅的平衡。其他作品，包括雷切爾·拉霍維奇（Rachel Lachowicz）、米莉·威爾遜（Millie Wilson）和安妮特·梅傑爾（Annette Messager）的作品，透過其迷戀的替代物來表達身體：裙子、長袍、假髮和口紅。 Messager 的《禮服的故事或長袍的歷史》（1990）審視並批評了西方文化對女性身分、親密關係、性和權力的表徵。她透過攝影肢解男性和女性的身體，並將其呈現為一系列微小的黑白影像，這些影像包括陰莖、陰毛、乳房、乳頭、臀部、鼻子和嘴巴，這些影像懸掛在繩子上，呈圓形或圓形。雖然早期的女權主義作品，如小野洋子的《Cut Piece》（1964 年）和 1970 年代埃莉諾·安汀的《芭蕾舞演員表演》，都討論了女性氣質的著裝問題，但她們的作品…
and female sexuality through costume and ...
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253 TOP Louise Bourgeois, Arch of Hysteria, 1993 254 ABOVE Kiki Smith, Untitled, 1986 ...
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255 安妮特‧梅傑爾 (Annette Messager)，《長袍歷史》，1990 年…
never attempted the confrontational shock of Jana Sterbak's (b. 1955 in Prague) Vanitas: Flesh Dress for an Albino Anorectic (1987), a red dress made of 60 pounds of raw flank steak draped over the female body. Sterbak's "dress" draws attention to processes of decay and to the transience of earthly pleasures, and addresses the boundaries between our lives in culture and our biological make-up. Yet even Sterbak's oozing corpus owed something to earlier works like Gina Pane's Sentimental Action (1973) in which the artist had transformed herself into a slab of meat, dripping with blood, and Carolee Schneeman's Meat Joy (1964) with its plucked chickens and raw sausages. ...
從未嘗試過賈娜·斯特巴克（Jana Sterbak，1955 年生於布拉格）的作品《Vanitas: Flesh Dress for an Albino Anorectic》（1987 年）的對抗性震撼，這是一條用60 磅生牛腹肉牛排製成的紅色連身裙，披在女性身上。史特巴克的「裙子」引起人們對腐朽過程和世俗快樂轉瞬即逝的關注，並解決了我們的文化生活和生物構成之間的界限。然而，即使是斯特巴克滲出的語料庫也應歸功於早期的作品，例如吉娜·潘恩的《感傷行動》（1973年），其中藝術家將自己變成了一塊滴著血的肉，以及卡羅莉·施尼曼的《肉樂》（1964年），其中有拔毛的雞肉和生香腸。 …
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Recent representations of the body have also frequently acknowledged its social existence as a political battleground. Rona Pondick's (b. 1952) sculptures of mutated shoes, multiple mouths, and piles of breasts suggest ambivalent responses to Freud's writings on anal and oral fixations and obsessions, and to cultural fears and repressed anxieties concerning sexuality, bodily functions, and traditional gender roles in works that move from the "deadly serious to the darkly and comically absurd." Mona Hatoum's (b. 1952) desire to explore the world beneath the flesh has sources in childhood games in Beirut in which she observed her neighbors through binoculars. Years later, while an art student in London, she began to do performances and video installations which focused on exchanges of clothed and naked bodies. A later work, Corps Etranger (Foreign Body) of 1994 documented the surface of the skin, then moved to the internal landscape of the body through imaging processes commonly used in medicine today (endoscopy and colonoscopy). ...
最近該機構的代表也經常承認其作為政治戰場的社會存在。羅娜·龐迪克（Rona Pondick，生於1952 年）的變異鞋、多張嘴和成堆的乳房雕塑表明了對弗洛伊德關於肛門和口腔固定和痴迷的著作的矛盾反應，以及對性、身體功能和傳統性別角色的文化恐懼和壓抑的焦慮的矛盾反應作品從“極其嚴肅到黑暗、滑稽荒誕”。莫娜·哈圖姆（Mona Hatoum，生於 1952 年）渴望探索肉體之下的世界，這源於童年時在貝魯特玩的遊戲，她在遊戲中透過雙筒望遠鏡觀察鄰居。多年後，當她在倫敦學習藝術時，她開始進行表演和錄像裝置，專注於穿著衣服和裸體的身體交換。後來的作品《Corps Etranger》（1994 年的《異物》）記錄了皮膚表面，然後透過當今醫學常用的成像過程（內視鏡檢查和結腸鏡檢查）轉移到身體的內部景觀。 …
Other women used humor and irony to challenge social constructions of gender. Irish artist Dorothy Cross's (b. 1956) installation The Power House (1991) addressed issues of class and the gendered division of labor and space. A group of recent works made from stretched cow udders (inspired by a sieve made from a cow udder seen in a Norwegian museum) evoke ...
其他女性則用幽默和諷刺來挑戰社會的性別建構。愛爾蘭藝術家多蘿西·克羅斯（Dorothy Cross，生於 1956 年）的裝置作品《動力之家》（The Power House，1991 年）解決了階級問題以及勞動和空間的性別分工問題。最近的一組由拉伸的牛乳房製成的作品（靈感來自於挪威博物館中看到的用牛乳房製成的篩子）喚起了...
256 LEFT Mona Hatoum, Recollection, 1995 257 RIGHT Dorothy Cross. Spurs, 1993 ...
256 左莫娜‧哈透姆，回憶，1995 年 257 右多蘿西‧克羅斯。馬刺隊，1993 年...
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images of the rural past, while at the same time subverting a long history in which nurture, servitude, domestic labor, and sexual availability often overlapped. British artist Helen Chadwick (1953-1996) also uses animal skin in works with a fetishistic, obsessive quality. In Glossolalia (1993), discarded Russian fox furs are arranged like a circular trophy on a large, round table. The centerpiece of this sleek, furry ring is a cone of small, overlapped lamb's tongues cast in bronze. Around the top of the cone, five little tongues open up around a hole, a kind of anal orifice with connotations of oral sex and rimming. "It's no longer a singular phallus," Chadwick noted. "You could read all of the tongues as a cluster of phallic forms, but no more than the corolla of a flower. I wanted to make a work that would play off how you read gender and yet be impossible to define, so that a phallic structure is not simplistically penile and something more supposedly feminine also doesn't quite live up to that stereotyping. Its eroticism is difficult to locate or fix...." Because of the modulations of the fur as it spans out, you get this sense of a thrusting movement which emerges in the cone of tongues. ...
鄉村過去的形象，同時顛覆了養育、奴役、家務勞動和性可用性經常重疊的悠久歷史。英國藝術家海倫‧查德威克（Helen Chadwick，1953-1996）也在作品中使用了動物皮毛，具有拜物教、強迫症的特質。在《Glossolalia》（1993）中，廢棄的俄羅斯狐狸皮像圓形獎杯一樣排列在一張大圓桌上。這個光滑、毛茸茸的戒指的中心是一個由青銅鑄成的小而重疊的羊舌錐體。在圓錐體的頂部，有五個小舌頭圍繞著一個孔展開，這是一種肛門孔，具有口交和舔肛的含義。 「它不再是一個單一的陰莖，」查德威克指出。 「你可以把所有的舌頭解讀為一簇陽具的形式，但只不過是一朵花的花冠。我想製作一部作品，它能體現你如何解讀性別，但又無法定義，所以陽具結構並不是簡單的陰莖，而且一些更所謂的女性化的東西也不太符合這種刻板印象，它的色情特徵很難定位或修復……”由於皮毛伸展時的變化，你會得到這種感覺。舌錐中出現的推力運動。 …
For some women artists the taboo of intimate themes and sexually explicit images has a subversive edge, and the work of Karen Finley, Nan Goldin, Annie Sprinkle, and Holly Hughes has attracted controversy in its explicit referencing of pornography's normally hidden imagery. Women's insistence on defining their own normative social and sexual categories, and their refusal to be absorbed into models of white heterosexuality has also led to a number of works that make explicit their lesbian content. Nicole Eisenman's (b. 1963) figurative drawings and murals teem with voluptuous sexuality. US Lesbian Recruitment Centre has been called "every misogynist's and homophobe's worst nightmare," while Trash Dance (1992), in which a woman performs in a lesbian bar in a way both celebratory and sexy, offers a striking departure from Modernism's frequent assaults on the nude female, and from feminist exposés of sexual violence against women in works like Sue Coe's (b. 1951) painting of a widely publicized rape in a New Bedford bar. Eisenman's Minotaur Hunt (1992) makes lesbianism the norm against which all other sexualities are gauged and challenges art that celebrates and mythologizes male sexual prowess. ...
對於一些女性藝術家來說，親密主題和色情圖像的禁忌具有顛覆性的邊緣，凱倫·芬利、南·戈爾丁、安妮·斯普林克和霍莉·休斯的作品因明確引用色情作品通常隱藏的圖像而引起爭議。女性堅持定義自己規範的社會和性別類別，並拒絕被吸收到白人異性戀模式中，這也導致了許多明確表達女同性戀內容的作品。妮可·艾森曼（Nicole Eisenman，生於 1963 年）的具象繪畫和壁畫充滿了性感的氣息。美國女同性戀招募中心被稱為“每個厭女者和恐同者最可怕的噩夢”，而《垃圾舞》（Trash Dance，1992）中一名女性在女同性戀酒吧以既慶祝又性感的方式表演，與現代主義頻繁攻擊女同性戀者的行為截然不同。的新貝德福德酒吧發生的強姦案。艾森曼的《狩獵牛頭怪》（Minotaur Hunt，1992）使女同性戀成為衡量所有其他性行為的標準，並挑戰了歌頌和神話化男性性能力的藝術。 …
Other narrative strategies of the 1980s and 1990s also use multiple personae and voices, the fusing of fact and fiction, and re-tellings of history and biography to deconstruct patriarchally based cultural forms. One of the points of connection between current investigations into sexual and cultural difference ...
1980年代和90年代的其他敘事策略也使用多重人物和聲音、事實與虛構的融合、歷史和傳記的重述來解構基於父權制的文化形式。目前對性別和文化差異的調查之間的聯繫點之一...
New Directions: A Partial Overview ...
新方向：部分概述......
250 ...
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and earliest feminist explorations continues to be visible in women's choice of autobiography and narrative as structures within which to explore female experience and subjectivity. ...
最早的女性主義探索仍可見於女性選擇自傳和敘事作為探索女性經驗和主體性的結構。 …
In 1985-86, Faith Ringgold executed Change: Faith Ringgold's Over 100 Pound Weight Loss Story Quilt. The quilt not only records Ringgold's gain and loss of weight over two decades, but also became a pictorial transcription of her autobiography, visually recording her transformation through childhood, adolescence, marriage, motherhood, and career. In a series of story quilts begun in 1990 and entitled The French Collection, Ringgold's alter-ego Willia Marie Simone travels through France and encounters the heroes of French art and literature (Van Gogh, Picasso, Gertrude Stein) and the heroines of black history (Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, and Rosa Parks). "My process is designed to give us 'colored folk' and women of taste of the American dream straight up,” she has said. "Since the facts don't do that too often, I decided to make it up." In making their history hers, Ringgold also establishes a powerful voice for the black female artist within the spaces of Modernism from which she had previously been excluded, except as model and servant. ...
1985-86 年，費思·林戈爾德 (Faith Ringgold) 創作了《改變：費思·林戈爾德 (Faith Ringgold) 的 100 磅減肥故事被子》。這床被子不僅記錄了林戈爾德二十年來的體重增減，也成為了她自傳的圖畫抄本，直觀地記錄了她童年、青春期、婚姻、為人母、事業的轉變。在1990 年開始的一系列名為《法國精選》的故事被子中，林戈爾德的另一個自我威利亞·瑪麗·西蒙娜遊歷了法國，遇到了法國藝術和文學的英雄（梵谷、畢卡索、格特魯德·斯坦因）和黑人歷史的女英雄（索傑納·特魯斯、哈里特·塔布曼和羅莎·帕克斯）。她說：「我的流程旨在讓我們『有色人種』和有品味的女性直接實現美國夢。」「由於事實並不經常這樣做，所以我決定彌補這一點。」林戈爾德在她的歷史中，也為黑人女性藝術家在現代主義的空間中發出了強有力的聲音，而她以前除了作為模特兒和僕人之外，一直被排除在外…
Ringgold's use of narrativity in the production of new feminine identities was shared by other artists, many of whom had been shaped by 1970s feminism. In 1988, Miriam Schapiro returned to the theme of "collaborations,” in two series of paintings that took as their subject themes and images previously expressed in the work of historical women artists from Natalia Goncharova to Frida Kahlo. In 1978, Yolanda López (b. 1942) had produced multiple versions of the image of the Virgin of Guadalupe-as herself, her mother, and her grandmother. A decade later Margo Machida, who was born in Hawaii, painted a series of self-portraits in the guise of powerful male figures like Yukio Mishima. In "A Cosmography of Herself: The Auto-biology of Rachel Rosenthal,” Bonnie Marranca coined the term "autobiological" to characterize Rosenthal's acceptance of natural history as a part of the history of the world and part of her history. Rosenthal, who often adopted the persona of the woman warrior, assumed three roles a mad old woman, a young handsome Year King, and the wounded and revengeful mother-earth goddess Gaia- in the 1982 performance Gaia, Mon Amour. ...
林戈爾德在創造新女性身份時使用敘事性的做法得到了其他藝術家的認同，其中許多藝術家都受到 20 世紀 70 年代女權主義的影響。 1988 年，米里亞姆·夏皮羅(Miriam Schapiro) 在兩個系列的繪畫中回歸“合作”主題，這些繪畫以Natalia Goncharova 和Frida Kahlo 等歷史女性藝術家作品中所表達的主題和圖像為主題。在森塔爾的自生物學》中，邦妮·馬蘭卡創造了“自生物學”一詞來描述羅森塔爾接受自然歷史作為世界歷史的一部分和她的一部分。經常扮演女戰士角色的羅森塔爾在1982年的舞台劇《蓋亞，我的愛》中扮演了三個角色：瘋狂的老婦人、年輕英俊的年王以及受傷而復仇的大地女神蓋亞。 …
In addition to adopting multiple personae, women artists today are also choosing a variety of public roles. During the 1980s, the National Endowment for the Arts encouraged proposals that integrated art directly into the site, and promoted artists' direct participation in all aspects of site ...
除了採用多重角色外，當今的女性藝術家還選擇各種公共角色。在1980年代，國家藝術基金會鼓勵將藝術直接融入場地的提案，促進藝術家直接參與場地的各個方面…
Chapter 13 ...
第13章...
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259 ...
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258 TOP Helen Chadwick, Glossolalia, 1993 259 ABOVE Faith Ringgold, The Wedding: Lover's Quilt No. 1, 1986 ...
258 頂部 Helen Chadwick，Glossolalia，1993 年 259 以上 Faith Ringgold，《婚禮：情人的被子 No. 1》，1986 年 ...
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260 Margo Machida, Self-Portrait as Yukio Mishima, 1986 ...
260 町田瑪戈，《三島由紀夫自畫像》，1986 年…
selection and planning. Joyce Kozloff, Mary Miss, Jackie Ferrara, Ann Hamilton, Nancy Holt, and others, often worked in collaboration with architects and community groups. Holt's environmental works address the ways we perceive and experience nature. Dark Star Park, begun in 1979 in Rosslyn, Virginia, as part of an urban renewal project, salvaged a blighted two-thirds acre site as a park for local residents. Other land reclamation projects include Patricia Johanson's (b. 1940) Fair Park Lagoon (1981)-which involved turning a stagnant, polluted urban body of water in Dallas, Texas, into a functioning ecosystem of plants, birds, fish, and reptiles― and Newton and Helen Harrison's project on the Sava River in former Yugoslavia (1988-90). Working with botanists and ornithologists, the Harrisons returned one of Europe's last great floodplains—then polluted with sewage and chemical waste-to a corridor of thriving wetlands. ...
選擇和規劃。喬伊斯·科茲洛夫、瑪麗·密斯、傑基·費拉拉、安·漢密爾頓、南希·霍爾特等人經常與建築師和社區團體合作。霍爾特的環境作品探討了我們感知和體驗自然的方式。暗星公園於 1979 年在維吉尼亞州羅斯林開始建設，作為城市更新計畫的一部分，搶救了一片廢棄的三分之二英畝土地，作為當地居民的公園。其他土地復墾計畫包括帕特里夏·約翰遜（Patricia Johanson，生於1940 年）的公平公園潟湖（Fair Park Lagoon，1981 年）——該項目涉及將德克薩斯州達拉斯市停滯、受污染的城市水域轉變為植物、鳥類、魚類和爬行動物的功能性生態系統——以及牛頓和海倫·哈里森在前南斯拉夫薩瓦河上的計畫（1988-90）。哈里森夫婦與植物學家和鳥類學家合作，將歐洲最後的大洪氾區之一（當時被污水和化學廢物污染）恢復為繁榮的濕地走廊。 …
Joyce Kozloff's public art involves collaboration with architects, planners, and community groups. It represents the natural growth of her earlier interest in ornament, historical sources, and the cultural content of patterning. Between 1979 ...
喬伊斯·科茲洛夫的公共藝術涉及與建築師、規劃師和社區團體的合作。它代表了她早期對裝飾、歷史來源和圖案文化內容的興趣的自然增長。 1979 年之間...
Chapter 13
第十三章
第13章 第十三章
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and 1985, Kozloff completed five major public art commissions: Harvard Square Subway Station; Wilmingon Delaware, Amtrak Station; San Francisco Airport; Humbolt-Hospital Subway Station, Buffalo, New York; and the Suburban Train Station, Philadelphia. Tile and mosaic-work celebrate each site's visual and cultural history through intricate patterning and detail. ...
1985年，科茲洛夫完成了五個主要的公共藝術計畫：哈佛廣場地鐵站；特拉華州威爾明岡 Amtrak 站；舊金山機場；紐約州布法羅洪堡醫院地鐵站；和費城郊區火車站。瓷磚和馬賽克作品透過複雜的圖案和細節來慶祝每個地點的視覺和文化歷史。 …
Not all public work executed during this time was collaborative, or specifically feminist. Working individually, Maya Lin, a young architecture student, gave new form to the idea of the public monument in her Vietnam War memorial for Washington, D.C. (dedicated in 1975). An austere black granite wall slicing into the ground near the Washington Monument, its surface inscribed with the names of the thousands of soldiers who gave their lives in a war that deeply divided American society, it succeeded as no monument before it in calling forth and embodying a culture's conflicted response to its history. ...
並非這段時間執行的所有公共工作都是協作的，或特別是女權主義的。年輕的建築系學生林瑪雅 (Maya Lin) 獨立創作，在她為華盛頓特區建造的越南戰爭紀念碑（於 1975 年落成）中，為公共紀念碑的想法賦予了新的形式。華盛頓紀念碑附近有一面樸素的黑色花崗岩牆切入地面，其表面刻有數千名在一場深深分裂美國社會的戰爭中獻出生命的士兵的名字，它比任何一座紀念碑都成功地喚起了和體現了一種文化對其歷史的矛盾反應。 …
Social and political contexts form the basis for the public projects and installations of Suzanne Lacy, Mierle Laderman Ukeles, the Guerrilla Girls, Margaret Harrison, Lorraine Leeson and Peter Dunn, and others. In 1978, Ukeles became the unsalaried, self-appointed artist-in-residence at the New York ...
社會和政治背景構成了 Suzanne Lacy、Mierle Laderman Ukeles、Guerrilla Girls、Margaret Harrison、Lorraine Leeson 和 Peter Dunn 等人的公共計畫和裝置的基礎。 1978 年，尤克萊斯成為紐約藝術博物館的無薪、自封的駐村藝術家。
261 Maya Lin, Vietnam Veterans Memorial, 1975 ...
261 林瓔，越戰紀念碑，1975 ...
New Directions: A Partial Overview ...
新方向：部分概述......
261 ...
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THE ADVANTAGES OF BEING AWOMAN ARTIST: ...
成為女性藝術家的優勢：...
Working without the pressure of success. ...
工作時沒有成功的壓力。 …
Not having to be in shows with mon. Having an escape from the art world in your 4 free-lance jobs. Knowing your career might pick up after you're sighty. Being reassured that whatever kind of art you make it will be labeled feminine. Not being stuck in a tenured teaching position. Seeing your ideas live on in the work of others. Having the opportunity to cheese between career and motherhood. Not having to choke on these big cigars or paint in Italian sults. Having more time to work after your mate dumps you for someone Being Included in revised versions of art history. Not having to underge the embarrassment of being called a genius. Getting your picture in the art magazines wearing a gorilla sult. ...
不必和mon一起參加表演。透過 4 份自由職業逃離藝術世界。知道視力恢復後，你的事業可能會有所起色。請放心，無論您創作哪種藝術，它都會被貼上女性化的標籤。不被困在終身教職中。看到您的想法在其他人的工作中得到體現。有機會在事業和母親之間權衡。不必被這些大雪茄噎住，也不必在義大利的風情中作畫。在你的伴侶為了某人而拋棄你之後，你有更多的時間工作，被納入藝術史的修訂版本。不必承受被稱為天才的尷尬。讓你穿著大猩猩頭像出現在藝術雜誌上。 …
Please send $ and comments to Box 1056 Cooper Sto NY NY 1027 ...
請將美元和評論發送至 Box 1056 Cooper Sto NY NY 1027 ...
GUERRILLA GIRLS CONSCIEN CONSCIENCE ...
遊擊女孩良心良心...
OF THE ART WORLD ...
藝術世界的...
WHEN RACISM & SEXISM ARE NO LONGER FASHIONABLE, WHAT WILL YOUR ART COLLECTION BE WORTH? ...
當種族主義和性別歧視不再流行時，您的藝術收藏還有什麼價值？ …
The art market won't bestow mega-buck prices on the work of a few white males forever. For the 17.7 million you just spent on a single Jasper Johns painting, you could have bought at least one work by all of these women and artists of color: ...
藝術市場不會永遠為少數白人男性的作品支付巨額價格。對於您剛剛在賈斯珀瓊斯 (Jasper Johns) 的一幅畫作上花費的 1770 萬美元來說，您可以購買至少一幅所有這些女性和有色人種藝術家的作品：...
Be Abbon ...
成為阿本...
Anni Albers ...
安妮·阿爾伯斯...
Solombo Anguaalla ...
索倫博安瓜阿拉 ...
Dorothee Lange Marie Laurencin Edmonio Lewis Judith Leystur Barbare Longhi Duro Maar Lee Milie ...
多蘿西·蘭格·瑪麗·勞倫森·埃德莫尼奧·劉易斯·朱迪思·萊斯圖爾·巴巴雷·隆吉·杜羅·瑪爾·李·米莉·...
Diane Arbut ...
黛安·阿布特...
Vanessa Bell
凡妮莎貝爾
Elaine de Keaning Lavinia fontana Meta Warwick Full Artemis Gentleachi Marquee Gerard Natan Goncharova Kate Gropo Barbare Hepworth Iva Hause Hannah Hoch ...
伊蓮‧德‧基寧 Lavinia fontana Meta Warwick Full Artemis Gentleachi Marquee Gerard Natan Goncharova 凱特‧格羅波 Barbare Hepworth Iva Hause Hannah Hoch ...
Isabel Bashop ...
伊莎貝爾·巴肖普...
Rosa Bonheu ...
羅莎·博紐...
Elizabeth Bouger ...
伊麗莎白·布格...
Margaret Bourke Whe Romaine Brouks ...
瑪格麗特·伯克 (Margaret Bourke) 和羅曼·布魯克 (Romaine Brouks) ...
Jul Margaret Cameron Emily Carr ...
朱爾·瑪格麗特·卡梅倫·艾米麗·卡爾 ...
Lisette Model ...
莉賽特模型...
Rosalba Carrero Mary Casson ...
羅莎爾巴·卡雷羅·瑪麗·卡森 ...
Anna Huntingdon May Howard Jackson Frida Kahlo ...
安娜·亨廷頓 梅·霍華德·傑克遜 弗里達·卡羅 ...
Paula Maderotin Becker Tino Modom ...
保拉·馬德羅汀·貝克爾·蒂諾·莫多姆 ...
Berthe Marial Grandino Mase) Gable Munter ...
貝爾特·馬裡亞爾·格蘭迪諾·馬斯 (Berthe Marial Grandino Mase) 飾 蓋博·蒙特 ...
Constance Mare Charpentier Imogen Cunningham ...
康斯坦斯·馬雷·查彭蒂爾·伊莫金·坎寧安 ...
Angelica Kaufman Hilma af Kim ...
安吉麗卡·考夫曼·希爾瑪 (Angelica Kaufman Hilma) 與 Kim...
Akks Neel Love Nevelson ...
阿克斯·尼爾·洛夫·內維爾森 ...
Sorah Peale ...
索拉·皮爾...
Lubrava Aupora Olgo Rocomove Nelle Moe Rase Rachel Ruysch ...
Georg O'Keefe Marel Open ...
喬治·奧基夫·馬雷爾公開賽 ...
Sonia Delaunay
索妮亞·德勞內
Kathe Kallwitz Lee Krowner ...
凱西·卡維茨·李·克朗納 ...
Kay Sage Augusta Savage Vovaro Stepanovo Florine Stottheimer Sophie Tauber Alp Alma Thoma Morena Rabat Tandovelo Suzanne kabadon Remedios Varo Ekraberb Vigee Lo Bu Laue Wheeling Waring ...
凱·薩奇·奧古斯塔·薩維奇·沃瓦羅·斯特帕諾沃·弗洛琳·斯托特海默·索菲·陶伯·阿普·阿爾瑪·托馬·莫雷娜·拉巴特·坦多維羅·蘇珊娜·卡巴頓·雷梅迪奧斯·瓦羅·埃克拉伯布·維吉·洛·布·勞厄·惠林·韋林·韋林…
Please send $ and comments to. ...
請將 $ 和評論發送至。 …
Box 1056 Cooper Sta NY, NY 1027 ...
紐約庫柏車站 1056 號信箱，紐約 1027 ...
GUERRILLA GIRLS CONSCIENCE OF THE ART WORLD ...
藝術界的遊擊女孩良心...
Guerrilla Girls, poster, c. 1987 ...
遊擊隊女孩，海報，c。 1987年...
262
City Sanitation Department. In a performance called Touch Sanitation (1978), she shook hands with 8,500 sanitation workers in the five boroughs of New York City. In 1985, she began a piece called Flow City, a walk-through installation that introduces visitors to the complex processes through which a major city's waste is removed and relocated. ...
市環衛局.在一場名為 Touch Sanitation（1978）的表演中，她與紐約市五個區的 8,500 名環衛工人握手。 1985 年，她創作了一件名為「Flow City」的作品，這是一個步行裝置，向遊客介紹大城市廢物被清除和重新安置的複雜過程。 …
Lacy's Crystal Quilt (1985-87), a performance of 1987, resulted from two and a half years of work to develop a network of five hundred volunteers, twenty staff members, and a team of fifteen collaborating artists, to produce a monumental spectacle honoring 430 elderly women participants. Performed on Mother's Day in the glass enclosed atrium of a Philip Johnson-designed building in downtown Minneapolis, the women, sixty to one hundred years old, met around tables designed in a quilt pattern by artist Miriam Schapiro and shared their stories, their problems, and their accomplishments. ...
《萊西的水晶被子》（Lacy's Crystal Quilt，1985-87）是1987 年的一場表演，經過兩年半的努力，建立了一個由500 名志工、20 名工作人員和15 名合作藝術家組成的團隊的網絡，以製作一個紀念性的奇觀430 名老年婦女參加。母親節那天，在明尼阿波利斯市中心由菲利普·約翰遜設計的一座建築的玻璃封閉中庭裡，這些六十歲到一百歲的婦女們圍坐在藝術家米里亞姆·夏皮羅設計的被子圖案的桌子旁，分享她們的故事、她們的問題、以及她們的成就。 …
Social activism also motivated artists in Britain to work in public. In 1980, Lorraine Leeson and Peter Dunn began collaborating to develop a series of community-based strategies aimed at slowing commercial development in London's Dockland's area along the River Thames. In 1989, Margaret Harrison, a central figure in the British feminist art movement of the 1970s, installed Common Land/Greenham at the New Museum of Contemporary Art in New York. The piece told the story of the Greenham Common Movement, a group of women who camped (and in many cases were arrested) at a cruise missile site outside London in an attempt to close down the base. Arguing that as commoners they had long-established rights to the land, they became the pillars of a growing international peace movement. ...
社會活動主義也激勵英國藝術家在公共場合創作。 1980 年，Lorraine Leeson 和 Peter Dunn 開始合作制定一系列以社區為基礎的策略，旨在減緩泰晤士河沿岸倫敦港區的商業發展。 1989 年，20 世紀 70 年代英國女性主義藝術運動的核心人物瑪格麗特·哈里森 (Margaret Harrison) 在紐約新當代藝術博物館展出了《Common Land/Greenham》。這篇文章講述了格林納姆共同運動的故事，一群婦女在倫敦郊外的一個巡航導彈基地露營（在許多情況下被捕），試圖關閉該基地。他們認為，作為平民，他們擁有長期確立的土地權利，因此成為日益發展的國際和平運動的支柱。 …
During the 1980s, other artists turned to artworld politics, and to the spaces and practices of the museum as sites for ongoing investigations into the ways that culture is collected, institutionalized, and displayed. The Guerrilla Girls, a group of activists who work anonymously behind large rubber gorilla masks, began installing posters around New York's SoHo in 1985. The posters use statistics to target racism and sexism in gallery and museum shows, and in art publications. While Fred Wilson's installations drew attention to the exclusion of African-American history from institutions like the Maryland Historical Society, Sophie Calle (b. 1953) and Andrea Fraser (b. 1965) have used photographic installations and performance/ videos to expose the cultural and class biases and assumptions shaping museum practices. In 1992, Calle replaced a selection of works in New York's Museum of Modern Art with written labels ...
20 世紀 80 年代，其他藝術家轉向藝術世界政治，並轉向博物館的空間和實踐，將其作為持續調查文化收集、制度化和展示方式的場所。遊擊女孩是一群戴著大型橡膠大猩猩面具、匿名工作的激進分子，從1985 年開始在紐約SoHo 周圍張貼海報。歧視。雖然弗雷德·威爾遜(Fred Wilson) 的裝置作品引起了人們對馬裡蘭州歷史學會等機構排除非裔美國人歷史的關注，但索菲·卡勒(Sophie Calle，生於1953 年) 和安德里亞·弗雷澤(Andrea Fraser，生於1965 年) 則使用攝影裝置和表演/錄像來揭露非裔美國人的文化和歷史 階級偏見和假設塑造了博物館的實踐。 1992年，卡勒用書面標籤取代了紐約現代藝術博物館的精選作品…
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in which museum guards and other employees were invited to supply their own visions and interpretations of the works. Zoe Leonard's (b. 1961) 1992 photo installation (widely characterized as the "pussy intervention") inserted small photographs of female genitals into the Neue Galerie's collection of eighteenth- century German portraits of well-dressed wives, mistresses, and daughters, as part of the ninth "Documenta" exhibition in Kassel, Germany. The photographs, appropriated from Gustave Courbet's infamous The Origin of the World (1866), a long "lost" work, eventually located in the apartment of Sylvia Bataille, former wife of both Jacques Lacan and Georges Bataille-and absorbed with considerably public fanfare into the permanent collection of France at the Musée d'Orsay-foregrounded issues of Western art's reliance on the representation of female sexuality: disguised, idealized, or overt. ...
其中邀請博物館警衛和其他員工提供他們自己對作品的看法和解釋。佐伊·倫納德（Zoe Leonard，生於1961 年）1992 年的照片裝置（被廣泛稱為“陰戶幹預”）將女性生殖器的小照片插入到新畫廊收藏的18 世紀德國衣冠楚楚的妻子在子、情婦和女兒的肖像中，作為其中的一部分。這些照片取自古斯塔夫·庫爾貝臭名昭著的《世界的起源》（1866），這是一部「失傳」已久的作品，最終位於雅克·拉康和喬治·巴塔耶的前妻在西爾維亞·巴塔耶的公寓中，並在公眾的大肆宣傳下被吸收法國奧賽博物館的永久收藏突出了西方藝術對女性性慾表現的依賴：偽裝的、理想化的或公開的。 …
Although there is little consensus among women at the present time about where to go next, and although many goals of the Women's Movement have not been met-there is still violence against women, discrimination in education and employment, racism, and sexism in daily life-contemporary art by women reveals the formulation of complex strategies and practices through which they are confronting the exclusions of art history, expanding theoretical knowledge, and promoting social change. ...
儘管目前婦女對於下一步該何去何從尚未達成共識，儘管婦女運動的許多目標尚未實現，但日常生活中仍然存在針對婦女的暴力行為、教育和就業歧視、種族主義和性別歧視-女性的當代藝術揭示了她們制定複雜的策略和實踐，透過這些策略和實踐，她們面對藝術史的排斥，擴展理論知識，促進社會變革。 …
Sophie Calle, Ghosts, 1991 ...
蘇菲卡爾，《鬼魂》，1991 ...
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Chapter 14 Worlds Together, Worlds Apart ...
第14章 世界同在，世界分開…
May 1989 saw the opening in Paris of an international show titled "Magiciens de la Terre" (Magicians of the Earth). Organized by French curator Jean-Hubert Martin, the exhibition brought together fifty well-known contemporary artists from Europe and North America and fifty newly introduced, non-studio- trained artists whose work derived mainly from folk, religious, and artisanal traditions. The show was widely acknowledged as an exhibition of major historical significance, and became a model for many subsequent global art events. But despite its breadth and dazzling juxtapositions of objects, and the fact that it prepared the ground for an explosion of international exhibitions in locations such as Taiwan, Johannesburg, Gwangju, Shanghai, Dakar, Fukuoka, Brisbane, and Istanbul, “Magiciens" drew considerable criticism, since its good intentions were perceived by some commentators as patronizing, if not "neo- imperialist." It was criticized especially for showcasing cultural difference without explanation, for its "paternalism," and for its European-based curatorial practices and its assumption that shifting folk, ritual, and popular arts from anthropological to art contexts would automatically remedy Western prejudicial and hierarchical systems of evaluation and classification. ...
1989 年 5 月，一場名為「Magiciens de la Terre」（地球魔術師）的國際展覽在巴黎開幕。展覽由法國策展人讓-休伯特·馬丁組織，匯聚了五十位來自歐洲和北美的知名當代藝術家以及五十位新引進的、非工作室訓練的藝術家，他們的作品主要源自民間、宗教和手工藝傳統。該展覽被廣泛認為是具有重大歷史意義的展覽，並成為後來許多全球藝術活動的典範。然而，儘管其廣泛且令人眼花繚亂的物體並置，而且它為台灣、約翰內斯堡、光州、上海、達喀爾、福岡、布里斯班和伊斯坦布爾等地的國際展覽的爆發奠定了基礎，《魔術師》還是吸引了相當多的人它的良好意圖被一些評論家認為是居高臨下的，甚至是「新帝國主義的」。它的“家長式作風”，以及它基於歐洲的策展實踐和假設。
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When it came to gender, too, “Magiciens de la Terre" proved markedly conservative. Fewer than one in ten of the artists represented were women, a group that included, among others, Marina Abramović (Yugoslavia), Louise Bourgeois (USA), Rebecca Horn (Germany), Barbara Kruger (USA), Esther Mahlangu (South Africa), and Nancy Spero (USA). Questions of gender were also largely overlooked in art-press discussions of an exhibition that ostensibly set out to reconsider categories of inclusion/exclusion, art/craft, center/periphery, all issues that had been central to feminist debates since the 1970s. ...
在性別方面，「大地魔術師」也表現出明顯的保守態度。麗貝卡·霍恩（德國）、芭芭拉·克魯格（美國）、埃絲特·馬蘭古（南非）和南希·斯佩羅（美國）在一場表面上重新考慮包容類別的藝術媒體討論中也很大程度上忽視了性別問題。
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264 ABOVE Rebecca Horn, The Turtle Sighing Tree, 1994 (detail) 265 RIGHT Marina Abramović, The Inner Sky for Departure, 1991 ...
264 上方麗貝卡·霍恩，《烏龜嘆息樹》，1994 年（細節） 265 右側瑪麗娜·阿布拉莫維奇，《出發的內在天空》，1991 年 ...
Between 1989 and 1999, however, the representation of women in international exhibitions changed dramatically. At the 48th Venice Biennale, which opened in June 1999, women made up a quarter of all the artists represented in the national pavilions and the "d'APERTutto" section (the expanded accompanying exhibition) and walked away with half the prizes. Over the next decade, many commentators spoke about the death of feminism and the globalization of culture. Some began to look more critically at the intersection between art that explores questions of feminine identity and exhibitions that claim to represent national aspirations and dominant trends in contemporary art. ...
然而，1989 年至 1999 年間，國際展覽中的女性代表發生了巨大變化。在1999年6月開幕的第48屆威尼斯雙年展上，女性佔國家館和「d'APERTutto」展區（擴大的配套展覽）所有藝術家的四分之一，並獲得了一半的獎項。在接下來的十年裡，許多評論家談到了女性主義的消亡和文化的全球化。有些人開始更批判性地審視探索女性身分認同問題的藝術與聲稱代表民族願望和當代藝術主導趨勢的展覽之間的交叉點。 …
During the 1990s the new international exhibitions that took their place alongside the more established biennials like Venice, São Paulo, and Havana became cultural spectacles competing for both art world attention and a share of the growing market for art identified with non-European centers. They also provided an arena for the emergence of a truly international cadre of artists, some of them women who live and work at a distance from their countries of origin, and whose practice draws on the complexities and contradictions of their cultural heritages and identities. This group includes Shirin Neshat (Iran/USA), Mona Hatoum (Lebanon/UK), Tracey Moffatt (Australia/USA), Doris Salcedo (Colombia/USA), Shahzia Sikander (Pakistan/USA), Mella Jaarsma (Holland/Indonesia), and Mariko Mori (Japan/USA), among many others. ...
1990年代，新的國際展覽與威尼斯、聖保羅和哈瓦那等更成熟的雙年展並駕齊驅，成為文化奇觀，爭奪藝術界的關注，並爭奪非歐洲中心日益增長的藝術市場份額。它們也為真正的國際藝術家隊伍的出現提供了舞台，其中一些是在遠離原籍國籍和工作的婦女，她們的實踐利用了其文化遺產和身份的複雜性和矛盾性。該小組包括 Shirin Neshat（伊朗/美國）、Mona Hatoum（黎巴嫩/英國）、Tracey Moffatt（澳洲/美國）、Doris Salcedo（哥倫比亞/美國）、Shahzia Sikander（巴基斯坦/美國）、Mella Jaarsma（荷蘭/印尼） 、森真理子（日本/美國）等。 …
In parallel with the expansion in number and frequency of these large-scale global exhibitions has been the emergence of a growing international art press. Four important publications, in particular, have provided consistent coverage of such events, extending their discussion to issues as well as artists. Art in America, a monthly art magazine published in New York, has for over a decade featured critical reviews of all major international exhibitions, as well as periodically longer essays devoted to specific subjects. Third Text, which first appeared in London in 1987, outlined a more theoretical and radical position vis-à-vis current discourse on art and culture as it sought to represent "a historical shift away from the center of the dominant culture to its periphery in order to consider the center critically." The two other major sources of coverage in English, both of them specific to Asian and Pacific developments, are the journals Asian Art News, published in Hong Kong, and ART Asia Pacific, an Australian quarterly. ...
隨著這些大型全球展覽的數量和頻率的增加，國際藝術媒體的數量也不斷增加。特別是四家重要出版物對此類事件進行了一致的報道，將討論範圍擴展到問題和藝術家。 《美國藝術》是一份在紐約出版的月刊藝術雜誌，十多年來一直以對所有主要國際展覽的批判性評論為特色，並定期針對特定主題發表較長的文章。第三篇文本於 1987 年首次在倫敦發表，概述了相對於當前藝術和文化論述的更具理論性和激進的立場，因為它試圖代表「從主流文化的中心到其邊緣的歷史性轉變」。批判性地考慮這個中心。另外兩個主要的英文報導來源是香港出版的《亞洲藝術新聞》雜誌和澳洲季刊《ART Asia Pacific》，這兩個來源都專門針對亞洲和太平洋地區的發展。 …
In the wider art press, however, discussion of political, nationalist, and art-market concerns continues to eclipse issues of gender and class. It is tempting to assume that the so-called ...
然而，在更廣泛的藝術媒體中，對政治、民族主義和藝術市場問題的討論繼續掩蓋了性別和階級問題。人們很容易認為所謂的...
Worlds Together, Worlds Apart ...
世界相聚，世界分離…
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New Internationalism, with its embrace of work by some ...
新國際主義，及其對一些人的工作的支持......
women artists, has produced an international "level playing field," one in which gender issues are considered of secondary importance, if not altogether irrelevant. But even a cursory review of the literature suggests a far more complex picture, one that prompted British art historian Katy Deepwell, writing in n.paradoxa, the international feminist art journal she founded in 1996, to ask "How can we discuss an internationalism in feminism?" Her question has no easy answers. Yet the fact remains that at the same time that international biennials and triennials are perceived as being market driven and concerned mainly with artists who have relocated to art world centers and whose work reinforces mainstream preoccupations, they have also provided an important forum for a more diverse set of artistic practices by women. In many cases, these practices, with their focus on issues of cultural and sexual identity and their engagement with debates about materials and processes, recall earlier feminist histories. As women artists from the periphery define new areas of common concern, and as they occupy a wide range of positions in today's global exhibitions- from international art stars to carriers of local traditions or voices for new forms of feminist dialogue taking place away from Europe and North America-the biennials and triennials offer one kind of frame within which to explore the ways that countries have begun to think beyond their own borders, and the ways that women are contributing to international artistic debates that concern issues of historical, sexual, and cultural identity. To focus on these global exhibitions inevitably means ignoring important artists who are not exhibiting in this particular, and often biased, context, and it risks overdetermining the effects of gender among artists who may have little or nothing in common ideologically, culturally, and/ or aesthetically. Yet even a highly selective survey provides a new perspective on what is happening today. ...
女性藝術家創造了一個國際“公平競爭環境”，在這個環境中，性別問題即使不是完全無關緊要，也被認為是次要的。但即使是對文獻進行粗略回顧，也會發現一幅更複雜的圖景，這促使英國藝術史學家Katy Deepwell 在她於1996 年創辦的國際女權主義藝術雜誌《n.paradoxa》上撰文，問道：“我們如何討論一種國際主義？女性主義？”她的問題沒有簡單的答案。然而事實仍然是，儘管國際雙年展和三年展被認為是市場驅動的，主要關注那些搬到藝術世界中心、其作品強化了主流關注的藝術家，但它們也為更加多元化的藝術提供了一個重要的論壇。在許多情況下，這些實踐關注文化和性別認同議題，並參與有關材料和過程的辯論，讓人回想起早期的女性主義歷史。來自邊緣的女性藝術家定義了共同關注的新領域，並在當今的全球展覽中佔據了廣泛的位置——從國際藝術明星到當地傳統的載體或在歐洲以外發生的新形式女權主義對話的聲音。北美—雙年展和三年展提供了一種框架，可以探索各國開始超越國界思考的方式，以及女性如何為涉及歷史、性和文化議題的國際藝術辯論做出貢獻身分。 關注這些全球展覽不可避免地意味著忽視那些沒有在這個特定的、常常帶有偏見的背景下展出的重要藝術家，並且它有可能過度決定性別對那些在意識形態、文化和/或方面可能很少或根本沒有共同點的藝術家的影響。然而，即使是一項高度選擇性的調查也能為當今正在發生的事情提供新的視角。 …
While some recently established biennials-both in the First World and the Third-have followed the Venice model of national exhibitions and curators, others have evolved practices that reflect the specificities of their geography and regional identity. For example, the Biennale of Sydney of 1990, organized by German art dealer and curator René Block, focused mainly on internationally recognized Western artists whose work utilizes the qualities of deconstruction, irony, and critique that have come to define Postmodernism in Europe and North America. It included a number of women among its 120 artists from 30 countries. The work of Shigeko Kubota (Japan/USA), Rebecca Horn (Germany/France), Barbara Bloom ...
雖然一些最近設立的雙年展——無論是在第一世界還是在第三世界——都遵循了威尼斯國家展覽和策展人的模式，而其他雙年展則發展了反映其地理和區域特徵特殊性的實踐。例如，1990年的雪梨雙年展，由德國藝術經銷商兼策展人René Block組織，主要關注國際公認的西方藝術家，他們的作品利用了解構、諷刺和批評的品質，這些品質已經定義了歐洲和北美的後現代主義。來自 30 個國家的 120 位藝術家中有不少是女性。久保田茂子（日本/美國）、麗貝卡霍恩（德國/法國）、芭芭拉布魯姆的作品...
Chapter 14
第十四章
第14章 第十四章
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(USA), Rosemarie Trockel (Germany), and Jill Scott (Australia) was linked less by issues of gender than by its adherence to a current interest in conceptually based installation work among contemporary artists. Only Scott's Machinedreams, an installation that included an interactive sound element and juxtaposed photographs of women caressing various domestic appliances with an installation of stark black versions of these same objects on pedestals, conveyed a more overt political content. Even so, in displaying an ambivalent relationship toward early feminist engagements with the signs of domesticity, Scott pointed up generational conflicts within the contemporary women's movement that have been expressed by many younger women artists working in the 1980s and 1990s. And her installation suggested that global reinterpretations of feminism would be as diverse and specific to place and time as the women who define them. ...
（美國）、羅斯瑪麗·特羅克爾（Rosemarie Trockel）（德國）和吉爾·斯科特（Jill Scott）（澳大利亞）與其說是因為性別問題，不如說是因為它堅持當代藝術家對基於概念的裝置作品的當前興趣。只有斯科特的 Machinedreams 裝置傳達了更明顯的政治內容，該裝置包括互動式聲音元素和並置的婦女撫摸各種家用電器的照片，以及在基座上安裝這些相同物體的純黑色版本。即便如此，斯科特在展示早期女權主義與家庭生活跡象之間的矛盾關係時，指出了當代婦女運動中的代際衝突，這一點在20 世紀80 年代和1990 年代的許多年輕女性藝術家中得到了體現。她的裝置表明，全球對女性主義的重新詮釋將像定義它們的女性一樣因地點和時間而多樣化和具體化。 …
The Western focus of the 1990 Biennale of Sydney was countered by the cultural and aesthetic diversity evident in the Third and Fourth Havana Biennials of 1989 and 1991, respectively. While both Havana exhibitions showcased the art of Latin America and the Third World, the 1991 Biennial also displayed a strong commitment to international Post minimalism, with "high" art mixed with popular art, national shows exhibited within non-national groupings, and displays of contemporary arts and crafts. Critical responses to the 1991 Biennial often diverged sharply. While director Llilian Llanes addressed the discrepancy between the benefits that the promotion of contemporary art (and the media coverage that accompanies it) had brought artists in the First World and the almost complete absence of significant publications on contemporary art of the Third World, many First World critics remarked on the increased visibility the growing international market was bringing to non-European artists. If the art market held out the promise of positive support, however, it also contained the danger that artists of the periphery would increasingly become tools of that very market and of the industrialized West's desire to consume the newly fashionable, or to assert the radical "otherness" of the so-called non-Western world. The expanding demand for work produced outside European and North American centers also encouraged artistic migration, an issue of central concern to Cuba. ...
1990 年雪梨雙年展的西方焦點與 1989 年和 1991 年第三屆和第四屆哈瓦那雙年展所體現的文化和美學多樣性形成鮮明對比。雖然哈瓦那的兩次展覽都展示了拉丁美洲和第三世界的藝術，但1991 年的雙年展也展示了對國際後極簡主義的堅定承諾，將「高雅」藝術與流行藝術混合在一起，在非國家團體中舉辦國家展覽，以及當代藝術和手工藝。對 1991 年雙年展的批判反應往往有很大分歧。雖然導演Llilian Llanes 談到了當代藝術的推廣（以及隨之而來的媒體報道）給第一世界藝術家帶來的好處與第三世界幾乎完全沒有當代藝術的重要出版物之間的差異，但許多第一世界世界評論家評論說，不斷增長的國際市場為非歐洲藝術家帶來了更高的知名度。然而，即使藝術市場做出了積極支持的承諾，它也包含了這樣的危險：邊緣藝術家將日益成為該市場以及西方工業化國家消費新時尚或主張激進主義的工具。 」。對歐洲和北美中心以外的作品不斷增長的需求也鼓勵了藝術移民，這是古巴最關心的問題。 …
The work of a number of Cuban artists, male and female, who appeared in the Havana Biennials of 1989, 1991, and 1994 centered on the issue of migration. This was explored both by the artists who had remained in Cuba during the period of economic deprivation brought on by the collapse ...
1989年、1991年和1994年哈瓦那雙年展上出現的許多古巴男性和女性藝術家的作品都以移民問題為中心。在經濟崩潰導致經濟匱乏期間留在古巴的藝術家們對此進行了探索…
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of the Soviet Union and the United States' economic boycott, and by those who had either emigrated or traveled and lived abroad for extended periods. Among the latter were María Magdalena Campos-Pons (b. 1959) and Marta María Pérez Bravo (b. 1959), two artists whose work draws on the racial and ethnic heterogeneity of Caribbean culture as theorized by cultural historians such as Stuart Hall and Edouard Glissant, themselves of Caribbean descent. Glissant has argued that in these islands a multiplicity of historical and cultural traditions has led to the dismantling of any notion of "pure" culture, encouraging processes of hybridization. ...
蘇聯和美國的經濟抵制，以及那些移民或長期旅行和居住在國外的人。後者包括María Magdalena Campos-Pons（生於1959 年）和Marta María Pérez Bravo（生於1959 年），這兩位藝術家的作品借鑒了斯圖爾特·霍爾(Stuart Hall) 和愛德華(Edouard) 等文化歷史學家所論的加勒比海文化的種族和民族異質性。格里森特認為，在這些島嶼上，歷史和文化傳統的多樣性導致了任何「純粹」文化概念的瓦解，鼓勵了雜交過程。 …
By 1990 Campos-Pons, whose early work had focused on explorations of feminine sexuality filtered through the prism of Central American myth, was living in the United States. There she increasingly drew on the African diaspora (the subject of her Havana Biennial installations). Focusing on the history of her ancestors, who had been brought to Cuba from Nigeria as slaves in the nineteenth century, she combined objects specific to that history with childhood memories of spiritual practices and sacred objects derived from the rich intermixing of African and Caribbean cultures. ...
1990 年，坎波斯龐斯居住在美國，他的早期作品集中在探索中美洲神話中的女性性慾。在那裡，她越來越多地利用非洲僑民（她的哈瓦那雙年展裝置的主題）。她的祖先在 19 世紀作為奴隸從尼日利亞被帶到古巴，她的祖先將這段歷史所特有的物品與童年記憶中的精神實踐和源自非洲和加勒比文化豐富融合的神聖物品結合起來。 …
Pérez Bravo, who today lives and works in Mexico and Cuba, began using the medium of photography to explore the boundary between the real and the power of the imaginary in ...
佩雷斯布拉沃 (Pérez Bravo) 如今在墨西哥和古巴生活和工作，他開始使用攝影媒介來探索真實與想像的力量之間的界限…
266 Jill Scott, Machinedreams, 1990 (detail) ...
266 吉爾‧史考特，《機器之夢》，1990 年（詳細）...
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267 Marta María Pérez Bravo, Protection, 1990 ...
267 瑪爾塔·瑪麗亞·佩雷斯·布拉沃 (Marta María Pérez Bravo)，《保護》，1990 年 ...
1984. Her most extensive series-"To Conceive" and "Memories of Our Baby" (mid-1980s)—rely on a number of performative self-representations in which the artist enacts different roles and identities. In them she combines images relating to certain beliefs about conception within Santería (a modern Cuban religion derived from a fusion of Afro-Caribbean and Roman Catholic beliefs) with photographs of her body taken by her husband Flavio Garciandia that suggest a kind of ironic distance produced through the choice of a documentary style and the construction of self as an object of study. Her photographs bypass ritual and essentialized representations of female power in order to explore feminine identity and the conditions of being female in ways that counter patriarchally constructed stereotypes of womanhood. ...
1984 年。在這些照片中，她將Santería（一種現代古巴宗教，源自非洲-加勒比海和羅馬天主教信仰的融合）中有關受孕的某些信仰的圖像與她丈夫弗拉維奧·加西亞迪亞（ Flavio Garciandia）拍攝的她身體的照片結合起來，暗示產生了一種諷刺的距離。她的照片繞過了女性權力的儀式和本質化表現，以探索女性身份和女性的條件，以對抗父權制對女性的刻板印象。 …
Pérez Bravo is part of a generation of Cuban women artists who were deeply influenced by Ana Mendieta's return to Cuba in 1980-81, her first visit since leaving the country for the United States in 1960, when she was twelve years old. Mendieta's performances and site-specific earthworks in Cuba, many of ...
佩雷斯·布拉沃(Pérez Bravo) 是一代古巴女性藝術家中的一員，安娜·門迭塔(Ana Mendieta) 於1980-81 年返回古巴，這是她自1960 年離開古巴前往美國以來的首次訪問，當時她只有12 歲。門迭塔在古巴的表演和特定地點的土方工程，許多...
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which incorporate images and beliefs associated with Santeria, provided both a way of reconnecting with her homeland and a spiritual system-earth-based, featuring female deities (orishas), as well as male and female priests (santero and santera)-in keeping with her feminist concerns. ...
它融合了與桑特里亞相關的圖像和信仰，提供了一種與家鄉重新聯繫的方式，以及一個以地球為基礎的精神系統，以女性神靈（orishas）以及男性和女性牧師（santero和santera ）為特色——與她對女權主義的擔憂。 …
Other artists within Cuba to address the complex issue of migration during this period included Tania Bruguera (b. 1962) and Sandra Ramos (b. 1969). Bruguera, who for some years had identified herself with Mendieta, whose work she has re-created in different venues, constructed a narrative installation for the Fifth Havana Biennial in 1994 in which she situated herself as an emigrant displaying a large collection of parcels hastily packed with her most precious documents and belongings, as if in preparation for a fictitious departure. Ramos's installation at the same event, Migraciones II, included ten open suitcases their insides painted with scenes of hopeful voyages and lost dreams placed against the wall. Sony cassette players, blue jeans, and liquor, collapsing rafts, and the images of families left behind evoked a powerful sense of the perilousness of crossing the Straits of Florida to the United States. ...
在此期間，古巴境內其他解決複雜移民問題的藝術家包括塔尼亞·布魯格拉（Tania Bruguera，生於 1962 年）和桑德拉·拉莫斯（Sandra Ramos，生於 1969 年）。布魯格拉多年來一直認同門迭塔的身份，並在不同的場所重新創作了門迭塔的作品，她為1994 年第五屆哈瓦那雙年展構建了一個敘事裝置，她將自己定位為一名移民，展示著一大堆匆忙打包的包裹。拉莫斯在同一場活動中的裝置作品《Migraciones II》包括十個打開的手提箱，裡面畫滿了充滿希望的航行和靠牆放置的失落夢想的場景。索尼錄音機、藍色牛仔褲、烈酒、倒塌的木筏以及留下的家人的照片，喚起了人們對穿越佛羅裡達海峽前往美國的危險的強烈感覺。 …
Bruguera also organized a concurrent exhibition of young women artists at the Centra Provincial de Artes Plásticas y Diseño in Old Havana in 1994. The fact that much of the work on show shared a concern with the conditions through which femininity is lived suggested that many of these artists were involved with some version of feminism, though not necessarily articulated as such or defined in terms familiar to a North American contemporary women's movement shaped by the needs of middle-class white women. Indeed, the specific historical/cultural context of Latin America requires the mapping of constructions of gender onto other facets of identity formed under colonialism, such as racial and cultural hybridization and the mythologizing of the feminine. While some women in the show engaged in dialogues with European art history or combined "feminine" materials such as lace and embroidery with observations on the realities of Cuban life, others, like Inés Garrido (b. 1966) in El secreto de Duchamp, tackled issues of gender. In a nearby gallery, Magaly Reyes (b. 1968) exhibited a group of colorful and quirky self-portraits in the manner of Frida Kahlo that addressed social issues through questions of her own identity. ...
1994 年，布魯格拉還在哈瓦那舊城區的Centra Province de Artes Plásticas y Diseño 舉辦了一場年輕女性藝術家的同期展覽。顯示其中許多作品藝術家參與了某種形式的女權主義，儘管不一定如此表述或定義為北美當代婦女運動所熟悉的術語，該運動是根據中產階級白人婦女的需求而形成的。事實上，拉丁美洲特定的歷史/文化背景需要將性別建構映射到殖民主義下形成的身份的其他方面，例如種族和文化的混雜以及女性的神話化。雖然展覽中的一些女性參與了與歐洲藝術史的對話，或者將蕾絲和刺繡等「女性化」材料與對古巴生活現實的觀察結合起來，但其他人，例如《杜尚的秘密》中的伊內斯·加里多（Inés Garrido，生於1966 年），則解決了這個問題。在附近的畫廊裡，馬加利·雷耶斯（Magaly Reyes，生於1968 年）以弗里達·卡羅（Frida Kahlo）的方式展出了一組色彩繽紛、古怪的自畫像，透過質疑自己的身份來解決社會問題。 …
Among the Fifth Havana Biennial's other younger Cuban artists was Yaquelin Abdalá (b. 1968), who exhibited a group of brightly colored, intimately scaled "faux" paintings and installation work that had as its subject an inquiry into memory, relationships, identity, and biography. Drawing on ...
第五屆哈瓦那雙年展的其他年輕古巴藝術家包括亞奎林·阿卜杜拉（Yaquelin Abdalá，生於1968 年），他展出了一組色彩鮮豔、比例密切的「人造」繪畫和裝置作品，其主題是對記憶、關係、認同和情感的探究。繪製在...
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anecdotes, dreams, and folk tales with herself as protagonist, Abdalá combined mythologies of urban and rural Cuba with particular attention to their cultural collision. ...
阿卜杜拉以自己為主角，講述了軼事、夢境和民間故事，將古巴城市和鄉村的神話結合在一起，特別注重它們的文化碰撞。 …
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The Havana Biennials have also strongly featured the work of Central and South American artists. Work by Mónica Castillo (Mexico), Alicia Herrero (Argentina), María Cardoso (Colombia), Silvia Gruner (Mexico), Helen Escobedo (Mexico), and Graciela Iturbide (Mexico) was prominently displayed in all three of the exhibitions discussed here. The latter's powerful photographs of women from the matriarchally organized culture of the Tehuantepec isthmus, widely exhibited in Europe and North America during the past decade, have brought her international recognition. A concern with environmental and social issues, issues that have become central to the practices of many artists worldwide today, provided a focus for the work ...
哈瓦那雙年展也強烈展現中南美洲藝術家的作品。 Mónica Castillo（墨西哥）、Alicia Herrero（阿根廷）、María Cardoso（哥倫比亞）、Silvia Gruner（墨西哥）、Helen Escobedo（墨西哥）和Graciela Iturbide（墨西哥）的作品在此處討論的所有三個展覽中均得到顯著展示。過去十年，後者拍攝的特萬特佩克地峽母系組織文化中女性的強大照片在歐洲和北美廣泛展出，為她贏得了國際認可。對環境和社會問題的關注，這些問題已成為當今世界各地許多藝術家實踐的核心，為作品提供了焦點...
zea Sandra Pamos, Migraciones II, 1994 ...
玉米桑德拉帕莫斯，Migraciones II，1994 ...
Cheve Coca-Cola ...
切夫可口可樂...
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which incorporate images and beliefs associated with Santería, provided both a way of reconnecting with her homeland and a spiritual system-earth-based, featuring female deities (orishas), as well as male and female priests (santero and santera) in keeping with her feminist concerns. ...
其中融合了與桑泰里亞相關的圖像和信仰，提供了一種與她的祖國重新聯繫的方式和一個基於地球的精神系統，以女性神靈（orishas）以及與她保持一致的男性和女性牧師（santero和santera）為特色女權主義者的擔憂。 …
Other artists within Cuba to address the complex issue of migration during this period included Tania Bruguera (b. 1968) and Sandra Ramos (b. 1969). Bruguera, who for some years had identified herself with Mendieta, whose work she has re-created in different venues, constructed a narrative installation for the Fifth Havana Biennial in 1994 in which she situated herself as an emigrant displaying a large collection of parcels hastily packed with her most precious documents and belongings, as if in preparation for a fictitious departure. Ramos's installation at the same event, Migraciones II, included ten open suitcases- their insides painted with scenes of hopeful voyages and lost dreams-placed against the wall. Sony cassette players, blue jeans, and liquor, collapsing rafts, and the images of families left behind evoked a powerful sense of the perilousness of crossing the Straits of Florida to the United States. ...
在此期間，古巴境內其他解決複雜移民問題的藝術家包括塔尼亞·布魯格拉（Tania Bruguera，生於 1968 年）和桑德拉·拉莫斯（Sandra Ramos，生於 1969 年）。布魯格拉多年來一直認同門迭塔的身份，並在不同的場所重新創作了門迭塔的作品，她為1994 年第五屆哈瓦那雙年展構建了一個敘事裝置，她將自己定位為一名移民，展示著一大堆匆忙打包的包裹。拉莫斯在同一場活動中的裝置作品《Migraciones II》包括十個打開的手提箱——裡面畫著充滿希望的航行和失落的夢想的場景——靠牆放置。索尼錄音機、藍色牛仔褲、烈酒、倒塌的木筏以及留下的家人的照片，喚起了人們對穿越佛羅裡達海峽前往美國的危險的強烈感覺。 …
Bruguera also organized a concurrent exhibition of young women artists at the Centra Provincial de Artes Plásticas y Diseño in Old Havana in 1994. The fact that much of the work on show shared a concern with the conditions through which femininity is lived suggested that many of these artists were involved with some version of feminism, though not necessarily articulated as such or defined in terms familiar to a North American contemporary women's movement shaped by the needs of middle-class white women. Indeed, the specific historical/cultural context of Latin America requires the mapping of constructions of gender onto other facets of identity formed under colonialism, such as racial and cultural hybridization and the mythologizing of the feminine. While some women in the show engaged in dialogues with European art history or combined "feminine" materials such as lace and embroidery with observations on the realities of Cuban life, others, like Inés Garrido (b. 1966) in El secreto de Duchamp, tackled issues of gender. In a nearby gallery, Magaly Reyes (b. 1968) exhibited a group of colorful and quirky self-portraits in the manner of Frida Kahlo that addressed social issues through questions of her own identity. ...
1994 年，布魯格拉還在哈瓦那舊城區的Centra Province de Artes Plásticas y Diseño 舉辦了一場年輕女性藝術家的同期展覽。顯示其中許多作品藝術家參與了某種形式的女權主義，儘管不一定如此表述或定義為北美當代婦女運動所熟悉的術語，該運動是根據中產階級白人婦女的需求而形成的。事實上，拉丁美洲特定的歷史/文化背景需要將性別建構映射到殖民主義下形成的身份的其他方面，例如種族和文化的混雜以及女性的神話化。雖然展覽中的一些女性參與了與歐洲藝術史的對話，或者將蕾絲和刺繡等「女性化」材料與對古巴生活現實的觀察結合起來，但其他人，例如《杜尚的秘密》中的伊內斯·加里多（Inés Garrido，生於1966 年），則解決了這個問題。在附近的畫廊裡，馬加利·雷耶斯（Magaly Reyes，生於1968 年）以弗里達·卡羅（Frida Kahlo）的方式展出了一組色彩繽紛、古怪的自畫像，透過質疑自己的身份來解決社會問題。 …
Among the Fifth Havana Biennial's other younger Cuban artists was Yaquelín Abdalá (b. 1968), who exhibited a group of brightly colored, intimately scaled "faux" paintings and installation work that had as its subject an inquiry into memory, relationships, identity, and biography. Drawing on ...
第五屆哈瓦那雙年展的其他年輕古巴藝術家包括亞奎林·阿卜杜拉（Yaquelin Abdalá，生於1968 年），他展出了一組色彩鮮豔、比例密切的「人造」繪畫和裝置作品，其主題是對記憶、關係、認同和情感的探究。繪製在...
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第14章 第十四章
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anecdotes, dreams, and folk tales with herself as protagonist, Abdalá combined mythologies of urban and rural Cuba with particular attention to their cultural collision. ...
阿卜杜拉以自己為主角，講述了軼事、夢境和民間故事，將古巴城市和鄉村的神話結合在一起，特別注重它們的文化碰撞。 …
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The Havana Biennials have also strongly featured the work of Central and South American artists. Work by Mónica Castillo (Mexico), Alicia Herrero (Argentina), María Cardoso (Colombia), Silvia Gruner (Mexico), Helen Escobedo (Mexico), and Graciela Iturbide (Mexico) was prominently displayed in all three of the exhibitions discussed here. The latter's powerful photographs of women from the matriarchally organized culture of the Tehuantepec isthmus, widely exhibited in Europe and North America during the past decade, have brought her international recognition. A concern with environmental and social issues, issues that have become central to the practices of many artists worldwide today, provided a focus for the work ...
哈瓦那雙年展也強烈展現中南美洲藝術家的作品。 Mónica Castillo（墨西哥）、Alicia Herrero（阿根廷）、María Cardoso（哥倫比亞）、Silvia Gruner（墨西哥）、Helen Escobedo（墨西哥）和Graciela Iturbide（墨西哥）的作品在此處討論的所有三個展覽中均得到顯著展示。過去十年，後者拍攝的特萬特佩克地峽母系組織文化中女性的強大照片在歐洲和北美廣泛展出，為她贏得了國際認可。對環境和社會問題的關注，這些問題已成為當今世界各地許多藝術家實踐的核心，為作品提供了焦點...
268 Sandra Ramos, Migraciones II, 1994 ...
268 桑德拉‧拉莫斯，Migraciones II，1994 ...
Cheve Coca-Cola ...
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of Argentineans Mónica Giron (b. 1959) and Rosana Fuertes (b. 1962), both of whom use painting and textiles. Giron's Ajuar para un conquistador (Trousseau for a Conqueror) included a row of dangling birds' legs and feet, interspersed with knitted vestments for Argentine birds in danger of extinction. Fuertes, in Pasion de multitudes (The Passion of Crowds), exhibited a series of small paintings of shirts, each one bearing the colors and designs of different causes or organizations, from soccer teams to The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo, a group of women who emerged as a powerful political force in Argentina in the 1980s when they demonstrated in the famous Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires to demand information about the disappearance of their loved ones. Dressed all in black, the women continue to this day to demonstrate in the square every Thursday at 3.30 in the afternoon. ...
阿根廷人 Mónica Giron（生於 1959 年）和 Rosana Fuertes（生於 1962 年）的作品，兩人都使用繪畫和紡織品。吉隆的 Ajuar para un conquistador（征服者的特魯索）包括一排懸掛的鳥腿和腳，其間散佈著為瀕臨滅絕的阿根廷鳥類編織的法衣。富爾特斯在《人群的激情》中展出了一系列襯衫小畫，每幅都帶有不同事業或組織的顏色和設計，從足球隊到五月廣場的母親，一群20 世紀80 年代，女性在布宜諾斯艾利斯著名的五月廣場示威，要求提供有關親人失踪的信息，從而成為阿根廷強大的政治力量。至今，婦女們仍身著黑衣，每週四下午 3 點 30 分在廣場上示威。 …
The topical and populist leanings of works such as those by Abdalá, Giron, and Fuertes, among others, provided a contrast with installations by artists who have embraced the large scale and pronounced materiality of much international work today. Artists from the periphery who have migrated to European and ...
阿卜杜拉（Abdalá）、吉隆（Giron）和富爾特斯（Fuertes）等作品的時事性和民粹主義傾向，與當今許多國際作品的大規模和明顯物質性的藝術家的裝置形成了鮮明對比。移民到歐洲和...的外圍藝術家
269 Graciela Iturbide, Magnolia, Juchitan, Oaxaca, Mexico, 1987 ...
269 Graciela Iturbide，Magnolia，Juchitan，瓦哈卡州，墨西哥，1987 年 ...
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North American centers-and who are sometimes referred to as "nomadic" because they often appear to live and work within global networks of international exhibitions and markets- were also represented in the early Havana Biennials. Among them were two women whose later career trajectories would be closely linked to their regular participation in international exhibitions and the press coverage that such exhibitions generate: Mona Hatoum (b. 1952) and Doris Salcedo (b. 1958). ...
北美中心——有時被稱為“游牧者”，因為他們似乎經常在國際展覽和市場的全球網絡中生活和工作——也參加了早期的哈瓦那雙年展。其中有兩位女性，她們後來的職業軌跡與她們定期參加國際展覽以及此類展覽引起的新聞報道密切相關：莫娜·哈圖姆（Mona Hatoum，生於1952 年）和多麗絲·薩爾塞多（Doris Salcedo，生於1958 年）。 …
Hatoum's Over my dead body (1988), one of three works she exhibited in Havana in 1989 that related to the war in Lebanon that had forced her to take up more permanent residence in London, was a giant photo-poster originally made for an urban billboard project, in which a defiant young woman confronts the forces of state in the form of a soldier in battle dress who scales her profile. In Salcedo's Atrabiliarios (Close-Up) of 1991, displayed at Havana that year, a collection of shoes—each pair placed in a mesh sack-hangs from the wall. Reminiscent of Christian Boltanski's installations on the subject of loss and memory, the shoes bore silent witness to the subject of political violence and to those Colombians who have disappeared as a result, often without a trace, other than an occasional shoe or article of clothing. ...
哈透姆的《在我的屍體上》（Over my dead body，1988）是她1989 年在哈瓦那展出的三件作品之一，這件作品與黎巴嫩戰爭有關，這場戰爭迫使她在倫敦定居更久。薩爾塞多 1991 年在哈瓦那展出的《Atrabiliarios》（特寫）中，牆上掛著一系列鞋子——每雙都放在一個網袋中。這些鞋子讓人想起克里斯蒂安·波爾坦斯基（Christian Boltanski）以失落和記憶為主題的裝置作品，它們無聲地見證了政治暴力的主題，以及那些因此而消失的哥倫比亞人，除了偶爾的鞋子或衣服之外，往往無影無蹤。 …
By June 1993, when the 45th Venice Biennale-the oldest of the biennials and an exhibition whose 1895 founding date corresponds with the height of Europe's expansionist colonial period-opened, international art events were generally displaying a strong orientation toward regional identity, internationalism, and multiculturalism. The Biennale, which had taken as its theme the subject of cultural nomadism, was notable in several ways. For instance, the selection of ...
到1993 年6 月，第45 屆威尼斯雙年展——歷史最悠久的雙年展，其創辦日期與1895 年正值歐洲擴張主義殖民時期的鼎盛時期——開幕時，國際藝術活動普遍表現出對地區認同、國際主義和文化的強烈傾向。本次雙年展以文化游牧為主題，在幾個方面引人注目。例如，選擇...
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Yayoi Kusama (b. 1929) for a solo exhibition in the Japanese pavilion made her the first and only woman ever selected as Japan's sole representative at a Venice biennial. Kusama, who arrived in New York from Japan in 1958, had gained considerable notoriety during the years of Pop art. Her polka- dot environments and domestic objects and installations encrusted with stuffed phallic projections anticipated feminist challenges to the structures of sexual difference, while her uninhibited performances and the hallucinatory and obsessive qualities of her practice attracted widespread attention. Returning to Japan in 1973, Kusama has lived and worked for some years in the relative isolation of a Japanese mental institution. Her re-emergence on the international art scene in 1993 marked the beginning of a string of international solo exhibitions that included "Love Forever: Yayoi Kusama, 1958- 1968," which opened at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in 1998 and traveled to New York's Museum of Modern Art, the Walker Art Center in Minneapolis, and Tokyo's Metropolitan Museum of Contemporary Art. ...
草間彌生（生於 1929 年）在日本館舉辦的個展使她成為第一位也是唯一一位被選為威尼斯雙年展日本唯一代表的女性。草間彌生於 1958 年從日本來到紐約，在普普藝術盛行的年代已經聲名狼藉。她的圓點環境、家居物品和裝置上佈滿了填充的陽具投影，預示著女權主義對性別差異結構的挑戰，而她不羈的表演以及她的實踐中的幻覺和強迫特質引起了廣泛的關注。 1973 年回到日本，草間彌生在日本一家相對孤立的精神病院裡生活和工作了幾年。 1993 年，她在國際藝術舞台上的重新出現，標誌著一系列國際個展的開始，其中包括 1998 年在洛杉磯縣藝術博物館開幕的“永遠的愛：草間彌生，1958-1968”，並巡迴演出到紐約現代藝術博物館、明尼亞波利斯沃克藝術中心和東京大都會當代藝術博物館。 …
The United States' selection of Louise Bourgeois (France/ USA) as its national representative made her only the second woman (after Jenny Holzer in 1990) to represent that country. Like Kusama, Bourgeois showed work that was already familiar to art audiences in an exhibition titled "Louise Bourgeois: Recent Work." The show featured her "Cells," a series of installations in which the unit of the cell serves as a basic room-sized building block. The title alludes both to the cells that form living organisms and to the cell as a place of confinement. Bourgeois's cells are often places of ...
美國選擇路易絲·布爾喬亞（Louise Bourgeois，法國/美國）作為國家代表，這使她成為代表該國的第二位女性（繼 1990 年的珍妮·霍爾澤之後）。和草間彌生一樣，布爾喬亞在題為「路易絲·布爾喬亞：近期作品」的展覽中展示了藝術觀眾已經熟悉的作品。該展覽以她的“細胞”為特色，這是一系列裝置作品，其中細胞單元作為房間大小的基本構建塊。這個標題既暗指形成活體有機體的細胞，也暗指細胞作為禁閉場所。布爾喬亞的牢房常常是…的地方。
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contemplation formed from walls of found steel or glass doors and windows. Inside they contain objects used as memory devices, and Bourgeois has written that, "The Cells represent different types of pain: the physical, the emotional and psychological, and the mental and intellectual." ...
由發現的鋼或玻璃門窗牆壁形成的沉思。它們裡麵包含用作記憶設備的物體，布爾喬亞寫道，“細胞代表了不同類型的疼痛：身體上的、情感上的和心理上的、精神上的和智力上的。” …
Ireland also had a female representative in Dorothy Cross, while the section of the Biennale devoted to new faces (called "Aperto 93") included a number of young women whose work had already been critically discussed as having shaped new directions for the 1990s. Among them were the Americans Kiki Smith, Janine Antoni, Renée Green, Laura Aguilar, and Sue Williams, as well as Sylvia Fleury (Switzerland) and Salcedo. The participation of South Africa for the first time shortly after apartheid was abolished proved important in emphasizing the variety of cultural traditions within that country and in setting the stage for the first Johannesburg Biennale in 1995. ...
愛爾蘭也有一位女性代表多蘿西·克羅斯(Dorothy Cross)，而雙年展專門介紹新面孔的部分（稱為“Aperto 93”）包括一些年輕女性，她們的作品因塑造1990 年代的新方向而受到批評。其中包括美國人 Kiki Smith、Janine Antoni、Renée Green、Laura Aguilar 和 Sue Williams，以及 Sylvia Fleury（瑞士）和 Salcedo。南非在種族隔離制度廢除後不久首次參展，這對於強調該國文化傳統的多樣性以及為 1995 年首屆約翰內斯堡雙年展奠定基礎具有重要意義。
The growing visibility and influence of international art events during the 1990s also coincided with shifts of emphasis in academic curricula. Many universities and colleges now offer courses in postmodern critical theory (with its emphasis on cultural difference and a worldwide interconnectedness promoted by mass media, new technologies, trade agreements, ...
20 世紀 90 年代國際藝術活動的知名度和影響力不斷增強，也與學術課程重點的轉變一致。許多大學和學院現在提供後現代批判理論課程（強調文化差異和大眾媒體、新技術、貿易協定等所促進的全球互聯性…
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and the internet), and others in cultural and/or postcolonial studies or "postcoloniality" (as with many other aspects of contemporary cultural dialogue there is little agreement about terms and usages, but both engage with the particular historical conditions and aftermath of colonial occupation). Locating a space of representation that is not projected from a center outward, not defined by the terms of conquest and subordination, not restricted by the singularities of "race," or "class," or "gender" as primary conceptual and organizational categories, has become an imperative for many artists today. "Beginnings and endings may be the sustaining myths of the middle years," cultural critic Homi Bhabha writes, "but in the fin de siècle, we find ourselves in the moment of transit where space and time cross to produce complex figures of difference and identity, past and present, inside and outside, inclusion and exclusion." ...
和互聯網），以及其他文化和/或後殖民研究或“後殖民性”（與當代文化對話的許多其他方面一樣，在術語和用法上幾乎沒有達成一致，但兩者都涉及特定的歷史條件和殖民佔領的後果） ）。定位一個不從中心向外投射的表徵空間，不被征服和從屬的術語所定義，不受“種族”、“階級”或“性別”作為主要概念和組織類別的奇點的限制，已成為當今許多藝術家的當務之急。 「開始和結束可能是中年時期持續存在的神話，」文化評論家霍米·巴巴寫道，「但在世紀末，我們發現自己正處於空間和時間交叉的過渡時刻，產生了差異和身份的複雜形象。 …
In The Location of Culture (1994), Bhabha suggests that one effect of colonization is the production of hybridization rather than the visible imposition of colonial authority or the silent repression of native tradition. The result is a change of perspective that opens a space for new representations. Doris Salcedo is one of a number of contemporary artists educated in Europe or North America (she received her Master's degree in sculpture from New York University) who are conversant with poststructuralist and postcolonialist theory. Her work often raises issues germane to Bhabha's writings, as well as to Bangladeshi feminist critic Gayatri Spivak's influential essay "Can the Subaltern Speak," first published in 1988. That essay, based on the writings of a collective of historians engaged in a project called "subaltern studies," in which they are rewriting the history of colonial India from the point of view of peasant insurgency, shaped much subsequent debate about the forms of representation available to colonized peoples. The desire to give voice to oppressed groups (rather than having them represented from "above," that is, from cultural positions of authority) has played a not inconsiderable role in the practices of artists who wish to assert their cultures within the spaces of the international art world, but to do so in a recognized international visual language that traces its roots to European Modernism. ...
在《文化的定位》（1994）中，巴巴指出，殖民化的影響之一是雜交的產生，而不是明顯的殖民權威的強加或對本土傳統的無聲壓制。結果是視角的改變，為新的表述開闢了空間。多麗絲·薩爾塞多（Doris Salcedo）是在歐洲或北美接受教育的許多熟悉後結構主義和後殖民主義理論的當代藝術家之一（她在紐約大學獲得雕塑碩士學位）。她的作品經常提出與巴巴的著作以及孟加拉國女權主義評論家加亞特里·斯皮瓦克(Gayatri Spivak) 於1988 年首次發表的頗具影響力的文章《底層人能說話》(Can the Subaltern Speak) 密切相關的問題。 。為受壓迫群體發聲的願望（而不是讓他們從“上層”，即文化權威地位代表）在藝術家的實踐中發揮了不可忽視的作用，這些藝術家希望在被壓迫的空間內維護自己的文化。藝術界，但以一種公認的國際視覺語言來做到這一點，其根源可追溯到歐洲現代主義。 …
Salcedo's installation for the 1993 Venice show was one of several that addressed issues of representation within this growing debate. Untitled included stacks of white shirts and metal bed frames with attached springs leaning against the wall and placed on the floor. The freshly laundered shirts, neatly folded and stacked in piles, were pierced by a black metal ...
Salcedo 為 1993 年威尼斯展覽設計的裝置作品是解決這一日益激烈的爭論中的代表性問題的裝置作品之一。無標題包括成堆的白襯衫和帶有彈簧的金屬床架，靠在牆上並放置在地板上。剛洗好的襯衫，疊得整整齊齊，堆成一堆，被黑色金屬刺穿了…
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stake near the collar of the top shirt. The piece's ambiguous references had the potential to elicit multiple readings. What to a European or North American audience might be viewed as a high-class boutique display actually originated in a specific political/social/geographic context familiar to the artist (the shirts suggest domestic labor and Colombian men's funeral attire, an association strengthened by the fact that Salcedo created this installation after talking to Colombian women who had witnessed the killing of their fathers, husbands, and sons on the doorsteps of their own homes during the 1988 Banana Plantation Massacre of La Honduras and La Negra). The work is indicative of the extent to which many artists from the periphery had by the mid-1990s become adept at fusing the specificities of political and social events that took place far from European centers with a formal language derived from Minimalism that often emphasized conceptual rigor and surface opacity. ...
靠近上衣領子的地方。這篇文章含糊的參考文獻有可能引發多次閱讀。對於歐洲或北美觀眾來說，可能被視為高級精品展示的東西實際上起源於藝術家熟悉的特定政治/社會/地理背景（襯衫暗示家務勞動和哥倫比亞男士葬禮服裝，這種聯繫通過事實上，薩爾塞多在與哥倫比亞婦女交談後創作了這個裝置，這些婦女在1988 年洪都拉斯和拉內格拉香蕉種植園大屠殺期間親眼目睹了自己的父親、丈夫和兒子在自己家門口被殺害。這件作品表明，到20 世紀90 年代中期，許多來自外圍的藝術家已經熟練地將遠離歐洲中心的政治和社會事件的特殊性與源自極簡主義的形式語言融合在一起，這種形式通常強調概念的嚴謹性。 …
Italian critic Giorgio Verzotti, discussing the work of Doris Salcedo, Renée Green, Daniel Martinez, Botala Tala, Rigoberto Torres, and Laura Aguilar in the October 1993 issue ...
義大利評論家 Giorgio Verzotti 在 1993 年 10 月號中討論了 Doris Salcedo、Renée Green、Daniel Martinez、Botala Tala、Rigoberto Torres 和 Laura Aguilar 的作品...
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of Artforum in the context of recent writing on the hybrid nature of contemporary work that draws from multiple cultural traditions, argued that these artists had transformed white Western modes of expression into positive vehicles through which to transmit marginalized collective identities. Others were less sure. They argued that the formation and circulation of an international visual language rooted in the productions of a Western European and North American vanguard remain controversial, as does the relationship between the practices of artists from the periphery who had left their native lands and were now living and working abroad and those whose work remains shaped by the cultural and economic realities of Third World countries. ...
《藝術論壇》在最近撰寫的關於當代作品的混合性質的文章中指出，這些作品取材於多種文化傳統，認為這些藝術家已經將西方白人的表達方式轉變為積極的載體，通過這種方式來傳播邊緣化的集體認同。其他人則不太確定。他們認為，植根於西歐和北美先鋒作品的國際視覺語言的形成和流通仍然存在爭議，來自外圍的藝術家離開祖國、現在生活和實踐之間的關係也是如此。仍然受到第三世界國家文化和經濟現實影響的人。 …
During the mid-1990s, international exhibitions continued to vacillate between the expectations of a First World-based art market and Third World desires to represent popular and indigenous traditions as well as vanguard practices in regional exhibitions. Under the direction of French curator Jean Clair, the 46th Venice Biennale of 1995 turned into a mammoth historical show titled "Identity and Alterity: Figures of the Body 1895-1995" that focused almost exclusively on European and North American artists. That same year, the organizers of the first Johannesburg Biennale chose the same theme. Despite the latter exhibition's stated intention to focus on regional identity, the majority of the invited curators and artists were European, and some visiting critics remarked on the paucity of black artists from outside Johannesburg. Exhibited in a number of different sites throughout the city, the work of South African artists included Jane Alexander's composite skeletons, as well as a group of fanciful figurative sculptures in wood produced by the so-called Venda artists, a group of non-studio- trained black artists from the northern rural area near the borders of Zimbabwe and Mozambique that included Esther Maswanganye. ...
1990 年代中期，國際展覽繼續在第一世界藝術市場的期望和第三世界在地區展覽中代表流行和本土傳統以及先鋒實踐的願望之間搖擺不定。在法國策展人讓·克萊爾(Jean Clair) 的指導下，1995 年第46 屆威尼斯雙年展變成了一場規模宏大的歷史展覽，名為“身份與改變：1895-1995 年的身體形象”，幾乎完全專注於歐洲和北美藝術家。同年，第一屆約翰尼斯堡雙年展的組織者選擇了相同的主題。儘管後者的展覽聲稱要關注地區特徵，但大多數受邀策展人和藝術家都是歐洲人，一些來訪的評論家評論說來自約翰內斯堡以外的黑人藝術家很少。南非藝術家的作品在整個城市的許多不同地點展出，包括簡·亞歷山大的複合骨架，以及由所謂的文達藝術家（一群非工作室藝術家）製作的一組奇特的木雕雕塑。附近的北部農村地區訓練有素的黑人藝術家，其中包括埃斯特·馬斯萬加耶(Esther Maswanganye)。 …
Despite reservations expressed by many First World critics, the Johannesburg Biennale did provide exposure for many non- European artists. Among them were four Indian women whose work was included in an exhibition curated by Geeta Kapoor and whose names would become increasingly familiar to international audiences during the 1990s: Sheela Gowda, Nalini Malani, Pushpamala N., and Nilima Sheikh. As professional women artists, all of them owed a debt to the pioneering figure of Amrita Sher-Gil (1913-1941), an Indian painter of Hungarian birth active during the 1930s who helped pave the way for younger women, and each in her own way would develop narratives of female experience, combined with allusive ...
儘管許多第一世界評論家表示保留，約翰內斯堡雙年展確實為許多非歐洲藝術家提供了曝光機會。其中有四位印度女性，她們的作品被收錄在吉塔·卡普爾(Geeta Kapoor) 策劃的一場展覽中，她們的名字在20 世紀90 年代越來越為國際觀眾所熟知：Sheela Gowda、Nalini Malani、Pushpamala N. 和Nilima Sheikh。作為職業女性藝術家，她們所有人都受益於阿姆麗塔·謝爾-吉爾（Amrita Sher-Gil，1913-1941 年）這一先驅人物，這位出生於匈牙利的印度畫家活躍於20 世紀30 年代，為年輕女性鋪平了道路，她們各自都有自己的特色。
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references to embodiment, that were individual, complex, and open ended. ...
對具體化的引用是個體的、複雜的、開放的。 …
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Sheela Gowda (b. 1957), who lives and works in Bangalore, studied at the Royal College of Art in London, as well as at Baroda and Santiniketan, two important art schools in India. During the 1990s she was one of several Indian artists who began to move from painting to installation art, the latter a relatively recent development within Indian contemporary art practice. She was also one of a number of artists who have cited the political violence of the late 1980s and early 1990s as a watershed in their ways of thinking about the relationship between their social concerns and their artistic practices. Whereas Gowda's earlier paintings had dealt with the relationship between violence, sensuality, and ritual, her work has gradually evolved into a kind of figurative abstraction in which bodily wholeness has given way to the fragment. During this period she began to work with the medium of cow dung, smearing it on the paintings by hand and using it to form objects in installations. Cow dung, signifying both the sacred and the profane, also has a long ritual use in Indian society, where it is predominantly handled by women and is used to produce and recall both folk objects and religious meanings. Gowda often concentrates on images of torsos, sometimes covering them with thin washes of cow dung with bits of paper or a kind of cloth used by village women and denoting cheapness and availability. ...
Sheela Gowda（生於 1957 年）在班加羅爾生活和工作，曾就讀於倫敦皇家藝術學院以及印度兩所重要的藝術學校 Baroda 和 Santiniketan。在 1990 年代，她是幾位開始從繪畫轉向裝置藝術的印度藝術家之一，後者是印度當代藝術實踐中相對較新的發展。她也是眾多將 20 世紀 80 年代末和 90 年代初的政治暴力視為他們思考社會關注與藝術實踐之間關係的分水嶺的藝術家之一。戈達早期的畫作涉及暴力、肉慾和儀式之間的關係，但她的作品逐漸演變成一種具象的抽象，其中身體的整體性被碎片所取代。在此期間，她開始使用牛糞作為媒介，用手將其塗抹在畫作上，並用它來形成裝置中的物體。牛糞既像徵神聖又像徵世俗，在印度社會也有長期的儀式用途，主要由婦女處理，用於生產和回憶民間物品和宗教意義。戈達經常專注於軀幹的圖像，有時用薄薄的牛糞和紙片或鄉村婦女使用的一種布料覆蓋它們，表示廉價和可用性。 …
Gowda's 1995 installation in Johannesburg also included abstract wall pieces made from coconut fiber, a kind of jute. These works reference both the environment and a long history of women's work understood in relation to community and nation. Her awareness of Indian traditions and her resistance to established boundaries and social institutions join with a knowledge of international contemporary art and the role of culture in the production of postcolonial identities. Gowda is aware that from European perspectives her use of materials, particularly dung, risks appearing to confirm the West's desire for non-Western cultural expressions that appear "exotic" or radically "other," that is, untouched by Western colonialism. Gowda and other Indian women whose work alludes to traditional or ritual practices often position themselves as resisting the expectations of both Western and Indian contemporary art. While some artists in India have chosen to eschew all references to tribal, rural life, others, including Gowda and Sheikh, have sought ways of integrating Indian traditions with Modernist expectations, despite the latter's associations with colonial rule. ...
Gowda 1995 年在約翰尼斯堡的裝置作品還包括由椰子纖維（一種黃麻）製成的抽象牆件。這些作品參考了環境以及與社區和國家相關的女性工作的悠久歷史。她對印度傳統的認識以及對既定邊界和社會制度的抵制，與對國際當代藝術和文化在後殖民身份產生中的作用的了解相結合。高達意識到，從歐洲的角度來看，她對材料（尤其是糞便）的使用可能會證實西方對非西方文化表現形式的渴望，這些非西方文化表現形式顯得“異國情調”或完全“另類” ，即未受西方殖民主義影響。 Gowda 和其他作品涉及傳統或儀式實踐的印度女性常常將自己定位為抵制西方和印度當代藝術的期望。儘管印度的一些藝術家選擇避開所有對部落、鄉村生活的提及，但包括高達和謝赫在內的其他藝術家卻在尋求將印度傳統與現代主義期望相結合的方法，儘管後者與殖民統治有關。 …
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Nilima Sheikh (b. 1945), who lives and works in Vadodara, India, contributed a series of casein tempera paintings called "Songspace" to the 1995 Johannesburg Biennale. The paintings have sources in the allegories, legends, and beliefs of the artist's own cultural history that have been transmitted through literary, oral, and musical traditions. Sheikh belongs to a generation of Indian artists who were in a sense "liberated" from tradition by a previous generation of artists drawn to Western Modernism, but who have embraced forms of cultural hybridity in their work. She has attributed her strong sense of cultural identity to the fact that, unlike many artists of her generation, she was unable to travel outside the country until she was in her thirties. In her painting, she has endeavored consciously to resist becoming alienated from her own cultural roots despite the formidable influence of both contemporary multiculturalism and long years of colonial rule. ...
Nilima Sheikh（生於 1945 年）在印度巴羅達生活和工作，為 1995 年約翰內斯堡雙年展貢獻了一系列名為“Songspace”的酪蛋白蛋彩畫。這些畫作來自藝術家自身文化歷史的寓言、傳說和信仰，這些都透過文學、口頭和音樂傳統傳播。謝赫屬於這一代印度藝術家，他們在某種意義上被上一代受西方現代主義吸引的藝術家從傳統中「解放」出來，但他們在自己的作品中擁抱了文化混合的形式。她將自己強烈的文化認同感歸因於這樣一個事實：與她這一代的許多藝術家不同，她直到三十多歲才能夠出國旅行。儘管受到當代多元文化主義和長期殖民統治的巨大影響，在她的繪畫中，她仍然有意識地努力抵制與自己文化根源的疏離。 …
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The ten "Songspace" paintings, hung vertically and painted on each side of five unstretched 305 × 152 cm scroll-like canvases, unfold in time like some form of epic narrative. "I am interested in the whole concept of journeys built into these tales," the artist has said. "These are not just about narratives, but about the narrator too, and also about various asides." Throughout the paintings, nature is elicited through color and shape rather than linear definition. When figures appear, they are sketchily outlined with hollow, transparent interiors. Sheikh procures her pigments from assorted traditional sources, blending them with casein to achieve sensitive, translucent veils of color in works that owe something to Chinese and Japanese painting, as well as to Islamic art and European Modernism. ...
十幅「歌曲空間」畫作垂直懸掛，畫在五張未拉伸的 305 × 152 公分捲軸狀畫布的每一側，像某種形式的史詩敘事一樣及時展開。 「我對這些故事中的旅程的整個概念很感興趣，」藝術家說。 “這些不僅僅是關於敘述，還關於敘述者，還有各種旁白。”在整個繪畫中，自然是透過顏色和形狀而不是線性定義來引出的。當人物出現時，它們的輪廓是粗略的，內部是空心透明的。謝赫從各種傳統來源獲取顏料，將它們與酪蛋白混合，在作品中實現敏感、半透明的色彩面紗，這在一定程度上歸功於中國和日本繪畫，以及伊斯蘭藝術和歐洲現代主義。 …
Indian figurative painter and ecofeminist Nalini Malani, who was born in Karachi, Pakistan, in 1946, today lives and works in Mumbai (former Bombay). During the past decade her work, which includes performance, installation, and painting, has been exhibited in India, Australia, and Britain. Malani's interest in issues of female subjectivity underlies her search for a postcolonial Indian Modernism in both her own and other oppressed cultures. She identifies strongly with women artists from the past with mixed cultural heritages, like Frida Kahlo (of German and Mexican-Indian parentage) and Amrita Sher-Gil (half-Hungarian, half-Indian). Her Body as Site, a room installation of large, mixed-medium wall drawings of paint, chalk, and charcoal and six works on milk-carton paper, explored the effects of man-made events like the mutations seen after atomic bombs and nuclear tests in the Bikini Atoll in the 1950s. Her "mutants," stains made with dye on milk- ...
印度具象畫家和生態女性主義者納里尼·馬拉尼 (Nalini Malani) 1946 年出生於巴基斯坦卡拉奇，如今在孟買（前孟買）生活和工作。在過去的十年中，她的作品包括表演、裝置和繪畫，曾在印度、澳洲和英國展出。馬拉尼對女性主體性議題的興趣是她在自己和其他受壓迫文化中尋找後殖民印度現代主義的基礎。她強烈認同過去具有混合文化傳統的女性藝術家，例如弗里達·卡洛（Frida Kahlo）（德國和墨西哥-印度血統）和阿姆麗塔·謝爾-吉爾（Amrita Sher-Gil）（一半匈牙利血統，一半印度血統）。她的身體作為場地，是一個房間裝置，由油漆、粉筆和木炭製成的大型混合媒介壁畫和六件牛奶紙上的作品組成，探討了人為事件的影響，例如原子彈和核試驗後出現的突變1950年代的比基尼環礁。她的“突變體”，用牛奶上的染料製成的污漬——...
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carton paper, are juxtaposed with bodies that are recognizably female. Malani has described the act of painting these women's bodies as an "incantory ritual" that has permitted her to record and then erase the effects of the violence that European and American colonialism has unleashed on the world. ...
紙箱紙與可識別的女性屍體並置。馬拉尼將繪製這些女性身體的行為描述為一種“咒語儀式”，使她能夠記錄並消除歐洲和美國殖民主義對世界施加的暴力的影響。 …
One of the two main Johannesburg Biennale locations was an abandoned and somewhat forbidding industrial warehouse known as the "Electric Workshop." It was here that Thailand's Araya Rasdjarmrearnsook (b. 1957) installed her Prostitute's Room, an exploration of the Western tourist's perception of the Asian woman's body as a sexual playground. She presented three small, curtained-off rooms, each of which enclosed a shallow square hole filled with blood, oil, ash, or water. The combination of these architecturally defined spaces, symbolic of the confinement of Asian women within patriarchal, Western stereotypes, and the “offerings" that Rasdjarmrearnsook views as metaphors of suffering and violence, pointed both toward the sexual exploitation of women and cultural dominance. In the catalogue, Rasdjarmrearnsook wrote, "I am like most Asian women raised according to culture, beliefs and paths of the past, until one day I found that the truth as we know it changes." ...
約翰內斯堡雙年展的兩個主要地點之一是一個廢棄的、有點令人生畏的工業倉庫，被稱為「電氣車間」。泰國的 Araya Rasdjarmrearnsook（生於 1957 年）正是在這裡安裝了她的妓女室，探索西方遊客將亞洲女性的身體視為性遊樂場的看法。她展示了三個用窗簾隔開的小房間，每個房間都有一個淺方形洞，裡面充滿了血、油、灰燼或水。這些建築定義的空間象徵著亞洲女性被限制在父權制、西方刻板印像中，而 Rasdjarmrearnsook 認為這些空間是痛苦和暴力的隱喻，這些空間的結合表明了對女性的性剝削和文化統治。 「我像大多數亞洲女性一樣，按照過去的文化、信仰和道路長大，直到有一天我發現我們所知道的真相發生了變化……”
In a conference organized to coincide with the Biennale, speakers addressed the challenges that political transformation (like that in South Africa) posed to artists whose cultural expression had long been shaped by brutal confrontation with "the enemy." Others spoke about the relationship between local and culturally specific traditions, material, and practices, and those that had gained a more universal currency in an international art world, and about the place of artists of color in national and international arenas. ...
在與雙年展同時舉辦的一次會議上，講者討論了政治轉型（如南非的政治轉型）給藝術家帶來的挑戰，這些藝術家的文化表達長期以來一直是透過與「敵人」的殘酷對抗而形成的。其他人談到了當地和文化特定的傳統、材料和實踐之間的關係，以及那些在國際藝術世界中獲得更普遍流行的傳統、材料和實踐，以及有色人種藝術家在國家和國際舞台上的地位。 …
By 1997, international biennials provided key sites at which to consider the tremendous diversity of practices that had emerged among women artists worldwide. The 23rd Bienal de São Paulo followed the conventional organization by nations (though many artists did not live in their assigned locales), offset by solo exhibitions organized by invited curators, and by the so-called “Universalis" exhibitions that were devoted to specific regions of the world. Solo exhibitions included work by Louise Bourgeois, who exhibited Cell Clothes (1996), and the Australian Tracey Moffatt (b. 1960), whose films, photographs, and videos often address issues of cultural identity through explorations of her mixed white and aboriginal heritage. Her installation Scarred for Life (1994), the first of two such series that Moffatt produced in the 1990s, included unframed and captioned prints of tableaux staged by the ...
到 1997 年，國際雙年展提供了重要的場所，讓我們可以思考全世界女性藝術家中出現的巨大多樣性的實踐。第23屆聖保羅雙年展遵循傳統的國家組織方式（儘管許多藝術家並不居住在指定地點），但由特邀策展人組織的個展以及專門針對特定地區的所謂“Universalis”展覽所抵消個人展覽包括路易絲·布爾喬亞（Louise Bourgeois）的作品，她展出了《細胞衣服》（Cell Clothes，1996），以及澳大利亞人特蕾西·莫法特（Tracey Moffatt，生於1960 年）的作品，她的電影、照片和影片經常透過探索她的混血白來解決文化認同問題。一個，其中包括由...
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artist that played out the horrors of adolescence, domestic violence, homophobia, and racism in scenes that appeared like snapshots. They included couples bowling, a father's angry reaction to his son's playing a female role in a theater production, etc. ...
藝術家在快照般的場景中展現了青春期、家庭暴力、同性戀恐懼症和種族主義的恐怖。其中包括情侶打保齡球、父親對兒子在戲劇作品中扮演女性角色的憤怒反應等等…
The North American section in "Universalis," organized by curator Paul Schimmel, focused on six emerging artists, most of them from New York and Los Angeles (the omission of Canadians perhaps points up the extent to which curators in international exhibitions often rely on work with which they are already familiar). The group, presented as a "next generation," was primarily made up of women, a fact that appeared to confirm what many have seen in recent years as an art world fascination with youth and femininity (evident mainly in press coverage in New York and London). Moreover, ...
「Universalis」的北美部分由策展人保羅·希梅爾（Paul Schimmel）組織，重點關註六位新興藝術家，其中大多數來自紐約和洛杉磯（加拿大人的省略也許表明了國際展覽中策展人經常依賴作品的程度）他們已經熟悉了）。這個被稱為「下一代」的群體主要由女性組成，這一事實似乎證實了近年來許多人所認為的藝術界對年輕和女性氣質的迷戀（主要體現在紐約和紐約的新聞報導中）。倫敦）。而且， ...
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275 TOP Nilima Sheikh, "Songspace" installation, 1995 (detail) 276 ABOVE Nalini Malani, Body as Site, installation view, 1996 ...
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277 Tracey Moffatt, Pantyhose Arrest, 1973, from "Scarred for Life II" series, 1999 ...
277 崔西‧莫法特，《連褲襪逮捕》，1973 年，來自「傷痕累累 II」系列，1999 年…
the work of all of the artists in the North American section- Julie Becker, Jennifer Pastor, Jim Hodges, Kathleen Schimert, Elizabeth Peyton, and Tom Friedman-displayed the strong identification with mass media, popular culture, craft, and decoration that characterizes the work of many younger North American artists today. Becker's labyrinthine installation developed around almost full-size his-and-hers doll houses as model spaces for fictional children, such as Danny Torrance from the movie The Shining. The jumble of corridors and chambers was filled with everyday objects, including a coffee pot and cup, worn furniture, a sleeping dog, and posters, journals, and notes. Peyton's slickly varnished oil-on-wood portraits included pop stars Kurt Cobain and Sid Vicious, while Pastor contributed an enormous painted copper cornstalk, and Schimert produced an opalescent tabletop loaf that went under the title Porcelain Landscape: Love on Lake Erie. ...
北美部分的所有藝術家——朱莉·貝克爾、珍妮佛·帕斯特、吉姆·霍奇斯、凱瑟琳·施默特、伊麗莎白·佩頓和湯姆·弗里德曼——的作品都表現出了對大眾媒體、流行文化、工藝和裝飾的強烈認同，這是今天許多年輕的北美藝術家的作品。貝克爾的迷宮裝置圍繞著幾乎全尺寸的男女娃娃屋展開，作為虛構兒童的模型空間，例如電影《閃靈》中的丹尼·托倫斯。雜亂的走廊和房間裡堆滿了日常用品，包括咖啡壺和杯子、破舊的家具、一隻熟睡的狗，以及海報、日記和筆記。佩頓（Peyton）光滑的清漆木油肖像包括流行歌星庫爾特·科本（Kurt Cobain）和席德·維瑟斯（Sid Vicious），而帕斯特（Pastor）貢獻了一根巨大的彩繪銅玉米桿，施默特（Schimert）製作了一個乳白色的桌面麵包，標題為“瓷器風景：伊利湖上的愛”。 …
The 1997 Johannesburg Biennale, organized by the Nigerian curator Okwui Enwezor on the theme of "Trade Routes: History and Geography," on the other hand, challenged national borders by asserting the importance of diasporic identities in ...
另一方面，1997 年約翰內斯堡雙年展由尼日利亞策展人奧奎·恩維佐(Okwui Enwezor) 組織，主題為“貿易路線：歷史與地理”，通過強調僑民身份在…中的重要性來挑戰國界。
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contemporary art practices. Instead of placing the works in the usual national pavilions with their segregation by country and culture, the exhibition was organized along the lines of sub-themes that emphasized sameness and similarity among diasporic artists in particular, and other cultures in general, as alternatives to regional origin and identity. Advertised as the first major exhibition to present contemporary African, Caribbean, South American, and Asian artists as equals, the Biennale was heralded by some commentators as the most important exhibition since "Magiciens de la Terre" in 1989. Although the organizers dealt explicitly with issues of colonization, race relations, and identity in South Africa and elsewhere, they were nevertheless accused of privileging an international art audience and of failing to engage with the local community. Like many revisionist events of recent years, the exhibition raised complex, and perhaps unresolvable, questions about whose story, history, religion, meaning were being addressed. ...
當代藝術實踐。展覽沒有將作品放置在通常的國家館中，按照國家和文化進行分類，而是按照子主題進行組織，強調散居藝術家和其他文化之間的相同性和相似性，作為區域性的替代品起源和身份。雙年展被宣傳為第一個平等展示當代非洲、加勒比、南美和亞洲藝術家的大型展覽，一些評論家將其譽為自 1989 年“Magiciens de la Terre”以來最重要的展覽。和其他地方的殖民、種族關係和身份問題上表現出色，但仍被指責為國際藝術觀眾提供特權，並且未能與當地社區互動。就像近年來的許多修正主義事件一樣，這次展覽提出了複雜的、也許無法解決的問題，即誰的故事、歷史、宗教和意義正在解決。 …
Many works in the exhibition by Africans and members of the African diaspora from North America, Britain, and the Caribbean dealt with the legacy of colonialism. Among them was the white South African artist Penny Siopsis's video installation What a Lovely Day, subtitled What Do You Know ...
展覽中的許多作品由非洲人和來自北美、英國和加勒比地區的非洲僑民創作，涉及殖民主義的遺產。其中包括南非白人藝術家 Penny Siopsis 的錄像裝置《多麼美好的一天》，副標題是“你知道什麼…”
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of Massacre, Disaster and Catastrophe? Through the story of an English woman married to a Greek and living deep in the African veld, Siopsis explored various aspects of her white colonial identity using clips from family movies and narrative subtitles provided by her grandmother. The Americans Carrie Mae Weems and Pepón Osorio, Canadian Stan Douglas, Britain's Isaac Julien, and the South African Pat Mautloa were among the artists whose works addressed issues of diasporic identity, while Betye Saar and John Outterbridge exhibited work they had previously shown in São Paulo that alluded to aspects of African-American experience. Tania Bruguera took as her subject the Angolan-South African War, in which Cuban soldiers had been sent as state-controlled mercenaries, in terms of its Cuban casualties. This more contemporary work resonated strongly with a "historical" exhibition of mostly living artists organized by Cuban curator Gerardo Mosquera that included Sophie Calle and Ana Mendieta. ...
屠殺、災難與災難？透過講述一名嫁給希臘人並生活在非洲大草原深處的英國婦女的故事，西奧普西斯利用家庭電影的片段和祖母提供的敘事字幕，探索了她白人殖民身份的各個方面。美國人Carrie Mae Weems 和Pepón Osorio、加拿大人Stan Douglas、英國人Isaac Julien 和南非人Pat Mautloa 等藝術家的作品都涉及僑民身份問題，而Betye Saar 和John Outterbridge 則展出了他們之前在聖保羅展出過的作品這暗示了非裔美國人經歷的各個方面。塔尼亞·布魯格拉（Tania Bruguera）以安哥拉-南非戰爭為主題，在這場戰爭中，古巴士兵被派往國家控制的僱傭軍，以了解古巴的傷亡情況。這件更具當代性的作品與古巴策展人赫拉爾多·莫斯克拉（Gerardo Mosquera）組織的一場「歷史」展覽產生了強烈共鳴，該展覽主要是在世藝術家，其中包括索菲·卡勒（Sophie Calle）和安娜·門迭塔（Ana Mendieta）。 …
Two performances by women addressed topical political and social situations. Lucy Orta (b. 1966), who is based in London and Paris, was the only artist actively to bring issues of class into the Biennale. Her Collective Wear, one of a series of ongoing projects of a "situational” nature, was based on work she did with women from a local shelter (migrant laborers who came from the countryside to Johannesburg seeking work, only to find nothing available). Although she worked with- and paid the women for ten days before their performance, most people noticed the project only when the group paraded through the Biennale grounds and nearby streets on the last day of the exhibition singing Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika (God Bless Africa), the new South African national anthem, and other inspirational hymns. After the Biennale closed, Orta continued to work on establishing a permanent foundation through which these women would be able to manufacture and sell their own clothing designs, based upon the skills they had learned while working on her project. ...
婦女的兩場表演涉及熱門政治和社會局勢。露西·奧爾塔（Lucy Orta，生於 1966 年）現居倫敦和巴黎，是唯一一位積極將階級問題帶入雙年展的藝術家。她的集體服裝是一系列正在進行的具有「情境」性質的項目之一，它是基於她與當地庇護所的婦女所做的工作（從農村來到約翰內斯堡尋找工作，卻找不到工作的移民勞工）。保佑非洲）時，才注意到這個計畫。服裝設計。
American artist Coco Fusco (b. 1960) chose to set up a mock control point at the Biennale's entrance, where visitors were forced to buy "passbooks" for entry to the exhibition. These were almost exact replicas of the passbooks that black South Africans had to use during apartheid, and reaction to the piece was mixed, with some locals regarding it as trivializing or condescending. ...
美國藝術家可可·福斯科（Coco Fusco，生於 1960 年）選擇在雙年展入口處設置一個模擬控制點，強迫參觀者購買「存摺」才能進入展覽。這些幾乎是南非黑人在種族隔離期間必須使用的存摺的精確複製品，人們對這件作品的反應褒貶不一，一些當地人認為它是微不足道的或居高臨下的。 …
The Biennale's invited curators were encouraged to pair an artist from their own country with a South African. Jean-Hubert Martin chose to show unstretched paintings by Esther Mahlangu (b. 1935), similar to the house murals she had included in the ...
雙年展的受邀策展人被鼓勵將來自自己國家的藝術家與南非藝術家配對。讓-休伯特·馬丁選擇展示埃絲特·馬蘭古（Esther Mahlangu，生於 1935 年）的未拉伸畫作，類似於她在…中包含的房屋壁畫。
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earlier "Magiciens de la Terre," alongside recent sculptures by French artist Bertrand Lavier. Elsewhere in the exhibition, women's contributions ranged from the sculptural and video installations of Rona Pondick and Sam Taylor-Johnson to Shahzia Sikander's pictorial (and cultural) fusions of centuries- old techniques drawn from the traditions of Persian and Indian miniature painting with provocative contemporary forms. A case in point, and a recurring image in Sikander's mixed- media pieces, was that of a voluptuous veiled female body with a plethora of extra limbs who wields swords as she balances on fashionable platform shoes. Sikander (b. 1969), who was born in Pakistan but now lives and works in New York, has developed an artistic practice that moves easily between the borders and boundaries out of which the shifting identities of transnational artists are created. Her miniatures mingle Muslim and Hindu imagery, which she uses as vehicles through which to transmit the hybridity of her experiences. In a semi-autobiographical work titled The Scroll (1991-92), she adopted the formal style of manuscript painting, with its broken and varied perspectives and simultaneous views of multiple events, to depict a family's intricate domestic life and rituals through images that manipulate cultural, familial, and geographic traditions. ...
早期的“Magiciens de la Terre”，以及法國藝術家伯特蘭·拉維爾（Bertrand Lavier）最近的雕塑。在展覽的其他地方，女性的貢獻包括羅娜·龐迪克（Rona Pondick）和薩姆·泰勒-約翰遜（Sam Taylor-Johnson）的雕塑和錄像裝置，到沙齊亞·西坎德（Shahzia Sikander）的繪畫（和文化）融合，融合了從波斯和印度細密繪畫傳統中汲取的數百年歷史技術與挑釁性的當代形式。一個典型的例子，也是西坎德混合媒體作品中反覆出現的形象，是一個性感的、蒙著面紗的女性身體，有過多的額外肢體，穿著時尚的厚底鞋，揮舞著劍保持平衡。西坎德（生於 1969 年）出生於巴基斯坦，但現在在紐約生活和工作，他發展了一種可以輕鬆地在邊界和邊界之間移動的藝術實踐，跨國藝術家不斷變化的身份由此誕生。她的微型畫融合了穆斯林和印度教的意象，她用它們作為載體來傳播她的經歷的混合性。在一部名為《捲軸》（1991-92）的半自傳作品中，她採用了手稿繪畫的正式風格，以破碎而多樣的視角和對多個事件的同時觀看，透過圖像來描繪一個家庭錯綜複雜的家庭生活與儀式。 …
The growing international visibility of art from Asia and the Pacific region reinforces contemporary tendencies toward building subject positions and identities through processes of fluidity and indeterminancy, and fusing artistic practices that look to Europe and North America with those that are based in regional and indigenous traditions. Patriarchal, and in many cases strongly traditional, Asian cultures often proved resistant to Western-style feminism. At the same time, travel, education, political and social concerns, and the spread of mass culture have shaped a wide range of sophisticated and often critical artistic practices, many of them rooted in a concern with issues of displacement, imperialism, economic colonization, sexuality, and identity that are shared by many artists working around the world. ...
亞洲和太平洋地區藝術的國際知名度不斷提高，強化了當代趨勢，即透過流動性和不確定性的過程來建立主體地位和身份，並將面向歐洲和北美的藝術實踐與基於區域和本土傳統的藝術實踐相融合。父權制且在許多情況下具有強烈傳統性的亞洲文化往往對西方女性主義產生抵制。同時，旅行、教育、政治和社會問題以及大眾文化的傳播塑造了一系列複雜且往往具有批判性的藝術實踐，其中許多藝術實踐植根於對流離失所、帝國主義、經濟殖民、世界各地許多藝術家所共有的性取向和身分。 …
It was not until the 1980s, a period when the term "postfeminism" gained a certain academic currency in North America and Britain, that Asian women artists began to organize themselves systematically in order to make their voices heard as a collective force. Among the first to agitate in this way was Yun Suk Nam, one of South Korea's leading artists of the older generation. Born in 1939, she took up painting in her thirties and studied in New York during the 1980s before returning to Korea. Working with three other women, she organized the first public event in the emerging women's ...
直到1980年代，「後女權主義」一詞在北美和英國獲得一定學術流行的時期，亞洲女性藝術家才開始有系統地組織起來，以集體力量的形式發出自己的聲音。最先以這種方式煽動的人之一是韓國老一代頂尖藝術家之一的尹錫南（Yun Suk Nam）。她出生於1939年，三十多歲時開始繪畫，並於1980年代在紐約學習，然後返回韓國。她與其他三名女性合作，組織了新興女性領域的首次公開活動…
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movement, a show called "Group Exhibition" at the Kwanhoon Gallery in Seoul in 1985. As the editor of the Korean feminist magazine IF (for identity), Yun Suk Nam continues to be a major voice in Asian feminism. ...
1985 年，首爾 Kwanhoon 畫廊舉辦了一場名為「群展」的展覽。 …
The presence of the United Nations-sponsored "International Year of the Woman" conference in Beijing in 1995 focused worldwide attention on women's issues in the Asia-Pacific region and led to greatly expanded coverage of women artists, beginning with ART Asia Pacific's special number on women, which appeared in April of that year. The conference contributed to a new feminist awareness among women artists (many of whom choose not to employ that term specifically) and led to collective actions such as the setting up in 1998 of the Siren Art Studio by four Beijing-based women artists-Li Hong, Cui Xiuwen, Feng Jiali, and Yuan Yaomin-who have embraced a feminist agenda in their work that includes drawing attention to the inferior status of women in modern Chinese society and challenging traditional gender roles. ...
1995年，聯合國主辦的「國際婦女年」會議在北京召開，引起了全世界對亞太地區婦女問題的關注，並導致女性藝術家的報道範圍大大擴大，首先是ART Asia Pacific在女性，於當年四月出現。這次會議促進了女性藝術家（其中許多人選擇不專門使用這個詞）的新女權主義意識，並引發了集體行動，例如四位北京女藝術家李虹於 1998 年成立塞壬藝術工作室、崔秀文、馮嘉麗和袁耀民——她們在作品中擁抱了女性主義議程，其中包括引起人們對現代中國社會中女性的劣勢地位的關注，並挑戰傳統的性別角色。 …
The conference was followed two years later by an exhibition of seven international women artists in Taiwan. "Lord of the Rim—In Herself/For Herself" brought together artists from Taiwan, Korea, and Japan with feminist Judy Chicago from the United States in an exhibition and project that included women textile workers from the Taiwanese town of Hsin Chuang and focused attention on the women who labor unknown and unrecognized in the area's small textile factories. It was not until 1998 that the first all-Thai group exhibition of women, called "Woman Opportunity," took place at the Tadu Gallery in Bangkok, the capital of Thailand. That same year saw ...
兩年後，這次會議之後在台灣舉辦了七位國際女性藝術家的展覽。 「環王——在她自己/為她自己」將來自台灣、韓國和日本的藝術家與來自美國的女權主義者朱迪·芝加哥聚集在一起，舉辦了一個展覽和項目，其中包括來自台灣新莊鎮的女紡織工人，並引起了人們的關注那些在該地區的小紡織工廠默默無聞、不為人知地勞動的婦女。直到1998年，首個全泰國女性群展「女人的機會」才在泰國首都曼谷的Tadu畫廊舉辦。同年看到...
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"Century Woman" at Beijing's China Art Gallery, an exhibition that incorporated women's perspectives and included two of the seven (out of a total of fifty-eight) women artists represented in the major traveling exhibition "Inside Out: New Chinese Art" organized by the Asia Society in New York and the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art. The following year, "Womanifesto II," the second international women's art festival, opened in a park in Bangkok. ...
北京中國美術館舉辦的「世紀女性」展覽，融入了女性的視角，其中包括參加由中國美術館主辦的大型巡迴展覽「由內而外：新中國藝術」中的七位女性藝術家（共五十八位）中的兩位。隔年，第二屆國際女性藝術節「Womanifesto II」在曼谷的一個公園開幕。 …
The responses of Asian women artists to gender issues reveal a diversity shaped by generation and culture, making generalization difficult, if not impossible. Nevertheless, much of the work produced by women from Asian countries in recent years displays a profound concern with the relationship between personal identity and social conditions. Moreover, new awareness of collective goals has encouraged the emergence of more critical practices, including those that challenge or incorporate changing attitudes toward regional and/or indigenous traditions, critiques of political and social conditions, and deconstructions of gender and sexual difference in historically patriarchal societies. ...
亞洲女性藝術家對性別議題的反應揭示了由世代和文化塑造的多樣性，這使得概括變得困難，甚至不可能。儘管如此，近年來亞洲國家女性創作的許多作品都展現出對個人身分與社會狀況之間關係的深刻關注。此外，對集體目標的新認識鼓勵了更多批判性做法的出現，包括挑戰或納入對區域和/或原住民傳統的態度變化、對政治和社會條件的批評以及對歷史父權社會中性別和性別差異的解構。 …
Today, two major exhibitions focus on the hybrid nature of the region's contemporary art, and on the growing interest in Asian contemporary art generally. In 1993, the Asia-Pacific Triennial (APT), held at the Queensland Art Gallery in Brisbane every three years, joined the already well-established Biennale of Sydney. Although there is considerable overlap of artists between these exhibitions, they have often addressed regional concerns in different ways. The organization of the Tenth Biennale of Sydney in 1996, for example, reinforced the Australian art community's ongoing interest in international ...
如今，兩個主要展覽的重點是該地區當代藝術的混合性質，以及人們對亞洲當代藝術日益增長的興趣。 1993年，每三年在布里斯班昆士蘭美術館舉辦的亞太三年展（APT）加入了已經成熟的雪梨雙年展。儘管這些展覽之間的藝術家有相當大的重疊，但他們往往以不同的方式解決地區問題。例如，1996 年舉辦的第十屆雪梨雙年展增強了澳洲藝術界對國際藝術的持續興趣…
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tendencies and the country's awareness of its own complex biculturalism. Its first female artistic director, Lynne Cooke, the Australian-born curator of New York's Dia Center for the Arts, was assisted by Whitney Museum of American Art curator Elisabeth Sussman. The fact that in Australia today an estimated one third to one half of the country's visual art production is created by indigenous people, many of them women, who comprise less than two per cent of the population, influenced the curators' selection of forty-eight culturally diverse artists from five continents. The curators believed that these artists exemplified their theme of reproduction technologies, a term chosen to include technologies ranging from knitting machines to X-rays, though their choice was criticized for failing to elaborate the complex history of white Australia's relations with its indigenous peoples. ...
趨勢和國家對其自身複雜的二元文化主義的認識。它的第一位女性藝術總監是出生於澳洲的紐約迪亞藝術中心館長琳恩·庫克(Lynne Cooke)，並獲得了惠特尼美國藝術博物館館長伊麗莎白·蘇斯曼(Elisabeth Sussman)的協助。事實上，在今天的澳大利亞，估計該國三分之一到一半的視覺藝術作品是由土著人民創作的，其中許多是婦女，她們佔人口的比例不到百分之二，這一事實影響了策展人對48 位藝術家的選擇來自五大洲的多元文化藝術家。策展人認為，這些藝術家體現了他們的複製技術主題，該術語被選為包括從針織機到X 射線的各種技術，儘管他們的選擇因未能詳細闡述澳大利亞白人與其土著人民關係的複雜歷史而受到批評。 …
Textiles played a key role in the work of a number of artists in the show, from the American-Indonesian collaborators Nia Fliam and her partner Agus Ismoyo, who produced work informed by Hindu-Javanese textiles, to Emily Kame Kngwarreye (1910–1996), one of Australia's best-known indigenous artists. Kngwarreye's imposing silk batiks displaying dynamic linear, gestural patterning were typical of the work of the residents of the Utopia Aboriginal Land in central Australia. After years of adhering to the collective and communal artistic practice of aboriginal culture, curators and critics have in recent years acceded to market demand for individual attribution. The result has been an explosion of interest in named artists such as Clifford Possum, Michael Jagamara, and Kngwarreye, and a series of one-person exhibitions that have acknowledged the evident distinctiveness and authority of specific artists working within indigenous culture. The residents of the Utopia community originally adopted a technique from the Indian Ocean region that was not traditionally their own and used it to produce stunning batik designs incorporating traditional elements. In 1977 Kngwarreye and others formed the Utopia Women's Batik Group as a communal project. Two years later they became the first aboriginal artists invited to exhibit in one of the major international art exhibitions-the Third Biennale of Sydney— and by the 1980s they were using acrylic paints on canvas and board, and knowledge of their work had spread throughout Western Europe and North America. ...
紡織品在展覽中許多藝術家的作品中發揮了關鍵作用，從美國-印尼合作者 Nia Fliam 和她的搭檔 Agus Ismoyo（他們創作的作品以印度爪哇紡織品為靈感），到 Emily Kame Kngwarreye（1910-1996） ，澳洲最著名的土著藝術家之一。 Kngwarrey 的雄偉絲綢蠟染展示了動態的線性、手勢圖案，是澳洲中部烏托邦原住民土地居民的典型作品。經過多年堅持原住民文化的集體和公共藝術實踐，策展人和評論家近年來已經適應了市場對個人歸屬的需求。結果是人們對克利福德·負鼠（Clifford Possum）、邁克爾·賈加馬拉（Michael Jagamara）和肯瓦雷耶（Kngwarreye）等知名藝術家的興趣激增，並舉辦了一系列個人展覽，承認了在原住民文化中工作的特定藝術家的明顯獨特性和權威性。烏托邦社區的居民最初採用了印度洋地區傳統上不屬於自己的技術，並用它來製作融入傳統元素的令人驚嘆的蠟染設計。 1977 年，Kngwarreye 和其他人成立了烏托邦婦女蠟染組織，作為一個公共計畫。兩年後，他們成為第一批受邀參加大型國際藝術展覽之一——第三屆悉尼雙年展的原住民藝術家，到了20 世紀80 年代，他們開始在畫布和紙板上使用丙烯顏料，他們的作品的知識已經傳播到整個西方歐洲和北美。 …
The Sydney biennial's concentration of curatorial power perhaps contributed to the local complaint that, "The exhibition that once heralded new art in this country, the Biennale of Sydney, now runs minor reworks of New York ...
雪梨雙年展策展權力的集中或許導致了當地人的抱怨：「曾經在這個國家預示著新藝術的展覽，悉尼雙年展，現在對紐約進行了小規模的改造......
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trends, and the event praised for presenting new conjunctions of art is the Queensland Art Gallery's Asia-Pacific Triennial.” Whether or not such criticisms are true, there is a growing perception that it is the Asia-Pacific Triennial, which is now linked to the Asian Art Triennial in the Japanese city of Fukuoka, that is most aggressively mobilizing regional interest in the art of the Pacific, as well as the new art of China and Southeast Asia. A 1991 exhibition of installation work by radical ...
昆士蘭美術館的亞太三年展因展示藝術新結合而受到讚譽。無論這些批評是否屬實，越來越多的人認為，亞太三年展（現已與日本福岡市的亞洲藝術三年展相連）最積極地調動了地區對亞洲藝術的興趣。東南亞的新藝術。 1991 年激進派的裝置作品展
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conceptual artists from China was introduced in Japan in the exhibition "Exceptional Passage: Chinese Avant-Garde Artists," sponsored by the Japan Foundation. It was followed a year later by another large exhibition of installation work called "New Art from Southeast Asia." These collaborative exhibitions defined "Asia" primarily as a geographical concept, a territory stretching from Pakistan in the west, the Philippines in the east, Indonesia in the south, and Mongolia in the north, but excluding Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Oceania. This concept was gradually abandoned for being too Japan-centric and was replaced by the looser term "Asia-Pacific," which has characterized the most recent triennials. ...
由日本國際交流基金會主辦的「非凡的通道：中國前衛藝術家」展覽將來自中國的觀念藝術家介紹到日本。一年後，又舉辦了另一場名為「東南亞新藝術」的大型裝置作品展。這些合作展覽將「亞洲」定義為一個地理概念，西起巴基斯坦，東至菲律賓，南至印度尼西亞，北至蒙古，但不包括阿富汗、中東和大洋洲。這個概念因過於以日本為中心而逐漸被放棄，並被更寬鬆的術語“亞太”所取代，這是最近三年展的特徵。 …
The Asia-Pacific Triennial has emerged in the 1990s as one of the more thoughtful international forums for dialogue about the pains and pleasures (to paraphrase art critic Lucy Lippard) of an art world subject to all the tensions of a market-driven global transformation. Caroline Turner, the deputy director of the Queensland Art Gallery and manager of the Second Asia-Pacific Triennial (1996), described the exhibition's curatorial structure in an interview in Asian Art News. She pointed to an integrated curatorial process that involved forty-two curators from fifteen countries. To address what had been a relatively small Pacific-Oceanic presence in the 1993 Triennial, a team of Pacific selectors was put together and brought in Melanesian, Polynesian, and indigenous Australian artists. Art from India was included for the first time in 1996, as were Chinese artists from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. ...
亞太三年展於20 世紀90 年代興起，成為一個更具深思熟慮的國際論壇，用於對話藝術世界的痛苦和快樂（套用藝術評論家露西·利帕德的話），而藝術世界受到市場驅動的全球轉型的所有緊張局勢的影響。昆士蘭美術館副館長兼第二屆亞太三年展（1996）經理卡洛琳‧特納（Caroline Turner）在接受《亞洲藝術新聞》採訪時介紹了此次展覽的策展結構。她指出了一個綜合策展流程，涉及來自 15 個國家的 42 位策展人。為了解決 1993 年三年展中太平洋藝術家相對較少的問題，組建了一個太平洋選擇者團隊，並引進了美拉尼西亞、波利尼西亞和澳洲原住民藝術家。來自印度的藝術於 1996 年首次被納入其中，還有來自中國大陸、香港和台灣的中國藝術家。 …
While much of the work was installation-based, the curators made an effort to address issues of cultural difference directly. Turner pointed out what she saw as two, perhaps intractable, problems facing this, and other, international exhibitions taking place in areas with strong indigenous cultural traditions. First, tensions between nationality, collectivity, and identity may be unresolvable. Second, she pointed to the extreme difficulty of defining the borders of contemporary art practice in a world in which market preoccupation with indigenous work may affirm indigenous cultures at one moment, while reinforcing their continuing marginalization at another. In the end, "Asia-Pacific" remains an artificial construct as a region since geographic proximity does not necessarily translate into common concerns. Incorporating both the densely inhabited cities of East and Southeast Asia and the atolls and islands of Polynesia produces a "region" defined by radical difference. Nevertheless, the Asia-Pacific Triennials provide a unique forum within which to consider contemporary artistic practices in that part of the world. ...
雖然大部分作品都是基於裝置的，但策展人努力直接解決文化差異問題。特納指出，她認為這次展覽以及在具有深厚本土文化傳統的地區舉辦的其他國際展覽面臨著兩個可能棘手的問題。首先，國籍、集體和認同之間的緊張關係可能無法解決。其次，她指出，在一個市場對本土作品的關注可能會在某一時刻肯定本土文化，而在另一時刻強化其持續邊緣化的世界中，界定當代藝術實踐的邊界是極其困難的。最終，「亞太」仍然是一個人為構建的地區，因為地理位置接近並不一定會轉化為共同關注的問題。將東亞和東南亞人口稠密的城市以及波利尼西亞的環礁和島嶼結合起來，產生了一個由根本差異定義的「區域」。儘管如此，亞太三年展提供了一個獨特的論壇來思考該地區的當代藝術實踐。 …
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Multiple juxtapositions of radically different views of culture were most evident in the Pacific component of the 1996 APT, which included a number of works installed outdoors around the Queensland Art Gallery. Among them was Kanak artist Denise Tiavouane's (b. 1962) The Crying Taros (1996), an actual planted garden combined with an audio component that included the wailing of babies. Taro, the staple crop of the Kanak people of New Caledonia, is a symbol of women, as yams are a symbol of men, and Tiavouane chose it as a feminist and cultural sign, incorporating into her garden aspects of Oceanic life and women's activities. Speaking more directly to issues of cultural hybridity and displacement, The Campfire Group, a Brisbane-based aboriginal artists' cooperative established in 1991, parked a truck in front of the gallery. The truck, bearing a large "For Sale" sign, displayed aboriginal works that ranged from souvenir items to major works by some of Australia's best- known indigenous artists. The placement of the truck, nearby but outside the gallery, provided an ironic commentary on marginalization and cultural commodification. ...
截然不同的文化觀點的多重並置在 1996 年 APT 的太平洋部分最為明顯，其中包括在昆士蘭美術館周圍安裝的一些戶外作品。其中包括卡納克藝術家 Denise Tiavouane（生於 1962 年）的《哭泣的塔羅斯》（The Crying Taros，1996 年），這是一個真實的種植花園，結合了包含嬰兒哭聲的音頻組件。芋頭是新喀裡多尼亞卡納克人的主要作物，它是女性的象徵，就像山藥是男性的象徵一樣，蒂瓦萬選擇它作為女權主義和文化標誌，將海洋生活和女性活動的方面融入她的花園。為了更直接地談到文化混雜和流離失所的問題，Campfire Group（一家成立於 1991 年的布里斯班原住民藝術家合作社）在畫廊前停了一輛卡車。這輛卡車上掛著一個巨大的「待售」標誌，展示了原住民作品，從紀念品到澳洲一些最著名的原住民藝術家的主要作品。卡車放置在畫廊附近但在畫廊之外，對邊緣化和文化商品化提供了諷刺的評論。 …
At the exhibition's opening, a group of Papua New Guineans produced the performance Pies Namel (Our Place) in the gallery's garden. They conveyed their message of cultural hybridity by using materials that included cordyline leaves, soil, grass, masks, paint, feathers, and tree oil in recognition of the fact that self-decoration is an integral part of the ...
展覽開幕式上，一群巴布亞紐幾內亞人在畫廊的花園裡製作了表演《Pies Namel》（我們的地方）。他們透過使用包括紫杉葉、土壤、草、面具、油漆、羽毛和樹油在內的材料來傳達文化混合的訊息，認識到自我裝飾是...的一個組成部分。
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culture of almost all peoples of Papua New Guinea's Western Highlands Province. Performer Anna Mel, wearing a grass skirt garlanded with shells and beads, stood behind an empty vertical picture frame, while her husband Michael Mel invited members of the audience to confront their notions of the exotic by stepping through this European sign to decorate her with finger paints. At the same time, he provided a commentary on the way Polynesian identity has been constructed by others such as anthropologists and missionaries. The performance, calling into question the cultural interface between “self” and "other," recalled Guillermo Gómez-Peña and Coco Fusco's 1992 performance The Year of the White Bear, in which the two artists exhibited themselves as recently discovered "Amerindians" in an elaborate cage. ...
巴布亞紐幾內亞西部高地省幾乎所有民族的文化。表演者安娜·梅爾穿著飾有貝殼和珠子花環的草裙，站在一個空的垂直相框後面，而她的丈夫邁克爾·梅爾則邀請觀眾通過這個歐洲標誌來用手指裝飾她，以面對他們對異國情調的看法。同時，他對人類學家和傳教士等其他人建構波利尼西亞身份的方式進行了評論。這場表演對「自我」與「他者」之間的文化介面提出了質疑，讓人回想起吉列爾莫·戈麥斯-佩納和可可·福斯科1992 年的表演《白熊之年》，兩位藝術家在一場展覽中以新發現的“美洲印第安人”的身份展示了自己。 …
In another performance during the opening, Indonesian artist Arahmaiani (b. 1961) transformed herself from a bride into a wild figure brandishing toy guns and other implements of American culture in an installation and performance piece titled Nation for Sale. At the age of fourteen, Arahmaiani had left her religious, middle-class family and lived on the streets of her native Bandung. Living like a nomad, she confronted social injustices up close, especially those relating to cultural biases against women. As a result of this action, she was stigmatized, and in 1983, while a student at the Bandung Institute of Technology, she was arrested in the course of creating installation work in the streets (because it was considered subversive) and was forced to live under military house arrest. A growing concern with the cultural imperialism of wealthy nations led Arahmaiani to produce Nation for Sale, a performance about cultural displacement in which she expressed her rage at seeing local languages and cultures suppressed by an engineered mass culture. ...
在開幕式期間的另一場表演中，印尼藝術家Arahmaiani（生於1961 年）在題為“出售國家”的裝置和表演作品中，將自己從新娘變成了揮舞著玩具槍和其他美國文化工具的狂野人物。十四歲時，阿拉邁尼離開了她虔誠的中產階級家庭，流落到了家鄉萬隆的街頭。她像遊牧民族一樣生活，近距離面對社會不公正，特別是那些與針對女性的文化偏見有關的不公現象。這一行為的結果是，她受到了污名化，1983年，當她還是萬隆理工學院的學生時，她在街頭創作裝置作品的過程中被捕（因為這被認為是顛覆性的），並被迫流落街頭。由於對富裕國家的文化帝國主義的日益擔憂，阿拉邁尼創作了《出售國家》，這是一部關於文化流離失所的表演，她在表演中表達了對當地語言和文化被精心設計的大眾文化壓制的憤怒。 …
Like Arahmaiani, Korean artist Yi Bul (Lee Bul), who was born in 1964 to parents who were political dissidents, has made a career of exposing, challenging, and undermining religious, cultural, and political ideologies that perpetuate the silencing of women and the dominance of male authority. Beginning with works like Abortion (1989), a performance that proved controversial because of its nudity and exploration of cultural taboos, Yi Bul has deployed irony, contradiction, and ambivalence as she inserts herself into the cultural conditions that she critiques. Her installation at the 1996 APT, Majestic Splendor (1995), a display of fish adorned with sequins, attracted considerable media attention there and later at the Gwangju Biennale in South Korea in 1997, much of it directed toward what one newspaper described as the work's “repulsiveness.” ...
與Arahmaiani 一樣，韓國藝術家李昢（李昢）出生於1964 年，父母都是政治異見人士，他的職業生涯是揭露、挑戰和破壞宗教、文化和政治意識形態，這些意識形態使婦女和社會長期保持沉默。從《墮胎》（1989）等作品開始，這部作品因其裸體和對文化禁忌的探索而引起爭議，伊布爾在將自己融入到她所批評的文化條件中時，運用了諷刺、矛盾和矛盾心理。她在1996 年APT 藝術博覽會上的裝置作品《雄偉輝煌》(Majestic Splendor，1995) 展示了飾有亮片的魚，引起了媒體的廣泛關注，隨後在1997 年韓國光州雙年展上，其中大部分內容都指向了一家報紙所描述的作品的主題。 …
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By the end of the ten-day installation, all that remained were the cheap "man-made" baubles that had adorned the fish, now reduced to a putrid mass of bones. Bul chose fish and sequins because of their feminine connotations in Korean culture. The labor-intensive work involved in embellishing the fish stemmed from childhood memories of her mother making sequined bags and purses by hand. These signs of female fantasy and vanity, however, also carried implications of class and gender, for in the 1970s making sequined objects for the export market emerged as a kind of cottage industry in Korea. Thus the work's feminist content pointed toward both women's oppression in a patriarchal society and an unspoken cultural history of women in Korea. ...
十天的安裝結束後，剩下的只是裝飾魚的廉價「人造」小玩意，現在已經變成了一團腐爛的骨頭。 Bul 選擇了魚和亮片，因為它們在韓國文化中具有女性的意義。裝飾魚的勞動密集工作源自於她母親手工製作亮片包和錢包的童年記憶。然而，這些女性幻想和虛榮的跡像也帶有階級和性別的含義，因為在 20 世紀 70 年代，為出口市場製作亮片物品在韓國成為一種家庭手工業。因此，這部作品的女性主義內容既指向了父權社會中女性所受的壓迫，也指向了韓國女性不言而喻的文化歷史。 …
A similar attentiveness to cultural identity, the environment, and our relationship to nature is evident in the art of Australian Fiona Hall (b. 1953), who studied in Sydney and Rochester, New York. Her work, which includes photography, painting, and installations, is often created with objects she has first made and then photographed. Her installation at the Triennial, Give a Dog a Bone (1996), was a "portrait" of a civilization that consisted of a "wall" of supermarket cartons stacked and filled with carved soaps and found objects from everyday life and a life-sized photograph of Hall's father draped in a full- length shawl made by Hall from strips of metal cut from Coca- Cola cans. ...
澳洲菲奧娜·霍爾（Fiona Hall，生於 1953 年）曾在雪梨和紐約羅徹斯特學習，他的藝術也體現了對文化認同、環境以及我們與自然的關係的類似關注。她的作品包括攝影、繪畫和裝置，通常是用她先製作然後拍攝的物品來創作。她在三年展上的裝置作品《給狗一根骨頭》（Give a Dog a Bone，1996）是一個文明的“肖像”，它由超市紙箱堆成的“牆”組成，裡面裝滿了雕刻的肥皂和日常生活中發現的物品，還有一個真人大小的東西。 …
The 1996 APT also included New Delhi sculptor Mrinalini Mukherjee (1949-2015), who exhibited a series of monumental freestanding woven and knotted hemp-and-sisal constructions that suggested fantastic plants and addressed the line between art/craft, high/low, masculine/feminine. Mukherjee's earliest rope sculptures date from the 1970s, and although they are contemporaneous with Postminimal fiber work by North Americans Eva Hesse, Jackie Winsor, and others, they retain a more constructed aesthetic that derives, at least in part, from Indian traditions. The leading metaphor of her work remains not form itself, but the organic life of plants. Tough, hand-dyed hemp fibers are twisted and knotted around a rudimentary metal armature in a way that suggests unfolding forms, inexorable growth, and an intentional mingling of male and female shapes. ...
1996 年的APT 還包括新德里雕塑家Mrinalini Mukherjee（1949-2015），他展出了一系列具有紀念意義的獨立式編織和打結的大麻和劍麻結構，這些結構暗示了奇妙的植物，並強調了藝術/工藝、高/低、陽剛之間的界線/女性化。 Mukherjee 最早的繩索雕塑可以追溯到20 世紀70 年代，儘管它們與北美Eva Hesse、Jackie Winsor 等人的後極簡主義纖維作品是同時期的，但它們保留了一種更加結構化的美學，至少部分源自印度傳統。她作品的主要隱喻不是形式本身，而是植物的有機生命。堅韌的手工染色大麻纖維在一個基本的金屬骨架周圍扭曲打結，暗示著展開的形式、不可阻擋的生長以及男性和女性形狀的有意混合。 …
Aboriginal artist Destiny Deacon (b. 1957) has also built a practice around the intersection of fine arts with mass culture, the gallery with domestic space, the everyday and public with the private. A self-taught artist, Deacon has chosen to work with affordable and reproducible materials like Polaroids and color laser copies, drawing her imagery from advertising ...
原住民藝術家 Destiny Deacon（生於 1957 年）也圍繞著美術與大眾文化、畫廊與家庭空間、日常生活、公共與私人的交叉點建立了自己的實踐。作為一名自學成才的藝術家，迪肯選擇使用價格實惠且可複製的材料，如寶麗來照片和彩色雷射複印，從廣告中繪製圖像...
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and television and representing it with biting and witty titles. In Brisbane, she reconstructed her Melbourne living room (which also serves as her studio), calling attention to "blak" humor (a term Deacon developed as a strategy to reclaim colonial language in order to create a means of self-definition and expression for aboriginal and Torres Strait Islands people) through a display of her collection of racist kitsch. ...
和電視，並用尖銳而詼諧的標題來表現它。在布里斯班，她重建了墨爾本的起居室（同時也是她的工作室），呼籲人們關注「黑色」幽默（迪肯開發了這個術語，作為一種收回殖民語言的策略，以創造一種自我定義和表達的方式）原住民和托雷斯海峽群島人）透過展示她的種族主義媚俗收藏品。 …
A year later, in 1997, the largest and costliest event of its kind ever to take place in the Asia-Pacific region opened. The Second Gwangju Biennale, which included 500 artists from 60 nations, struck many viewers as primarily a massive public relations effort to ratify South Korea's position on the international cultural map. Dependent on a large number of European and North American art "advisers," the vague Utopian multiculturalism of the Biennale's theme, “Unmapping the Earth," failed to overcome the fact that at least half the artists in the show were from Europe and North America despite a certain rhetoric about non-Western artists and artistic practices. ...
一年後，即 1997 年，亞太地區有史以來規模最大、成本最高的同類活動開幕。第二屆光州雙年展有來自 60 個國家的 500 名藝術家參加，令許多觀眾印象深刻的是，它主要是一次大規模的公共關係活動，旨在認可韓國在國際文化版圖上的地位。依賴大量歐洲和北美藝術“顧問”，雙年展主題“Unmapping the Earth”的模糊烏托邦多元文化主義未能克服至少一半參展藝術家來自歐洲和北美的事實儘管有一些關於非西方藝術家和藝術實踐的言論.....
Once again it was the 47th Venice Biennale (1997) that provided the most focused look at a broad spectrum of female international art stars. It featured Sam Taylor-Johnson (UK; b. 1967) with her split-screen video installation of a couple's discussion in a crowded restaurant; Rachel Whiteread's (UK) ghostly castings; Mariko Mori's (Japan; b. 1967) 3-D video in ...
第 47 屆威尼斯雙年展（1997 年）再次為許多國際女性藝術明星提供了最集中的展示。薩姆·泰勒-約翰遜（Sam Taylor-Johnson，英國，生於 1967 年）在其分割畫面錄像裝置中展示了一對情侶在擁擠的餐廳中的討論； Rachel Whiteread（英國）幽靈般的選角； Mariko Mori（日本；生於 1967 年）的 3D 影片...
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which she projected herself as a floating Japanese princess- saint surrounded by gooey toy figures playing musical instruments; and Pipilotti Rist's (Switzerland; b. 1962) video featuring a vivacious young woman prancing down a street and periodically smashing the baton in her hand through a car window. Mori, born in Tokyo, educated in London, and now living in New York, displayed an early interest in exposing the image-making apparatus of the fashion business. Her futuristic costumes were influenced by the work of Jean-Paul Gaultier and other designers. More recently, as suggested by the titles of her works-Love Hotel, Tea Ceremony, Red Light, Warrior, and Play With Me-she has addressed issues of desire which coexist uneasily within a technological realm of fantasy and reality. ...
她把自己想像成一位漂浮的日本公主聖人，周圍環繞著彈奏樂器的黏糊糊的玩具人物； Pipilotti Rist（瑞士，1962 年生）的影片中，一位活潑的年輕女子在街上昂首闊步，時不時地用手中的警棍砸破車窗。森出生於東京，在倫敦接受教育，現居紐約，他很早就對展示時尚界的圖像製作工具表現出了濃厚的興趣。她的未來主義服裝受到 Jean-Paul Gaultier 和其他設計師作品的影響。最近，正如她的作品《愛情旅館》、《茶道》、《紅燈》、《戰士》和《陪我玩》的標題所暗示的那樣，她解決了在幻想與現實的技術領域中不安共存的慾望問題。 …
Perhaps the most extensive and far-reaching representation of women artists in international biennials occurred in 1999 with exhibitions in Brisbane, Fukuoka, Istanbul, and Venice. The Third Asia-Pacific Triennial in Brisbane and the Asian Art Triennial in Fukuoka showcased contemporary developments in Asia, with the Fukuoka exhibition taking place at the Asian Art Museum, Japan's first contemporary museum to show Asian art exclusively. The Brisbane show offered both a section called "Crossing Borders," designed to represent global artistic collaborations and artists who live and work in more than one country, and a "Virtual Triennial," which offered online access to the exhibition and associated programs. In addition, four region-based teams of curators represented East Asia (China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea), Southeast Asia (Indonesia, The Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam), South Asia (India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka), and Pacific (Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Niue, New Caledonia). ...
也許國際雙年展中女性藝術家最廣泛、影響最深遠的一次是 1999 年在布里斯班、福岡、伊斯坦堡和威尼斯舉辦的展覽。布里斯班第三屆亞太三年展和福岡亞洲藝術三年展展示了亞洲的當代發展，其中福岡展覽在亞洲藝術博物館舉行，這是日本第一個專門展示亞洲藝術的當代博物館。布里斯班展覽提供了一個名為“跨越邊界”的部分，旨在代表全球藝術合作和在多個國家生活和工作的藝術家，以及一個“虛擬三年展”，提供在線訪問展覽和相關項目的機會。此外，四個地區策展人團隊分別代表東亞（中國、日本、台灣、韓國）、東南亞（印尼、菲律賓、泰國、馬來西亞、新加坡、越南）、南亞（印度、巴基斯坦、斯里蘭卡） ）和太平洋地區（澳洲、紐西蘭、巴布亞紐幾內亞、紐埃、新喀裡多尼亞）。 …
The 1999 Asia-Pacific Triennial departed from the model of many previous international exhibitions in that its seventy- seven artists, representing twenty countries, were selected by a team of twenty-five international and thirty-nine Australian curators who chose to focus on artistic practices tied to indigenous traditions and culture. In this context, "crossing borders" was widely interpreted to refer to the boundaries between craft, traditional practices, performances, textile, video, and new technologies. ...
1999年的亞太三年展與以往許多國際展覽的模式不同，由25名國際策展人和39名澳洲策展人組成的團隊選出了代表20個國家的77名藝術家，他們選擇專注於藝術實踐與原住民傳統和文化聯繫在一起。在這種背景下，「跨越邊界」被廣泛地解釋為指手工藝、傳統實踐、表演、紡織、視頻和新技術之間的界限。 …
Place, memory, and identity figured strongly in many works. Chinese artist Yin Xiuzhen, one of the seven women included in the large traveling "Inside Out" exhibition of contemporary Chinese art in 1998-99, lives and works in Beijing, the city where ...
地點、記憶和身分在許多作品中都佔有重要地位。中國藝術家尹秀珍是 1998-99 年中國當代藝術大型巡迴展“由內而外”中的七位女性之一，她在北京生活和工作，這座城市...
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285 對面《命運執事》，我在不倫瑞克的客廳，3056，1996 286 對面下面 Mariko Mori，空夢，1995 ...
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she was born in 1963. Her work, which spans performance and installation, often describes the dramatic changes taking place in China today. In a 1995 installation titled Woolen Sweaters, she divided a collection of secondhand sweaters into two piles, one made up of women's brightly colored and patterned knits, the other, of men's pale-colored sweaters. Unravelling them, she began to reknit the threads, blending the wools in a metaphor of gender fusion. Another recent installation, this time at the Smart Museum at the University of Chicago, included clothes from her childhood, which she packed and covered with concrete in a dramatic symbolization of the lost past. Her interest in domestic themes and women's labor links her practice to what has been called "Apartment Art," a move on the part of many Chinese artists in the early 1990s to withdraw into more private practices and exhibitions in response to the renewed distrust of avant-garde and non-traditional art on the part of the political establishment and official culture. Since the mid-1990s, Yin Xiuzhen's work has centered around ...
她出生於1963年。 她的作品涵蓋表演和裝置，經常描述當今中國正在發生的巨大變化。在 1995 年題為「羊毛毛衣」的裝置作品中，她將一系列二手毛衣分成兩堆，一堆是女式色彩鮮豔、有圖案的針織衫，另一堆是男式淺色毛衣。解開它們後，她開始重新編織這些線，將羊毛混合成性別融合的隱喻。最近在芝加哥大學斯瑪特博物館舉辦的另一個裝置作品包括她童年時的衣服，她將這些衣服打包並用混凝土覆蓋，戲劇性地像徵著逝去的過去。她對家庭主題和女性勞動的興趣將她的實踐與所謂的「公寓藝術」聯繫起來，這是20 世紀90 年代初許多中國藝術家為了回應對前衛藝術重新不信任而採取的行動，更多地退出私人實踐和展覽。自1990年代中期以來，尹秀珍的作品圍繞著...
the massive destruction and reconstruction of Beijing. Through various kinds of interventions, she seeks to personalize objects and make reference to the lives of people affected by sudden social, physical, and cultural change. Her installation ...
北京的大規模破壞和重建。透過各種幹預措施，她尋求將物品個性化，並參考受突然的社會、身體和文化變化影響的人們的生活。她的裝置...
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Beijing 1999 interspersed ceramic roof tiles rescued from demolition sites (a symbol of" Old Peking," the tiles were used to cap the roofs of traditional Chinese single-story courtyard houses, many of which have been bulldozed in recent years) with photographs of ordinary people. Collecting fragments from demolition sites in Beijing-including roof tiles, furniture, and other objects—she creates large-scale installations that often focus on her home and neighborhood. ...
1999年的北京，散佈著從拆除現場搶救出來的陶瓷屋頂瓦片（「老北京」的象徵，這些瓦片被用來覆蓋中國傳統單層四合院的屋頂，其中許多近年來已被推平）與普通照片人們。她從北京的拆除現場收集碎片，包括屋頂瓦片、家具和其他物品，創作了大型裝置作品，通常以她的家和社區為主題。 …
Among the other artists in the Third Asia-Pacific Triennial in 1999 whose work took the form of installations were several women who draw on materials associated with femininity and combine images taken from multiple cultural sources. These included Shahzia Sikander, who transferred a wall installation made of paintings on tissue paper showing imagery from Hindu and Muslim sources from her New York studio to the Queensland Art Gallery. There, animated by the movements of passersby, they formed delicate veil-like fluttering layers. ...
1999 年第三屆亞太三年展上，有幾位女性藝術家以裝置的形式進行作品創作，她們利用與女性氣質相關的材料，並將來自多種文化來源的圖像結合起來。其中包括沙齊亞·西坎德 (Shahzia Sikander)，她將由薄紙上的繪畫組成的牆壁裝置從她的紐約工作室轉移到了昆士蘭美術館，該裝置展示了來自印度教和穆斯林的圖像。在那裡，在路人的動作的推動下，它們形成了精緻的面紗般的飄動層。 …
Another example of cultural hybridity was evident in Dutch- Indonesian artist Mella Jaarsma's (b. 1960) four suits sewn into the form of a jilbab (the Muslim veil that covers everything but the eyes and hands). Made from frog and fish skins, kangaroo hides, and 850 chicken feet, the jilbab were worn by volunteers. The installation, originally based on the Dutch colonialists' dismissive greeting to the Indonesians, "Hi Inlander" (Hello, Native), an address that mocked Jaarsma's ancestors, resonated with other meanings as the jilbab-wearing figures confronted what it feels like to inhabit another's skin. ...
文化混雜的另一個例子是荷蘭-印尼藝術家梅拉·賈斯瑪（Mella Jaarsma，生於1960 年）的四件套裝，它們被縫成吉爾巴布（一種穆斯林面紗，遮住眼睛和手以外的所有部位）。志工們穿著由青蛙皮、魚皮、袋鼠皮和 850 個雞爪製成的吉爾巴布。該裝置最初是基於荷蘭殖民者對印度尼西亞人輕蔑的問候語“你好，當地人”，這是一個嘲笑賈斯瑪祖先的稱呼，當穿著吉爾巴布的人物面對居住的感覺時，它與其他含義產生了共鳴另一個人的皮膚。 …
Jaarsma's work also pointed to the extent to which, by 1999, the horrors of the previous year's riots in Jakarta had become integrated into Indonesian art and literature (as well as contributing to a growing exodus of artists from the country). During the period of rioting, when many Chinese-Indonesians were attacked, tortured, raped, and burned alive, Jaarsma used the frog-skin jilbabs to open a dialogue between ethnic Chinese, who eat frogs, and Muslim Javanese, who perceive the animal as impure. The theme of giving women a voice also entered the work of Arahmaiani after she witnessed looted stores and burning homes where the charred and wounded bodies of Chinese-Indonesian women of all ages lay. Non Hendratmo, who had staged an installation in Jakarta a few weeks after the tragedy, was only one of a number of Indonesian artists who had relocated to New York within a year of the riots. ...
賈斯瑪的作品也指出，到 1999 年，前一年雅加達騷亂的恐怖已經融入印尼的藝術和文學（並導致越來越多的藝術家逃離該國）。在暴動期間，許多印尼華人遭到攻擊、酷刑、強暴和活活燒死，賈斯瑪用青蛙皮吉巴布開啟了吃青蛙的華人和爪哇穆斯林之間的對話，後者認為青蛙是一種動物。在阿拉邁尼親眼目睹商店被洗劫一空，房屋被燒毀，房屋裡躺著各個年齡段的印尼華裔婦女被燒焦和受傷的屍體後，賦予婦女發言權的主題也進入了她的作品。悲劇發生幾週後，諾·亨德拉莫 (Non Hendratmo) 在雅加達舉辦了一場裝置藝術展，他只是騷亂一年內搬到紐約的眾多印尼藝術家之一。 …
Amanda Heng's (Singapore; b. 1951) photographic series Narrating Bodies from 1998-99 (included in both the Brisbane exhibition and the Seventh Havana Biennial in 2000) was part of a personal quest to reconnect with her aging mother, from ...
Amanda Heng（新加坡；生於1951 年）1998-99 年的攝影系列《敘述身體》（曾在布里斯班展覽和2000 年第七屆哈瓦那雙年展中展出）是個人尋求與年邁母親重新建立聯繫的一部分。
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whom she had become estranged as a result of her choice of an unconventional artist's life within Singapore's traditional and patriarchal society. Her large color photographs of herself and her mother, which she exhibited for the most part close up and without context, served as a way of exploring the mother- daughter relationship, female roles, and the price of forsaking Mother Culture more generally. ...
由於她在新加坡傳統的父權社會中選擇了非傳統的藝術家生活，因此與她疏遠了。她為自己和母親拍攝的大幅彩色照片大部分都是近距離拍攝且沒有背景，是探索母女關係、女性角色以及更廣泛地放棄母文化的代價的一種方式。 …
Heng, born in Singapore, received her BFA from Curtin University of Technology in Perth, Australia, in 1990 and, two years later, organized a performance titled In Memory Of... in an abandoned building on the banks of the Singapore River. Commemorating the Tiananmen Square uprising of June 1989 in Beijing, she set her work on fire, burning the candles that made up the piece, while reciting in Chinese the words of courage spoken by the female leader in Tiananmen Square that had incited the uprising. She also collaborated with other women artists who met regularly over a four- month period to discuss issues of identity and their roles as artists. Heng, in summarizing the complexity of establishing a position as a woman, often refers to a Confucian saying that at home a woman must first obey her father, and then her ...
Heng 出生於新加坡，1990 年在澳洲珀斯科廷科技大學獲得藝術學士學位，兩年後在新加坡河畔的一座廢棄建築中組織了一場名為「紀念…」的表演。為了紀念1989年6月在北京發生的天安門廣場起義，她點燃了自己的作品，點燃了構成作品的蠟燭，同時用中文背誦了天安門廣場上煽動起義的女性領導人所說的勇氣之言。她還與其他女性藝術家合作，在四個月的時間內定期會面，討論身份及其作為藝術家的角色問題。衡在總結確立女性地位的複雜性時，經常引用儒家的一句話：“女子在家，先從父，然後……”
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husband, and then her son. A later installation, Missing, grew out of her research into, and concern over, reports about the disappearance of girl babies in Asian countries. In the piece, installed in Canning, Singapore, in 1995, Heng displayed a haunting arrangement of starched pieces of girls' clothing collected from friends and neighbors. The installation called forth a powerful critique of female infanticide and the giving up of female children for adoption in some Asian cultures. ...
丈夫，然後是她的兒子。後來的裝置作品《失蹤》源自於她對亞洲國家女嬰失蹤報道的研究和關注。在 1995 年安裝於新加坡坎寧的這件作品中，Heng 展示了從朋友和鄰居那裡收集的漿過的女孩衣服，令人難以忘懷。該裝置引起了對某些亞洲文化中殺害女嬰和放棄女孩以供收養的強烈批評。 …
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Kimsooja, born in 1957 in Taegu, South Korea, also addressed issues of identity through a feminist consciousness in a display of domestic bundles and hangings made from brightly colored Korean textiles and based on traditional bottari (Korean wrapping cloth usually tied into a bundle for carrying various household goods). The bundles, filled with clothing ...
金秀子 (Kimsooja) 1957 年出生於韓國大邱，她還透過展示由色彩鮮豔的韓國紡織品製成、以傳統 bottari（韓國包裝布通常綁在包裹裡攜帶各種家庭用品）。包裹裡裝滿了衣服…
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and objects of everyday use, were tightly wrapped with hand- sewn traditional fabrics associated with significant cultural rituals like marriage, funerals, and ancestor worship and connected to wrapping as bandaging. Their bulkiness also evoked connections to body and the traditional carrying cloths associated with travel. "I regard the bottari as the body itself," Kimsooja has said. ...
以及日常使用的物品，都用手工縫製的傳統織物緊緊包裹起來，這些織物與婚姻、葬禮和祖先崇拜等重要文化儀式相關，並與作為繃帶的包裹有關。它們的笨重也喚起了人們對身體和旅行相關的傳統攜帶布料的連結。 「我將 bottari 視為身體本身，」Kimsooja 說。 …
The work of the Thai artists Pinaree Sanpitak and Araya Rasdjarmrearnsook also points to the difficulty of generalizing practices on the basis of shared gender and/or culture. The arrival of urbanization and modernization to Thailand in the 1970s did little to transform the institutions of that traditional Asian patriarchal culture with its stereotypes of submissive femininity. Sanpitak, born in Bangkok in 1961, received her fine arts degree from Tsukuba University in Japan. "I realized long ago that you cannot change people suddenly, there's no point in being aggressive in attitude," she has said. "My art tries to ...
泰國藝術家 Pinaree Sanpitak 和 Araya Rasdjarmrearnsook 的作品也指出了在共同性別和/或文化的基礎上推廣實踐的困難。 1970 年代，泰國城市化和現代化的到來，並沒有改變亞洲傳統父權文化及其對女性順從的刻板印象。 Sanpitak 1961 年出生於曼谷，在日本筑波大學獲得美術學位。 「我很久以前就意識到，你不能突然改變人，態度上咄咄逼人是沒有意義的，」她說。 「我的藝術試圖...
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subtly nudge the viewer to receive and be more open-minded." Her work has engaged with self-exploration through bodily metaphors arising from breast, egg, and womb shapes. In a 1997 exhibition called "eggs, breasts, bodies, I etcetera," she showed a series of works in acrylic and charcoal on canvas that developed simplified, primitive female forms based on breasts, wombs, torsos, and hollow vessels. Rasdjarmrearnsook's sculptural installations and language more aggressively confront gender and social issues that include family loss, female prostitution (itself a culturally taboo subject), insecurity, and identity. ...
巧妙地促使觀眾接受並更加開放。 「她在畫布上展示了一系列丙烯和木炭作品，這些作品以乳房、子宮、軀幹和中空容器為基礎，發展出簡化、原始的女性形態。Rasdjarmrearnsook 的雕塑裝置和語言更積極地面對性別和社會議題，包括失去家庭、女性賣淫（本身就是文化上的禁忌話題）、不安全感和身分…
Considerable overlap of artists was evident in the 1999 Brisbane and Fukuoka exhibitions, and the latter's curatorial practices also revealed a concern about the rapid erosion of homogeneous communities and indigenous culture. As a result, the exhibition brought together artists, including a number of internationally recognized names, whose work reflected current concerns with installation, technology, and performance, and was often mediated by irony, critique, or other avant-garde strategies, and artists and artisans whose work remained tied to folk and indigenous traditions. While some installations featured interpretations of folk- style Pakistani truck decorations and indigenous Bhutanese handicrafts, the work that mainly found its way into Western reports was, as in the case of all the international shows, that produced by artists working in familiar contemporary modes. The awards ceremony at the 48th Venice Biennale in ...
1999年布里斯班和福岡的展覽中明顯可見藝術家的大量重疊，後者的策展實踐也揭示了對同質社區和本土文化迅速侵蝕的擔憂。因此，展覽匯集了一些藝術家，其中包括一些國際知名的藝術家，他們的作品反映了當前對裝置、技術和表演的關注，並且常常以諷刺、批評或其他前衛策略為媒介，藝術家和其作品仍然與民間和原住民傳統連結在一起的工匠。雖然一些裝置以對巴基斯坦民間風格的卡車裝飾和不丹本土手工藝品的詮釋為特色，但與所有國際展覽一樣，主要出現在西方報道中的作品是由藝術家以熟悉的當代模式創作的。第48屆威尼斯雙年展頒獎典禮...
June 1999 confirmed the high visibility of women artists on the ...
1999 年 6 月證實了女性藝術家在...
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international scene today. In addition to representing a quarter of all the artists, women were singled out for many individual awards. The Golden Lion for the best national participation was awarded to Italy's "Virtual Pavilion" of artists, all of whom were women: Monica Bonvicini, Bruna Esposito, Luisa Lambri, Paola Pivi, and Grazia Toderi. The pavilion's artists were selected by Swiss curator Harald Szeemann, who also served as the Biennale's overall director (individual nations select their own national pavilion's artists). Toderi (b. 1963) displayed a sequence of animated videos that retold The Arabian Nights through stylish images that blended elements of space travel and sports. Bonvicini's (b. 1965) I Believe in the sign of the Things as in that of the Women (1999) consisted of a wallboard cubicle, the interior of which was covered with lewd sketches and historical citations that revealed gender bias in architecture. Lambri's (b. 1969) contribution was taken from her 1999 "Soli-Trac" series, its title a homage to a 1968 performance piece by the Italian artist Gina Pane. In the Venice installation, Lambri recorded modular elements and the immaculate deserted interiors of rationalist architecture in images of longing and oppression. ...
今天的國際舞台。除了代表所有藝術家的四分之一之外，女性還獲得了許多個人獎項。最佳國家參與金獅獎授予了義大利「虛擬館」藝術家，所有藝術家均為女性：Monica Bonvicini、Bruna Esposito、Luisa Lambri、Paola Pivi 和 Grazia Toderi。該館的藝術家由瑞士策展人哈拉爾·塞曼（Harald Szeemann）挑選，他也擔任雙年展的總導演（各國選擇自己國家館的藝術家）。 Toderi（生於 1963 年）展示了一系列動畫視頻，透過融合太空旅行和體育元素的時尚圖像重述了《天方夜譚》。邦維奇尼（Bonvicini，生於1965 年）的《我相信事物的跡象就像婦女的跡象》（I Believe in the sign of the Things as in that of the Women，1999）由一個牆板隔間組成，其內部佈滿了猥褻的草圖和歷史引文，揭示了建築中的性別偏見。 Lambri（生於 1969 年）的貢獻取自她 1999 年的「Soli-Trac」系列，其標題是向義大利藝術家 Gina Pane 1968 年的表演作品致敬。在威尼斯的裝置中，蘭布里以渴望和壓迫的形象記錄了理性主義建築的模組化元素和完美的荒蕪內部。 …
International awards went to three installations, of which one was the Iranian Shirin Neshat's (b. 1957) Turbulent (1998), a two-channel video installation in which two projectors represent male and female experience in traditional Islamic culture. In one, a male singer performs before an audience of white-shirted men who whistle and cheer appreciatively as he sings a thirteenth-century poem set to music. As he bows to the appreciative audience, a wailing, trilling, wordless song emanates from the solitary black-shrouded figure projected on the opposite wall. As the male singer stares at the woman, stunned, she unleashes waves of primal screams and anguished wailing through her whole body, breaking all the rules of female conduct. "It's about how women reach a certain kind of freedom... how women become incredibly rebellious and unpredictable in this society, whereas men end up staying within the conformed way of living," says Neshat. Her piece, part of a trilogy that also includes Rapture (1999) and Fervor (2000), continued her project of untangling the ideology of Islam through her artistic practice and addressing issues of gender, nature, and culture in Islamic society. Yi Bul received an "honorable mention" at Venice, as did the Finnish video artist Eija-Liisa Ahtila (b. 1959) for her Consolation Service (1999), a compelling portrait of the dissolution of a marriage and the possibility of forgiveness. ...
國際獎項頒給了三件裝置作品，其中一件是伊朗人Shirin Neshat（生於1957 年）的《Turbulent》（1998 年），這是一個兩通道錄像裝置，其中兩台投影機代表了傳統伊斯蘭文化中男性和女性的經驗。其中，一位男歌手在一群身穿白襯衫的男人面前表演，當他唱一首十三世紀的配樂詩時，觀眾發出讚賞的口哨和歡呼聲。當他向欣賞的觀眾鞠躬時，投射在對面牆上的那個孤獨的黑色裹屍佈人物，發出了一首哀號、顫音、無言的歌曲。當男歌手目瞪口呆地看著女人時，她全身發出一陣陣原始的尖叫和痛苦的哀號，打破了所有女性行為的規則。 「這是關於女性如何獲得某種自由……女性如何在這個社會中變得極其叛逆和不可預測，而男性最終卻保持著墨守成規的生活方式，」內沙特說。她的作品是三部曲的一部分，三部曲還包括《狂喜》（Rapture，1999）和《熱情》（Fervor，2000），繼續她透過藝術實踐理清伊斯蘭意識形態的項目，並解決伊斯蘭社會中的性別、自然和文化問題。 Yi Bul 在威尼斯獲得了“榮譽獎”，芬蘭錄像藝術家Eija-Liisa Ahtila（生於1959 年）的《安慰服務》（Consolation Service，1999 年）也獲得了“榮譽獎”，該作品令人信服地描繪了婚姻的解體和寬恕的可能性。 …
A reading of even a partial group of recent international exhibitions from a gendered position, such as this, reveals ...
即使是從性別立場角度解讀最近的部分國際展覽，也揭示了…
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their contribution to the creation of multiple and diverse spaces through which women's voices are being heard today. Although much of this history has been hidden under complex theoretical and political debates, it is one that will surely contribute greatly to the future of our international visual culture. ...
她們為創造多元化的空間做出了貢獻，今天透過這些空間可以聽到婦女的聲音。儘管這段歷史的大部分內容都隱藏在複雜的理論和政治辯論之下，但它肯定會對我們國際視覺文化的未來做出巨大貢獻。 …
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Chapter 15 A Place to Grow: Personal Visions, Global Concerns ...
第 15 章 成長之地：個人願景、全球關注…
In 1995, British artist Tracey Emin (b. 1963), opened a studio/ museum/shop on a bleak stretch of Waterloo Road near the London train station of that name. A string of felt letters carefully stitched to a piece of white muslin hanging across the small storefront announced the "Tracey Emin Museum. A Place to Grow." Inside, visitors were greeted by a video titled "Why I Never Became a Dancer" (1995) in which Emin detailed her sexual life, dreams, and humiliations as a teenager living in the seaside town of Margate. Four years after closing the museum, she returned to the theme of growth in The Perfect Place to Grow (2001). The installation included a small wooden structure, like that of a seaside beach hut, raised on wooden stilts and accessible via narrow wooden stairs. At the base of the stairs, a small collection of potted plants provided a domestic touch. Emin's choice of a title is at once sentimental (she has referred to her father as “a fantastic gardener"), ironic (much of her work confronts childhood as traumatic and emotionally deprived), and ambiguous (what does it mean to "grow?"). The artist herself explained the work as combining a homage to her Turkish Cypriot father with memories of Margate. ...
1995 年，英國藝術家特蕾西·艾敏（Tracey Emin，生於 1963 年）在倫敦火車站附近滑鐵盧路的一條荒涼路段開設了一家工作室/博物館/商店。小店面上方懸掛著一串毛氈字母，小心翼翼地縫在一塊白色平紋細布上，上面寫著「特雷西·艾敏博物館。一個成長的地方」。在裡面，迎接參觀者的是一段名為“為什麼我從未成為舞者”（1995）的視頻，其中艾敏詳細描述了她十幾歲時生活在海濱小鎮馬蓋特的性生活、夢想和屈辱。博物館關閉四年後，她在《完美的成長之地》（2001）中重新回到了成長的主題。該裝置包括一個小型木結構，就像海邊的海灘小屋一樣，架在木高蹺上，可通過狹窄的木樓梯進入。樓梯底部擺放著一小堆盆栽植物，營造出一種居家氛圍。艾敏對標題的選擇既感傷（她稱她的父親是“一位出色的園丁”），又具有諷刺意味（她的大部分作品都將童年視為創傷性的和情感匱乏的），而且含糊不清楚（“成長意味著什麼？”）。
Emin's "perfect places" map geographies of intimacy and impersonality, confessional autobiography and social commentary, rootedness and dislocation, trauma and renewal, popular culture, craft, and high art through images and artifacts. Her artistic practice, like that of a number of other women artists who have achieved unprecedented public visibility in recent years, utilizes a range of media that have often been historically gendered, including diaries, letters, needlework, family photos, and personal objects. Reworking aspects of the sexual politics championed in much art by women in the 1970s, but refusing to articulate a feminist, or ...
艾敏的「完美之地」透過圖像和文物描繪了親密與客觀、自白自傳與社會評論、紮根與錯位、創傷與更新、流行文化、工藝和高雅藝術的地理分佈。與近年來獲得前所未有的公眾知名度的其他許多女性藝術家一樣，她的藝術實踐利用了一系列歷史上經常性別化的媒體，包括日記、信件、針線、家庭照片和個人物品。重塑 20 世紀 70 年代女性在許多藝術作品中所倡導的性政治的各個方面，但拒絕明確表達女權主義者，或…
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other, "politics," these artists often base aesthetic strategies on the gendered identities that circulate within mass culture. These practices draw attention to the ways that personal expressions are mediated rather than transparent, and individual voices reference both the body and the body ...
另一方面，“政治”，這些藝術家常常將美學策略建立在大眾文化中傳播的性別認同之上。這些做法引起了人們對個人表達方式的關注，這些方式是中介的而不是透明的，個人的聲音既涉及身體又涉及身體...
Emin is part of a generation of women artists whose work challenges earlier feminist politics and assumptions. Although many critics have chosen to concentrate on the transgressive ...
艾敏是一代女性藝術家中的一員，她們的作品挑戰了早期的女性主義政治和假設。儘管許多批評家選擇將注意力集中在違規行為上...
politic. ...
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A Place to Grow: Personal Visions, Global Concerns ...
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qualities of work that has earned its practitioners the by now tired sobriquet "bad girls," in fact the work of these artists renegotiates its historical and thematic sources in richer and more complex ways than that characterization suggests. If the feminist phrase "the personal is political" (which originally summed up women's desires to collectivize personal experience in order to bring about social change in areas like education, health care, and cultural politics) continues to reverberate in today's increasingly atomized culture, it does so in a world shaped by terms like diffusion, transnationalism, globalization, hybridity, diaspora, displacement, and nomadism. It is also a world in which intimate and confessional expressions of sexuality and desire often function geo-politically within broader social constructions of aesthetics, power, and sexuality. ...
事實上，這些藝術家的作品以比其特徵所暗示的更豐富、更複雜的方式重新協商其歷史和主題來源。如果女性主義短語「個人即政治」（最初概括了女性將個人經驗集體化的願望，以便在教育、醫療保健和文化政治等領域帶來社會變革）繼續在當今日益原子化的文化中迴響，那麼這是在一個由擴散、跨國主義、全球化、混合性、僑民、流離失所和游牧等術語塑造的世界中實現的。在這個世界裡，性和慾望的親密和坦白的表達常常在更廣泛的美學、權力和性的社會結構中發揮地緣政治作用。 …
Emin's unrelenting, often shocking, revelations in works that detail her personal experiences (among them sexual abuse, rape, abortion, and drunkenness), circulate widely through mass-media sources ready to consumerize her every action. As critic Mark Durden notes, “Her art and character tap into a popular cultural climate marked by prurience and gossip." Emin's use of confessional modes and self-produced narratives in the construction of her identity as an "outsider” and a working-class British woman resonates with the emergence of "reality" and confession-based television shows, as well as with the growing use of the Web as a vehicle through which to project the intimate and personal into public and near-global spaces. She is not alone among women artists who continue to reformulate mass-media images in ways that challenge accepted social and political positions. ...
艾敏在詳細描述她個人經歷（包括性虐待、強姦、墮胎和醉酒）的作品中不斷地、常常令人震驚地揭露，透過大眾媒體廣泛傳播，隨時準備消費她的一舉一動。正如評論家馬克杜登（Mark Durden）所指出的那樣，「她的藝術和性格融入了以色慾和八卦為特徵的流行文化氛圍。」艾敏在建構自己作為「局外人」和工人階級的身份時使用了懺悔模式和自我創作的敘事。 。她並不是唯一一個繼續以挑戰公認的社會和政治立場的方式重新塑造大眾媒體形象的女性藝術家。 …
The traditions of 1970s female art practices have been radically reconfigured over the last two decades. In the 1970s, feminist artists subverted the conventions of art in order to challenge, as Rosemary Betterton has observed, the "myth of individual genius and to assert a collective female experience and aesthetic lineage as in opposition to established, male- dominated art practices.... Emin's positioning of herself as an anti-intellectual Bohemian artist mystifies these antecedents, reproducing the surface gestures of previous work without transforming them." ...
20 世紀 70 年代女性藝術實踐的傳統在過去二十年中發生了根本性的重組。在 1970 年代，女性主義藝術家顛覆了藝術傳統，以挑戰“個人天才的神話”，並主張集體的女性體驗和美學血統，以反對既定的、男性主導的藝術實踐。艾敏將自己定位為反知識分子的波西米亞藝術家，這使這些前身變得神秘，複製了以前作品的表面姿態，但沒有改變它們。 …
Similarly, other artists today, many of them working internationally, share materials and techniques employed by an earlier generation of self-declared feminist artists, but distance themselves from meanings attached to these sources. Often, as Katy Deepwell notes, their work may appear more firmly rooted in the ideology of libertarian individualism than in feminism's liberationist politics. ...
同樣，今天的其他藝術家，其中許多人在國際上工作，分享了前一代自稱女權主義藝術家所使用的材料和技術，但與這些來源所附加的含義保持距離。正如凱蒂·迪普韋爾（Katy Deepwell）所指出的那樣，他們的作品往往似乎更牢固地植根於自由主義個人主義意識形態，而不是女性主義的解放主義政治。 …
Chapter 15
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Cairo-born Ghada Amer's (b. 1963) first New York exhibition at Deitch Projects in 2001 followed a critically acclaimed exhibition called "Intimate Confessions" held at the Tel Aviv Museum of Art the previous year. Her canvas Red Diagonals, like her earlier images of porn stars appropriated from popular magazines and stitched across raw canvas, depicted images of women in sexual positions loosely embroidered across bright patches of color. Dangling embroidery threads veil the figures in Eight Women in Black and White (2004) like strands of long hair. Refusing the dress codes of conservative Islamic culture, Amer chooses pornographic images as sources precisely because such images violate conventions of femininity in both East and West. ...
出生於開羅的加達·阿米爾（Ghada Amer，生於 1963 年）繼去年在特拉維夫藝術博物館舉辦了廣受好評的「親密懺悔」展覽之後，於 2001 年在 Deitch Projects 舉辦了首次紐約展覽。她的畫布《紅色對角線》，就像她早期從流行雜誌上挪用並縫在原始畫布上的色情明星圖像一樣，描繪了女性處於性姿勢的圖像，鬆散地繡在明亮的色塊上。 《黑白八女》（2004）中懸掛的繡線像一縷長髮一樣籠罩著人物。阿梅爾拒絕保守的伊斯蘭文化的服裝規範，選擇色情圖像作為來源，正是因為這些圖像違反了東西方的女性氣質慣例。 …
Amer's discovery of a sewing magazine as a source for the veiled woman pointed the way to new strategies for resolving her distrust both of French theoretical and deconstructive approaches to feminism and growing Islamic fundamentalism. She has often stated her opposition to any ideology that “denigrates the female body by trying to make it look asexual." Her observation that, "I had to find a way to address extremism-both feminism and religious fundamentalism and their parallel problems with the body and its relationship with seduction," may recall Hannah Wilke's 1977 poster "Marxism and Art: Beware of Fascist Feminism." Yet the post-Cold War, post-9/11 world in which Emin, Amer, and other internationally recognized women artists operate today is marked by more profound instabilities; it is a world where all aspects of the self and subjective experience are engaged as the lines between the intimate and the personal, the social and the global continue to shift. ...
阿米爾發現一本縫紉雜誌作為蒙面女人的來源，為解決她對法國女性主義理論和解構主義方法以及日益增長的伊斯蘭原教旨主義的不信任問題指明了新的策略。她經常表示反對任何「透過試圖使女性身體看起來無性來詆毀女性身體」的意識形態。性別平等的並行問題。在後9/11 世界中，艾敏、阿梅爾和其他國際公認的女性藝術家今天的運作充滿了更深刻的不穩定；這是一個自我和主觀體驗的各個方面都參與其中的世界，因為親密與個人、社會與全球之間的界線不斷改變…
During the 1990s, artists from Elizabeth Peyton and Lisa Yuskavage to Karen Kilimnik, Nan Goldin, Elke Krystufek, and others, produced works that on one level appeared to reject previous feminist and other politics, while at the same time mining a collective psyche that transcended nationalism in its whole-hearted embrace of desire and consumption. In works that have been viewed by some critics as indulgent, trivial, irreverent, and childish, and by others as courageous, ground-breaking, and revelatory, these artists have transformed emotional experience into images with powerful links to those created and circulated within mass-media sources. In images of male celebrity (Elizabeth Peyton) and working-class masculinity (Sarah Lucas), in self-images that combine fierce self-scrutiny and confessional sexual angst (Elke Krystufek), in reinventions of self as fantasies of glamour, iconic popism, and fairy tales (Karen Kilimnik), and in portrayals of prepubescent ...
1990年代，從伊麗莎白·佩頓（Elizabeth Peyton）、麗莎·尤斯卡瓦奇（Lisa Yuskavage）到凱倫·基利姆尼克（Karen Kilimnik）、南·戈爾丁（Nan Goldin）、埃爾克·克里斯圖菲克（Elke Krystufek）等藝術家，他們創作的作品在某種程度上似乎拒絕了以前的女權主義和其他政治，同時挖掘了一種超越傳統的集體心理。地擁抱慾望和消費。這些藝術家的作品被一些評論家視為放縱、瑣碎、不敬和幼稚，而另一些人則視為勇敢、開創性和啟發性，他們將情感體驗轉化為圖像，與大眾中創作和傳播的圖像有著強大的聯繫。在男性名人（伊莉莎白·佩頓）和工人階級男子氣概（莎拉·盧卡斯）的形像中，在結合了激烈的自我審視和坦白的性焦慮的自我形像中（埃爾克·克里斯托菲克），在將自我重塑為魅力幻想、標誌性流行主義中，和童話故事（凱倫·基利姆尼克），以及青春期前的描繪......
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female sexuality as faux-innocent, eroticized, or parodic (Lisa Yuskavage), their work embraces a world in which images create rather than reflect the real. In Kilimnik's (b. 1955) work, for example, the fairies are an animated representation of her fantasies, dreams, and desires as a traditional folk genre is reformulated in the idioms of pop culture. And the work of these artists also speaks to the shifting and unstable relationship between powerful geo-political forces and the widely individualistic practices of many contemporary artists worldwide. ...
他們的作品將女性的性行為描繪成虛假的天真、色情或戲仿（麗莎·尤斯卡瓦奇飾），他們的作品擁抱了一個圖像創造而不是反映真實的世界。例如，在基利姆尼克（Kilimnik，生於 1955 年）的作品中，仙女是她的幻想、夢想和慾望的生動表現，因為傳統的民間流派被流行文化的習語重新表述。這些藝術家的作品也體現了強大的地緣政治力量與世界各地許多當代藝術家廣泛的個人主義實踐之間不斷變化和不穩定的關係。 …
At the beginning of the twenty-first century a variety of artistic practices seemed to oscillate between opposition and ...
二十世紀初，各種藝術實踐似乎在對立和…之間搖擺。
294 Ghada Amer, Eight Women in Black and White, 2004 ...
294 Ghada Amer，《八個黑與白的女人》，2004 年…
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295 Karen Kilimnik, The Evening Fairy Alights at Bedroom Window, 2002 ...
295 凱倫‧基利姆尼克 (Karen Kilimnik)，《傍晚的仙女落在臥室窗前》，2002 年…
complicity in their relationship to mass culture. Expanded possibilities for growing numbers of women artists (at least those with access to major art markets) makes generalization difficult if not impossible as a recognizable politics framed around style, attitude, and subject-matter has given way to a resistence to gender-based ideologies. Reviewing women's participation in the 2005 Venice Biennale, Linda Nochlin concluded that, "what I find particularly admirable about the wide array of women's art at this year's Biennale is not only the high quality of much of it, but the fact that I cannot make any striking generalizations about it." ...
他們與大眾文化的關係是共謀的。越來越多的女性藝術家（至少是那些能夠進入主要藝術市場的女性藝術家）的可能性不斷擴大，這使得普遍化變得困難甚至不可能，因為圍繞風格、態度和主題的可識別的政治已經讓位於對基於性別的意識形態的抵制。回顧2005 年威尼斯雙年展中女性的參與情況，琳達·諾克林(Linda Nochlin) 總結道：「今年雙年展上眾多女性藝術作品的特別令人欽佩的地方不僅在於其中大部分作品的質量很高，而且事實上我無法做出任何貢獻。 …
The 2005 Venice Biennale, headed for the first time by two Spanish women directors, María de Corral and Rosa Martinez, included an unprecedented number of women artists, but Nochlin was not alone in noting the exhibition's inherent contradictions. Digitally produced posters by New York's Guerrilla Girls greeted visitors to the Arsenale part of the exhibition with the words "Welcome to the Feminist Biennale!" ...
2005年威尼斯雙年展首次由兩位西班牙女導演瑪麗亞·德·科拉爾和羅莎·馬丁內斯領銜，其中女性藝術家的數量達到了前所未有的水平，但諾克林並不是唯一一個注意到展覽固有矛盾的人。紐約遊擊女孩以數位方式製作的海報向參觀軍械庫部分的參觀者致意，上面寫著“歡迎來到女權主義雙年展！” …
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MORE COUNTRIES THAN EVER BEFORE! ...
比以往更多的國家！ …
WOMEN DIRECTORS ...
女性董事...
AT LAST! ...
終於！ …
FRENCH PAVILION HAS SOLO SHOW BY A WOMAN! ...
法國館有一位女性的個人表演！ …
38% WOMEN ARTISTS IN THE CURATED GROUP SHOWS! ...
38% 女性藝術家參加了策劃的群展！ …
WNO LAKES IF THEY RE INTRODUCED AS THE SPANISH GIRLS AT PRESS CONFERENCES! ...
如果在記者會上以西班牙女孩的身份重新介紹她們，那就沒有湖了！ …
WHO CARES IF IT'S THE FIRST TIME IN 100 YEARS! ...
誰在乎這是否是 100 年來的第一次！ …
WHO CARES THAT AFRICA, EXCEPT FOR MOROLLO AND EGYPT PSM.JA. (MISSING IN ART) ...
誰關心非洲，除了莫羅洛和埃及 PSM.JA。 （藝術中缺失）...
WHO CARES THAT 50 MARY NATIONAL PAVILIORS ACE ONLY SHOWTAG MEN! ...
誰在乎 50 位瑪麗國家隊的王牌選手只是表演者！ …
Benvenuti alla ...
本韋努蒂·阿拉...
Biennale Femminista! ...
雙年展女權主義者！ …
MORE FUN FACTS ABOUT THE BIENNALE ...
關於雙年展的更多有趣事實...
artets years beler fra nd Germany beled 19 War Fal oof Fencin ...
阿爾泰斯年貝勒弗蘭和德國貝雷德 19 戰爭 Fal oof Fencin ...
GUERRILLA GIRLS — ...
遊擊隊女孩——...
296 Guerrilla Girls, Benvenuti alla Biennale Femminista!, 2005 ...
296 遊擊隊女孩，Benvenuti alla Biennale Femminista!，2005 ...
Above the words in one poster, an image showed four masked art-world activists holding signs with relevant statistics and information about women's participation in earlier Biennales. Another poster declared, "Women Directors At Last!" before noting that those same directors were frequently introduced at press conferences as "the Spanish Girls," a fact that led some critics to question the use of the term "feminist" in the context of the Biennale. As if to underscore this disjunction, ...
在一張海報的文字上方，有一張圖片顯示四名蒙面的藝術界活動人士舉著標語，上面寫著有關女性參與早期雙年展的相關統計數據和資訊。另一張海報宣稱：“終於有女導演了！”然後指出，這些導演經常在新聞發布會上被稱為“西班牙女孩”，這一事實導致一些評論家質疑在雙年展背景下使用“女權主義者”一詞。好像是為了強調這種脫節，...
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the Guerrilla Girls enumerated a history of distressing statistics (fewer than 40 of the roughly 1,240 artworks on view in six major museums of Venice are by women; only 9 per cent of the artists in the 1995 Biennale were women). ...
遊擊女孩列舉了一段令人痛苦的統計數據（在威尼斯六大博物館展出的大約1,240 件藝術品中，只有不到40 件是女性創作的；1995 年雙年展上只有9% 的藝術家是女性）。 …
While the Guerrilla Girls adopted an ironic stance toward the Biennale's history, the contradictions embedded in the exhibition's representation of women also underscored the vastly different circumstances in which women live and work in different parts of the world. Critic Beral Madra in her review of the 2005 Biennale pointed to the ongoing split between powerful female voices within the western art system and the precarious position of women within local contexts far from the centers of art-world power. Others, including Ian McLean, have suggested that the current visibility of art by men as well as women from all corners of the globe results, not from changing art practices, but from the spread of a postcolonial consciousness and the body of writings it has generated. The presence of such conversations in international art-world contexts echoes similar concerns expressed in social analyses of the impact and meaning of globalization. ...
雖然遊擊女孩對雙年展的歷史採取了諷刺的立場，但展覽中對女性的描繪中所蘊含的矛盾也凸顯了世界不同地區女性生活和工作的巨大差異。評論家貝拉爾·馬德拉(Beral Madra) 在她對2005 年雙年展的評論中指出，西方藝術體系中強大的女性聲音與遠離藝術世界權力中心的當地環境中女性的不穩定地位之間存在著持續的分裂。包括伊恩·麥克萊恩在內的其他人則認為，目前世界各地的男性和女性對藝術的關注不是由於藝術實踐的改變，而是由於後殖民意識的傳播及其所產生的大量著作的結果。 。國際藝術界背景下此類對話的存在，呼應了對全球化影響和意義的社會分析中所表達的類似擔憂。 …
In his book The Lexus and the Olive Tree (1999), New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman summed up the contradiction embedded in an increasingly globalizing world (a term that continues to mean different things to different people, from westernization and the unbridled spread of corporate capitalism to the emergence of resistance movements in Western Europe, North and South America, Mexico, and Southeast Asia): "if the world were made up of just microchips and markets, you could probably rely on globalization to explain almost everything. But, alas, the world is made of microchips and markets and men and women, with all their peculiar habits, traditions, longings and unpredictable aspirations. So world affairs today can only be explained as the interaction between what is as new as an Internet Web site and what is as old as a gnarled olive tree on the banks of the river Jordan." ...
《紐約時報》專欄作家托馬斯‧弗里德曼(Thomas Friedman) 在他的著作《雷克薩斯和橄欖樹》(1999) 中總結了日益全球化的世界中所蘊含的矛盾（這個術語對於不同的人來說仍然具有不同的意義，從西方化到企業的無節制傳播）資本主義到西歐、北美和南美、墨西哥和東南亞抵抗運動的出現）：「如果世界只是由微晶片和市場組成，你可能可以依靠全球化來解釋幾乎一切。網站這樣的新事物和新事物之間的相互作用。 …
Friedman's remarks point to a world in which the local and the global define each other as cultural production and international capital move into global relams that lie beyond national borders. At the same time, resistance to such shifts has drawn attention to local issues and definitions. Today, gender and sexuality are considered to be socially constructed as much as biologically based, and they continue to mediate the practices of artists worldwide. Often they provide one lens through which to view the increasingly powerful relationship between local/individual/subjective experience and the forces ...
弗里德曼的言論指出，隨著文化生產和國際資本進入超越國界的全球領域，地方性和全球性相互定義。同時，對此類轉變的抵制引起了人們對當地問題和定義的關注。如今，性別和性行為被認為是社會建構的，同時也是基於生物學的，它們繼續影響著世界各地藝術家的實踐。它們通常提供一個鏡頭，透過它來觀察當地/個人/主觀經驗與力量之間日益強大的關係...
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that drive real shifts and consolidations of power around the world today. Women's growing visibility in the international art world makes it ever more critical that we pay attention as they negotiate new relationships between the personal and the (geo) political. While some women artists struggle with tensions between local specificity and notions of shared female experience, between recognitions of difference and moves toward collective action, others engage in what Chandra Talpidae Mahound has called "feminism without borders" or see themselves as working "glocally," i.e. merging local and global concerns. And while some embrace popular culture's strategies of seduction and consumption, others take a more distanced and ironic view of social and political engagement. ...
推動當今世界權力的真正轉變和鞏固。女性在國際藝術界的知名度日益提高，使得我們在她們協商個人與（地理）政治之間的新關係時給予關注變得更加重要。雖然一些女性藝術家在當地特殊性和共同女性經歷觀念之間、承認差異和走向集體行動之間的緊張關係中掙扎，但其他藝術家則從事錢德拉·塔爾皮代·馬洪所說的“無國界女權主義”，或認為自己是“全球本土化”的工作，即融合本地和全球關注點。儘管有些人接受流行文化的誘惑和消費策略，但有些人對社會和政治參與持更疏遠和諷刺的看法。 …
What follows here attempts to explore a few of the more obvious areas in which women artists working internationally since the turn of the new century are formulating representational strategies in response to rapidly changing political, social, and economic conditions in the world, as well as to new manifestations of the workings of power and resistance. In some cases, the fact that their artistic practices remain flexible and multi-faceted cautions against categorizing their work within arbitrary classifications based on gender. In others, the persistence of shared sources, images, and thematic concerns encourages us to look more closely at intersections and commonalities. ...
接下來試圖探討新世紀之交以來在國際上工作的女性藝術家正在製定代表性策略的一些更明顯的領域，以應對世界上快速變化的政治、社會和經濟條件，以及權力和抵抗運作的新表現。在某些情況下，他們的藝術實踐仍然靈活且多方面，這一事實提醒人們不要根據性別對他們的作品進行任意分類。在其他情況下，持續存在的共享資源、圖像和主題關注點鼓勵我們更仔細地觀察交叉點和共通點。 …
For centuries, western culture has divided and gendered space along public (masculine) and private/domestic (feminine) lines. Since the early 1970s, feminist scholars and artists have interrogated and challenged the ways that gender identity (i.e. masculinity and femininity) has also been linked to such spatializations. The reality of today's world, however, is that fewer people locate their identities in fixed states or particular locations. We inhabit cultures on the move, and a focus on the relationship between public and private spaces increasingly engages women artists in complex negotiations that include issues of geography and markers of difference that extend to sexuality, culture, religion, nationalisms, and ethnicity. Often such negotiations are given visible form as they are mapped onto the specificities of place. One example of this occurred in the exhibition "Sophie Calle: Public Places—Private Spaces" held at the Jewish Museum in San Francisco in 2001. ...
幾個世紀以來，西方文化一直按照公共（男性）和私人/家庭（女性）的界限對空間進行劃分和性別化。自 1970 年代初以來，女性主義學者和藝術家一直在質疑和挑戰性別認同（即男性氣質和女性氣質）與此類空間化的聯繫。然而，當今世界的現實是，將自己的身分定位在固定國家或特定地點的人越來越少。我們生活在不斷變化的文化中，對公共和私人空間之間關係的關注越來越多地讓女性藝術家參與複雜的談判，其中包括地理問題和延伸到性、文化、宗教、民族主義和種族的差異標記問題。通常，此類談判會根據地點的具體情況而採用可見的形式。 2001年在舊金山猶太博物館舉辦的「蘇菲‧卡爾：公共場所－私人空間」展覽就是一個例子。
For this exhibition, the artist created a room-sized installation of the eruv, an area converted from public to private space by a symbolic boundary, thereby permitting Orthodox Jews certain activities on the Sabbath, such as travel, that are otherwise forbidden. On a visit to Jerusalem in the mid-1990s, ...
在這次展覽中，藝術家創作了一個房間大小的eruv 裝置，這是一個透過象徵性邊界從公共空間轉變為私人空間的區域，從而允許東正教猶太人在安息日進行某些活動，例如旅行，而這些活動在其他情況下是被禁止的。在 20 世紀 90 年代中期訪問耶路撒冷時，...
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Calle interviewed fourteen of the city's residents, asking them to take her to a place within the eruv that they considered private. What resulted were accounts of public places that held intense private significance, for example, the site at which a man had confessed his infidelity to his wife, and a section of the Jewish quarter where a man took his girlfriends to escape being seen by his Palestinian elders. Black-and-white photographs of the eruv around Jerusalem, and the stories of places within it that held personal meaning for the inhabitants, showed how the boundaries between public and private could be reimagined and renegotiated. Calle's investigation into the concept of the eruv led the artist back to a theme that runs through much of her work, the ways that private lives are acted out in public contexts. ...
卡勒採訪了該市的十四名居民，要求他們帶她去一個他們認為私密的地方。由此產生的結果是對具有強烈私人意義的公共場所的描述，例如，一名男子向妻子承認不忠的地點，以及一名男子在猶太區的某個地方帶著女友躲避被巴勒斯坦人看到的地方。耶路撒冷周圍的埃魯夫的黑白照片，以及其中對居民具有個人意義的地方的故事，展示瞭如何重新構想和重新談判公共和私人之間的界限。卡勒對 eruv 概念的調查讓藝術家回到了貫穿其大部分作品的主題，即私人生活在公共環境中的表現方式。 …
Even death, often considered a private moment, and often viewed through the intimate lens of women's rituals, may be seen in its social dimension. The South African painter Marlene Dumas (b. 1953) now lives in Holland and her work frequently addresses the subject of death at the point where its private and public aspects meet. Reiterating Japanese novelist Yukio Mishima's insistence on the performativity of death, Dumas remarked, "He said that everyday on getting up you must practice dying and imagine all kinds of ways in which you might die. But you must make sure that you've got your makeup at hand, because you must look good on the day you die." Among Dumas's paintings exhibited during the 2003 Venice Biennale was a series of men lying in coffins, one with a Koran resting on his chest, others with shrouded faces. In Dead Girl (2002), the head, hair, and shoulders of a young woman who lies lifeless on the ground all but fill the picture plane. While the focus remains on the halo of hair, and the figure's damaged face with its thick rivulets of congealed blood and staring eyes, other sections of the composition are almost abstract. Dumas often combines the imagery of pornography (including newspaper and magazine photographs) and that of death in order to elicit a strong connection between Eros, or sexuality, and Thanatos, or death. Although resisting narrative, her work links the intimacy of sexuality and the public solemnity of death to a contemporary world in which images of death and sexuality reflect global political and human conflict, exploitation, and dislocation. ...
即使是死亡，通常被認為是私人時刻，並且經常透過女性儀式的親密鏡頭來看待，也可以從其社會維度中看待。南非畫家馬琳·杜馬斯（Marlene Dumas，生於 1953 年）現居荷蘭，她的作品經常在私人和公共方面相遇的地方探討死亡主題。大仲馬重申日本小說家三島由紀夫對死亡表演性的堅持，他說：「他說，每天起床時，你必須練習死亡，並想像你可能死亡的各種方式。但你必須確保你已經掌握了你的死亡方式。 2003 年威尼斯雙年展期間，大仲馬的畫作中有一系列躺在棺材裡的男人，其中一人胸前放著一本《古蘭經》，其他人的臉都蒙著布。在《死亡女孩》（2002）中，一個毫無生氣地倒在地上的年輕女子的頭、頭髮和肩膀幾乎佔據了整個畫面。雖然焦點仍然集中在頭髮的光環、人物受損的臉上、凝結的血流和凝視的眼睛上，但構圖的其他部分幾乎是抽象的。大仲馬經常將色情圖像（包括報紙和雜誌照片）與死亡圖像結合起來，以引出愛欲（Eros）（性慾）和塔納托斯（Thanatos）（死亡）之間的緊密聯繫。儘管她的作品抵制敘事，但她將性的親密性和死亡的公共莊嚴性與當代世界聯繫起來，在這個世界中，死亡和性的圖像反映了全球政治和人類衝突、剝削和混亂。 …
Dumas's use of photographic images of death points to the ways our access to intimate spaces and events is increasingly mediated by the ability of the camera (web cam/camcorder/cell phone) to project the personal onto a global screen that invites a mass audience voyeuristically to consume intimate moments. ...
杜馬斯對死亡攝影影像的使用表明，我們進入私密空間和事件的方式越來越多地透過相機（網路攝影機/攝影機/手機）的能力來調節，將個人投射到全球螢幕上，邀請大量觀眾進行偷窺消耗親密的時刻。 …
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297 ABOVE Marlene Dumas, Dead Girl, 2002 298 BELOW Eija-Liisa Ahtila, Lajha (The Present), 2001 ...
297 上方 Marlene Dumas，《死亡女孩》，2002 下方 298 下 Eija-Liisa Ahtila，Lajha（現在），2001 ...
The boundaries between imagined and physical space also play out along an unstable border between personal/private and global/public space. The desire that motivates the viewer to look long and hard at Dumas's paintings of dead bodies finds an echo in Lorna Simpson's video "31" (2002), a grid of thirty- one screens displaying the daily routines of a woman from the moment she rises until she goes to bed. As the monitors light up and go out, viewers are drawn into a voyeuristic relationship with the life of a woman under surveillance that blurs the boundaries between self and other, personal and social space. ...
想像空間和物理空間之間的界限也沿著個人/私人空間和全球/公共空間之間不穩定的邊界發揮作用。促使觀眾長時間仔細觀看杜馬斯屍體畫作的渴望在洛娜·辛普森(Lorna Simpson) 的視頻《31》(2002) 中得到了呼應，該視頻由31 個屏幕組成的網格顯示了一個女人從起床那一刻起的日常生活。隨著監視器的亮起和熄滅，觀眾被捲入一種與受監視的女性生活的偷窺關係中，這種關係模糊了自我與他人、個人與社會空間之間的界限。 …
Although interrogations of these relationships have a rich history in earlier feminist film and performance art, in recent years they have been reshaped by transformations in technology and the global circulation of images. The video and film installations of Eija-Liisa Ahtila explore the ways that female subjectivity is formed, mental disturbances are mapped across private bodies and public spaces, and even intensely personal awareness is mediated by the imagery of mass culture. The shifting boundaries between fictive and "real" space, and the contingent nature of subjectivity as it is formed through cultural mediations, are at the core of her cinematic investigations. Multiple personas and speaking voices combined with introspective narratives dismantle the fixed oppositions between spectator and spectacle, self and other, underscoring interactions that emphasize complexity and difference. ...
儘管對這些關係的質疑在早期的女性主義電影和表演藝術中有著豐富的歷史，但近年來，它們已經被技術變革和圖像的全球流通所重塑。 Eija-Liisa Ahtila 的錄像和電影裝置探索了女性主體性的形成方式，精神障礙在私人身體和公共空間中的映射，甚至強烈的個人意識也是透過大眾文化的意象來調節的。虛構和「真實」空間之間不斷變化的界限，以及透過文化中介形成的主體性的偶然性，是她電影研究的核心。多重角色和說話的聲音與內省的敘事相結合，消除了觀眾與景觀、自我與他人之間的固定對立，強調了複雜性和差異性的互動。 …
Lajha (The Present) (2001) is a five-monitor video installation with the monitors separated from each other in ways that force the viewer to move among them in order to see their images. The theme of the work is forgiveness, reiterated in the phrase "Give yourself a present, forgive yourself," repeated at the end of shortened versions of five previous videos ("The Wind," "The House," "Ground Control," "Underworld,” and "The Bridge"). In a segment from "The Bridge," a woman crawls slowly across a long bridge speaking her private thoughts in a public space as passers-by ignore her: "When I was at home I suddenly felt a powerful love for everyone as though I was a new Jesus, that I could just walk among people with my hands out and smile. I have never even belonged to the church. I realized that I had to go to hospital. That I can't cope and that my children are in danger, and that I am not safe in myself." ...
Lajha（現在）（2001）是一個五顯示器視訊裝置，顯示器彼此分開，迫使觀眾在它們之間移動才能看到它們的影像。作品的主題是寬恕，在“給自己一份禮物，寬恕自己”這句話中得到了重申，在之前五個視頻（“風”、“房子”、“地面控制”、“在《橋》的一個片段中，一個女人在公共場所緩慢地爬過一座長橋，在路人忽視她的情況下說出她的私人想法：「當我在家時，我突然對每個人都有一種強烈的愛，就好像我是一個新耶穌一樣，我可以伸出雙手微笑著走在人群中。我甚至從來不屬於教會。我意識到我必須去醫院。我無法應對，我的孩子處於危險之中，而我自己也不安全。
Ahtila's work draws on the unstable spaces that new technologies have opened up between experiences of reality and imagination, individual perception and social context. Similar concerns are evident in the work of the Canadian artist Janet Cardiff (b. 1957) whose interactive audio, video, film, ...
阿蒂拉的作品利用了新科技在現實與想像、個人感知與社會背景之間所開闢的不穩定空間。類似的擔憂在加拿大藝術家珍妮特·卡迪夫（Janet Cardiff，生於 1957 年）的作品中也很明顯，她的互動音頻、視頻、電影…
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and performance works explore narrative, desire, intimacy, love, loss, and memory. Often working collaboratively with her partner George Bures Miller, Cardiff began to make audio walks for locations in Canada, Europe, the United States, and elsewhere in 1991. Her fractured narratives, like those of Ahtila, blur the boundary between self and other, and explore the subject's formation through the insertion of a "self" into an ongoing narrative. Whether the viewer experiences these narratives in enclosed spaces (the gallery) or becomes a part of a drama that plays out in real space and time, his/ her experiential reality is shaped and conditioned by Cardiff's imagined/spoken narrative. The result is a blurring of the lines between fantasy and reality resulting in a (re)constituting of subjectivity within the relationship between private and public space. ...
表演作品探索敘事、慾望、親密、愛、失落和記憶。卡迪夫經常與她的搭檔喬治·布爾斯·米勒(George Bures Miller) 合作，1991 年開始在加拿大、歐洲、美國和其他地方製作音頻行走。一樣，模糊了自我與他人之間的界限，並且透過將「自我」插入正在進行的敘事來探索主體的形成。無論觀眾是在封閉的空間（畫廊）中體驗這些敘事，還是成為在真實時空上演的戲劇的一部分，他/她的體驗現實都會受到卡迪夫的想像/口頭敘事的塑造和約束。結果是幻想與現實之間的界線變得模糊，導致私人與公共空間之間的關係中的主體性（重新）構成。 …
The Missing Voice (Case Study B) (1999), a thirty-eight minute walk around the neighborhoods of London's East End, begins inside the Whitechapel Library. After being instructed to visit the library and look at a reproduction in a book, the participant is informed that she/he is being followed. The question of who is being followed, and by whom, remains ambiguous and quickly works to destabilize the participant's ability to distinguish between interior and exterior, fantasy and reality, subjectivity and objectivity. Gradually, descriptions of the East End begin to evoke earlier historical periods and conflicts: the Victorian world of Jack the Ripper or World War II, when the area was heavily bombed, "There's a lime green car parked across the street, you can see the church steeple, scaffolding, graffiti on the wall, barbed wire, broken windows, men with guns in black uniform and face masks, fires all around me..." Cardiff's audio piece effectively destabilizes the relationship between fiction and reality, but it also engages the processes of visualization and memory that play an integral role in negotiating change, whether spatial, lived or imagined. ...
《失蹤的聲音（案例研究 B）》（1999）是圍繞倫敦東區街區的三十八分鐘步行路程，從白教堂圖書館內開始。在被指示去圖書館並查看書中的複製品後，參與者被告知她/他正在被追蹤。誰被追蹤以及被誰追蹤的問題仍然模稜兩可，並且很快就會破壞參與者區分內在和外在、幻想和現實、主觀和客觀性的能力。漸漸地，對東區的描述開始讓人想起早期的歷史時期和衝突：開膛手傑克的維多利亞時代或第二次世界大戰，當時該地區遭到嚴重轟炸，「街對面停著一輛檸檬綠的汽車，你可以看到教堂尖塔、腳手架、牆上的塗鴉、鐵絲網、破碎的窗戶、穿著黑色制服、戴著面具持槍的男子，我周圍都是大火……」卡迪夫的音頻作品有效地破壞了虛構與現實之間的關係，但它也吸引了人們的注意。 …
Relationships between domestic and public spaces and women's bodies, and between veiled and revealed meaning, are the subjects of a series of photographic works by the Moroccan artist Lalla Essaydi (b. 1956). Exhibited since 2003, the photographs appear to be portraits of traditionally clothed and veiled Muslim women and children. Photographed against largely blank backgrounds and displaying a dense overlayering of Islamic calligraphy written by the artist in henna on their clothing, backgrounds, hands and feet, the images produce an evocative and mysterious space and human presence that is redolent with powerful feelings of longing and ambiguity. Essaydi's poetic text, repeated throughout, appropriates classic ...
摩洛哥藝術家拉拉·埃賽迪（Lalla Essaydi，生於 1956 年）一系列攝影作品的主題是家庭和公共空間與女性身體之間的關係，以及隱藏和顯露的意義之間的關係。這些照片自 2003 年起展出，似乎是身著傳統服裝、戴著面紗的穆斯林婦女和兒童的肖像。這些圖像是在大部分空白的背景下拍攝的，在他們的衣服、背景、手和腳上展示了藝術家用指甲花書寫的密集的伊斯蘭書法，這些圖像產生了一個令人回味和神秘的空間和人類的存在，讓人想起強烈的渴望和模糊的感覺。埃賽迪的詩意文本貫穿始終，借鏡了經典…
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calligraphic Arabic, a written language primarily reserved for sacred texts, and uses it to reimagine women's identity as a transnational subject. She has noted that, "Through these images I am able to suggest the complexity of Arab female identity-as I have known it-and the tension between hierarchy and fluidity at the heart of Arab culture." ...
書法阿拉伯語是一種主要用於神聖文本的書面語言，並用它來重新構想女性作為跨國主體的身份。她指出，“透過這些圖像，我能夠暗示阿拉伯女性身份的複雜性——據我所知——以及阿拉伯文化核心的等級制度和流動性之間的緊張關係。” …
Essaydi's use of calligraphy recalls earlier over-writings of the body by artists like Mona Hatoum (Measures of Distance) and Shirin Neshat (Women of Allah). The work of all three women addresses the ways that written texts may prove either accessible or inaccessible to audiences with different language skills, and that the body may serve as a ground for the inscription of social meanings. All three artists use written texts to reverse stereotypes of women under Islam as "silenced," and to convey their awareness of those women's experiences and identities. Their use of calligraphy, which always uses the Arabic alphabet but may be written in any number of ...
Essaydi 對書法的運用讓人回想起 Mona Hatoum（距離的測量）和 Shirin Neshat（安拉的女性）等藝術家早期對身體的重寫。這三位女性的作品都探討了書面文本對於具有不同語言技能的受眾來說可能是可以理解或無法理解的方式，以及身體可以作為銘刻社會意義的基礎。三位藝術家都使用書面文本來扭轉伊斯蘭教下女性「沉默」的刻板印象，並傳達她們對這些女性的經歷和身份的認識。他們使用書法，總是使用阿拉伯字母，但可以用任意數量的書寫...
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languages, also challenges western stereotypes of a reductive "Islamic culture" that can be identified through a single cursive script. ...
語言，也挑戰了西方對可透過單一草書文字辨識的簡化「伊斯蘭文化」的刻板印象。 …
Shirin Neshat's photograph The Last Word (2003), related to the film of the same title, continues this challenge to simplistic cultural assumptions about the Middle East. In the photograph, Neshat stages a scene with autobiographical roots. Conceived outside Iran (the Islamic republic was established in the period between her departure in 1974 and her first visit to the country of her birth in 1990), the photograph depicts an implicit power struggle between two figures seated across a table from one another. In a darkened, cavernous space illuminated only by a light that falls on the table and a pile of manuscripts that lies in front of the male figure, the seated woman responds with a poem by Forugh Farrokhzad (1935–1967), a poet known for the sensuality of her verse. The fact that the seated woman is not veiled and the setting contains no details specific to place, nor any identifiable signs of the Islamic world, locates the encounter within a realm of shifting human and power relations. ...
Shirin Neshat 的照片《The Last Word》（2003 年）與同名電影相關，繼續挑戰關於中東的簡單化文化假設。在照片中，內沙特上演了一個具有自傳根源的場景。這張照片是在伊朗境外構思的（伊朗伊斯蘭共和國是在她1974 年離開伊朗到1990 年第一次訪問她的出生國之間的這段時間內建立的），描繪了坐在桌子對面的兩個人物之間隱含的權力鬥爭。在一個黑暗、洞穴般的空間裡，只有落在桌子上的燈光和男性人物面前的一堆手稿照亮，坐著的女人用一首由福魯·法羅赫扎德（Forugh Farrokhzad，1935- 1967 年）的詩作為回應，詩人以她詩句的感性。事實上，坐著的女人沒有戴面紗，背景也沒有任何特定地點的細節，也沒有任何伊斯蘭世界的可識別標誌，這一事實將這次相遇定位在一個不斷變化的人類和權力關係的領域中。 …
Todays world is one in which relationships between peoples and places are increasingly defined through instability, flux, and movement. Geographic and transnational dislocation have become defining characteristics of life for many people in the twenty-first century. In her book Terra Infirma: Geography's Visual Culture (2000), Irit Rogoff traces the shift from conceptions of borders and boundaries as lines of division to a "post-colonial, migratory reality” in which a sense of "belonging" has been replaced by mixed signals, crossed references, and experiences of disruption. ...
在當今世界，人與人之間、地方之間的關係日益透過不穩定、變化和運動來定義。地理和跨國錯位已成為二十一世紀許多人生活的決定性特徵。伊里特·羅格夫（Irit Rogoff）在她的著作《Terra Infirma：地理的視覺文化》（2000）中追溯了從作為分界線的邊界和邊界概念到「後殖民、移民現實」的轉變，其中「歸屬感」已被「歸屬感」所取代。
Today, the work of a number of women artists explores such movements across time and space, and draws on personal experience of dislocation and cultural multiplicity. Renegotiating boundaries-political, cultural, religious, and so forth their work challenges stereotypes of place, history, and belief. At times elucidating points of connection between histories and peoples, at others mapping spatial relationships and disconnections between locations and subjective experiences, they explore new configurations of space, time, and movement. And they emphasize the fluidity and instability, rather than fixity, of identity today. ...
如今，許多女性藝術家的作品探索了這種跨越時間和空間的運動，並藉鑒了錯位和文化多樣性的個人經驗。重新協商政治、文化、宗教等界限，他們的作品挑戰了對地方、歷史和信仰的刻板印象。有時闡明歷史和民族之間的聯繫點，有時描繪地點和主觀體驗之間的空間關係和脫節，他們探索空間、時間和運動的新配置。他們強調當今身分的流動性和不穩定性，而不是固定性。 …
Emily Jacir's (b. 1970) work exposes this experience of disruption by showing how individual and social realities may be mediated by existing representations. Her photographs shift between the familiar visual images of Palestinian communities, and the ways that that society's representation ...
艾米莉·賈西爾（Emily Jacir，生於 1970 年）的作品透過展示個人和社會現實如何透過現有表徵來調節，從而揭示了這種破壞的經歷。她的照片在巴勒斯坦社區熟悉的視覺圖像和該社會的代表方式之間轉換...
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in the wider world is shaped by the interventions of media culture. Ramallah/New York (2004-05) is a two-channel video installation on DVD that focuses on sites frequented by Palestinians in the West Bank city of Ramallah and New York in the course of conducting ordinary business activities: a travel agency, delicatessen, convenience store, and the like. In each of these places, we see men and women in secular modern dress going about their everyday activities. There are no obvious markers of nationality or place, but unlike Shirin Neshat's The Last Word with its anonymous bare walls, the context here is one of rich visual detail. Shown on two screens placed next to one another so that our eyes move easily from one to the other, the viewer quickly becomes aware that, despite the fact that these are specific places, obvious signifiers of "Palestine" and "New York" have been omitted and it is not ...
更廣闊的世界是由媒體文化的干預所塑造的。拉馬拉/紐約(2004-05) 是一個DVD 上的兩頻道錄像裝置，重點關注約旦河西岸城市拉馬拉和紐約的巴勒斯坦人在進行日常商業活動中經常光顧的場所：旅行社、熟食店、便利商店等。在每一個地方，我們都看到穿著世俗現代服裝的男人和女人正在進行他們的日常活動。沒有明顯的國籍或地點標記，但與 Shirin Neshat 的《最後一句話》及其匿名裸牆不同，這裡的背景是豐富的視覺細節之一。顯示在兩個相鄰的螢幕上，以便我們的眼睛可以輕鬆地從一個螢幕移動到另一個螢幕，觀眾很快就會意識到，儘管這些都是特定的地方，但“巴勒斯坦”和“紐約”的明顯標誌已被省略了，它不是...
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possible to identify the geographic location of the photographs. As critic Frances Richard notes, in the end Jacir's subject is less about the specificities of place than how immigrants and refugees recreate the social patterns of their home cultures, familiar to us from photographs, films, and so forth, in new geographic locales. Cultural critic Homi Bhabha has suggested that contemporary artistic practices, including those of Jacir, Neshat, and others, often question "the assumptions we make about the relation between the narratives of cultural transmission and the concept of time informing aesthetic forms and artistic practices." Bhabha's remarks point to the ways that today's patterns of culture may challenge older, more established assumptions about chronology and developments in time. ...
可以辨識照片的地理位置。正如評論家弗朗西斯理查德指出的那樣，最終賈西爾的主題與其說是關於地方的特殊性，不如說是關於移民和難民如何在新的地理環境中重建他們家鄉文化的社會模式，這些模式是我們從照片、影片等所熟悉的。文化評論家霍米·巴巴(Homi Bhabha) 指出，當代藝術實踐，包括賈西爾(Jacir)、內沙特(Neshat) 等人的藝術實踐，經常質疑「我們對文化傳播敘事與美學形式和藝術實踐的時間概念之間關係所做的假設」。巴巴的言論指出，當今的文化模式可能會挑戰關於年代和時間發展的更古老、更既定的假設。 …
Starting in the 1990s, the Dutch artist Rineke Dijkstra (b. 1959) began to document transitional moments in people's lives, creating subjects that are "continuous" rather than frozen at a particular moment. A series of photographs of the children of refugees in Holland led her to a young Bosnian girl named Almesira. Beginning when the child was six years old, she photographed her every two years. The photographs chronicle both the child's physical development and a subject that gradually emerges over time. ...
從 1990 年代開始，荷蘭藝術家 Rineke Dijkstra（生於 1959 年）開始記錄人們生活中的過渡時刻，創造「連續」而不是凍結在特定時刻的主題。一系列荷蘭難民兒童的照片讓她找到了一位名叫阿爾梅西拉的波士尼亞年輕女孩。從孩子六歲開始，她每兩年拍她一次。這些照片記錄了孩子的身體發展和隨著時間的推移逐漸出現的主題。 …
Dijkstra has continued to work in series, most recently in four-foot-high C-prints that begin in 2000 and record the lives of individuals over periods of several years. The photographs follow Shany, a teenager drafted into the Israeli army, and Olivier Silva, a young enlistee in the French Foreign Legion, whom she photographed seven times between 2000 and 2003. Shany is first photographed at the Tel Hashomer induction center and is then re-photographed as time passes. Photographs of Olivier taken at least once a year since 2000 also record the effects of the passage of time on his face and body. While Dijkstra's photographs capture individual variations and personal histories, they also point to the ways that identity is formed through social institutions—including school and military training-and is subsequently represented through the visual conventions of documentary photography. Though the subjects of her photographs are neither public figures nor personal acquaintances, she presents them as specific individuals rather than types. Straightforward and affectless, her photographs explore the role of personal memory, lived experience, and family and social histories in the formation of individual identities. ...
Dijkstra 繼續創作系列作品，最近的作品是從 2000 年開始的四英尺高的 C 型印刷品，記錄了個人在幾年內的生活。這些照片拍攝的是應徵加入以色列軍隊的青少年Shany 和法國外籍軍團的年輕士兵Olivier Silva，她在2000 年至2003 年間為兩人拍攝了七次照片。又在-隨著時間的流逝而拍攝。自2000年起，奧利維爾每年至少拍攝一次的照片也記錄了時間流逝對他的臉部和身體的影響。雖然迪傑斯特拉的照片捕捉了個體差異和個人歷史，但它們也指出了身份是透過社會機構（包括學校和軍事訓練）形成的，並隨後透過紀實攝影的視覺慣例來表現。儘管她的照片主題既不是公眾人物，也不是私人熟人，但她將他們呈現為特定的個體而不是類型。她的照片直截了當、不做作，探討了個人記憶、生活經驗、家庭和社會歷史在個人身份形成中的作用。 …
The Korean artist Kimsooja, formerly known as Kim Soo-ja, has changed her given name to a one-word name that "refuses ...
韓國藝術家金秀子（Kimsoo-ja），原名金秀子（Kim Soo-ja），已將自己的名字改為「拒絕......」的單字名字。
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gender identity, marital status, socio-political or cultural and geographic identity by not separating the family name and the first name." She is one of a number of artists who see themselves working “glocally" in ways that address issues of nomadism, migration, displacement, the body, and history. “Feminism is part of my nature as a woman artist," she has said, "but I never wanted this to be my only intention. My work is more about globalism, which is really all about locality, because keeping a specific identity, a local identity, is becoming a big issue as the world increasingly becomes bland, having no character at all, no mystery." ...
性別認同、婚姻狀況、社會政治或文化和地理身份，不區分姓氏和名字。歷史。 「女權主義是我作為女性藝術家的天性的一部分，」她說，「但我從來不希望這是我唯一的意圖。我的作品更多的是關於全球主義，這實際上是關於地方性的，因為隨著世界變得越來越平淡、沒有特色、沒有神秘感，保持特定的身份、地方身份正在成為一個大問題。
Kimsooja's interest in sewing and her use of the Korean bottari, a cloth-wrapped bundled form used to convey personal possessions (see Chapter 14), as a metaphor references both domestic traditions (she remembers sewing with her mother as a child) and the role of Asian seamstresses in today's globalizing and outsourced world. Unlike the North American pattern and decoration artists of the 1970s who viewed needlework and patterning as a challenge to Clement Greenberg's distinction between avant-garde and kitsch, and ...
Kimsooja 對縫紉的興趣以及她對韓國bottari 的使用，這是一種用布包裹的捆綁形式，用於傳達個人物品（見第14 章），作為隱喻既提到了家庭傳統（她記得小時候和母親一起縫紉），也提到了角色當今全球化和外包世界中的亞洲裁縫師。與 20 世紀 70 年代的北美圖案和裝飾藝術家不同，他們將針線和圖案視為對克萊門特·格林伯格 (Clement Greenberg) 前衛與媚俗之間區分的挑戰，並且…
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303 TOP Andrea Zittel, A-Z Wagon Station Customized by Jonas Hauptman, 2003, at A-Z West, Joshua Tree, California, 2003 304 ABOVE Andrea Zittel, A-Z Homestead Unit, 2001, at A-Z West, Joshua Tree, California, 2003 ...
303 頂部Andrea Zittel，亞利桑那州馬車站由Jonas Hauptman 定制，2003 年，位於加利福尼亞州約書亞樹AZ West，2003 年304 上方Andrea Zittel，AZ 家園單元，2001 年，位於加利福尼亞州約書亞樹AZ West ，2003 年...
to western art-history's hierarchies, which privileged painting on canvas as "fine art" and marginalized textiles as "craft," she sees working with cloth as part of a specifically Korean spiritual practice in which the reuse of worn fabric results in a new incarnation of the body that once imprinted it. ...
西方藝術史的等級制度將畫布上的繪畫視為“美術”，將邊緣化的紡織品視為“工藝品”，她將布料視為韓國特有的精神實踐的一部分，其中重複使用舊織物會產生新的化身曾經印有它的身體。 …
A Needle Woman (1999-2000) by Kimsooja centers around an installation of eight video monitors that show her performing public actions in London, Cairo, New Delhi, Lagos, Mexico City, Shanghai, Tokyo, and elsewhere. Dressed in black, filmed from behind and standing in the middle of the sidewalk as people pass by, ignore or jostle her, she is barely visible in the crowds that surge past her still form. Their bodies form wave-like patterns, a sort of weaving in space or, as one critic suggested, an act like that of weaving one's body into the social fabric. Viewing Kimsooja's actions across different geographic locales, viewers may also register cultural differences in the negotiations of public and private space that go on between the artist and the public. ...
Kimsooja 的《針女》（A Needle Woman，1999-2000）以八個視頻監視器的裝置為中心，顯示她在倫敦、開羅、新德里、拉各斯、墨西哥城、上海、東京和其他地方的公共行為。她穿著黑色衣服，從後面拍攝，站在人行道中間，人們經過、忽視或推擠她，在從她靜止的身形湧過的人群中幾乎看不見她。他們的身體形成波浪狀的圖案，一種空間編織，或者正如一位評論家所說，一種將身體編織到社會結構中的行為。透過觀看金秀子在不同地理區域的行為，觀眾還可以在藝術家與公眾之間的公共和私人空間談判中感受到文化差異。 …
The American artist Andrea Zittel (b. 1965) also works in ways that explore the interface between the individual and the social body in the context of a specific geographic location: the southern California desert near Joshua Tree. Since 2000, she has worked on a project called A–Z West, taking over an area previously divided into plots of land available to anyone willing to live on them, and documenting her interventions into this site in photographs and texts. Her images and her writings based on the ad hoc and abandoned buildings there have been collected in Diary #1. The book details her work on the site as, assisted by friends, neighbors, and local builders, she develops the mobile homestead units that feature in her exhibits at galleries and museums. Zittel's lifestyle and artistic practice merge the rugged individualism of the early western settlers with a contemporary longing for community and freedom. She writes of loneliness, as well as of productive activity. One photograph in Diary #1 juxtaposes an image of unfinished crocheting and a text that reads, "Justin left today—it is really strange being here alone again." Next to the piece of crochet is a book of instructions, 220 more Crochet Stitches, volume 7. The juxtapositions recall the role of needlework in early American communities as a necessity for survival, a marker of femininity, a way of passing time while men were gone, as well as sources of printed instructions and practical information for people living far from urban centers. Zittel's relationship to the California desert maps the personal present onto the historical past and structures her subjective experience of place through ...
美國藝術家安德里亞·齊特爾（Andrea Zittel，生於1965 年）的創作方式也在特定地理位置的背景下探索個人與社會主體之間的界面：約書亞樹附近的南加州沙漠。自 2000 年以來，她一直致力於一個名為 A-Z West 的項目，接管了一塊以前被劃分為可供任何願意居住的人使用的土地的區域，並用照片和文字記錄了她對該地點的干預。她根據那裡的臨時建築和廢棄建築拍攝的照片和文字已收錄在《日記#1》中。這本書詳細介紹了她在該網站上的工作，在朋友、鄰居和當地建築商的幫助下，她開發了移動宅基地單元，這些單元在她在畫廊和博物館的展覽中佔有重要地位。齊特爾的生活方式和藝術實踐將早期西方定居者粗獷的個人主義與當代對社區和自由的渴望融為一體。她寫了孤獨，也寫了有成效的活動。 《日記 #1》中的一張照片並置了一張未完成的鉤針編織的圖像和一條文字，上面寫著：“賈斯汀今天離開了——再次獨自一人在這裡真的很奇怪。”鉤針旁邊是一本說明書，其中有220 多個鉤針針跡，第7 卷。一種方式。 Zittel 與加州沙漠的關係將個人的現在映射到歷史的過去，並透過…建構了她對地方的主觀體驗。
her interactions with loss and destruction as well as presence. ...
她與失落、破壞以及存在的互動。 …
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Working half a world away, the Iranian artist Shirana Shahbazi (b. 1974) interrogates the way that artifacts, in her case photographs, produce meaning through their interactions and juxtapositions with other images and texts. Roland Barthes has used the term connotative meaning (the way a photograph's meanings are elicited through our act of reading/seeing it contextually) to distinguish this active interpretative understanding from the denotative, or literal imagery present. Often Shahbazi juxtaposes photographs and paintings as a way of encouraging the viewer to question cultural stereotypes. Her own bicultural experience (she was born in Tehran, educated in Germany, and frequently returns to Iran to make work) underscores the transcultural approach to image making that she shares with many artists today. ...
伊朗藝術家希拉娜·沙赫巴齊（Shirana Shahbazi，生於1974 年）在半個地球之外工作，她質疑文物如何通過與其他圖像和文本的相互作用和並置來產生意義，在她的照片中。羅蘭巴特使用術語「內涵意義」（透過我們在上下文中閱讀/觀看照片的行為來引出照片的含義的方式）來區分這種主動的解釋性理解與外延或文字圖像的呈現。沙巴齊經常將照片和繪畫並置，鼓勵觀眾質疑文化刻板印象。她自己的雙文化經驗（她出生於德黑蘭，在德國接受教育，並經常返回伊朗創作）強調了她與當今許多藝術家所分享的跨文化圖像製作方法。 …
When exhibiting photographs taken in the United States, China, Switzerland, and Iran, Shahbazi often negotiates between two histories: one pertaining to nineteenth-century middle-class Europe, the other to America's historical interest in collecting the exotic from other places and its contemporary equivalent, a fascination today with globalized “ethnic" culture. At first glance, her photographs suggest typical tourist pictures, many of which communicate through stereotypic images of cultural difference and otherness. Simultaneously everyday and exotic, they capture the ways that the medium of photography codifies difference. Presented in pairs or in dense juxtapositions, photographs from the series Goftare Nik/Good Words (2002-03) offer glimpses of the ordinariness of contemporary Iranian life as viewed from a position that is neither completely within national or cultural borders nor without. In the end, the photographs, many containing images of women, including a girl on rollerblades and a veiled mother tying a young boy's shoes on an empty sidewalk, resist attempts to locate them specifically. ...
當展示在美國、中國、瑞士和伊朗拍攝的照片時，沙巴齊經常在兩種歷史之間進行協商：一個與十九世紀歐洲中產階級有關，另一個與美國從其他地方及其當代收集異國情調的歷史興趣有關。和異國情調，它們捕捉了攝影媒介的方式Goftare Nik/Good Words (2002-03) 系列照片以成對或密集並置的方式呈現，讓我們從一個既不完全處於國家或文化邊界之內，也不完全處於國家或文化邊界之外的角度，一睹當代伊朗生活的平凡性。的人行道上給一個小男孩繫鞋帶，這些照片都無法具體定位。 …
Almost all artistic practices mobilize visualization and memory. Often artists also evoke the structures of the dream and historical narrative. Produced in a present moment, the resulting works often give tangible form to aspects of the past in ways that inspire thought, reflection, and/or mourning. Processes of looking may initiate remembrance, as when one sees an object or image and is immediately reminded of something past. Visual images also play a powerful role in our psychic and social lives when it comes to experiencing and processing traumatic events. Who can forget the televised images of airplanes flying into the World Trade Center? Or the faces of famine in Darfur? ...
幾乎所有的藝術實踐都會調動視覺和記憶。藝術家常也會喚起夢境和歷史敘事的結構。創作於當下的作品通常以激發思考、反思和/或哀悼的方式，為過去的各個方面提供有形的形式。看的過程可能會引發記憶，就像當一個人看到物體或影像時，會立即想起過去的事情。當涉及到經歷和處理創傷事件時，視覺圖像在我們的心理和社會生活中也發揮著強大的作用。誰能忘記電視上播放的飛機飛入世貿中心的畫面？還是達爾富爾飢荒的面孔？ …
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The Polish artist Katarzyna Kozyra's (b. 1963) video installation The Rite of Spring (1999-2002), inspired by Vaslav Nijinsky's choreography for Igor Stravinsky's 1913 ballet of the same name, relies on classical ballet, animation, and historical memory to articulate a mutual relationship between the individual and the group. Multiple projections are displayed on monitors arranged in an inner and an outer circle. They show solo dancers performing the part of the Chosen Victim, the one selected to dance herself to death in order to wake the earth to life (the inner circle), and the corps de ballet dancing the part of the Crowd of Wise Elders (the outer circle). Kozyra's Chosen Victim is not, however, Nijinsky's young girl, but an old woman or an old man with interchangeable sexual parts whose body initiates a meditation on aging, renewal, and death. Polish National ...
波蘭藝術家卡塔齊娜·科茲拉（Katarzyna Kozyra，生於1963 年）的錄像裝置《春之祭》（1999-2002 年）受到瓦斯拉夫·尼金斯基(Vaslav Nijinsky) 1913 年伊戈爾·斯特拉文斯基(Igor Stravinsky) 同名芭蕾舞劇的編舞啟發，依靠古典芭蕾舞、動畫和歷史記憶來表達個人與群體之間的相互關係。在內圈和外圈排列的監視器上顯示多個投影。它們展示了獨舞者表演「被選中的受害者」的角色，即被選中以舞蹈至死以喚醒地球生命的角色（內圈），而芭蕾舞團則扮演「智者長者群」（內圈）的角色。然而，科茲拉的選擇受害者並不是尼金斯基筆下的年輕女孩，而是一位性器官可互換的老婦人或老人，他們的身體開始對衰老、更新和死亡進行冥想。波蘭國家...
Kozyra cast old people, former dancers at the Ballet who were no longer able to dance, and animated their movements using still photographs of them lying in dance positions. Although their aged bodies challenged the fictive world of illusion that lies at the heart of classical ballet, Kozyra's presentation points to the ways that time and memory mediate the present moment and call attention to the fallibility of human life. "Presented in ornamental, mobile vignettes," wrote one critic, "the mutual correlation between the individual and the group appears like an allegory of the relationship between the individual and society, between the private and the public as proportional components in the process of the construction of individuality." ...
科茲拉挑選了一些老人，他們是芭蕾舞團的前舞者，現在已經不能跳舞了，並用他們躺在舞蹈姿勢的靜態照片來動畫他們的動作。儘管他們年老的身體挑戰了古典芭蕾舞核心的虛構幻想世界，但科茲拉的表演指出了時間和記憶調解當下時刻的方式，並引起人們對人類生活的錯誤的關注。一位評論家寫道：「以裝飾性的、流動的小插曲的形式呈現，個人與群體之間的相互關係似乎是個人與社會、私人與公共之間關係的寓言，作為社會發展過程中的比例組成部分。 …
The Israeli-born video artist and photographer Michal Rovner (b. 1957) has also used animation and sophisticated digital technology to draw attention to human beings both as individuals and as part of larger social and historical groupings. Reduced to a barely legible hieroglyphic sign in her projections, the figure occupies an ambiguous space between the representational and the abstract. At once individuated and collectivized, Rovner's figures first appear as swarms of tiny stick figures, like upright ants. Stripped of all signs of class, gender, social rank, and nationality, they encourage the viewer to set aside preconceptions of individuality and focus instead on a common humanity. ...
以色列出生的錄像藝術家和攝影師米哈爾·羅夫納（Michal Rovner，生於1957 年）也使用動畫和先進的數位技術來吸引人們對人類作為個體和更大的社會和歷史群體的一部分的關注。在她的投影中，這個人物被簡化為一個幾乎難以辨認的象形文字，在具象和抽象之間佔據著一個模糊的空間。羅夫納的人物形象既個性化又集體化，首先以一群群微小的簡筆人物形像出現，就像直立的螞蟻一樣。它們剝離了階級、性別、社會地位和國籍的所有標誌，鼓勵觀眾拋開對個性的先入之見，轉而關注共同的人性。 …
In the exhibition "In Stone" (2004), DVDs of these tiny animated figures were projected on stone tablets in seventeen steel and glass vitrines that resembled display cases in an archaeological museum. They appeared first as black markings, a kind of writing on stone, and only gradually did the viewer perceive them as moving figures. Linking ancient human histories with contemporary displacements, the figures become ...
在展覽「In Stone」（2004 年）中，這些微小動畫人物的 DVD 被投影在十七個鋼製和玻璃玻璃櫥窗中的石碑上，這些櫥窗類似於考古博物館中的展示櫃。它們最初以黑色標記的形式出現，一種石頭上的文字，直到漸漸地，觀眾才將它們視為移動的人物。這些人物將古代人類歷史與當代流離失所聯繫起來…
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metaphors for the rewriting of contesting histories and borders that lies at the heart of the history of the Middle East. Rovner's work has been characterized by Ana Honigman as metaphoric narrative, a "nondemonstrative but sensitive, moving, intelligent, and challenging political commentary that is at once applicable to the complexities of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict, the violence attending the American occupation of Iraq, and the more general, a-historical, destructive fallacy of historical revisionism." ...
重寫中東歷史核心的有爭議的歷史和邊界的隱喻。安娜·霍尼格曼將羅夫納的作品描述為隱喻性敘事，「一種非外露但敏感、感人、明智且具有挑戰性的政治評論，它立即適用於以色列/巴勒斯坦衝突的複雜性、美國佔領伊拉克的暴力、以及歷史修正主義更普遍的、非歷史的、破壞性的謬誤。 …
The complex relationship between the history of individual experiences and shared, collective memory has become central to many contemporary artistic practices. In 2005, the Chinese artist Yu Hong (b. 1966) exhibited a series of oversized T-shirts hung on metal hangers. The images printed on each shirt represent a year in the life both of the artist and her country. More recently, she has exhibited paintings, pastels, and photographs that explore women's experiences and their perspectives in contemporary China. In Beautiful Writer Zhao Bo, from the series "She" (2004), Yu Hong offers a portrait of the novelist and short-story writer in her apartment, surrounded by the objects and artifacts that have come to define a generation born in the 1970s. ...
個人經驗的歷史與共享的集體記憶之間的複雜關係已成為許多當代藝術實踐的核心。 2005 年，中國藝術家喻紅（生於 1966 年）展出了一系列掛在金屬衣架上的超大號 T 卹。每件襯衫上印的圖像代表了藝術家和她的國家生活中的一年。最近，她展出了繪畫、粉彩和照片，探討當代華裔女性的經驗和觀點。在影集《她》（2004）中的《美麗作家趙波》中，喻紅描繪了這位小說家和短篇小說作家在她公寓裡的肖像，周圍擺滿了20 世紀70 年代出生的一代人的物品和手工藝品。 …
Contemporary women artists whose work engages issues of personal and historical memory may find themselves, like the artists with whom we began this chapter, rejecting the earlier political and ideological positions that characterized ...
作品涉及個人和歷史記憶問題的當代女性藝術家可能會發現自己，就像本章開頭提到的那些藝術家一樣，拒絕了早期的政治和意識形態立場，這些立場的特徵是…
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the work of their predecessors. The work of the American Kara Walker (b. 1969) has proved controversial since she first exhibited her large-scale silhouettes in 1994. Walker creates narratives based on the history of the blacks in the antebellum South and on the struggle for emancipation. For some who embraced the liberationist stance of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements of the 1960s, the artist's acceptance of the fantastic and/or mythic dimensions of historical memory, and her strategy of undermining preconceptions about the past by exploiting stereotypes and blurring common assumptions about the "ugliness" of slavery, the "prettiness" of the silhouette as an artistic form, the dialectic of slaves as "victims" and slave masters as "oppressors," has proved difficult to accept. ...
他們的前輩的工作。美國卡拉沃克（Kara Walker，生於 1969 年）的作品自 1994 年首次展出大型剪影以來就備受爭議。對於一些擁護20 世紀60 年代民權和黑人權力運動的解放主義立場的人來說，藝術家對歷史記憶的奇幻和/或神話維度的接受，以及她通過利用刻板印象和模糊共同假設來破壞對過去的成見的策略關於奴隸制的“醜陋”，剪影作為一種藝術形式的“美麗”，奴隸作為“受害者”和奴隸主作為“壓迫者”的辯證法，已被證明難以接受。 …
Works like the installation Narratives of a Negress (2003) raise complex issues about history, memory, and ethnic, gender, and cultural identity. The protagonists of Walker's visual world, who often parallel the characters in popular literary sources and slave narratives of the nineteenth century, are slave masters, slave women and children, plantation owners, and servants whose activities are detailed against a background of labor, desire, sex, violence, sadism, rape, incest, and cannibalism. Presented using the conventions of the silhouette, a nineteenth- century genre that depended on skillful paper cutting to render an elegant contour, Walker's work confounds the visual codes through which race, gender, sexuality, and the history of slaves in the American South have been presented. ...
像《一個黑人的敘述》（2003）這樣的裝置作品提出了有關歷史、記憶、種族、性別和文化認同的複雜問題。沃克視覺世界的主角通常與十九世紀流行文學和奴隸敘事中的人物相似，他們是奴隸主、奴隸婦女和兒童、種植園主和僕人，他們的活動是在勞動、慾望、性、暴力、施虐、強姦、亂倫和同類相食。沃克的作品採用剪影的慣例來呈現，剪影是一種十九世紀的流派，依靠熟練的剪紙來呈現優雅的輪廓，沃克的作品混淆了美國南部種族、性別、性取向和奴隸歷史所依賴的視覺代碼。 …
In recent years, many artists have responded to the world around them by developing ways of working that document and express aspects of loss, trauma, and reconciliation or renewal. The trauma may be personal, rooted in the conditions of an individual's lived and/or psychic reality and expressed in a unique, subjective way. Or the source of the trauma may be located in collective history. The last century witnessed two world wars and more than one genocide; the present century opened on wars, famines, and a string of natural disasters. The work that has grown out of these experiences is often motivated by a sense of urgency in order to resist erasure, communicate the speed of change, and inscribe memory in the physical world. Moving freely between history and memory, it may rely on photographic and moving images, or incorporate artifacts and/or mementos. Sometimes silence takes over and the loss can be experienced and expressed only as an absence. ...
近年來，許多藝術家透過開發記錄和表達失落、創傷、和解或更新等方面的工作方式來回應周圍的世界。創傷可能是個人的，植根於個人的生活和/或心理現實的條件，並以獨特的、主觀的方式表達。或者創傷的根源可能位於集體歷史中。上個世紀見證了兩次世界大戰和不只一次種族滅絕；本世紀一開始就充滿了戰爭、飢荒和一系列自然災害。從這些經驗中產生的作品往往受到一種緊迫感的推動，以抵制擦除、傳達變化的速度，並將記憶銘刻在物理世界中。它可以在歷史和記憶之間自由移動，可能依賴攝影和移動影像，或包含文物和/或紀念品。有時，沉默會佔據主導地位，而失去只能以缺席的形式來體驗和表達。 …
Since 1988, Rachel Whiteread has concerned herself with casting objects related to an absent human body: the spaces under chairs, and inside floors, cupboards, baths. Her move into public space occurred in 1993 when she cast the complete ...
自 1988 年以來，Rachel Whiteread 一直致力於鑄造與缺席人體相關的物件：椅子下的空間、地板、櫥櫃、浴室內的空間。她於 1993 年進入公共領域，當時她拍攝了完整的...
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interior of a house in London's East End using sprayed concrete (see Chapter 13) to produce a mirror image of intangible spaces that were once occupied. Since destroyed, House anticipated her Holocaust Memorial for Vienna's Judenplatz (proposed 1996), a square in the heart of the city's old Jewish ghetto. An austere, rectangular block thirteen feet high constructed out of multiple cast slabs of pale gray concrete and resembling an inverted library, the monument, finally installed in 2000, proved controversial from the beginning, becoming embroiled in highly charged public debates about religion, politics, and history. Whiteread designed the monument with its contents inaccessible, in reference to the large number of Holocaust victims and their life stories, now absent, invisible, and closed. ...
倫敦東區一棟房屋的內部使用噴射混凝土（見第 13 章）來產生曾經被佔用的無形空間的鏡像。自從被毀後，豪斯就計劃在維也納猶太廣場（1996 年提議）建造大屠殺紀念館，這是位於該市舊猶太區中心的一個廣場。這座紀念碑是一座13 英尺高的簡樸矩形建築，由多塊淺灰色混凝土澆鑄板建成，類似於一座倒置的圖書館，最終於2000 年安裝，從一開始就引起了爭議，捲入了有關宗教、政治、和歷史。懷特雷德設計了這座紀念碑，其中的內容是無法進入的，參考了大量的大屠殺受害者和他們的生活故事，這些故事現在已經消失、看不見和關閉了。 …
Whiteread's memorial serves as a counterweight to a long tradition of heroicizing monuments. For the artist, who had for a decade been using cast concrete to call forth "an absence," it was a logical next step to extend the presence of an object into the void surrounding it. She did this first in 2001 by casting, in translucent resin, an empty plinth in London's Trafalgar Square and placing the cast upside down on the original plinth. The cast became a phantom presence for the absent object normally found on such plinths, a statue of a historical figure. ...
懷特雷德的紀念碑是對英雄化紀念碑的悠久傳統的平衡。對於這位十年來一直使用澆鑄混凝土來喚起「缺席」的藝術家來說，將物體的存在延伸到其周圍的空隙中是合乎邏輯的下一步。 2001 年，她首先在倫敦特拉法加廣場用半透明樹脂鑄造了一個空底座，並將鑄件倒置在原來的底座上。對於通常在此類基座上發現的不存在的物體（歷史人物的雕像）來說，鑄件成為了幻影。 …
Whiteread's strategy of constructing a contemporary presence around a historical absence intersects with the work of a group of artists born after World War II who are, as James Young argues in his study At Memory's Edge (2000), confronting not just the traumatic events of that period, but their own "vicarious memories" of them, and in the process exploring the ways that memory is constructed. Often these vicarious memories are mediated by representations from popular culture. Examples in the 2002 exhibition "Mirroring Evil: Nazi Imagery/Recent Art", organized by the Jewish Museum in New York, provoked heated debate when some of the artists included in the exhibition, who had not been born at the time of the Holocaust, departed from history in their responses to it. The inclusion of the Polish-born artist Piotr Uklanski's (b. 1968) installation The Nazis (1998), consisting of 166 enlarged stills and publicity shots of prominent actors playing Nazi roles in Hollywood films, later moved Austrian Elke Krystufek (b. 1970) to mount her own critique of the work. She combined collaged images from Uklanski's all-male series with provocatively posed nude self-images (painted and photographed) and fragments of text that comment on issues raised by this controversial exhibition. ...
懷特雷德圍繞著歷史缺席構建當代存在的策略與二戰後出生的一群藝術家的作品相交叉，正如詹姆斯·楊在他的研究《記憶的邊緣》（At Memory's Edge，2000）中所說，這些藝術家不僅面對二戰時期的創傷事件期間，而是他們自己的“替代記憶”，並在這個過程中探索記憶的建構方式。這些替代記憶通常是由流行文化的表徵所介導的。 2002年紐約猶太博物館舉辦的「鏡像邪惡：納粹意象/近代藝術」展覽中的例子引起了激烈的爭論，因為展覽中的一些藝術家在大屠殺時尚未出生，他們對歷史的反應背離了歷史。波蘭出生的藝術家Piotr Uklanski（生於1968 年）的裝置作品《納粹》（The Nazis，1998 年）包含了166 張放大的劇照和好萊塢電影中扮演納粹角色的著名演員的宣傳鏡頭，後來感動了奧地利人Elke Krystufek（生於1970 年）對作品提出自己的批評。她將烏克蘭斯基的全男性系列的拼貼圖像與具有挑釁性的裸體自畫像（繪畫和拍攝）以及對這次有爭議的展覽提出的問題進行評論的文字片段結合在一起。 …
Sophie Calle's installation Exquisite Pain (2003) does not address historical events, but instead focuses on the cumulative ...
卡勒 (Sophie Calle) 的裝置《精緻的疼痛》(Exquisite Pain，2003) 並沒有涉及歷史事件，而是關注累積的…
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effect of details in evoking and healing a heart-breaking and life-changing personal experience. First shown in a 2004 Centre Pompidou survey of the artist's work, the installation deftly negotiates the boundaries between personal pain and the public exhibition of its artifacts as art. The first half of the piece is a multi-part photo and text record of the three months between Calle's departure from her home in Paris and her arrival in New Delhi, where she expected to be reunited with her lover. When he failed to materialize, Calle experienced the "exquisite pain" that led to and was the basis of the psychological content of the ensuing artwork. Typescripts of letters written to the lover and framed mementos of the journey mark the "countdown" to the nadir of her unhappiness. The second half of the piece moves incrementally through a kind of "recovery", signaled by paired, illustrated texts. Calle's retellings of her night of loss are placed beside similar tales collected from friends. As Exquisite Pain rewrites history from end to beginning, incorporating losses in translation, predictions by three fortune tellers, and lapses of memory, the line between fact and fiction blurs and events are refracted through the lens of her pain. "As her story winds down," observes critic Nancy Princenthal, "what we see is not just a process of emotional cauterization but also the transformation of experience into art." ...
細節在喚起和治癒令人心碎和改變生活的個人經歷方面的作用。該裝置首次在 2004 年蓬皮杜中心對藝術家作品的調查中展出，巧妙地劃定了個人痛苦與將其文物作為藝術公開展示之間的界限。作品的前半部分是由多部分照片和文字記錄的，從卡勒離開巴黎的家到抵達新德里，她期待與愛人重聚這三個月的時間。當他未能實現時，卡勒經歷了“微妙的痛苦”，這種痛苦導致了隨後的藝術作品的心理內容，並成為其基礎。寫給情人的信件的打字稿和裝框的旅程紀念品標誌著她不幸的最低點的“倒數計時”。作品的後半部透過一種「恢復」逐步推進，以成對的插圖文本為標誌。卡勒重述了她失去親人的夜晚，並與從朋友那裡收集的類似故事放在一起。 《精緻的痛苦》從頭到尾改寫了歷史，融入了翻譯中的損失、三位算命師的預測以及記憶缺失，事實與虛構之間的界限變得模糊，事件透過她的痛苦鏡頭折射出來。 “隨著她的故事的結束，”評論家南希·普林森塔爾評論道，“我們看到的不僅僅是情感燒灼的過程，也是經驗向藝術的轉變。” …
Women artists' contributions to major international exhibitions from biennials to museum-sponsored exhibitions like "Without Boundary" (2006) at the Museum of Modern Art, New York-have shaped today's visual culture worldwide. Redressing social inequalities, negotiating change, redrawing spatial, social, and subjective boundaries, women artists are challenging the so-called "alternative canon" of earlier feminist art without abandoning the issues, practices, and processes through which sexuality, gender, and difference are articulated visually. ...
女性藝術家對大型國際展覽的貢獻，從雙年展到博物館主辦的展覽，如紐約現代藝術博物館的「無邊界」（2006），塑造了當今全球的視覺文化。糾正社會不平等，協商變革，重新劃定空間、社會和主觀界限，女性藝術家正在挑戰早期女性主義藝術的所謂“另類經典”，同時又不放棄性、性別和差異所涉及的問題、實踐和過程。 …
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The first edition of Women, Art, and Society appeared in 1990, six years before Google introduced the term "search engine" to researchers, and eleven years before Wikipedia became the information resource of choice for undergraduates in many areas of the world. More than twenty years later, after a lively discussion with students about feminism and art, and intrigued by their belief that the future of knowledge lies in internet access, I googled the terms “feminism," "women," “art," and 1990." The search took me directly to the Kentucky Foundation for Women's “KFW Feminist Timeline." It listed four notable events for that year: the appearance of Women, Art, and Society (published simultaneously in New York and London); the publication of Judith Butler's Gender Trouble; the swearing in of Antonia Novella as the first female surgeon general; and the selection of Jenny Holzer as the first woman to have a solo exhibition in the United States pavilion at the Venice Biennale (for which she was awarded the Golden Lion prize for best pavilion). These examples spoke to me in myriad ways: about how radically our knowledge of the world and our access to that knowledge have changed in the last twenty years; about how the threads that weave through this book continue right up to the present; and about how we must continue to pay attention both to the activist imperatives and radical demands that shaped feminism in the 1970s and to the collective scholarship and thinking that inform the historical and cultural contexts within which we view and understand women's artistic practices today. Holzer's Venice installation, for instance, along with other groundbreaking exhibitions of the early 1990s, such as "Frames of Reference: Aspects of Feminism and Art" at Artspace in Sydney, Australia, in 1991, pointed toward the ways that subsequent women ...
《女性、藝術與社會》第一版出版於 1990 年，比 Google 向研究人員引入「搜尋引擎」一詞早了 6 年，比維基百科成為世界許多地區本科生首選資訊資源早了 11 年。二十多年後，在與學生們就女權主義和藝術進行了熱烈的討論之後，我對他們認為知識的未來在於互聯網接入的信念很感興趣，我在谷歌上搜索了“女權主義”、 「女性」、「藝術」和「1990」等術語。它列出了當年的四件值得注意的事件：《女性、藝術與社會》的出現（在紐約和倫敦同時出版）；朱迪絲·巴特勒的《性別麻煩》的出版；安東妮亞‧諾維拉 (Antonia Novella) 宣誓就職，成為第一位女性衛生局局長；珍妮霍爾澤 (Jenny Holzer) 被選為第一位在威尼斯雙年展美國館舉辦個展的女性（她因此獲得最佳館金獅獎）。這些例子以多種方式告訴我：在過去的二十年裡，我們對世界的認識以及我們獲取這些知識的途徑發生了多麼徹底的變化；關於貫穿本書的線索如何延續至今；以及我們必須如何繼續關注塑造 20 世紀 70 年代女權主義的積極分子的要求和激進的要求，以及為我們今天看待和理解女性藝術實踐的歷史和文化背景提供資訊的集體學術和思想。 例如，霍爾澤在威尼斯的裝置作品，以及20 世紀90 年代初的其他開創性展覽，例如1991 年在澳大利亞悉尼藝術空間舉辦的“參考框架：女權主義與藝術的各個方面”，都指出了後來的女性......
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artists would reformulate the dialogues of earlier feminist interventions. At the same time, for many younger artists, that reformulation has extended beyond the specifics of gender to encompass broader relationships between objects, materials, and meaning, social and political action, histories of representation, and the growing impact of new media and digital realities. Contemporary artists as diverse as the American Rachel Harrison, whose sculptures and installations combine raw materials with found objects and images, and the British Emily Wardill, whose short films and video works mix truth with fiction, and documentary with narrative, explore how social meanings and identities of every kind are formed in today's world-but they do so in ways that continue to be heavily informed by the legacy of earlier feminism. ...
藝術家們將重新表述早期女性主義介入的對話。同時，對於許多年輕藝術家來說，這種重新表述已經超出了性別的具體範圍，涵蓋了物體、材料和意義、社會和政治行動、再現歷史以及新媒體和數位現實日益增長的影響之間更廣泛的關係。當代藝術家多種多樣，如美國雷切爾·哈里森(Rachel Harrison) 的雕塑和裝置作品將原材料與現成的物品和圖像相結合，以及英國艾米麗·沃迪爾(Emily Wardill) 的短片和錄像作品，將真實與虛構、紀錄片與敘事相結合，探討了社會意義和敘事如何發揮作用。 …
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Since 1990, many things have changed of course—in the academic world, in the art world, and in the wider world. The diversity of approaches evident in feminist studies and art history/criticism today points to the important contributions women are making to a broad range of intellectual disciplines and methodologies. New York Times art critic Holland Cotter, reviewing the 2007 exhibition "WACK! Art and the Feminist Revolution" at the Museum of Contemporary Art in Los Angeles, aptly summed up the continuing importance of feminism's interventions into the institutions and belief systems that have historically marginalized women artists: "One thing is certain: Feminist art, which emerged in the 1960s with the women's movement, is the formative art of the last four decades.... Without it, identity-based art, crafts-derived art, performance art and much political art would not exist in the form it does, if it existed at all. Much of what we call postmodern art has feminist art at its source." ...
自 1990 年以來，學術界、藝術界以及更廣闊的世界中的許多事情當然都發生了變化。當今女性主義研究和藝術史/批評中明顯的方法多樣性表明女性對廣泛的知識學科和方法論做出了重要貢獻。 《紐約時報》藝術評論家Holland Cotter 在回顧2007 年在洛杉磯當代藝術博物館舉辦的展覽「WACK！藝術與女性主義革命」時，恰當地總結了女權主義對歷史上被邊緣化的機構和信仰體系的介入的持續重要性。手工藝衍生的藝術、行為藝術許多政治藝術即使存在，也不會以現在的形式存在。 …
Feminist art, in calling attention to issues of identity, sexuality, politics, and history, has also played a significant role in shaping art-historical debates since the early 1970s. Contemporary feminist art histories, including this one, owe much to the publication in 1971 of Linda Nochlin's groundbreaking "Why Have There Been No Great Women Artists?" That essay coincided with a period of intense activism by women in the arts, which saw the founding of the National Women's Political Caucus and Ms. Magazine in New York; the opening of the exhibitions "Where We At: Black Women Artists" at the Acts of Art Gallery in the same city, and "26 Contemporary Women Artists" at the Aldrich Museum, Connecticut; and a protest against the Los Angeles County Museum of Art for the dearth of women in that year's "Art and Technology" exhibition. At a time when H. W. Janson's ...
自 20 世紀 70 年代初以來，女性主義藝術在引起人們對身份、性、政治和歷史問題的關注方面，也在塑造藝術史辯論中發揮了重要作用。當代女性主義藝術史，包括這本，很大程度上要歸功於琳達·諾克林 (Linda Nochlin) 1971 年出版的開創性著作《為什麼沒有偉大的女性藝術家？這篇文章發表之際，正值藝術界女性積極行動的時期，全國婦女政治核心小組和紐約女士雜誌在這段時期成立；在同一城市的 Acts of Art 畫廊舉辦了「我們在哪裡：黑人女性藝術家」展覽，在康乃狄克州奧爾德里奇博物館舉辦了「26 位當代女性藝術家」展覽；以及對洛杉磯縣藝術博物館當年「藝術與科技」展覽中缺乏女性的抗議。當 HW Janson 的時候...
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History of Art, the dominant survey text of the day, contained no female artists, Nochlin challenged the ideological assumptions that underlie the terms "artist" and "greatness" in Western culture. The exclusion of women from art history, she argued, resulted not from a lack of professional female practitioners, but from their systematic exclusion from the institutions and systems that controlled the training, exhibition, and patronage of artists, and from a pervasive belief that femininity alone disqualified them from "greatness." Ten years later, Rozsika Parker and Griselda Pollock's Old Mistresses: Women, Art and Ideology expanded the discussion to consider the roles played by ideological formations in the historical neglect of women artists and the misrepresentation of their work. ...
當時占主導地位的調查文本《藝術史》中沒有女性藝術家，諾克林挑戰了西方文化中「藝術家」和「偉大」一詞背後的意識形態假設。她認為，將女性排除在藝術史之外，並不是因為缺乏專業的女性從業者，而是因為她們被系統性地排除在控制藝術家培訓、展覽和贊助的機構和系統之外，還因為人們普遍相信女性氣質僅此一點就使他們失去了「偉大」的資格。十年後，羅茲卡·帕克和格里塞爾達·波洛克的《老情婦：女性、藝術和意識形態》擴大了討論範圍，思考意識形態形態在女性藝術家的歷史忽視和對她們作品的扭曲中所扮演的角色。 …
Feminism, therefore, has provided an important context within which to understand histories of women artists, and has served as a powerful force for change. In the end, however, it neither "liberated" women, nor successfully challenged all the boundaries that have structured their lives and restricted their participation in, and contributions to, public life. Even in the 1970s, feminist thinking was only one among many factors mediating women's approaches to form, material, and process, on the one hand, and aesthetic, personal, political, and social content on the other. In the United States and Britain, an awareness of postwar Modernist and vanguard practices, with ...
因此，女性主義為理解女性藝術家的歷史提供了重要的背景，並成為改變的強大力量。然而，最終它既沒有「解放」婦女，也沒有成功挑戰所有構成她們生活並限制她們參與公共生活和為公共生活做出貢獻的界限。即使在 1970 年代，女性主義思想也只是調節女性對形式、材料和過程的態度以及另一方面美學、個人、政治和社會內容的眾多因素之一。在美國和英國，人們對戰後現代主義和先鋒實踐的認識，...
309 OPPOSITE Rachel Harrison, Nice Rack, 2006 310 ABOVE Fr dill Sick Serena and Dregs and Wreck and Wreck, 2007 ...
309 對面雷切爾·哈里森，尼斯機架，2006 年 310 上面神父生病的瑟琳娜和渣滓和殘骸和殘骸，2007 ...
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their emphasis on abstraction as a "universal" language and formalist aesthetics as a critical framework, played as much of a decisive role in the development of women's art and theory as did discrimination in education, hiring, and advancement. In Western Europe, especially in France, there was less consensus around the role of sexual difference per se as a reason for women's social inequality and more of a focus on positive contributions related to an acceptance of sexual difference, even if this sometimes failed to account for women's lack of access to institutional power; while in much of Asia contemporary feminist art emerged as a result of expanded contacts with other cultures-especially after China was selected as the host of the United Nations-sponsored "International Year of the Woman" conference in Beijing in 1995. ...
她們強調抽像是一種「通用」語言，形式主義美學是一種批判框架，在女性藝術和理論的發展中發揮決定性作用，就像教育、僱用和晉升方面的歧視一樣。在西歐，特別是在法國，對於性別差異本身作為婦女社會不平等的原因的作用缺乏共識，更多地關注與接受性別差異相關的積極貢獻，即使這有時無法解釋婦女缺乏獲得機構權力的機會；而在亞洲大部分地區，當代女性主義藝術的出現是由於與其他文化擴大接觸的結果——特別是在中國被選為1995年在北京主辦的聯合國主辦的“國際婦女年”會議的東道主之後… …
From the 1970s, there was a growing interest in addressing artistic traditions associated with women and challenging the supposed gendering of practice. American artists in particular explored formal, conceptual, and political issues related to materials, languages of form, and their hierarchical classifications. They incorporated personal and cultural histories in narrative and autobiographical art; they explored sexuality, gender, class, race, and ethnicity in works that redefined modern art's assumed hierarchies and relationships between form and content; they performed their bodies and their sexual identity in new ways; they redeployed materials and forms linked to specific historical and cultural traditions, including those of African-Americans, Native Americans, Asian- Americans and Chicanos; and some embraced artistic practices that rejected the privileging of the object in favor of temporal, conceptual, land-based, and performative actions. ...
從 20 世紀 70 年代開始，人們越來越有興趣探討與女性相關的藝術傳統並挑戰所謂的實踐性別化。美國藝術家尤其探索與材料、形式語言及其等級分類相關的形式、概念和政治議題。他們將個人和文化歷史融入敘事和自傳藝術中；他們在作品中探索了性、性別、階級、種族和民族，重新定義了現代藝術假定的等級制度以及形式與內容之間的關係；他們以新的方式表現自己的身體和性別認同；他們重新利用了與特定歷史和文化傳統相關的材料和形式，包括非裔美國人、美洲原住民、亞裔美國人和奇卡諾人的傳統；有些人接受藝術實踐，拒絕對物件的特權，轉而支持時間性的、概念性的、以土地為基礎的和表演性的行為。 …
Despite these breakthroughs, the boundaries between "art" and "craft," "high" and "low," the "anecdotal" and the "universal" and other such terms carrying a gendered charge, whether implied or explicit, remained carefully guarded in dominant critical and institutional practices that secured the meaning and value of one category only in relation to what it was not. Moreover, hybrid identities like "woman artist," "fiber artist," and "artist of color" were often coopted to reinforce social and intellectual hierarchies that subordinated revisionist tendencies altogether. To cite just one example, despite the vigor of the "fiber art" debate during the 1970s, and the scale and ambition of many of the works produced in fiber- based material during that decade-including monumental sculptural installations by the Polish sculptor Magdalena Abakanowicz (b. 1930-2017) and the American Sheila Hicks (1934)—it is difficult to identify a survey published in English ...
儘管取得了這些突破，「藝術」與「工藝」、「高雅」與「低俗」、「軼事」與「普遍」以及其他帶有性別色彩的術語（無論是隱含的還是明確的）之間的界限仍然受到謹慎的保護。此外，「女性藝術家」、「纖維藝術家」和「色彩藝術家」等混合認同常被用來強化社會和知識階層，從而完全服從修正主義傾向。舉一個例子，儘管20 世紀70 年代關於「纖維藝術」的爭論十分激烈，而且這十年間許多用纖維材料製作的作品規模宏大、雄心勃勃，其中包括波蘭雕塑家馬格達萊娜·阿巴卡諾維奇(Magdalena Abakanowicz) 創作的紀念性雕塑裝置。 ……
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before 1990 that assimilated fiber or textiles into the canon of modern art, or gave them anything other than exceptional status. ...
1990 年之前，纖維或紡織品被納入現代藝術的經典之中，或賦予它們非特殊地位以外的任何東西。 …
During the 1980s and 1990s, as some art critics applauded a period of "post-feminism" in which materials, processes, and attitudes were severed from their previous associations with femininity, others continued to plot a dialogue between the newer practices and their historical (feminist) precedents. If the earlier embrace of the term “feminist” quickly shifted to disdain among some younger women, feminism's support of women's higher education, professional development, and economic independence remained strong despite backlashes that called for a "new" femininity. Indeed, during this period, many approaches toward art-making and the role of gender and sexual difference underwent challenge and, sometimes, revision. ...
在20 世紀80 年代和90 年代，一些藝術評論家對「後女權主義」時期表示讚賞，其中材料、過程和態度與之前與女性氣質的聯繫相分離，而另一些藝術評論家則繼續策劃新實踐與其歷史實踐之間的對話。如果早期對「女權主義」一詞的接受迅速轉變為一些年輕女性的蔑視，那麼女權主義對女性高等教育、職業發展和經濟獨立的支持仍然強勁，儘管有人強烈反對「新」女性氣質。事實上，在這段時期，許多藝術創作方法以及性別和性別差異的作用都受到了挑戰，有時甚至被修正。 …
Meanwhile, feminist art history also shifted its focus, as the earlier emphasis on activism and collective political action, traceable to the movement's origins in the social protest and antiwar movements of the 1960s, gave way to the institutionalization of feminist and women's studies within academic discourses. During the 1980s, the widespread circulation of ideologies based on individualism, particularly in the United States and Britain during the so-called Reagan/ Thatcher years, no doubt contributed to the decline in direct political action. At the same time, academic curriculi expanded greatly to include multiculturalism and identity politics, queer theory, gay and lesbian studies, and other approaches, all of which owed a not inconsiderable debt to feminism, and all of which sought to take issues of gender, sexuality, and identity deeper into specific cultural and historical territories. ...
同時，女性主義藝術史也轉移了焦點，早期對激進主義和集體政治行動的強調（可追溯到1960年代社會抗議和反戰運動的運動起源）讓位於學術話語中女性主義和婦女研究的製度化。在1980年代，基於個人主義的意識形態的廣泛傳播，特別是在所謂的雷根/柴契爾時代的美國和英國，無疑導致了直接政治行動的衰落。同時，學術課程大大擴展，涵蓋了多元文化主義和認同政治、酷兒理論、男女同性戀研究和其他方法，所有這些都對女性主義有很大的影響，並且所有這些都試圖解決性別問題，性和身分認同更深入到特定的文化和歷史領域。 …
Postmodernism offered new analyses of the effects of "late" capitalism, its increasing reliance on electronically based (mass) media communication, and its repudiation of the stylistic innovation and vanguard beliefs that had defined early twentieth-century Modernism. And it brought to a wider academic and artistic audience new European influences that included Roland Barthes's use of linguistic models in the interpretation of text and images, Jacques Derrida's deconstruction, Michel Foucault's analyses of social systems, and Jacques Lacan's study of the structure of the unconscious. All of these investigations owed much to Marxist models of culture and ideology, and their methodologies shaped the subsequent study of relations between human beings and the world, and the ways that meaning is produced and reproduced through signs and images. ...
後現代主義對「晚期」資本主義的影響、其對電子（大眾）媒體傳播的日益依賴以及對定義二十世紀早期現代主義的風格創新和先鋒信仰的否定提供了新的分析。它為更廣泛的學術和藝術觀眾帶來了新的歐洲影響，包括羅蘭·巴特在解釋文本和圖像時使用語言模型、雅克·德里達的解構主義、米歇爾·福柯對社會系統的分析以及雅克·拉康對無意識結構的研究。所有這些研究都很大程度上歸功於馬克思主義的文化和意識形態模型，它們的方法論塑造了後來對人類與世界之間的關係以及透過符號和圖像產生和再現意義的方式的研究。 …
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landscapes in recent decades. In her essay "The Return of Feminism(s) and the Visual Arts, 1970-2009," art historian Amelia Jones argues "that feminism as a separate discourse of oppression, empowerment, and identification is no longer viable." If feminism as it existed in the 1970s and 1980s no longer makes sense, she continues, then it is important that we "understand feminism today broadly as politically intermeshed with issues of globalization and environmentalism; and, crucially, that we acknowledge the coextensivity of gender identifications with those of class, race, ethnicity, nationality, ...
近幾十年來的風景。藝術史學家阿米莉亞瓊斯在她的文章《女權主義和視覺藝術的回歸，1970-2009》中指出，“女權主義作為一種關於壓迫、賦權和認同的獨立話語不再可行。”她繼續說道，如果20 世紀70 年代和80 年代存在的女權主義不再有意義，那麼重要的是我們「廣泛地理解今天的女權主義，因為它在政治上與全球化和環保主義問題交織在一起；最重要的是，我們承認性別的共存性」對階級、種族、民族、國籍等的認同
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religious affiliation, age, and so on." For both Cotter and Jones, writing from critical and historical perspectives respectively, the major museum-based exhibitions that took place in the 2000s, beginning with "Art Feminism: Strategies and Consequences in Sweden from the 1970s to the Present" (organized by Dunkers Kulturhaus, Liljevalchs konsthall, and Riksutställningar, Sweden in 2005) and including "WACK! Art and the Feminist Revolution," "Kiss Kiss Bang Bang: 45 Years of Art and Feminism" (Museum of Fine Arts, Bilbao, 2007), "Global Feminisms" (Brooklyn Museum, 2007), and "elles@ centrepompidou" (Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, 2009), have provided a rich context within which to reexamine this history and its continuing influence on the present. ...
宗教信仰、年齡等等。 」（由Dunkers Kulturhaus、Liljevalchs konsthall 和瑞典Riksutställningar 於2005 年組織），其中包括「WACK！藝術與女性主義革命」、「Kiss Kiss Bang Bang：藝術與女性主義45 年」（畢爾巴鄂美術館，2007 年）、「全球女性主義」（布魯克林博物館，2007 年）和「elles@centerpompidou 」（藝術中心）喬治·蓬皮杜，巴黎，2009）提供了一個豐富的背景來重新審視這段歷史及其對當今的持續影響......
Several recent international biennials and triennials have focused on women artists in Africa and the Caribbean, in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and the former Eastern Europe. Increasingly, however, women's art can no longer be considered in national or even regional terms, since it reflects transnational developments in contemporary practice, ...
最近的幾個國際雙年展和三年展都聚焦在非洲和加勒比海地區、東南亞、中東和前東歐的女性藝術家。然而，女性藝術越來越不能再從國家甚至地區的角度來考慮，因為它反映了當代實踐的跨國發展…
312 Rosemarie Trockel and Thea Djordjadze, A Ship So Big, A Bridge Cringes, 2007 ...
312 Rosemarie Trockel 和 Thea Djordjadze，一艘如此大的船，一座畏縮的橋，2007 年…
313 10P Orlan, American Indian Self-Hybridization #1: painting portrait of No-no-mun-ya, One who gives no attention, with Orlan's photographic portrait, 2005 314 ABOVE Elzbieta Jabłońska, Through the Stomach to the Heart, 2001 ...
313 10P Orlan，美洲印第安人自雜交#1：為No-no-mun-ya 畫肖像，一個不予關注的人，與Orlan 的肖像攝影，2005 年314 ABOVE Elzbieta Jabłońska，從胃到心，2001 . . 。
315 Lin Tianmiao, from the series Focus, 2001 ...
315 林天苗，《焦點》系列，2001年...
as well as the forces of a global art market. And it has included a wider range of materials, themes, and approaches. The past decade has witnessed the reiteration of performative, narrative, and autobiographical traditions in the work of artists like the Polish Elżbieta Jabłońska (b. 1970) and the Chinese Lin Tianmiao (b. 1961). Often described as post-feminist, the art of Jabłońska offers an ironic commentary on the status and role of women in traditional society. In performances such as Through the Stomach to the Heart, usually held during previews of group exhibitions, in which she prepares food for invited guests, the artist uses and transforms cultural stereotypes associated with femininity, such as the "gastronomic mother," the resourceful housewife, and the perfect hostess. Between the 1990s, a decade in which the commercial art market had yet to penetrate China, and the present, Lin's materials shifted from the cheap white cotton thread she used to wrap common household utensils, with affinities to the "women's work" aesthetic of Western feminists, to the over-life-size self- portrait installations that, with their bold and confident scale, seem to challenge women's second-class status in China, and which now appear in international exhibitions and art fairs. ...
以及全球藝術市場的力量。它包含了更廣泛的材料、主題和方法。過去十年，波蘭藝術家埃爾茲別塔·賈布文斯卡（Elżbieta Jabłońska，生於1970 年）和中國林天苗（生於1961 年）等藝術家的作品中重申了表演、敘事和自傳傳統。雅布文斯卡的藝術經常被描述為後女權主義，它對傳統社會中女性的地位和角色進行了諷刺性的評論。在《從胃到心》等表演中，她通常在群展預演期間舉行，她為受邀嘉賓準備食物，藝術家利用並改變了與女性氣質相關的文化刻板印象，例如“美食母親”、足智多謀的家庭主婦，還有完美的女主人。在1990年代，商業藝術市場尚未滲透到中國，而現在，林的材料從她用來包裹普通家居用品的廉價白色棉線轉向，與西方的“女性作品”審美有密切關係。大型自畫像裝置的興趣，這些裝置以其大膽而自信的規模，似乎挑戰了中國女性的二等地位，這些裝置現在出現在國際展覽和藝術博覽會上。 …
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316 TOP Jean Shin, TEXTile, 2006 317 BOTTOM Lu Qing, Untitled, 2000-present. ...
316 上圖 Jean Shin，紡織，2006 年 317 下圖 盧慶，無題，2000 年至今。 …
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In American artist Jean Shin's (b. 1971) TEXTile, an installation designed for the Fabric Workshop and Museum in Philadelphia in 2006, unconventional and "low" art sources and materials (here thousands of cast-off computer keyboard keys) were embedded in an interactive "fabric" base to create a continuous textile twenty-five feet long. This "carpet" then becomes interactive when viewers create another layer of embedded electronically produced texts. Shin transforms mundane objects into a poetic meditation on materiality, discarded items, and labor-intensive processes as the embedded computer keys reproduce a lengthy email correspondence between her and the staff at the Fabric Workshop. A very different tradition is invoked in Lu Qing's (b. 1964) Untitled, a durational piece in which the artist buys a new roll of silk at the beginning of each year and over the next twelve months slowly applies patterns of calligraphic marks to its surface. This ongoing private and meditative performance instantiates the cultural tradition of achieving perfection through repetition, as well as ancient Chinese aesthetics and conventions of calligraphy, historically a male medium. ...
美國藝術家Jean Shin（生於1971 年）的TEXTile 是2006 年為費城織物工作室和博物館設計的裝置，非傳統和“低級”的藝術來源和材料（這裡有數千個廢棄的電腦鍵盤按鍵）被嵌入到一個裝置中。當觀眾創建另一層嵌入式電子生成的文本時，這張「地毯」就變得具有互動性。 Shin 將平凡的物品轉化為對物質性、廢棄物品和勞動密集型流程的詩意冥想，嵌入式電腦鑰匙再現了她和布料工作室工作人員之間的冗長電子郵件通訊。陸慶（生於1964 年）的《無題》則援引了一種截然不同的傳統，這是一件持續性作品，藝術家在每年年初購買一卷新絲綢，並在接下來的十二個月裡慢慢地將書法標記的圖案塗在其表面。這種持續的私人冥想表演體現了透過重複達到完美的文化傳統，以及中國古代美學和書法傳統（歷史上是男性媒介）。 …
The first decade of the twenty-first century also witnessed expanded discussions of race, ethnicity, and sexuality in the formation of identity, often in the context of transnationalism and globalizing economies. Ellen Gallagher's (b. 1965) work draws from an archive of advertisements created for the African-American community. Working with tiny pictographs set on large fields of paper or canvas, she presents successions ...
二十一世紀的第一個十年也見證了關於身份形成中的種族、族裔和性的討論的擴大，通常是在跨國主義和全球化經濟的背景下進行的。 Ellen Gallagher（生於 1965 年）的作品取材自為非裔美國人社區製作的廣告檔案。她在大面積的紙張或畫布上使用微小的象形文字，呈現出連續的...
318 Ellen Gallagher, DeLuxe, 2005 (detail) ...
318 艾倫·加拉格爾 (Ellen Gallagher)，豪華版，2005 年（細節）...
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of overdrawn and manipulated images of black role models and "ideal" types, often arranged in gridlike patterns that in their repetitions invoke both Modernist nonobjectivity and the physical specificity associated with the production of racist physiognomies. The body as a site for ideologically based inscriptions continues to play a significant role in the works of women artists, among them Zimbabwean Berry Bickle (b. 1959). The unstable and irreconcilable effects of trauma drives the investigations of Bickle as she exposes and documents political and social frameworks and histories of terror. Her photographic series often include language that conflates the familiar and the unfamiliar, while individual photographs point to a body that is both screen and bearer of meaning for projected histories related to psychic trauma, including that of the slave trade. ...
過度繪製和操縱的黑人榜樣和「理想」類型的圖像，通常排列成網格狀圖案，在重複中喚起現代主義的非客觀性和與種族主義相貌的產生相關的身體特異性。身體作為基於意識形態的銘文場所，繼續在女性藝術家的作品中發揮重要作用，其中包括津巴布韋人貝裡·比克爾（Berry Bickle，生於 1959 年）。創傷的不穩定和不可調和的影響推動了比克爾的調查，她揭露並記錄了政治和社會框架以及恐怖歷史。她的攝影系列經常包含將熟悉和陌生的語言混為一談的語言，而單張照片則指向一個身體，它既是屏幕，又承載著與精神創傷相關的預測歷史的意義，包括奴隸貿易的歷史。 …
History, culture and myth, and social critique are the subjects of the performative practices and new media of many contemporary artists. Among them are the South African Tracey Rose (b. 1974), whose 2008 performance/video The Plantation Lullabies fuses the artist's own body with the representation of a historical "Mammy" in orchestrating its biting social commentary, and the Swede Ann-Sofi Sidén (b. 1962), whose six-channel video In Passing (2007) follows a young girl as she drops off her newborn child at a babyklappe, or "baby box," which allow mothers to abandon unwanted infants safely. Sidén's installation draws the viewer into the pain and vulnerability of loss and separation as it tracks parallel narratives of the child's abandonment at the hospital and the doctors' and nurses' engagement in caring for the infant. ...
歷史、文化和神話以及社會批判是許多當代藝術家的表演實踐和新媒體的主題。其中包括南非人特蕾西·羅斯（Tracey Rose，生於1974 年），她在2008 年的表演/視頻《種植園搖籃曲》將藝術家自己的身體與歷史上“媽媽”的形象融合在一起，精心策劃了尖刻的社會評論；還有瑞典人安-索菲·西登(Ann-Sofi Sidén) （生於1962 年），他的六頻視頻《In Passing》（2007 年）講述了一名年輕女孩將剛出生的孩子送到babyklappe 或「嬰兒箱」的故事，「嬰兒箱」允許母親安全地拋棄不想要的嬰兒。西登的裝置作品追蹤了孩子被遺棄在醫院以及醫生和護士參與照顧嬰兒的平行敘述，將觀眾帶入失去和分離的痛苦和脆弱之中。 …
The investigative, imaginative, and real journeys of Sidén point to the myriad reimaginings that are an integral part of contemporary artistic practice and range from the individual to the social body. New research and theorizing in the areas of queer theory, transgendering, and gay and lesbian studies are leading women artists to reexamine old assumptions and to investigate new structures of meaning and experience. The work of Indian Sonia Khurana (b. 1968), Israeli Oreet Ashery (b. 1966), and Moroccan Latifa Echakhch (b. 1974) has extended these investigations into specific cultural contexts. Khurana is among the artists using their own bodies as a medium through which to reach new formations of eroticism via self-exposure. In Bird (2000), the naked artist performs her body by moving from one contorted, awkward pose to another while holding a camera close to her flesh. As she rolls, jumps, balances unsteadily on one foot, beats her arms like wings, and tries to take off, only to fall back again and again, she transcends ...
西登的調查、想像和真實旅程指向了無數的重新想像，這些重新想像是當代藝術實踐不可或缺的一部分，範圍從個人到社會團體。酷兒理論、變性和男女同性戀研究領域的新研究和理論正在引導女性藝術家重新審視舊的假設並調查新的意義和經驗結構。印度人 Sonia Khurana（生於 1968 年）、以色列人 Oreet Ashery（生於 1966 年）和摩洛哥人 Latifa Echakhch（生於 1974 年）的工作將這些調查擴展到了特定的文化背景。庫拉納（Khurana）是利用自己的身體作為媒介，透過自我暴露達到新的色情形式的藝術家之一。在《鳥》（2000）中，裸體藝術家透過將相機靠近她的肉體，從一個扭曲、尷尬的姿勢移動到另一個姿勢來表演她的身體。當她翻滾、跳躍、用一隻腳不穩定地保持平衡、像翅膀一樣拍打雙臂、試圖起飛時，卻一次又一次地向後倒下，她超越了…
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the uninhibited theatricality of her physical efforts to arrive at a space of imaginary redemption. In her performance/ video work The Flower Carrier, Khurana performs the role of a disturbed woman carrying a single plastic forget-me-not flower through cities from Delhi and Rajpur to London. Passing through evocative visual and acoustic collages, she braves the stares of the crowds and focuses on the symbol of beauty and redemption in her hands as a way of compensating for her sense of loss and homelessness in a hostile and corrupt world. ...
她以不拘一格的戲劇性的體力努力到達想像中的救贖空間。在她的表演/錄像作品《載花人》中，庫拉納扮演了一位心神不安的婦女，她拎著一朵塑膠勿忘我花穿過從德里和拉傑布爾到倫敦的城市。穿過令人回味的視覺和聽覺拼貼畫，她勇敢地面對人群的目光，專注於手中美麗和救贖的象徵，以此補償她在充滿敵意和腐敗的世界中的失落和無家可歸的感覺。 …
Other contemporary artists have chosen conceptual and pictorial rather than performative means to explore and to image diverse histories, among them Amy Cutler (b. 1974)— whose massed army of alter egos is delicately rendered in gouache in Army of Me (2003)—Kajsa Dahlberg (b. 1973), and Lenore Chinn (b. 1949). Swedish artist Dahlberg's A Room of One's Own/A Thousand Libraries (2006) is both book project and installation, as well as an expression of one activist artist's strategy for appropriating multiple public spaces and acting within them. Over a period of months, she collected marginal notes made by readers in the library editions of Virginia Woolf's A Room of One's Own, published by the Hogarth Press in 1929, in public libraries all over Sweden. Using borrowed copies of the book, she manually copied the marginalia into a facsimile, which she then designed and produced as a book. The project records multiple interactions between the solitary readers, who respond to the text with comments, questions, and notes, and the author. It captures and makes literal the internal dialogue that unfolds between a reader and a text. ...
其他當代藝術家選擇概念和繪畫而非表演手段來探索和描繪不同的歷史，其中包括艾米·卡特勒（Amy Cutler，生於1974 年）——她在《我的軍隊》（Army of Me）（ 2003 年）中以水粉畫巧妙地呈現了她那群不同的自我——卡傑薩·達爾伯格（生於 1973 年）和 Lenore Chinn（生於 1949 年）。瑞典藝術家達爾伯格的《一間自己的房間/一千間圖書館》（A Room of One's Own/A一千個圖書館，2006）既是書籍計畫又是裝置作品，也是一位激進藝術家佔用多個公共空間並在其中行動的策略的表達。在幾個月的時間裡，她在瑞典各地的公共圖書館收集了弗吉尼亞·伍爾夫(Virginia Woolf) 的《一間自己的房間》(A Room of One's Own) 圖書館版的讀者所做的附註，該書由霍加斯出版社(Hogarth Press) 於1929 年出版。她利用借來的書本，手動將旁注複製到傳真中，然後將其設計並製作成書。該項目記錄了單獨讀者與作者之間的多次互動，讀者透過評論、問題和註釋對文本做出回應。它捕捉讀者和文本之間展開的內部對話，並將其變成字面意思。 …
Lenore Chinn, on the other hand, uses paint to record histories that are personal and cultural. In Bing (2001), she recalls and memorializes her friend and fellow lesbian and Asian-American artist Bernice Bing, who died in 1998. Chinn's own decades-long history of activist involvement with San Francisco's lesbian, bisexual, gay, and transgender community has surfaced in recent exhibitions. The portrait, a work that incorporates historical references to Abstract Expressionism (in its quoting of well-known images of Jackson Pollock posing in front of his paintings), memorializes a less public art history, that of lesbian artists from Gertrude Stein and Romaine Brooks to Harmony Hammond and Bing herself. ...
另一方面，Lenore Chinn 用顏料記錄個人和文化的歷史。在《Bing》（2001）中，她回憶並紀念了她的朋友兼女同性戀和亞裔美國藝術家Bernice Bing，她於1998 年去世。同性戀和變性人社區的歷史，在最近的展覽中出現。這幅肖像畫融入了抽象表現主義的歷史參考（引用了傑克遜·波洛克在他的畫作前擺姿勢的著名圖像），紀念了一段不太公開的藝術史，即從格特魯德·斯坦（Gertrude Stein）到羅曼布魯克斯（Romaine Brooks）的女同性戀藝術家的藝術史。 …
The ongoing tradition of experimentation and investigation and the radical renegotiation of conventions, histories, and boundaries that can be traced to feminist work of the 1970s lie at the heart today of both the physicality and performativity of monumental installations and the reflectivity and quiet intimacy of personal expressions that engage memory and an ...
持續進行的實驗和調查傳統，以及對慣例、歷史和界限的徹底重新談判，可以追溯到1970 年代的女權主義作品，它們是今天紀念性裝置的物理性和表演性以及個人的反射性和安靜親密性的核心。
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319 TOP Sonia Khurana, The Flower Carrier 1, 2000-06 320 BELOW Lenore Chinn, Bing, 2001 321 OPPOSITE Amy Cutler, Army of Me, 2003 ...
319 頂 Sonia Khurana，《送花人 1》，2000-06 320 下面 Lenore Chinn，Bing，2001 321 對面 Amy Cutler，我的軍隊，2003 ...
individual's life story. Partly as a result of this history, between 2005 and 2010, several seminars, conferences, and symposia, many of which generated publications, were organized around aspects of feminism and its legacies throughout the world. In 2007, the Museum of Modern Art in New York hosted its first feminist event, "The Feminist Future: Theory and Practice in ...
個人的人生故事。部分由於這段歷史，2005年至2010年間，世界各地圍繞著女性主義及其遺產的各個方面組織了多次研討會、會議和座談會，其中許多都出版了出版物。 2007年，紐約現代藝術博物館舉辦了首屆女性主義活動「女性主義的未來：理論與實踐...
the Visual Arts," and the Getty Research Center in Los Angeles organized a conference to reconsider the social and artistic place of craft in the second half of the twentieth century. During these years, educational and cultural institutions in the United States, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, and elsewhere took up subjects that ranged from the continuing relevance of feminism to race and globalization in the twenty-first century, feminism and visual culture, and feminism, historiography, and curatorial practices, while major journals dedicated special issues to the enduring impact of feminism on art and art history. ...
視覺藝術」和洛杉磯蓋蒂研究中心組織了一次會議，重新考慮二十世紀下半葉手工藝的社會和藝術地位。在這些年裡，美國、南非、西班牙、瑞典和其他地方的主題涵蓋女權主義與二十一世紀種族和全球化的持續相關性、女性主義和視覺文化、女性主義、史學和策展實踐，而主要期刊則專門針對女性主義和視覺文化、女性主義、史學和策展實踐等主題。
Women's contributions to recent major exhibitions, from international biennials to museum shows, are shaping today's visual culture worldwide. Redressing social inequalities, negotiating change, redrawing spatial, social, subjective, and formal boundaries, women artists are challenging the so-called "alternative canon" of earlier feminist art without abandoning the issues, practices, and processes through which vision, sexuality, gender, and difference are articulated. Nevertheless, the high visibility of some female artists in the international art worlds of the last two decades does not erase the uneven gains experienced by many women during this same period. As Eleanor Heartney, Helaine Posner, Nancy Princenthal, and Sue Scott document in their 2007 book After the Revolution: Women Who Transformed Contemporary Art, the number of women having solo exhibitions at influential commercial ...
女性對近期大型展覽（從國際雙年展到博物館展覽）的貢獻正在塑造當今全球的視覺文化。糾正社會不平等，協商變革，重新劃定空間、社會、主觀和形式界限，女性藝術家正在挑戰早期女性主義藝術的所謂“另類經典”，同時又不放棄視覺、性、性別的問題、實踐和過程。然而，過去二十年中一些女性藝術家在國際藝術界的高知名度並不能消除許多女性在同一時期所經歷的不平衡的進步。正如埃莉諾·哈特尼(Eleanor Heartney)、海萊恩·波斯納(Helaine Posner)、南希·普林森塔爾(Nancy Princenthal) 和蘇·斯科特(Sue Scott) 在2007 年出版的《革命之後：改變當代藝術的女性》一書中所記錄的那樣，在有影響力的商業機構舉辦個展的女性數量......
galleries rose steadily until the 1990s, then appeared to reach a plateau of almost a quarter (23.9 per cent) of all artists. represented, after which it dropped to just over a fifth (21.5 per cent) in the first decade of the twenty-first century (despite the fact that women account for at least half of all MFA degrees granted annually in the United States). And, as the authors also note, the number of monographs devoted to women artists has remained significantly lower than that of male artists, as have the prices of their works. Although it is easy to trace the ways that women's art has invaded and influenced practice, and the ways that contemporary women's movements have played a role in art-world politics, it is far from easy to project into the future ...
畫廊的數量穩步上升，直到 20 世紀 90 年代，然後幾乎四分之一（23.9%）的藝術家數量似乎達到了穩定水平。此後，在二十一世紀的第一個十年，這一比例下降到略高於五分之一（21.5％）（儘管事實上，美國每年授予的所有碩士學位中，女性至少佔一半）。而且，正如作者也指出的那樣，專門針對女性藝術家的專著數量仍然明顯低於男性藝術家，其作品的價格也是如此。儘管很容易追蹤女性藝術侵入和影響實踐的方式，以及當代女性運動在藝術世界政治中發揮作用的方式，但預測未來卻絕非易事…
. Between 2005 and 2011, while some women expanded the physical and psychic boundaries of real and virtual space in installations, performances, and online works, and others reinvestigated the parameters of reality and its representation, still others developed carefully defined and closely focused critical interrogations of social and political realities and/or managed to fuse both modalities. ...
。 2005年至2011年間，雖然一些女性在裝置、表演和線上作品中擴大了真實和虛擬空間的物理和精神界限，另一些女性重新研究了現實及其再現的參數，但還有一些女性對現實和現實的表現進行了精心定義和密切關注的批判性審問。 …
The Kenyan Wangechi Mutu (b. 1972) is one of a group of international artists, including Julie Mehretu, Nalini Malani, Joyce Kozloff, Judy Pfaff, and Pipilotti Rist, who produce complex mixed-media work. In the spring of 2010, Mutu was selected as the first recipient of Deutsche Bank's "Artist of ...
肯亞萬格奇·穆圖（Wangechi Mutu，生於 1972 年）是一群國際藝術家之一，包括 Julie Mehretu、Nalini Malani、Joyce Kozloff、Judy Pfaff 和 Pipilotti Rist，他們創作複雜的混合媒體作品。 2010年春天，穆圖被選為德意志銀行「藝術家...
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the Year" award. An exhibition of her collages at the Deutsche Guggenheim Museum in Berlin was followed by a solo show at the Barbara Gladstone Gallery in New York that included paint, collage, assemblage, objects, and installation. Mutu's collages and photomontages focus on images of women in which the performative sexuality and pornographic conventions that underlie both the mass-media fashion image and the exoticized subjects of much anthropological photography is challenged using deconstructive processes that expose relationships between the beautiful, the seductive, the surreal, the grotesque, and the fetishized. Mutu's images destabilize assumptions about femininity and exoticism, even as their hybridized forms reactivate identifications of the feminine with primitivism as enunciated in Hannah Höch's series of Dada photomontages from the 1920s titled From an Ethnographic Museum. ...
穆圖的拼貼畫和蒙太奇照片重點關注：女性形像中，大眾媒體時尚形象和許多人類學攝影的異國情調主題背後的表演性和色情慣例受到解構過程的挑戰，揭示了美麗、誘惑、超現實、怪誕與浪漫之間的關係。年代的達達蒙太奇系列《來自民族誌博物館》中所闡述的…
Mutu is not alone in focusing on the female body as site of political and social action. Although deployed toward very different ends, the body lies at the center of the artistic practices of both Jenny Saville and Teresa Margolles, calling attention both to issues of representation and to the body as a marker of social realities. Saville's nude studies, often based on photographs, medical journals, and crime-scene reports, are realized as monumental corporeal landscapes in which thick paint, passionate brushwork, and deft touches of color create a powerful tension between the female nude as an aesthetic signifier of beauty and the naked body as meat. Margolles also takes the body as subject, but deploys it in installations, objects, and videos that draw on conceptual and critical strategies in order to explore death within the complex culture of contemporary Mexico, with its economic and political inequalities and its high incidence of murder, drug trafficking, poverty, and migration. A founding member of the artist collective SEMEFO (the name is derived from the national forensic medical service of Mexico), Margolles has chosen to focus her artistic practice on the morgue and the dissecting table. Selected as Mexico's representative to the 53rd Venice Biennale in 2009, her exhibition in the Mexican pavilion addressed the subject of the five thousand plus murders in Mexico linked to the drug trade in 2008. A flag dyed with blood collected at execution sites on the border of Mexico and the United States hung on the building's facade. The exhibition inside included Adjuste de Cuentas, jewelry made with glass fragments collected from the shattered windscreens of vehicles caught in drug violence, and a series of performances that involved relatives of victims mopping the floor with blood taken from murder scenes. In 2010, for ...
穆圖並不是唯一一個將女性身體視為政治和社會行動場所的人。雖然身體的部署方向截然不同，但身體仍然是珍妮·薩維爾和特蕾莎·馬戈萊斯藝術實踐的中心，喚起人們對再現問題和身體作為社會現實標誌的關注。薩維爾的裸體研究通常基於照片、醫學期刊和犯罪現場報告，被實現為不朽的肉體風景，其中厚重的顏料、充滿激情的筆觸和巧妙的色彩觸感在女性裸體作為審美象徵的女性裸體之間創造了強大的張力。馬戈勒斯也以身體為主題，但將其運用在裝置、物品和視頻中，利用概念和批判策略來探索當代墨西哥複雜文化中的死亡，以及其經濟和政治不平等以及高謀殺率、毒品販運、貧困和移民。作為藝術家團體 SEMEFO（該名稱源自墨西哥國家法醫服務機構）的創始成員，Margolles 選擇將她的藝術實踐集中在太平間和解剖台上。她被選為 2009 年第 53 屆威尼斯雙年展的墨西哥代表，在墨西哥館舉辦的展覽探討了 2008 年墨西哥發生的 5000 多起與毒品交易有關的謀殺案。 。 裡面的展覽包括“Adjuste de Cuentas”，這是用從毒品暴力中破碎的擋風玻璃上收集的玻璃碎片製成的珠寶，以及一系列表演，受害者的親屬用從謀殺現場採集的血拖地板。 2010年，為了...
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her exhibition "Frontera" at the Kunsthalle Fridericianum in Kassel, Germany, Margolles installed Muro Baleado (Culiacán), an actual wall against which two Mexican police officers had been machine-gunned to death. It appeared alongside Muro Ciudad Juárez, another real wall constructed of concrete blocks and barbed wire that bore the marks and residue of some of the drug killings to have occurred in Mexico's deadliest city, Ciudad Juárez on the US border, scene of more than three thousand executions in 2010 alone. ...
在德國卡塞爾弗里德里希藝術館舉辦的「Frontera」展覽中，馬戈勒斯設置了Muro Baleado（庫利亞坎），這是一堵真實的牆，兩名墨西哥警察曾被機關槍打死。它出現在穆羅華雷斯城旁邊，這是另一堵由混凝土塊和鐵絲網建造的真實牆壁，上面有發生在墨西哥最致命的城市華雷斯城的一些毒品殺戮的痕跡和殘留物，該城市位於美國邊境，現場有超過三千人僅 2010 年就執行了死刑。 …
Issues of scale, materials, and media also dominate the recent works of the Israeli artist Yael Bartana (b. 1970) and the American Pae White (b. 1963), though in very different ways. Bartana's films, videos, and cinematic installations explore displacement through subjects that include Israelis who have given their lives in support of a homeland and Palestinians who have lost their homes as a result of the Jewish state's claiming ...
規模、材料和媒體問題也主導了以色列藝術家 Yael Bartana（生於 1970 年）和美國藝術家 Pae White（生於 1963 年）的近期作品，儘管方式截然不同。巴塔納的電影、錄像和電影裝置透過主題探索流離失所，其中包括為支持家園而獻出生命的以色列人，以及因猶太國家的主權而失去家園的巴勒斯坦人…
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of territory, as she interrogates from a distance the migrations, geographic shifts, and nationalisms that have shaped identities in contemporary Israel. Both her works and her political organization The Jewish Renaissance Movement in Poland have addressed issues of Polish anti-semitism, explored nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe as a historic home for Ashkenazi Jews, and put forward new alternatives to Palestinian demands for a right of return to former lands. In her two-channel video Summer Camp (2007), she focuses on one half of the screen on the "Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions," a group of volunteers whose activities include rebuilding Palestinian homes demolished by the Israeli authorities; on the other half, we see a 1935 propaganda film documenting a group of Zionist settlers with the dream of founding a Jewish nation state. ...
她從遠處審視了塑造當代以色列認同的移民、地理變遷和民族主義。她的作品和她的政治組織波蘭猶太文藝復興運動都解決了波蘭的反猶太主義問題，探索了19 世紀和20 世紀的歐洲作為德系猶太人的歷史故鄉，並提出了新的替代方案來取代巴勒斯坦人要求獨立權利的權利。在她的兩頻道影片《夏令營》（2007）中，她將螢幕的一半聚焦在「以色列反對拆毀房屋委員會」上，這是一群志願者，其活動包括重建被以色列當局拆毀的巴勒斯坦房屋；另一邊，我們看到一部 1935 年的宣傳片，記錄了一群猶太復國主義定居者夢想建立一個猶太民族國家的故事。 …
The work of White, on the other hand, is part of a wider interrogation of materials by contemporary women artists. She began producing monumental tapestries in 2004, ...
另一方面，懷特的作品是當代女性藝術家對材料更廣泛質疑的一部分。她於 2004 年開始製作紀念性掛毯，...
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translating common objects and phenomena (including smoke and aluminum foil) into digital photographs that become the basis for large-scale woven screens that focus attention on the abstract properties and inherent beauty of her chosen materials. An installation at the 2009 Venice Biennale combined elegant chandeliers that seemed to be made from Murano glass, but were in fact constructed from bird seed, with performers trained in traditional Venetian bird calls. The result was a rich mingling of sound, space, and physical action that was both evocative and metaphorical. ...
將常見的物體和現象（包括煙霧和鋁箔）轉化為數位照片，這些照片成為大型編織螢幕的基礎，這些螢幕將注意力集中在她所選擇的材料的抽象屬性和內在美上。 2009 年威尼斯雙年展上的一個裝置結合了優雅的枝形吊燈，這些枝形吊燈看似由穆拉諾玻璃製成，但實際上是由鳥類種子製成的，表演者接受了傳統威尼斯鳥鳴的訓練。結果是聲音、空間和身體動作的豐富融合，既令人回味又具有隱喻性。 …
All of these examples, regardless of size, medium, or scale, offer evidence of the wide-ranging commitment of women artists to critical and aesthetic practices that are based on a fusing of the personal, the visual or conceptual, and the political or social in works that register the complicated realities of today's world. Such works point to the rich history and legacy of the contemporary women's movement and ensure that the complex histories of feminism in the visual arts of the last century will be carried long into the new millennium. ...
所有這些例子，無論大小、媒介或規模如何，都證明了女性藝術家對基於個人、視覺或概念以及政治或社會融合的批判和美學實踐的廣泛承諾。這些作品指出了當代婦女運動的豐富歷史和遺產，並確保上世紀視覺藝術中女性主義的複雜歷史將延續到新千年。 …
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Epilogue
後記
尾聲後記
Flavia Frigeri
弗拉維亞·弗里傑裡
The current moment is characterized by seismic societal and political shifts. Climate change and the environmental consequences it engenders pose an existential threat to humanity. Femicides and right-wing political parties are on the rise. Refugees are seen as a menace and immigration is for the most part ostracized. Digital Media has had a vertiginous impact on our lives and the way we communicate, while also posing an ideological threat with its systems of surveillance and control. As a result, a new wave of feminist, ecological, decolonial, anti-capitalist, and anti-racist movements has emerged in response to these critical issues. Black Lives Matter, Ni Una Menos, #MeToo, and Extinction Rebellion have garnered immediate attention among younger and older generations alike, leading to a renewed interest in activism. Art has not shied away from this critical moment, rekindling its longstanding engagement with activist agendas and radical forms of art-making. Mobilized by feminist, social, and political agendas, artists are variously reconsidering the role of traditional media such as painting and sculpture, while also harnessing time-based media, performative practices, and community-focused initiatives. ...
當下時刻的特徵是社會和政治發生了巨大的變化。氣候變遷及其造成的環境後果對人類的生存構成威脅。殺害女性和右翼政黨正在興起。難民被視為威脅，移民大多受到排斥。數位媒體對我們的生活和溝通方式產生了巨大的影響，同時也對其監視和控制系統構成了意識形態威脅。結果，針對這些關鍵議題出現了新一波女性主義、生態、非殖民、反資本主義和反種族主義運動。 「黑人的命也是命」、「我也是」、「#MeToo」和「反抗滅絕」立即引起了年輕一代和老一代人的關注，導致人們對激進主義重新產生了興趣。藝術並沒有迴避這個關鍵時刻，重新點燃了對激進議程和激進藝術創作形式的長期參與。在女性主義、社會和政治議程的推動下，藝術家們正在以不同的方式重新考慮繪畫和雕塑等傳統媒體的作用，同時也利用基於時間的媒體、表演實踐和以社區為中心的舉措。 …
Since the early 1990s, Tania Bruguera (b. 1968) has been probing the distance between art and life by challenging established structures of power through performance and the orchestration of actions intended to produce intense public debate. A native of Cuba, Bruguera has consistently interrogated the country's political framework in the wake of the revolutionary events of 1959. Institutional power and freedom of expression are among her chief concerns as expressed by Tatlin's Whisper #5 (2008), part of a series of works referencing the Monument to the Third International (1919-20) ...
自1990 年代初以來，塔尼亞·布魯格拉（Tania Bruguera，生於1968 年）一直在探索藝術與生活之間的距離，透過表演和精心策劃的行動來引發激烈的公眾辯論，挑戰既定的權力結構。布魯格拉是古巴人，1959 年革命事件發生後，她一直質疑該國的政治框架。言論自由，這是系列文章的一部分。
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by Soviet artist Vladimir Tatlin. While Tatlin's Monument was never built, it nevertheless spoke to the agenda for monumentality pursued by the Communist regime. ...
蘇聯藝術家弗拉基米爾·塔特林的作品。雖然塔特林紀念碑從未建成，但它仍然體現了共產主義政權追求的紀念碑議程。 …
With Tatlin's Whisper Bruguera examines the traditional understanding of monuments as channels for collective history. The work consists of two policemen, one on a white horse and one on a black one, who patrol the exhibition space by controlling the audience's movements. Through this choreographed action Bruguera seeks to expose the strategies redeployed by political authorities in their enforcement of power. Ultimately, Bruguera's work demonstrates that art today is not just concerned with representation but can exist as a political instrument. ...
布魯格拉在《塔特林的耳語》中審視了對紀念碑作為集體歷史管道的傳統理解。作品由兩名警察組成，一騎白馬，一騎黑馬，透過控制觀眾的動作在展覽空間巡邏。透過這項精心設計的行動，布魯格拉試圖揭露政治當局在執行權力時重新部署的策略。最終，布魯格拉的作品表明，當今的藝術不僅關注再現，還可以作為政治工具而存在。 …
Kara Walker (b. 1969) rose to prominence thanks to her panoramic friezes of cut-out silhouettes. Mostly reliant on black figures set against a white wall, Walker's room-size installations aim to explore the history of American slavery in relation to contemporary issues of racism. While specific to the American context, Walker's work draws attention to questions of gender, race, and otherness more broadly. In 2014, she addressed these topics in her first large-scale public project presented in a disused sugar factory in Brooklyn in New York. The installation, which consisted of a colossal sphinx-like woman, was conceived as a direct response to the building's history. Significantly titled A Subtlety, or the Marvelous Sugar Baby, an Homage to the unpaid and overworked Artisans who have refined our Sweet tastes from the cane fields to the Kitchens of the New World on the Occasion of the demolition of the Domino Sugar Refining Plant, the work drew attention to the factory's legacy as a symbol of the historic tensions between race and capitalism. The gargantuan figure covered in white sugar was accompanied by fifteen life-size young male figures acting as "attendants" to this semi-godly archetypal "Mammy." The installation proved to be overwhelmingly popular, engendering debates around labor, oppression, racism, and sexuality. A similar set of concerns underpins Walker's site-specific intervention, Fons Americanus (2019), developed as part of the Turbine Hall annual series of commissions at Tate Modern in London. Through allegorical figures reminiscent of traditional monumental statuary, Walker reclaims the legacy of transatlantic slave trade and the way in which this has contributed to the formation of a black identity. ...
卡拉沃克（Kara Walker，生於 1969 年）以其剪裁剪影的全景飾帶而聲名鵲起。沃克的房間大小的裝置主要依靠白色牆壁上的黑色人物，旨在探索美國奴隸制的歷史與當代種族主義問題的關係。雖然沃克的作品針對的是美國背景，但它更廣泛地引起人們對性別、種族和差異性問題的關注。 2014 年，她在紐約布魯克林一家廢棄糖廠舉辦的第一個大型公共計畫中討論了這些主題。該裝置由一個巨大的獅身人面像女人組成，被認為是對該建築歷史的直接回應。標題為“巧妙”或“奇妙糖寶貝”，向那些無償勞累的工匠致敬，他們在多米諾糖精煉廠拆除之際，將我們的甜味從甘蔗田提煉到新世界的廚房，作品引起了人們對工廠遺產的關注，作為種族與資本主義之間歷史緊張關係的象徵。覆蓋著白糖的巨大人物旁邊有十五個真人大小的年輕男性人物，充當這位半神原型「媽媽」的「服務生」。事實證明，該裝置非常受歡迎，引發了有關勞工、壓迫、種族主義和性的爭論。沃克的特定地點幹預措施《Fons Americanus》（2019）也基於類似的擔憂，該幹預措施是倫敦泰特現代美術館渦輪廳年度系列委員會的一部分。透過讓人想起傳統紀念雕像的寓言人物，沃克回顧了跨大西洋奴隸貿易的遺產以及它對黑人身份形成的貢獻方式。 …
While Bruguera and Walker seek to undermine historically embedded power-structures, the German artist and writer Hito Steyerl (b. 1966) questions the implications of Artificial Intelligence for contemporary society. In works like This is the Future (2019) - presented at the Venice Biennale - Steyerl ...
當布魯格拉和沃克試圖破壞歷史上根深蒂固的權力結構時，德國藝術家兼作家 Hito Steyerl（生於 1966 年）則質疑人工智慧對當代社會的影響。在威尼斯雙年展上展出的《This is the Future》（2019）等作品中，Steyerl ...
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interrogates the complex issues surrounding Al's unregulated development and nature. As a room-sized installation, the work invites viewers to examine the existence of a digitally fabricated future in which flowers bloom and wither on screen as they forego their tangible nature. With its dystopian overtones This is the Future reveals the haunting possibilities of an Al-fabricated future and acts as a call for action encouraging viewers to maintain a more critical stance towards the ever so powerful digital realm. ...
質疑圍繞阿爾不受監管的發展和性質的複雜問題。作為一個房間大小的裝置，作品邀請觀眾審視數位化製造的未來的存在，在這個未來中，花朵在螢幕上盛開和凋謝，因為它們放棄了它們有形的本質。 《這就是未來》以其反烏托邦的色彩揭示了人工智慧製造的未來的令人難以忘懷的可能性，並呼籲採取行動，鼓勵觀眾對如此強大的數位領域保持更加批判的立場。 …
The work of painter Njideka Akunyili Crosby (b. 1983) takes us from the public sphere to the private domain. The artist's portraits and domestic interiors offer a rich and nuanced reflection on her experience of the contemporary Nigerian diaspora. Members of her family often take centre stage in Akunyili Crosby's intimate depictions of daily life. However, upon closer inspection, it becomes apparent that the privacy of the home is conflated with the cacophony of public life. Through a weave of densely layered appropriated imagery, the artist nods to her multiple cultural identities. Having emigrated to study in the United States as a teenager, she combines her ...
畫家 Njideka Akunyili Crosby（生於 1983 年）的作品將我們從公共領域帶入私人領域。這位藝術家的肖像畫和家庭室內裝飾豐富而細緻地反映了她對當代尼日利亞僑民的經歷。在阿庫尼利·克羅斯比對日常生活的親密描寫中，她的家人經常佔據中心舞台。然而，仔細觀察就會發現，家庭的隱私與公共生活的喧囂混為一談。透過密集分層的挪用圖像的編織，藝術家向她的多重文化認同致敬。十幾歲時移民到美國學習，她結合了她的...
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Nigerian heritage with cultural and political references from her adopted country. Akunyili Crosby's powerful reflection on identity in the contemporary moment also hinges on a newfound interest among contemporary artists in renewing the tradition of figurative painting and in exploring the narrative possibilities that this in turn engenders. ...
尼日利亞遺產與她的移居國的文化和政治參考。阿庫尼利·克羅斯比對當代認同的有力反思也取決於當代藝術家對更新具象繪畫傳統和探索由此產生的敘事可能性的新興趣。 …
The reconsideration of traditional media through a new lens is also evinced by Julie Mehretu's (b. 1970) work, which expands the possibilities of painting to include a material layering of different techniques. In her large paintings, of which Middle Grey (2007-08) is an example, the artist creates a complex maze-like abstract formation that calls to mind architectural diagrams and urban-planning grids. All naturalistic references are negated, however, as the gestural marks and areas of color take the lead. Embedded in this mesmerizing weave of strokes ...
Julie Mehretu（生於 1970 年）的作品也體現了透過新鏡頭對傳統媒體的重新思考，它擴展了繪畫的可能性，包括不同技術的材料分層。在她的大型畫作中，《Middle Gray》（2007-08）就是一個例子，藝術家創造了一個複雜的迷宮般的抽象結構，讓人想起建築圖和城市規劃網格。然而，所有自然主義參考都被否定，因為手勢標記和顏色區域佔據主導地位。嵌入在這令人著迷的筆觸編織中...
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and vectors are a range of sources, encompassing archival referents, comics, and Chinese and Japanese calligraphy, amongst other things. The combination of multiple referents harnesses the complexity of Mehretu's enveloping but also disruptive pictorial register. ...
向量有多種來源，包括檔案參考資料、漫畫、中國和日本書法等等。多種參照物的結合充分利用了梅赫雷圖包羅萬象但又具有破壞性的影像結構的複雜性。 …
Arguably, in Mehretu's work, line is given a hegemonie role. Similarly, and yet distinct in terms of material output, is Leonor Antunes's (b. 1972) approach to line as a fundamental unit in het reinterpretation of sculpture in a given space. In the last days in chimalistic (2013), the form of the sculpture is defined by the looping and twisting ropes and bands that seize the surrounding space, forcing viewers to navigate through this labyrinthine conglomeration of geometric patterns and Intersecting shapes, Sculpture literally unfolds in space in Antunes's work, which speaks in equal measure to traditions within architecture and design, as well as engaging with Modernist art historical legacies, Artisanal techniques are also accorded a fundamental role in her immersive sculptures testament to this is the range of materials redeployed in their ...
可以說，在梅赫雷圖的作品中，線條被賦予了霸權角色。同樣，但在材料輸出方面卻截然不同的是萊昂諾·安圖內斯（Leonor Antunes，生於 1972 年）在對給定空間中的雕塑進行重新詮釋時，將線條作為基本單位的方法。在《chimalistic》（2013）的最後幾天，雕塑的形式是由循環和扭曲的繩索和帶子定義的，這些繩索和帶子佔據了周圍的空間，迫使觀眾在這個由幾何圖案和交叉形狀組成的迷宮般的集合中導航，雕塑實際上是在Antunes 的作品中的空間同樣體現了建築和設計中的傳統，並融入了現代主義藝術的歷史遺產，手工技術在她的沉浸式雕塑中也發揮著重要作用，證明了這一點是在其作品中重新部署的材料範圍。 ...
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conception and realization, from rope and leather, cork and wood, through to brass and rubber. Through her manipulation of such a varied cast of materials, Antunes demonstrates not only technical dexterity, but also makes manifest her interest in the legacies of female artists active across different practices, including weaving and design. ...
構思和實現，從繩索和皮革、軟木和木材，到黃銅和橡膠。透過對各種材料的運用，安圖內斯不僅展示了技術的靈活性，還表明了她對活躍在不同實踐（包括編織和設計）的女性藝術家的遺產的興趣。 …
Recent years have seen a surge of interest in the archive as a material and conceptual entity. The French artist Camille Henrot (b. 1978) has explored institutional knowledge from the perspective of the museum in her video Grosse Fatigue (2013). As suggested by the title, the effort involved is big and made specifically so by the artist's desire to tell the story of the universe's creation by unearthing hidden gems in the collections of the Smithsonian Archives of American Art, National Air and Space Museum, and National Museum of Natural History, all in Washington, D.C. Over the course of thirteen minutes, through a fast-paced sequence of images, the video explores the infinite possibilities offered by a self- construed world history. Henrot's narrative unfolds in the space of a computer screen, as evidenced by the cascade of pop-up windows set to a soundtrack of a spoken-word poem, penned by the artist in collaboration with poet Jacob Bromberg. The rhythm is relentless, and the sources are wide-ranging, including scientific references as well as religious ones. ...
近年來，人們對檔案作為物質和概念實體的興趣激增。法國藝術家卡米爾·亨羅（Camille Henrot，生於 1978 年）在她的錄像《嚴重疲勞》（Grosse Fatigue，2013 年）中從博物館的角度探索了製度知識。正如標題所暗示的那樣，所涉及的努力是巨大的，並且特別是由於藝術家希望透過挖掘美國藝術史密森檔案館、國家航空航天博物館和國家航空航天博物館的藏品中隱藏的寶石來講述宇宙創造的故事。亨羅的敘事在電腦螢幕的空間中展開，一連串的彈出窗口證明了這一點，這些彈出窗口設置為一首口語詩的配樂，這首詩是由藝術家與詩人雅各布·布羅姆伯格合作創作的。節奏是無情的，來源廣泛，包括科學參考和宗教參考。 …
Camille Henrot, Grosse Fatigue, 2013 ...
卡米爾‧亨羅 (Camille Henrot)，《嚴重疲勞》，2013 ...
KIPITA ...
基皮塔 ...
331 ...
331 ...
540 Epilogue ...
第540章 尾聲…
The vastness of world history becomes a metaphor for the Internet's incommensurable reach and its effects in the making and shaping of contemporary knowledge. ...
浩瀚的世界歷史成為網路不可通約的影響力及其對當代知識的形成和塑造的影響的隱喻。 …
To conclude, the work of female artists today addresses the urgency of contemporary cultural, societal, and political shifts. The legacy of feminist histories is still present and yet constantly being reframed in light of the present moment. Art, and its remit, are being tested from both a conceptual and formal perspective, and female practitioners are central to the history of art that is currently in the making. ...
總而言之，當今女性藝術家的作品解決了當代文化、社會和政治轉變的迫切性。女性主義歷史的遺產仍然存在，但不斷根據當下的情況進行重新建構。藝術及其職權範圍正在從概念和形式的角度受到考驗，而女性實踐者是當前正在形成的藝術史的核心。 …
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