Chinese Newspapers in Singapore, 1945-1963: Mediators of Elite and Popular Tastes in Culture and Politics
新加坡华文报纸，1945-1963：文化和政治的精英与大众品味协调人

Source: Tournal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, June 2010, Vol. 83, No. 1 (298) (June 2010), pp. 53-76
## 马来西亚皇家亚洲学会期刊，2010 年 6 月，第 83 卷，第 1 期（298），第 53-76 页

Published by: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
由马来西亚皇家亚洲学会出版

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The historiography of Singapore is dominated by an elitist English-language nationalist narrative. While it is an important perspective and central to Singaporean decolonization, it cannot explain the nature of indigenous Singaporean nationalism. Nor can it explain the profound displacements taking place below the elite level which made these mass movements possible. Its inadequacy is a direct result of the narrow and partial view of politics to which it is committed by virtue of its language. It is limited to equating the scope of politics with the aggregation of activities and ideas of both the colonial authorities and the Anglophone elites who were directly involved in operating government institutions.
新加坡史学界一直以精英化的英语民族主义叙事为主导。虽然这是一个重要的视角，也是新加坡去殖民化的核心，但它无法解释本土新加坡民族主义的性质。它也不能解释导致这些群众运动成为可能的精英阶层以下发生的深刻的位移。它的不足直接源于它所坚持的狭隘的、片面的政治观，这是由其语言决定的。它局限于将政治的范围等同于殖民当局和直接参与政府机构运作的讲英语的精英阶层所进行的活动和思想的总和。

What is missing is vernacular politics. Throughout the colonial period other domains of politics existed parallel to, and occasionally interlinked with, the domain of Anglophone politics. By far the largest was the Chinese-speaking community, which included the vast majority of the labouring and commercial communities. This autonomous domain operated vigorously in spite of colonialism, adjusting itself to the conditions prevailing under the British and in many respects developing entirely new forms and content. The Chinese domain was a product of a complex interaction
缺少的是本土政治。在整个殖民时期，除了英语政治领域之外，还存在着其他平行存在的政治领域，而且偶尔还会与英语政治领域交织在一起。其中规模最大的是讲汉语的社区，其中包括绝大多数的劳工和商业社区。尽管受到殖民主义的影响，这个自治领域仍然蓬勃发展，它适应了英国统治下的条件，并在许多方面发展出全新的形式和内容。华人领域是复杂互动下的产物，
between discourse, practice and culture; between printed texts, their political and institutional contexts, and the cultural assumptions which informed both.
在话语、实践与文化之间；在印刷文本、其政治和制度背景以及构成两者的文化假设之间。

English-language sources are by definition unable to access the norms, values and idioms inherent in the vernacular. Nor can they convey the notions of exclusion from elite politics and of resistance to Anglophone domination that are among the few common features of vernacular politics in Singapore.
由于其语言性质，英语资料先天性地无法触及新加坡地方政治中固有的规范、价值观和习语。它们也无法传达新加坡地方政治中少数共同特征之一，即被排斥在精英政治之外和对盎格鲁撒克逊统治的抵制。

However, there exists a widely available source that can be easily accessed. Chinese newspapers and periodicals played a significant role in the social, cultural, and political changes that were occurring in Singapore in the period between 1945 and 1963. Newspapers were widely read in Singapore Chinese society and dominated social and cultural life. The choices and content of newspapers' reportage demonstrate Chinese priorities and preoccupations, as do the debates and discussions on the back pages. The language the journalists used, the cultural constructs they deployed to structure their arguments, and the sources of authority they appealed to in advancing their claims all provide insight into the Chinese values and assumptions. Chinese newspapers are thus a rich source of historical perspective.
然而，这里存在一个易于获取的广泛信息来源。在 1945 年至 1963 年间，新加坡发生的社会、文化和政治变革中，中文报纸和期刊发挥了重要作用。报纸在新加坡华人社会中被广泛阅读，主导着社会和文化生活。报纸报道的选择和内容，以及封底的辩论和讨论，都体现了华人的优先事项和关注点。记者使用的语言、他们用来构建论证的文化结构以及他们在提出主张时诉诸的权威来源，都提供了对中国价值观和假设的洞察力。因此，中文报纸是历史视角的丰富来源。

More than just documenting Singapore history, however, Chinese newspapers also played a key role in the creation and direction of the political sphere in this period. A number of demographic, cultural, and social factors combined to place the newspapers squarely at the intersection of different spheres, and allowed the newspapers to create a distinct space in which debate could be mediated between different factions and sections of society. Through this mediation the newspapers drew disparate groups together and laid the basis for common identities and platforms. The only other popular mass medium, radio, was limited to disseminating information, with no facility for response and discussion in any similar form to the newspapers.
除了记载新加坡的历史，华文报纸在这一时期也曾在政治领域的创建和发展中扮演着关键角色。一系列人口、文化和社会因素相互交织，将报纸置于不同领域的交汇点，并使其能够创造出一个独特的空间，让不同派别和社会阶层之间进行交流。通过这种调解，报纸将不同群体联系在一起，并为共同的身份和平台奠定了基础。当时唯一的其他大众媒体是广播，它仅限于传播信息，而没有类似于报纸的回应和讨论功能。

Furthermore, as primary political actors, owners and journalists competed to influence the thinking public and involved themselves in the political campaigns of the day. More broadly, as one of the primary outlets of intellectual thought, their writings were brokered between the realm of high ideas and the sphere of practical political concerns, between the circle of high politics and the world of local politics, between the promise of Western ideals and the established Chinese social order. The writers and journalists inhabited, theorized, and energized a prototype civil society in Singapore.
作为主要的政治行动者，业主和记者竞相影响思想公众，并参与当时的政治运动。 更广泛地说，作为知识思想的主要出口之一，他们的著作在崇高的思想领域和实际政治关切领域之间、高层政治圈和地方政治世界之间、西方理想的承诺和既定的中国社会秩序之间起到了桥梁作用。 作家和记者在新加坡居住、理论化并推动了一种典型的公民社会。

Thus, by reading the newspapers' articles as both political texts and as cultural artefacts, examining the way events were culturally constituted in the pages of the newspapers and seeking to understand the political and social significance of these representations, we uncover a site where the traditional Chinese ethos is reorienting itself toward a local Malayan context and merging with foreign ideas, creating a synthesis driven by new political aspirations that encompass new ideals and values. As journalists and writers infused the Chinese tradition with Malayan elements and transformed foreign ideas to conform to familiar cultural constructs, tensions and disjunctions arose and new social and political possibilities unfolded.
因此，通过将报纸文章既作为政治文本，又作为文化文物进行阅读，考察报纸版面上事件的文化构成方式，并力求理解这些表征的政治和社会意义，我们发现了一个传统中国精神重新定位于马来亚地方语境并与外来思想融合的场所，创造了一种由新的政治愿望驱动的综合，包含新的理想和价值观。当记者和作家将中国传统融入马来亚元素并将外来思想改造以符合熟悉的文化建构时，紧张和脱节现象随之出现，新的社会和政治可能性也随之展开。

This exploration of the print domain also builds on recent work that complicates the dichotomies that once held a privileged position in the historiography: left-wing, communist, revolutionary, Chinese-speaking vs. responsible, democratic, gradualist, English-speaking. It ends in 1963 because it marks the end of the newspapers' most influential phase in Singapore history, by which time the People's Action Party (PAP) government had begun the process of bringing the press under its control.
这段对印刷领域的探索也建立在最近的一些研究之上，这些研究使曾经在史学中占据特权地位的二分法变得复杂化：左翼、共产主义、革命、说中文的 vs. 负责任、民主、渐进、说英语的。研究结束于 1963 年，因为那标志着这些报纸在新加坡历史上最具影响力阶段的结束，到那时，人民行动党 (PAP) 政府已经开始将其控制下的新闻业。

By freeing themselves from a dependency on foreign archives, the historian also escapes the teleologies of communist insurgency, management of British colonial decline and decolonization, English-language nationalism, and the Cold War. Instead, Chinese newspapers are a window into the Chinese sphere as an autonomous domain which allows us to reconceptualize and reproblematize the distinct social, political and cultural configurations and transformations of this era and opens up avenues for rethinking what followed after.
通过摆脱对外国档案的依赖，历史学家也摆脱了共产主义叛乱、英国殖民统治衰落和非殖民化管理、英语民族主义和冷战的远程目标。相反，中国报纸是中国作为一个自主领域的窗口，它使我们能够重新思考和重新构建这一时代的不同社会、政治和文化结构和转型，并为重新思考之后发生的事情开辟途径。

The newspaper industry was severely curtailed during the years of economic depression and Japanese occupation, but newspaper demand remained strong. Newspaper sellers found demand to be generally inelastic. A discussion of commodities sold during the occupation listed newspapers among other staples such as vegetables, rice and sugar. Those who could lay their hands upon newspapers to sell found that they provided a reliable source of income.
在经济萧条和日本占领时期，报纸业受到严重限制，但报纸需求依然强劲。 报纸售卖者发现需求总体上缺乏弹性。 占领期间出售的商品讨论中，报纸与蔬菜、大米和糖等其他主食一起被列出。 那些能够拿到报纸出售的人发现，报纸是可靠的收入来源。

Spurred by such demand, the industry came roaring back with a vengeance after the war. In the fifteen years following the end of World War II in Singapore, a hundred flowers bloomed and a hundred schools contended. Just 163 Chinese periodical publications which exceeded two pages were established between 1881 and 1941, including 27 daily newspapers and 43 non-dailies. In the fifteen years 1945-59, no fewer than 414 Chinese periodicals were published, including 19 daily newspapers and 76 non-dailies. Upon closer examination, the publications form into two distinct peaks. In the three years before the Emergency, 1945-8, 140 new publications appeared. During the Emergency, the regulations suppressed much Chinese media activity, and so in the six years 1949-54, 121 new periodicals were published. Once Emergency regulations were lifted in Singapore in 1954, a new boom occurred, with 153 publications appearing in the five years from 1955 to 1959 inclusive.
在需求的推动下，战后该行业迅速复苏。在新加坡，第二次世界大战结束后的十五年里，百花齐放，百家争鸣。从 1881 年到 1941 年，有超过两页的中文期刊出版物 163 种，其中包括 27 种日报和 43 种非日报。在 1945 年至 1959 年的 15 年间，出版的中文期刊不少于 414 种，其中包括 19 种日报和 76 种非日报。 经仔细检查，这些出版物形成了两个明显的峰值。在紧急状态前的三年，即 1945 年至 1948 年，出现了 140 种新出版物。在紧急状态期间，相关规定抑制了许多中文媒体活动，因此在 1949 年至 1954 年的六年间，出版了 121 种新期刊。1954 年新加坡解除紧急状态后，再次出现繁荣景象，1955 年至 1959 年五年间共有 153 种出版物面世。

Among these newspapers was the venerable Nanyang Siang Pau (南洋商报), which returned to full publication in post-war Singapore on 8 September 1945 with a circulation of 44,000 . The Sin Chew Jit Poh (星洲日报) returned the same day with a circulation of The circulation of both was roughly equivalent to that of the Straits Times. While the Straits Times dominated English-language publishing, the Chinese newspaper world was marked by far greater diversity of choice and represented a wide spectrum of opinion.
在这些报纸中，有久负盛名的《南洋商报》，它于 1945 年 9 月 8 日在战后新加坡全面复刊，发行量为 44,000 份。《星洲日报》当天复刊，发行量为 。两者的发行量大致相当于《海峡时报》。 虽然《海峡时报》在英文出版物中占据主导地位，但中文报刊世界则拥有更多样化的选择，代表了广泛的意见。

The ideological division of the newspapers and their consumption reflect Wang Gungwu's classic model that divides the Malayan Chinese into three overlapping groups. While category ' A ' and ' C ' Chinese were politically activist and articulate, and oriented towards China and Malaya respectively, the majority of ethnic Chinese were more pragmatic and realistic, preferring the low-posture and indirect politics of trade and community associations, and concentrating on their commercial raison d'être (Fig. 1).
意识形态的报纸划分及其消费反映了王赓武的经典模型，该模型将马来亚华人划分为三个交叉的群体。 虽然“A”类和“C”类华人政治活跃，表达能力强，分别倾向于中国和马来亚，但大多数华人是务实现实的，他们更喜欢商贸和社区协会的低调和间接政治，专注于他们的商业存在理由（图 1）。

FIG. 1 Relative sizes of ideological divisions of Malayan Chinese. (Wang 1970)
图 1 马来西亚华人意识形态划分的相对规模。（王 1970）

Correspondingly, Chinese newspapers towards the political extremes included Xin Min Zhu Bao and Nan Chiau Jit Poh on the left, and Chung Shing Jit Pao and Gong Bao on the right; but the lion's share of circulation belonged to the more pragmatic, centrist and pro-business Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh (Fig. 2).
相应地，在政治倾向上，中国报纸包括左翼的新民报和南洋商报，以及右翼的中兴日报和公报；但发行量最大的还是较为务实的中间派和亲商的《南洋商报》和《星洲日报》（图 2）。

In just over a decade, 's circulation had risen over to 74,569 copies in 1957. 11 The rise of the Chinese press numbers reflected demographic changes in Singapore, especially a rise in Chinese literacy.
短短十余年时间， 的发行量就增长了 多，1957 年已达到 74,569 份。11 华文报刊发行量的上升反映了新加坡人口结构的变化，特别是华文识字率的提高。

FIG. 2 Relative circulations of ideological division of newspapers with circulation over 10,000 at end 1945. (Chui 1993)
图 2. 1945 年底发行量超过 1 万份的报纸的意识形态分类的相对发行量。（Chui 1993）

As with pre-Occupation Singapore, the post-war expansion in the number of newspapers published was the product of greater political interest, with a number of key differences. The newspapers' editorials and letters were focused overwhelmingly on local political events, reflecting the shift of the Chinese Singaporean population from China-centric to Malayan-centric consciousness and loyalty. 12 Demographic and social factors also enabled the Chinese newspapers to have a much broader reach than before.
战后报纸数量的增加与战前新加坡一样，是政治兴趣增强的产物，但也有许多关键的区别。报纸的社论和信件主要集中在地方政治事件上，反映了新加坡华人人口从以中国为中心的意识转变为以马来亚为中心的意识和忠诚度。12 人口和社会因素也使华文报纸的影响力比以前大得多。

The 1947 census found that of Chinese men and of Chinese women were literate; of Chinese men of working age (defined as years) were literate. While the census did not count the number of people literate in Chinese language, a minimum of of Chinese men of working age were literate in Chinese. As a significant minority of Chinese men were bilingual, the actual number probably approached, if not exceeded, . It is also highly likely that there were men who could read, but not write, Chinese. By comparison, of Chinese men (including 15.3% of working age Chinese men) were literate in English. By 1957 of Chinese males over the age of 10 years were literate, with almost exactly of Chinese men literate in Chinese. Among Chinese men of working age-those who were most likely and able to participate in politics-a clear majority ( ) could speak, read and write Chinese. This was over twice the percentage ( ) who were literate in English (Fig. 3).
1947 年的人口普查发现 的中国男性和 的中国女性识字； 的中国男性在工作年龄（定义为 岁）识字。虽然人口普查没有统计识字中文的人数，但至少有 的中国男性在工作年龄识字中文。 由于只有少数中国男性是双语的，因此实际数字可能接近或超过 。也极有可能有的人能读中文，但不能写。相比之下， 的中国男性（包括 15.3% 的工作年龄的中国男性）识字英语。到 1957 年， 的 10 岁以上的中国男性识字，其中几乎准确地有 的中国男性识字中文。在工作年龄的中国男性中，他们最有可能并能够参与政治，其中绝大多数（ ）能说、读、写中文。这比识字英语的人数（ ）高出两倍多（图 3）。

12 Wang Kang Ding (1995: 289-336); Hara (2003: 43-52); Chui (2007: 289-336).
王康定 (1995: 289-336)；原 (2003: 43-52)；崔 (2007: 289-336)。

13 Literate was defined as the ability to speak, read and write a language.
13 文识字被定义为说、读和写一种语言的能力。

14 This number was arrived at by subtracting the number of Chinese men who were literate in English and in Malay from the overall number of literate Chinese men.
14 这个数字是通过从识字的华人总数中减去识字的英语和马来语的华人男性人数而得出的。

FIG. 3 Literacy of Singapore Chinese men based on 1947, 1957 and 1970 censuses.
图 3 新加坡华人男性识字率，数据来源：1947、1957 和 1970 年人口普查。

Access to Chinese newspaper content was not limited to the literate as of Chinese lived in a multiple person household with at least one family nucleus, increasing the likelihood of access to someone who was literate. By 1963 government and private investment in education in the 1940s and 1950s was beginning to have a major impact. Approximately of working-age Chinese men and of Chinese men overall could speak, read and write Chinese. In addition, a small but growing number of non-Chinese men were also learning Chinese. In the population as a whole (including all ethnicities), literacy in Chinese was about in 1957 and reached by 1963.16
## 翻译： 由于中国约 95% 的人口居住在多人家庭中，至少有一个家庭核心成员，即使文盲也能接触到中文报纸。到 1963 年，政府和民间在 20 世纪 40 年代和 50 年代对教育的投资开始产生重大影响。大约 70% 的中国适龄男性和 40% 的中国男性总体上可以听说读写中文。此外，一小部分不断增长的非华裔男性也在学习中文。1957 年，整个中国人口（包括所有民族）的识字率约为 35%，到 1963 年已达到 50%。

Literacy was also relatively high among the trade unionists, and Chinese middle school students formed the core of the anti-colonial movement. At least of male Chinese trade unionists who formed the backbone of the labour movement could both read and write Chinese. This is already a significant minority, but it definitely understates the number of literate Chinese as it assumes a percentage equal to the population at large. Given the economic dominance of English-speakers and the relatively poorer position of the Chinese speaking, it is likely that English literacy was much more prevalent among employers while Chinese literacy was more prevalent among employees.
在工会成员中，识字率也相对较高，华人中学生构成了反殖民运动的核心力量。至少有中文工会成员中的 男性能够读写中文，他们是劳工运动的中坚力量。 这已经是一个相当大的少数群体，但它肯定低估了华人识字的人数，因为它假定识字率与总人口的比例相同。鉴于英语使用者在经济上占主导地位，而中文使用者在经济上相对贫困，所以雇主中说英语的人可能更多，而雇员中说中文的人可能更多。

Among students, government and private investment in education paid off handsomely. Approximately of men aged 15-19 in 1947 were literate, but the
在学生中，政府和私人对教育的投资获得了丰厚的回报。 1947 年，大约 的 15-19 岁的男性识字，但

15 Arumainathan (1973: 100-7). Government expenditure in education, for example, rose from in 1949 to in 1963. See Singapore Department of Statistics (1983).
15 印度尼西亚阿鲁迈纳坦（1973：100-7）在研究印度的公立学校时发现，例如，教育方面的政府开支从 1949 年的 增加到 1963 年的 。 见新加坡统计局（1983）。

16 Percentage for 1963 extrapolated using population growth and change in overall literacy between 1957 and 1970.
1963 年的 16% 是根据 1957 年至 1970 年间的人口增长和总体识字率变化推算出来的。

17 Number extrapolated by determining the percentage of male Chinese who were economically active, of working age, employees, and literate in Chinese. 'Economically active' was defined as those working 15 hours or more per week.
17 根据中国男性中经济活跃、处于工作年龄、受雇和识字的百分比推算出的数字。 “经济活跃”被定义为每周工作 15 小时或以上的人。
same group in 1957, now aged , were literate. The corresponding numbers for women showed growth from to . Among Chinese students in 1957, of males and of females were literate; this was one of the few areas where the genders approached equality.
在 1957 年同龄组中，现年 的男性 人识字。女性的相应数字显示从 增长到 人。在 1957 年的中国学生中，男性识字率为 ，女性识字率为 ；这是两性在少数几个领域接近平等的领域之一。

The government recognized the impact of the increasing literacy in Chinese. On 22 October 1958 it withdrew the permits for eight Chinese newspapers and banned the importation, sale and circulation of publications of 43 publishing firms in Mainland China and 10 in Hong Kong. Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock cited the growth of Chinese literacy as increasing the exposure of the public to imported radical and subversive material.
政府意识到中文识字率的提高所产生的影响。1958 年 10 月 22 日，政府吊销了八家中文报纸的许可证，并禁止在大陆和香港进口、销售和传播 43 家出版公司和 10 家出版公司出版的出版物。首席部长林有福指出，中文识字率的提高增加了公众接触进口的激进和颠覆性材料的机会。

Yet literacy numbers do not reveal the full extent to which newspapers were a part of Chinese life. Internal Straits Times studies undertaken in the late 1950s found that the Nanyang Siang Pau and Sin Chew Jit Poh had similar circulations of just under 80,000 , slightly higher than the Straits Times. However, taking such figures in isolation was misleading. The polling data showed that while the average Straits Times copy had an average of three and a half readers, each of the two main Chinese newspapers had six or seven readers on average, a reflection of the greater secondhand usage of newspapers in the Chinese population. Many people would read both newspapers, and newspapers were often shared. They were publicly available to read in coffeeshops for the price of a cup of coffee.
在 20 世纪 50 年代后期，海峡时报内部进行的研究显示，南洋商报和星洲日报的发行量相似，略低于 8 万份，略高于海峡时报。然而，仅凭这些数字就会产生误导。民意调查数据显示，海峡时报的平均阅读人数为 3.5 人，而这两份主要的华文报纸的平均阅读人数为 6 或 7 人，这反映了华人群体中报纸二手使用的程度更高。许多人都会阅读这两份报纸，而且报纸经常被分享。在咖啡店里，只需一杯咖啡的价格就可以公开阅读报纸。

Significantly, this suggests that each daily newspaper was read by about 550,000 people, over double the number of people classified as literate in the Chinese language and over half the total Chinese population of By comparison, each daily Straits Times edition was read by about 260,000 people, 28% more than the number of people classified as literate in English (201,947). This translates to a circulation of and a readership of of those officially literate in English. The corresponding numbers for the Nanyang Siang Pau are 31% and 214% of those officially literate in Chinese.
显著地，这意味着每个日报的读者人数约为 550,000 人，是识字人数的两倍多，超过了 的中国总人口的一半。相比之下，每份《海峡时报》的读者人数约为 260,000 人，比英语识字人数 (201,947) 高出 28%。这意味着其发行量为 ，读者人数为识字人口的 。而《南洋商报》的对应数字分别为识字人口的 31% 和 214%。

This startling figure suggests two things. It demonstrates how the official literacy classification, which required competency in both reading and writing, undercounts those who did not meet the stringent requirements, such as those who could only read or had otherwise limited access to language. The numbers may also have been skewed by the limiting of the definition of spoken Chinese to the Mandarin dialect. As the census report admitted, the numbers of literate Chinese definitely exceeded those who spoke Mandarin. The declaration of ability was accepted without any test, raising issues of self-reporting. Equally, it illustrates the importance of Chinese newspapers to the extent that those classified as illiterate would seek to gain access to them. For example, illiterates had access to the Chinese newspapers via storytellers who sat along the Singapore River and would read the news of the day out loud to an assembled crowd for a fee.
这惊人的数字表明了两点。它说明了官方的识字分类标准过于严格，低估了那些不符合严格要求的人，例如那些只能阅读或在其他方面语言能力有限的人。 这些数字也可能受到将口语中文定义为普通话口音的限制。 统计报告承认，识字的中国人绝对超过了说普通话的人。 能力声明未经任何测试就被接受，引发了自我报告的问题。 同样，这也说明了中文报纸的重要性，达到文盲程度的人会设法获取它们。 例如，文盲可以通过沿新加坡河而坐的说书人获得中文报纸，他们会朗读当天新闻，向聚集的民众收取费用。

The content of the newspapers, meanwhile, responded to the changing demands of their readership. The 1957 census showed that of Chinese were born in Singapore with another born in the Federation. By 1965 , about of Chinese had been born in either Singapore or the Federation, while less than had been born in China. As a result, where the pre-war Chinese population had comprised largely foreign-born working-age men living alone, the median post-war Chinese person was 18, Malayan-born, had never been to China, and lived in a settled family unit. The Chinese newspaper industry was now driven by the growth of local debate about Malaya and Singapore's future and identity and interest in local news and events. This is typified by a 1952 editorial in the NYSP that criticized the name Hua Qiao (华侨) for the Malayan Chinese as it applied to new and temporary immigrants. As the Chinese now were permanently settled and loyal to Malaya, they should be called the 'Malayan Chinese' (马华). By 1955 newspapers had decisively shifted their focus to Malaya and Malayan political and cultural life. Not only were the Chinese focused on Malayan politics, but the newspapers campaigned for a new Malayan culture that synthesized the best of the Chinese and Malay cultures.
与此同时，报纸的内容也迎合着读者不断变化的需求。 1957 年的人口普查显示， 的华人出生在新加坡，另外 出生在马来亚联邦。 到了 1965 年，大约 的华人出生在新加坡或马来亚联邦，而不到 的人出生在中国。 因此，战前的华人人口主要由独居的外籍男性劳动者构成，而战后的典型华人则为 18 岁的马来亚出生者，从未去过中国，并生活在一个稳定的家庭单元中。 现在推动华文报业发展的是对马来亚和新加坡未来与认同的本地讨论以及对本地新闻和事件的关注。 例如 1952 年《南洋商报》的一篇社论，批评将马来亚华人称为“华侨”，因为它适用于新移民和临时移民。 由于现在的华人已经永久定居马来亚并忠于马来亚，因此他们应该被称为“马来亚华人”（马华）。 到 1955 年，报纸的重点已果断地转向马来亚及其政治和文化生活。 中国人不仅关注马来亚政治，而且报纸还为一种融合了华人和马来人文化精华的新马来亚文化而进行宣传。

The pages of the Chinese newspapers present a very different perspective on Singapore history from the English-language newspapers. Unable to access the Chinese world, newspapers such as the Straits Times are trapped in an Englishlanguage perspective. A study of how the split of the PAP in 1961 was covered in the two languages is instructive.
中文报纸的版面呈现了与英文报纸截然不同的新加坡历史视角。由于无法接触到中文世界，海峡时报等报纸陷入了英文视角的局限。对 1961 年人民行动党分裂事件在两种语言中的报道方式进行研究具有启发意义。

In July 1961, thirteen PAP assemblymen, including five parliamentary secretaries, were expelled from the party along with a number of other PAP members. The PAP leadership accused them of being pro-communist, with the aim of destabilizing the government of Singapore in order to foment communist revolution. The expelled members subsequently announced their intention to form a new party, the Barisan Sosialis. Singaporean historiography agrees that this event rocked Singapore's political circles to their core. The English-language media believed the PAP leadership's arguments. The Straits Times came out strongly in favour of the PAP stand. In an editorial titled 'The Decisive Test', the newspaper declared the PAP dissidents were aimed not at constitutional reform, but constitutional chaos. 35
1961 年 7 月，包括五位议会秘书在内的 13 名人民行动党议员与其他一些行动党成员被开除出党。行动党领导层指责他们亲共，目的是为了煽动共产主义革命，以破坏新加坡政府的稳定。被开除的成员随后宣布成立新党——社会主义阵线。新加坡史学界一致认为，这一事件动摇了新加坡的政坛。 英文媒体相信行动党领导的说法。《海峡时报》强烈支持行动党的立场。 在一篇题为“决定性的考验”的社论中，该报宣称行动党异见人士的目的不是宪政改革，而是宪政混乱。 35

Yet the Chinese-language media barely blinked. From their perspective, Singapore had gone through much political realignment in the last six years alone, including three elections, five turbulent by-elections and several political party mergers and splits, including the PAP itself just a few months previously. The response to yet another split and yet more political turbulence was initially a collective sigh and shrug. The Sin Chew Jit Poh attempted to put a hopeful spin on the events, saying 'This debate [that led to the split] is not extraordinary for a democracy... fierce debate is a sign of an effective political process. Nor did Chinese opinion believe in the PAP's declarations that this was a break between the noncommunists and communists. Summarizing the situation, the Sin Chew Jit Poh declared: 'The menace of communism and pro-communist influence is the biggest problem in post-World War II Singapore... but in this atmosphere of suspicion and fear, there are people who are constantly haunted by unnecessary fears in their hearts. Superficial debaters and inattentive editorialists habitually explain Singapore's current political situation using this as a 'one size fits all' explanation.' 37
中 文 媒 体 却 几乎 无 动 于 衷 。 从 他 们 的 角 度 来 看 ， 新 加 坡 在 过 去 的 六 年 里 已 经 经 历 了 许 多 政 治 重 组 ， 包 括 三 次 选 举 、 五 次 议 会 补 选 以 及 多 次 政 党 合 并 和 分 裂 ， 包 括 人 民 行 动 党 自 己 在 几 个 月 前 。 对 又 一 次 分 裂 和 更 多 政 治 动 荡 的 最 初 反 应 是 集 体 的 叹 息 和 耸 肩 。 《 星 洲 日 报 》 试 图 对 事 件 进 行 乐 观 的 解 释 ， 说 “ 这 场 辩 论 [ 导 致 分 裂 ] 对 一 个 民 主 国 家 来 说 并 不 特 别 … 激 烈 的 辩 论 是 一 个 有 效 的 政 治 进 程 的 标 志 。 中 国 舆 论 也 不 相 信 人 民 行 动 党 的 说 法 ， 即 这 是 非 共 产 主 义 者 和 共 产 主 义 者 之 间 的 分 裂 。 《 星 洲 日 报 》 在 综 述 局 势 时 宣 布 : “ 共 产 主 义 和 亲 共 产 主 义 思 想 的 威 胁 是 二 战 后 新 加 坡 最 大 的 问 题 … … 但 在 这 种 怀 疑 和 恐 惧 的 气 氛 中 ， 一 些 人 的 心 中 却 充 满 了 不 必 要 的 恐 惧 。” 肤浅的辩论者和粗心的编辑习惯用这种“一刀切”的解释来解释新加坡目前的政治形势。' 37

The newspaper condemned various 'simplistic explanations' and 'sweeping generalizations' of Singapore's political situation. It included here the PAP, opposition politician Francis Thomas, and diverse foreign media, most notably The Economist, which in an otherwise balanced article had described them as 'irresponsible' and 'the lunatic left'. Similarly, Nanyang Siang Pau reiterated Chinese loyalty to Singapore and angrily condemned the idea that ethnic Chinese were closet communists loyal to the People's Republic of China. Citing a United Press International wire story which made such allegations without any attribution, the editorial raged that this was 'slander of the most ridiculous and baseless sort'. 39
该报谴责了新加坡政局的各种“简单解释”和“泛泛而论”。其中包括执政的人民行动党、反对派政治家弗朗西斯托马斯，以及包括最著名的《经济学人》在内的外国媒体。《经济学家》在一篇原本均衡的报道中将这些人描述为“不负责任”和“疯狂的左派”。 同样，南洋商报重申了华人对新加坡的忠诚，并愤怒地谴责了华人暗中支持中华人民共和国的观点。该报援引美联社的一篇电讯报道，该报道在没有任何证据的情况下做出了这种指控，称这是“最可笑的、毫无根据的诽谤”。 39

The Straits Times' attacks on the expelled PAP members drew a firm response from their leader, Lim Chin Siong, who wrote a long open letter to the Straits Times outlining all the issues that had caused the PAP split: the lack of intra-party democracy, the secretive nature of the PAP leadership, their unwillingness to compromise, their attacks on him even as he had openly supported the party, and the events of the previous six months which had caused so much anger in frustration in the lower echelons of the PAP. The Straits Times chose to ignore the meat of his letter and instead ran his letter with the headline, 'Lim Chin Siong says: I'm not a Communist. On the other hand, the Sin Chew Jit Poh and Nanyang Siang Pau published balanced assessments of his position.
"海峡时报" 对被开除的人民行动党成员的攻击引发了他们的领导人林清祥的坚决回应，林清祥给 "海峡时报" 写了一封措辞严厉的公开信，概述了导致人民行动党分裂的所有问题：缺乏党内民主，人民行动党领导层的秘密性质，他们不肯妥协，即使林清祥公开支持该党，他们也对他进行攻击，以及过去六个月发生的一系列事件，这些事件在人民行动党基层引发了如此多的愤怒和沮丧。"海峡时报" 选择忽略他信件的核心内容，而是以 "林清祥说：我不是共产主义者" 为标题刊登了他的信。 另一方面，"星洲日报" 和 "南洋商报" 对他的立场进行了平衡的评价。

Even as the English-language press was abuzz with speculation about the split, the Chinese newspapers were moving on to more pressing issues. '[The split is] not the real heart of the matter... especially as both sides are engaging in meaningless double-talk and exaggeration,' declared the Sin Chew Jit Poh, the important question in Chinese minds was the issue which had appeared to cause the split: merger. Coverage of merger developments far outweighed that of the PAP split in the Chinese newspapers. 43
即使英文媒体充斥着有关分裂的猜测，但中文报纸已经转向更紧迫的问题。“（分裂）不是问题的核心……尤其是因为双方都在进行毫无意义的双重谈判和夸大其词，”《星洲日报》宣称，中国人脑海中最重要的是似乎导致分裂的问题：合并。 在中文报纸中，对合并进展的报道远远超过了对人民行动党分裂的报道。 43

Thus, using the Chinese newspapers, the historian is forced to consider that Chinese public opinion did not place great significance on the PAP split, was sceptical of PAP claims of potential communist takeover, and much more engaged and emotionally vested in the merger issue than previously assumed, drastically changing our understanding of the merger process.
因此，通过使用中文报纸，历史学家被迫承认，中国公众舆论并没有对人民行动党的分裂事件给予高度重视，对人民行动党关于潜在共产主义接管的声明持怀疑态度，并且对合并问题比以前设想的更投入和充满感情色彩，这极大地改变了我们对合并过程的理解。

To fully engage with the Chinese newspapers requires an understanding of the newspapers' role in Chinese society. From the very beginning of the existence of Chinese newspapers in Singapore, an explicit link was drawn between politics, society, culture, and newspapers. With the growth of Chinese nationalism in China in the early twentieth century, Chinese newspapers in Singapore campaigned for an explicitly Chinese consciousness that transcended clan or dialect group. As Chinese writing used a standard set of Chinese characters that were accessible to all Chinese regardless of spoken dialect, the Chinese press had a major role in allowing the Chinese to successfully reach across barriers to form a greater sense of community and group consciousness. Thus not only were newspapers the primary source for news and informed opinion, but the press also provided a public forum for the expression of Chinese opinion and expression and had significant influence on Chinese identity and consciousness.
为了充分参与中国报纸，需要了解报纸在中国社会中的作用。从新加坡出现中文报纸伊始，政治、社会、文化和报纸之间就存在着明确的联系。 随着二十世纪初中国民族主义的兴起，新加坡的中文报纸鼓吹了一种超越宗族或方言群体的明确的中国意识。由于中文书面语使用的是一套所有中国人无论口语方言如何都能理解的标准汉字，中文报刊在帮助中国人成功跨越障碍，形成更大的社区意识和群体意识方面发挥了重要作用。 因此，报纸不仅是新闻和见解信息的主要来源，而且还为表达中国人的意见和情感提供了一个公共论坛，对中国人的身份认同和意识产生了重大影响。

Most newspapers were founded explicitly to influence popular opinion among the Chinese, beginning with the reformist newspapers at the turn of the century and extending to newspapers founded between the two world wars. Aw Boon Haw founded the Sin Chew Jit Poh in 1929 to increase his influence in society. He desired to influence local politics, culture and society in pursuit of expanding his commercial Tiger Balm empire. A newspaper gave him not just a public channel, but leverage with politicians who craved favourable coverage. Other notable newspapers founded for the purpose of popular and political influence included the Nan Chiau Jit Poh (founded by Tan Kah Kee in support of the Communist government) and the Chung Shing Jit Poh (which supported the Kuomintang).
大多数报纸的创立宗旨都是为了影响中国人的舆论，从世纪之交的维新派报纸 一直延续到两次世界大战之间创办的报纸。 胡文虎于 1929 年创办了星洲日报，以扩大他在社会上的影响力。 他希望通过新闻影响当地政治、文化和社会，以扩展其商业帝国虎标万金油。 一份报纸不仅给了他一个公开的渠道，而且还给了他与渴望获得正面报道的政治家们讨价还价的筹码。 其他著名的以大众政治影响为目的创办的报纸包括南侨日报（陈嘉庚创办，支持共产政权）和中兴日报（支持国民党）。

The main channel for expressing opinion was the editorial (Fig. 4). The most important component of the newspaper, it was usually placed prominently on the front page. The centrality of the editorial to the newspapers' sense of purpose was aptly demonstrated on 2 May 1971 when the Singapore government arrested a number of Nanyang Siang Pau journalists on the charge of stirring up Chinese chauvinism. The newspaper responded to this perceived attempt to censor the press by printing a blank editorial column on their front page as a sign of protest.
主要表达意见的渠道是社论（图 4）。它是报纸最重要的组成部分，通常被突出地放在头版。1971 年 5 月 2 日，新加坡政府逮捕了几名《南洋商报》记者，指控他们煽动华人民族主义，这恰恰证明了社论对报纸宗旨中心的意义。为了抗议这种试图审查新闻自由的行为，该报在头版刊登了一则空白社论专栏作为回应。

Newspaper articles were also very influential, as how events were presented could have a profound impact on public perception of the story. Articles of importance were frequently accompanied by 'current comment' articles discussing the significance of the story, or sometimes even by multiple commentary articles disagreeing with each other.
报纸文章也极具影响力，因为事件的呈现方式会对公众对该事件的认知产生深远的影响。重要文章通常伴随着“时事评论”文章，这些文章会讨论该事件的重要性，有时甚至会有多篇评论文章相互争论。

This was not a one-way street. Newspapers fought to satisfy public demand for ever more news and commentary. They were expected to express opinions on the events and issues of the day, and journalists who would not take a stand on issues found their readership dwindling. With the intense competition among newspapers
这段文字的翻译是： “这不是一条单行道。报纸争相满足公众对更多新闻和评论的需求。他们被期望对时事和问题表达意见，而那些不愿就问题表态的记者会发现他们的读者越来越少。 随着报纸之间的激烈竞争，” - 你的中文机器翻译助手，双子星

FIG. 4 Front page of the Sin Chew Jit Poh, with editorial in its own prominent box on the bottom right.
图 4. 星洲日报的头版，其社论以突出的方框置于右下方。

in post-war Singapore, and new newspapers entering the fray every year, no newspaper could afford to not express its views. The diversification of views also had the effect of creating a much more sceptical and critical readership, who grew accustomed to reading competing opinions in multiple newspapers and weighing them against each other to reach independent conclusions.
在战后的新加坡，每年都有新报纸进入市场，因此任何报纸都无法不表达自己的观点。观点的多样化也使读者更加怀疑和挑剔，他们习惯于阅读多份报纸中的不同观点，并将其相互比较得出独立的结论。

The newspapers also revealed the darker side of society. They competed on catering to baser tastes with close coverage of court and crime cases, highlighting sensational events such as rape, police and gangster shootouts, murders, and divorces. They did not flinch from describing sordid and lurid details even as they accompanied the articles with editorials and commentary railing against the moral decay of society and criticizing the incompetence of police. 55
报纸也揭露了社会黑暗的一面。它们竞相迎合低级趣味，对法庭和刑事案件进行密集报道，突出强奸、警察与黑帮枪战、谋杀和离婚等耸人听闻的事件。即使在文章中附有谴责社会道德沦丧和批评警察无能的社论和评论，它们也不回避描述肮脏和耸人听闻的细节。

On the back pages of the newspaper, letters to the editor and opinion essays from readers were printed. This formed a valuable space for the free expression of public opinion. The thoughts and feelings of a generation of Singapore Chinese can be followed on these pages, which were read by all manner of people, including the rich and influential. Sometimes a letter would have dramatic results. When poverty forced Soon Loh Boon to drop out of school, he expressed his frustration in a letter to the Nan Chiau Jit Poh. Reading the newspaper, wealthy businessman Lee Kong Chian was impressed. He arranged for Soon to receive a bursary to study at Chinese High. Soon went on to become President of the Singapore Chinese Middle Schools' Student Union and a thorn in the side of the Singapore government as he fought for Chinese student rights.
在报纸的封底印有来自读者的读者来信和观点文章。这为公众舆论的自由表达提供了宝贵的空间。一代新加坡华人的思想和感情可以在这些页面上找到，各行各业的人，包括富人和有影响力的人，都会阅读这些页面。有时一封信会产生戏剧性的效果。当贫困迫使 Soon Loh Boon 辍学时，他在给 Nan Chiau Jit Poh 的一封信中表达了他的沮丧。 富有的商人李光前在读完报纸后印象深刻。他安排 Soon 获得了在华侨中学学习的助学金。随后，Soon 担任了新加坡华校学生联合会主席，并在争取华学生权利的过程中与新加坡政府针锋相对。

The creation of Nanyang University in the 1950s demonstrates the centrality of the newspapers to the Chinese public sphere and their effectiveness. Tan Lark Sye used the press extensively to publicize his proposal for the university. The newspapers enthusiastically took the lead in campaigning for the new university. They published numerous editorials discussing the issue and served as a platform for debate by reprinting numerous pages of letters from an excited public. Letters arrived in droves from as far away as the Philippines. Eager members of the public sent in donations, unbidden, to the newspapers, asking them to forward the money to the proper fund-raising authority. The newspapers rallied the public to the cause and directed their energies. For example, when Sir Sydney Caine (Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malaya) and the English-speaking press cast doubts on the project, the Sin Chew Jit Poh urged those proficient in English to write to their friends and to newspapers to explain away doubts and clarify misunderstandings. Numerous letters subsequently appeared in the English press. In another incident, an attack by Newsdom Weekly newspaper of Hong Kong on the Nanyang University project was reprinted in the Singapore Chinese press. Tan Lark Sye held a press conference to reply. After a further exchange, also carried in the newspapers, Tan challenged them to a debate, on the condition that he could reserve advertising space in the Sin Chew Jit Poh, Nanyang Siang Pau and the Singapore Standard to publish the exchange. Thus, at every level the press publicized and advanced the project. It drew together businessmen, activists, intellectuals and the general public in its virtual space, mediated the debate, and directed and transformed the campaign from an elite proposal to a regional public campaign.
## 1950 年代南洋大学的创建证明了报纸在中国公共领域的核心地位及其有效性。 陈六使广泛利用媒体来宣传他的大学提案。 报纸热烈地带头发起对新大学的宣传活动。 他们发表了许多关于该问题的社论， 并通过转载大量来自兴奋公众的信件，为辩论提供了一个平台。 来信如雪片般飞来， 甚至远至菲律宾。 热情的公众纷纷向报纸捐款， 要求报纸将钱转交到适当的筹款机构。 报纸将公众团结起来， 引导他们的力量。 例如， 当马来亚大学校长悉尼·凯恩爵士 和英文报纸 对该项目表示怀疑时，《星洲日报》敦促那些精通英语的人给他们的朋友和报纸写信， 以消除疑虑， 澄清误解。 随后，大量的英文报纸上都刊登了有关该项目的报道。 在另一事件中，香港新闻周刊对南洋大学项目的攻击被转载到新加坡中文报纸上。陈六使对此召开新闻发布会进行回应。在报纸上进行了进一步的交流后，陈六使向他们提出辩论，条件是他可以在星洲日报、南洋商报和新加坡标准报上预留广告空间来发表他们的交流意见。 因此，该项目在各级媒体上进行了宣传和推广。它在虚拟空间中汇聚了商界人士、积极分子、知识分子和普通公众，调解了这场辩论，并将该运动从一项精英计划转变为一项区域性的公众运动。

The newspapers also sought to foster the growth of culture and the arts in Singapore. The newspapers' pages also featured outstanding literary works and sought to foster young and promising talent. Many Chinese writers and poets started out by submitting poetry and literary essays to the newspapers when students. Others refined their skill by reading the published works. The newspapers stood firmly at the centre of Chinese cultural life, and regarded it as their mission to articulate and promote culture. The newspapers mediated between elite and popular tastes, translated between the local and the international, and fused east and west. Their commercial position allowed them to commission works from talented new artists. Newspaper support and reviews could make or break plays. For poorer folk, second-hand newspapers were the most affordable entertainment option. 71
报纸也致力于促进新加坡的文化和艺术发展。报纸的页面也刊登了杰出的文学作品，并致力于培养年轻有为的人才。 许多中国作家和诗人最初都是学生时，就向报纸投稿诗歌和文学作品。 其他人在阅读发表的作品中提升了自己的技能。 报纸坚定地站在中国文化生活的中心，并将传播和推广文化视为己任。 报纸在精英和大众品味之间进行调解，在本地和国际之间进行翻译，融合东西方。 他们的商业地位使他们能够委托有才华的新艺术家创作作品。 报纸的支持和评论可以成就或毁掉戏剧。 对于较贫穷的人来说，二手报纸是最实惠的娱乐选择。 71

In the rural areas or on the outlying islands, newspapers were a key link with the wider world. The arrival of the dailies by bumboat from the mainland was eagerly awaited every morning. They were not only the main source of information, but were a vital part of the fabric of commercial and social life, providing commodity prices, news, and opinion. Invariably, the newspapers' contents would form the content of the day's conversations between the residents. 72
在农村地区或偏远岛屿，报纸是与外界联系的关键纽带。每天早晨，人们都翘首以盼从大陆乘小艇运来的日报。它们不仅是主要的新闻来源，而且是商业和社会生活中不可或缺的一部分，提供商品价格、新闻和意见。报纸的内容往往成为居民当天谈话的内容。

This sense of connection to the world was true for Singapore as a whole. Through the newspapers, Chinese stayed abreast of the world at large and appreciated their place in the broader pattern of world events. The daily newspapers' structure, placing world news on the front page followed by regional and then local news on inner pages, gave prominence to global events and facilitated this connection with the world at large.
作为整体而言，这种与世界的联系感对新加坡来说是真实的。通过报纸，华人了解了整个世界，并认识到自己在世界事件中的更广泛格局中的位置。 日常报纸的结构，将世界新闻放在首页，然后将区域和地方新闻放在内页，突出了全球事件，并促进了与整个世界的这种联系。

Unsurprisingly, newspapers of every political stripe and allegiance sprang up during the post-war periods of relative political freedom as their owners sought to use their influence on the political process. While many newspapers folded quickly, others soon sprang up to take their place. There was no shortage of supply of opinion, and public demand was insatiable. Every self-respecting organization issued its own newspaper, including all major political parties and the Malayan Communist Party (Freedom News, 自由报). The journalists, as participants in the political sphere, consciously and unconsciously shaped their writing to put across political viewpoints and influence public opinion. Some journalists went further, playing major roles in the labour movement and in politics.
战后相对政治自由的时期，各种政治色彩和宗旨的报纸应运而生，这不足为奇，因为报纸所有者试图利用报纸的影响力来影响政治进程。虽然许多报纸很快倒闭，但很快就有其他的报纸取而代之。意见供应充足，公众需求旺盛。所有自尊的组织都发行自己的报纸，包括所有主要政党和马来亚共产党（自由报）。 作为政治领域参与者的记者，有意识地或无意识地塑造他们的写作，以表达政治观点和影响公众舆论。一些记者更进一步，在劳工运动和政治中扮演重要角色。

The Nanyang Siang Pau was in itself a microcosm of the Singapore Chinese political sphere. The biggest and most prestigious newspaper in Singapore, Chinese journalists aspired to work there for the prestige and the high salaries that surpassed even the professors of Nanyang University. A hotbed of intellectual political ferment, it heaved with factionalism that encompassed all political colours of the spectrum. The owner, George Lee, was an unrepentant capitalist who instinctively mistrusted socialist ideas, not for ideological reasons but because they would reduce his profits. The management was caught between pressure from the left and right and struggled to balance conflicting interests. The reporters fought a running ideological battle with the editorial staff. The generally right-wing editors included people like Lien Tse Shen, who would later be exposed as a spy for the Kuomintang by an opposing journalist and deported to France; and Tung Tao Chung, who changed his name to Shamsuddin when he married the Muslim daughter of the Chinese consul, moved to the USA to study, then returned to Singapore and contested the 1963 general election in Bukit Merah as part of the Singapore Alliance, and the 1976 election in Brickworks as part of the United Front.
南洋商报本身就是新加坡华人政治领域的一个缩影。作为新加坡最大、最负盛名的报纸，华文记者渴望在那里工作，因为那里的声望和高薪甚至超过了南洋大学的教授。^[0]作为一个知识政治发酵的温床，它充满了各种政治派别的派系斗争。老板李光前是一个不悔的资本家，他本能地不信任社会主义思想，不是出于意识形态的原因，而是因为它会减少他的利润。管理层夹在左右两派的压力之间，努力平衡各种利益冲突。记者们与编辑部进行了一场持续不断的意识形态斗争。 右翼编辑包括连子申，他后来被一名反对派的记者揭露为国民党间谍，并被驱逐出境前往法国；还有董涛忠，他与中国领事馆的穆斯林女儿结婚后改名为沙姆斯丁，移居美国学习，然后返回新加坡，并作为新加坡联盟的一员参加了 1963 年武吉美拉的总选举，以及作为统一阵线的一员参加了 1976 年砖厂的选举。

The reporters, on the other hand, were generally left-wing. Among their number was Lee Khoon Choy, who was Vice-President of the Singapore Journalists' Union (SJU). would later become a Minister of State (1965-72) and Senior Minister of State (1972-84) in the PAP government. The Nanyang Siang Pau sub-branch of the SJU chose to initially affiliate itself with the 'Middle Road group' of left-wing unions, although it disaffiliated in mid-1956. Special Branch, having infiltrated the editorial board, watched over them constantly. A number of the union's more radical membership, including Sia Yong, Chew Yong Kang, Mok Li Kwang and Chew Yu Chye were arrested in October 1956 as part of broader action by the Lim Yew Hock government against radical leftists, but were shortly set free after they were found to have no communist affiliation.
记者们则普遍是左翼人士。其中包括新加坡记者协会（记协）副主席李坤传。后来成为人民行动党政府的国家部长（1965-72）和高级部长（1972-84）。新加坡记者协会南洋商报分会最初选择与左翼工会“中间道路”集团结盟，但在 1956 年中期退出。特别支部渗透了编辑部，并不断监视他们。包括谢咏、邱永刚、莫理光和周有才在内的工会一些较为激进的成员，于 1956 年 10 月被林有福政府作为打击激进左翼人士的更广泛行动的一部分逮捕，但在发现他们与共产党没有任何关联后，很快就被释放。

At the Nan Chiau Jit Poh, chief editor Hu Yu Zhi wrote an article in its sister publication Fengxia Zazhi (Beneath the Wind Magazine) which had a profound influence on a young man named Eu Chooi Yip. Eu joined the Malayan Democratic Union, and became a journalist himself, as an editor for the Nan Chiau Jit Poh. He subsequently joined the Malayan Communist Party and rose to become leader of the Singapore Town Committee while editing Freedom News. Meanwhile, after the government closed the Nan Chiau Jit Poh, Hu and his successor Hong Si Si both were deported to China and took up journalism posts within the Chinese Communist Party. 80
在南洋商报，总编辑胡愈之在姐妹刊物《风下杂志》上发表了一篇文章，这篇文章对一个名叫欧萃艺的年轻人产生了深远的影响。 欧萃艺加入了马来亚民主同盟，并成为了一名记者，担任南洋商报的编辑。随后，他加入了马来亚共产党，并担任新加坡市委书记，同时编辑《自由新闻》。与此同时，南洋商报被政府关闭后，胡愈之和他的继任者洪丝丝都被驱逐到中国，并担任了中国共产党的新闻工作。 80

Finally, Aw Boon Haw responded to the confiscation of all his businesses and personal property in China and the banning of all Tiger Balm brand products in the early 1950s by ending his rule of managerial autonomy and editorial independence for his newspapers. He turned all of them, including the Sin Chew Jit Poh, virulently anti-communist-'the most anti-communist newspapers in Southeast Asia' according to a United Press International report at the time-and campaigned against the PRC government for the rest of his life. 81
最终，胡文虎在 20 世纪 50 年代初应对所有他在中国的企业和个人财产被没收以及虎标品牌产品被禁止，他结束了报纸的管理自主权和编辑独立性。他将所有报纸，包括《星洲日报》，变成了激烈的反共报纸——据当时美联社的报道，是“东南亚最反共的报纸”——并在余生中一直反对中国政府。

Other critical groups in post-war Singapore politics that the Chinese press offers an entry into are the trade unions and Chinese middle school students. Their alliance provided the base of support for the left-wing political parties, and their passionate commitment to the decolonization process propelled it forward. As recent studies have noted, these groups have to be studied on their own terms to fully comprehend the role they played in the political, cultural and social spheres. 82
战后新加坡政治中的其他重要群体，华文媒体为我们提供了了解的途径，包括工会和华校学生。他们的联盟为左翼政党提供了支持基础，他们对非殖民化进程的热烈承诺推动了进程的向前发展。正如最近的研究指出的，为了全面理解他们在政治、文化和社会领域中扮演的角色，必须从他们的角度进行研究。 82

The workers' press has been extensively used as source material for studies of working-class organizations and struggles. The role of newspapers in creating class consciousness, formulating movement ideology and tactics, promoting organization and solidarity, and sustaining and building the organizations and movements by and for whom they were published, in the labour movements of the United States and Europe are well established. In Singapore, the labour movement was also supported by left-wing newspapers. Most of these were smaller newspapers with less frequent publication schedules, including Sin Lit Pau (新力报, established 1950), Sin Pao (新报, 1952, published twice weekly), Union Press (大众报, 1955, twice weekly), Kang Pao (狮报, 1956, thrice weekly), Gang Bao (钢报,1956, thrice weekly) and Min Bao (民报, 1960, thrice weekly). In 1956 the Sin Lit Pau published a book entitled The Complete Story of Singapore's Great Insurrection (大暴动全貌) collecting newspaper reports, photos and articles about the Hock Lee bus riots, presenting a labour-centric perspective to the riots and demonstrating how it was part of the labour movement's commitment to equality and worker solidarity.
工人报一直被广泛用作研究工人阶级组织和斗争的原始资料。 报纸在塑造阶级意识、制定运动意识形态和策略、促进组织和团结以及维持和建设由其为其服务的出版物以及为其服务出版物的组织和运动方面发挥的作用，在美国和欧洲的劳工运动中得到了很好的确立。 在新加坡，工运也得到了左翼报纸的支持。 其中大多数是发行较少、发行周期较短的报纸，包括《新力报》（1950 年创刊）、《新报》（1952 年，每周出版两次）、《大众报》（1955 年，每周出版两次）、《狮报》（1956 年，每周出版三次）、《钢报》（1956 年，每周出版三次）和《民报》（1960 年，每周出版三次）。 1956 年，《新叻报》出版了《新加坡大暴动全貌》一书，收集了关于浩良巴士暴乱的报纸报道、照片和文章，以劳工为中心的视角呈现了这场暴乱，并展示了它如何成为劳工运动致力于平等和工人团结的一部分。

These newspapers operated in a climate of governmental repression and hostility. Some of these newspapers were able to compete quite successfully for a time, utilizing a formula of extensive political coverage and commentary combined with advertising. The Sin Pao, for example, at its peak reached 20,000 subscribers and spawned a few copycat newspapers. Most, however, struggled along in a financially precarious existence for a time before collapsing.
这些报纸在政府的压制和敌意下运作。其中一些报纸凭借其广泛的政治报道和评论，以及广告，在一段时间内取得了相当成功的竞争。例如，《申报》在其鼎盛时期达到了两万订户，并催生了一些模仿报纸。然而，大多数报纸在财务上摇摇欲坠地存在了一段时间后倒闭了。

While the newspapers do not depict the patient building of interpersonal relationships and painstaking deal-making that form the basis of a labour movement, the writings they leave behind offer insight into both the ideology of the labour movement and its form and activities. The newspapers are one of the few platforms on which labour can articulate a national identity, link disparate unions together into a national worker consciousness, publicize the achievements of the movement and, perhaps most importantly, reach out beyond its working-class base.
虽然报纸并没有描绘工会成员之间人际关系的建立和费尽心思的交易，这些是工会运动的基础，但他们留下的文字为我们提供了关于工会运动的意识形态、形式和活动的洞察。报纸是工会阐述国家认同、将分散的工会联合成一个全国工人意识、宣传运动的成就以及最重要的，向其工人阶级基础之外的人群宣传的少数平台之一。

Students, meanwhile, passed around newspaper cuttings, including surreptitiously circulating articles from banned newspapers. Students also followed a Chinese tradition by putting up wall newspapers to express their opinion and debate issues. Finally, newspapers formed a part of the left-wing study groups (xuexi,学习), which would discuss newspaper articles and debate politics. A government crackdown on illegal printing presses in 1955 found one of them being operated entirely by Chinese middle school students who were publishing their own newspaper.
学生们则在偷偷散布被禁止的报纸文章，包括秘密流传的报纸剪报。 学生们还按照中国传统，张贴大字报表达自己的观点并进行辩论。 最后，报纸成为左翼学习小组的一部分，这些学习小组会讨论报纸文章和辩论政治。 1955 年，政府对非法印刷厂的镇压行动发现，其中一家完全由中国中学生经营，他们出版自己的报纸。

In response to this torrent of popular debate, the colonial government tried to keep tabs on the information. Before the war, the Labour Department and Chinese Affairs Department both informally translated newspaper articles and brought them to the attention of senior officers. After the war, this was formalized into the Weekly Digest of Vernacular Press, which translated and summarized articles from the Chinese, Malay and Tamil newspapers, grouped them by topic, and circulated them among top officials in government. It existed from late 1952 till the middle of 1961, when the practice was ended by the PAP government.
为了应对这场汹涌的民间辩论，殖民政府试图控制信息。在战前，劳工部和华人事务部都曾非正式地翻译报纸文章，并提请高级官员注意。 战后，这项工作被正式化，形成了《方言报摘》，它翻译和总结了中文、马来文和泰米尔文报纸的文章，按主题分组，并分发给政府高级官员。它从 1952 年下半年一直持续到 1961 年年中，当时这项工作被人民行动党政府终止。

About of each Digest was devoted to the Chinese press, and the translations and summaries were generally accurate. However, it still offered only a partial window into the Chinese world. Often, space limitations meant that it had to be selective about which newspaper articles to include, leading to some odd selection choices. For example, throughout 1952 the Digest passed over more well-established newspapers to give an inexplicably large amount of space to articles from the Ih Shih Pao (益世报), a struggling anti-communist newspaper. It was established on 7 June 1952 and abruptly closed down on 12 October the same year.
每期文摘中大约 的内容都与中国新闻有关，且翻译和总结大体上是准确的。然而，它仍然只展现了中国世界的一个局部面貌。通常情况下，由于篇幅所限，它在选择要包括哪些报纸文章时不得不进行取舍，这导致了一些奇怪的选择。例如，在整个 1952 年，该文摘忽略了一些声名卓著的报纸，却给出自益世报（一份反共报纸）的文章一个莫名其妙的巨大篇幅。该报于 1952 年 6 月 7 日创刊，同年 10 月 12 日突然停刊。

More importantly, while translating the articles makes them accessible to the English-language reader, it also raises the possibility of making superficial comparisons and imposing the teleology of one historical experience upon another. Some Chinese concepts are impossible to fully translate into English, and others took on new meanings during this period.
更重要的是，虽然翻译文章使它们对英语读者来说更容易理解，但这也有可能导致表面上的比较，并将一种历史经验的因果关系强加于另一种历史经验之上。 一些中国概念无法完全翻译成英语，而另一些概念在此期间则获得了新的含义。

The newspapers' position at the nexus of the political, cultural and social spheres in Singapore enabled them to act as the mediators between old and new, allowing them to synthesize these ideas and develop new ones. Owners and journalists considered the cultural aspects of their role to be as equally important as the political and informational. More than just reporting events, imparting information or exerting influence, their writings helped to create, represent and celebrate shared beliefs.
报纸在新加坡的政治、文化和社会领域的交汇点上的位置，使它们能够充当新旧思想的调解人，从而综合这些思想并发展新的思想。所有者和记者认为他们在文化方面的作用与政治和信息方面的作用一样重要。 他们的写作不仅仅是报道事件、传递信息或施加影响，他们的写作还有助于创造、代表和庆祝共同的信仰。

In doing so, the Sin Chew Jit Poh and Nanyang Siang Pau took different paths. The Sin Chew Jit Poh took a relative lack of political sophistication into account in their efforts to reach the general public. Adhering to its founder's commitment to communication, it chose to make itself more accessible via a simpler print presentation. Its editorials were written in a more direct and colloquial language, with larger type and fewer words. The Nanyang Siang Pau, on the other hand, saw itself as a guardian of high culture, and its editorials were written in a more traditional style, with rhetorical flourishes, a richly layered text of allusion and metaphor, and authoritative citations. While they chose different tactics, both newspapers were committed to the protection of Chinese culture, its renewal in the Malayan context, and the education of the public.
为了实现这些目标，《星洲日报》和《南洋商报》采取了不同的路径。《星洲日报》考虑到公众的政治知识水平相对较低，努力使报纸更易于阅读。它遵循其创始人的沟通承诺，选择通过更简单的印刷方式来提高报纸的可读性。其社论以更直接和口语化的语言撰写，字号更大，文字更少。《南洋商报》则将自己视为高级文化的守护者，其社论以更传统的风格撰写，带有修辞上的花饰，丰富的典故和隐喻，以及权威的引用。尽管它们选择了不同的策略，但这两份报纸都致力于保护中华文化，在马来亚语境下进行文化更新，并教育公众。

Post-war Singapore in particular was ripe for cultural reinvention. The nature of Singapore's new political agenda required a new language and new idioms. These developed in the pages of the Chinese newspapers over the course of the next two decades, parallel with Singapore's own struggle for independence. The pages of the newspapers are thus cultural and linguistic artefacts that enable us to trace changes in Singapore Chinese thought.
战后的新加坡尤其适合进行文化革新。新加坡新政治议程的性质要求一种新的语言和新的习语。这些语言和习语在接下来的二十年里在中国报纸的版面上发展起来，与新加坡争取独立的斗争同步进行。因此，报纸的版面是文化和语言的文物，使我们能够追溯新加坡华人思想的变化。

During this time, writers and intellectuals sanctioned their demands for constitutional reform with traditional cultural references and invested familiar constructs with new, often foreign content. In doing so, they expanded and enriched the Malayan
在这个时期，作家和知识分子借鉴了传统的文化典故来支持他们对宪政改革的要求，并将熟悉的结构赋予新的、通常是外国的内容。这样做，他们扩大了和丰富了马来亚的

Chinese cultural repertoire. These cultural shifts occurred via the complex interaction between two main channels of appropriation-the adoption of non-Chinese concepts and the adaptation of familiar cultural forms.
中国文化剧目。这些文化转变是通过两种主要的挪用渠道之间复杂的相互作用发生的——采用非中国概念和改编熟悉的文化形式。

Throughout the first half of the twentieth century local Chinese newspapers developed and progressively absorbed ideas from abroad, both from China and the West. China's new culture movement and the May Fourth movement spurred new cultural ideas among the Malayan Chinese. The Shanghai massacre of 1927 brought a generation of urban leftist intellectuals to Malaya. While the colonial government banned works from Communist China from being distributed in Singapore, Western tracts encompassing the entire political spectrum were freely available in translation in Singapore. Newspapers also reprinted essays in translation-the Sin Chew Jit Poh, for example, printed essays by Western thinkers on Sundays in place of its editorial during the early 1950 s.
20 世纪上半叶，当地的中文报纸不断发展，逐渐吸收了来自中国和西方的思想。中国的五四运动和新文化运动在马来亚华人中激发了新的文化思潮。 1927 年的上海大屠杀将一代城市左翼知识分子带到了马来亚。殖民政府禁止共 產中國的作品在新加坡發行，但在新加坡，涵蓋整個政治光譜的西方著作被翻譯成 各種語言，可以自由流通。報紙也翻譯轉載文章——例如，《星洲日報》在 20 世紀 50 年代初每週日都刊登西方思想家的文章，以取代其社論。

As writers integrated the ideas of Western thinkers into their own writings, they merged traditional Chinese intellectual history with new ideas derived from Western thought. Editorials easily switched between Charles Darwin, William Pitt, Confucius and Abraham Lincoln in a discussion on human nature, constitutional politics and the responsibility inherent in citizenship; 93 or Bertrand Russell and Chinese parable in a philosophical debate; or gathering leadership lessons from Gandhi and Henry Ford. Articles drew upon a wide range of historical perspective, including ancient Greece, eighteenth-century Europe, and Latin American revolution. Editorials responded to or criticized many foreign publications including the Times of London, the Economist, the Manchester Guardian and the Scotsman. 102
作为作家将西方思想家的思想融入自己的作品中，他们将中国传统的知识史与源于西方思想的新思想融合在一起。社论在讨论人性、宪政政治和公民的责任时，毫不费力地将查尔斯·达尔文、威廉·皮特、孔子和亚伯拉罕·林肯的观点并列在一起；93 或在哲学辩论中将伯特兰·罗素与中国寓言并列； 或从甘地和亨利·福特身上吸取领导力教训。 文章借鉴了广泛的历史视角，包括古希腊、 十八世纪欧洲、 和拉丁美洲革命。 社论回应或批评了许多外国出版物，包括《伦敦时报》、 《经济学人》、 《曼彻斯特卫报》 和《苏格兰人报》。 102

Finally, not forgetting their commercial roots and Singapore's economic raison d'être, the newspapers used non-technical language to discuss issues such as the impact of Singapore's high savings rate on economic growth (especially in light of depreciation due to the peg of the Malayan dollar to the British pound), and drew on contemporary Keynesian theory to demand government action and fiscal stimulus.
最后，为了不忘其商业根源和新加坡的经济存在理由，报纸用非技术性语言讨论了一些问题，比如：新加坡的高储蓄率对经济增长的影响（特别是在马元兑英镑贬值的情况下） ，并借鉴当代凯恩斯理论，要求政府采取行动和进行财政刺激。

Chinese journalistic discourse accordingly became a synthesis of ancient principles and imported ideas. In an era obsessed with justice and equality, terms such as equality (ping 平) and fairness (gong 公) were reinterpreted in the context of political liberation and social justice. The traditional Confucian idea of the gentleman (junzi 君子) took on obligations of peaceful, informed participation in representative democracy. 105 Likewise, the foreign terms were also transformed as they were reworked to render them comprehensible within the Chinese cultural context. As they were appropriated into the late colonial discourse they were associated with classical concepts and translated into the culturally familiar terminology. As Singapore made constitutional progress, newspaper articles carefully distinguished the term selfgovernment (zizhi 自治) to full independence (duli 独立). The debate over merger, in particular, saw the redefinition of resident (jimin 籍民), nationality (guomin 国民), and citizenship (gongmin 公民) and the rights associated with each. 107
中国新闻话语因此融合了古代原则和舶来思想。在一个奉行公正和平等的时代，“平”和“公”等术语被重新解释为政治解放和社会正义的语境。传统儒家思想中的君子理念承担起在代议制民主中和平、理性地参与的义务。105 同样，外来词汇也在改造过程中被转化，以使其在中国的文化语境中易于理解。当这些词汇被吸纳到晚期殖民话语中时，它们与古典观念联系在一起，并翻译成文化上熟悉的术语。随着新加坡的宪政进步，报纸文章仔细区分了自治与完全独立的概念。代码 0。尤其是在合并的辩论中，居民、国民和公民的概念及其相关的权利被重新定义。107

The usage of the latter was particularly key in the events surrounding the merger of Malaya and Singapore. Gongmin is a term which in Chinese traditionally referred to people in general. It followed naturally that when the term 'civil rights' entered the Chinese lexicon, it was translated into gongminquan (公民权). However, the usage of gongmin in this case to refer to citizenship conflated the ideas of citizenship rights and civil rights, as both translated identically into gongminquan. This gave the issue of citizenship rights a far greater significance to the Chinese than can be understood in English, as it appeared to the Chinese that their civil rights were being taken away. In this light the depth of feeling amongst the Chinese community over what in English appears to be a legalistic difference between nationality and citizenship becomes very understandable. It is clear that the use of familiar cultural constructs in the translation of foreign ideas at times hindered clarity and had an impact on the political process.
使用后者在马来亚和新加坡合并的事件中尤为重要。 公民在中文中传统上指代一般人。 因此，当“公民权利”一词进入中文语境时，自然被翻译为“公民权”。 然而，在这种情况下使用“公民”来指代国籍将公民权和公民权利的概念混淆在一起，因为两者都翻译成“公民权”。 这使得公民权问题对中国人来说具有比英语中更大意义，因为中国人认为他们的公民权利被剥夺了。 鉴于此，中国人对英语中国籍和公民身份之间的法律区别的感受就变得非常可以理解了。 显而易见的是，在翻译外来思想时使用熟悉的文化概念有时会造成混乱并影响政治进程。

In communicating the concept of democratic politics (minzhu zhengzhi 民主政治), journalists combined the ancient principle of the people as the foundation of the nation (minben 民本) with concepts of civil rights and responsibilities (yiwu 义务). 108 'The people' (renmin 人民) were no longer passive anonymous members of colonial society, but reconceived as dynamic participants in democratic government and civil society groups (shetuan 社团). In this way the linguistic representations that the Chinese had used for centuries to make sense of their world became instruments in the journalists' efforts to transform social and political practices.
在传达民主政治（minzhu zhengzhi 民主政治）的概念时，记者将人民作为国家基础（minben 民本）的古老原则与公民权利和责任（yiwu 义务）的概念结合起来。108“人民”（renmin 人民）不再是殖民地社会中被动的匿名成员，而是被重新构想为民主政府和民间社会团体（shetuan 社团）的积极参与者。 这样，中国人用来理解世界的语言表达形式就成了记者改造社会和政治实践的工具。

An independent and vigorously active but budding civil society existed in Singapore in the late colonial period, but under the PAP government it was systematically brought under control or shut down and began to disappear by 1963. Studies on civil society in post-war Singapore barely mention the role of the Chinese press. Neither did the newspapers articulate the idea of civil society in its pages. The terminology for it, minjian shehui (民间社会), does not appear in their pages during this period.
在新加坡的后期殖民时期，存在着一个独立但处于萌芽阶段的活跃的民间社会，但在人民行动党政府的领导下，它被系统地控制或关闭，并于 1963 年开始消失。 关于战后新加坡公民社会的文献几乎没有提及华文媒体的作用。 当时的报纸也没有在其版面上阐述公民社会的概念。 这方面的术语，minjian shehui (民间社会)，在此期间并没有出现在这些报纸上。

A comprehensive study of the role of Chinese newspapers in emerging Singaporean civil society is beyond the scope of this essay. What is clear, however, is that in its capacity to promote political, social and cultural reform, the role of the Chinese press in Singapore is comparable to the role of the press in Western conceptions of 'civil society' and the 'public sphere'. 'Civil society' can be defined as 'the realm of autonomous social organizations outside the control of the state'. Implicit in this definition is that these organizations have a membership which can be entered and departed from freely, and that these organizations assert the right to influence public policy. The 'public sphere', as defined by the German sociologist Jürgen Habermas, is defined as 'a sphere which mediates between society and state, in which the public organizes itself as the bearer of public opinion'. 114 Habermas used the two concepts in articulating the impact of the press on public opinion and political change in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Europe.
新加坡华文报纸在新加坡新兴民间社会中的作用的全面研究超出了本文的范围。然而，显而易见的是，新加坡华文报业在促进政治、社会和文化改革方面的作用，可以与西方关于“民间社会”和“公共领域”的新闻界作用相媲美。“民间社会”可以被定义为“国家控制之外的自治社会组织领域”。此定义隐含的含义是，这些组织拥有可以自由进出并离开的成员，并且这些组织有权影响公共政策。正如德国社会学家尤尔根·哈贝马斯所定义的，“公共领域”是指“社会和国家之间的中介领域，公共领域在其中组织自己成为公众舆论的载体”。 哈贝马斯用这两个概念阐述了新闻界对十七和十八世纪欧洲的公共舆论和政治变革的影响。

Cultural, temporal and linguistic differences mean that there are important caveats to the application of a Western conceptual framework to the analysis of Singapore history. However, the value of such a comparison is evident when one compares the role of the political press. Habermas predicated the development of the public sphere in Europe on the existence of civil society, but in Singapore the press in its role as the Chinese public sphere served as a major impetus for the creation of the apparatus and institutional framework of Chinese civil society. From the early twentieth century the press mediated and publicized debate about strongly felt issues, connecting activists and intellectuals and bringing them together. The formation of schools, charitable organizations, societies, and other bodies, including the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, were products of the debate that was enabled and publicized by the newspapers. 116
文化、时间和语言的差异意味着，将西方概念框架应用于新加坡历史分析时，存在着重要的注意事项。然而，当比较政治新闻的作用时，这种比较的价值是显而易见的。哈贝马斯以欧洲公民社会的存在为前提，论证了公共领域的形成，但在新加坡，作为华语公共领域的新闻媒体，是促成华语公民社会组织和制度框架形成的主要推动力。从二十世纪初开始，新闻媒体就热烈讨论的议题进行调解和宣传，联系活动家和知识分子，并将他们聚集在一起。 学校、慈善组织、协会和其他机构的成立，包括新加坡中华总商会，都是报纸推动和宣传的辩论的产物。116

The growth of literacy in post-war Singapore, combined with widespread public interest in political issues such as Chinese rights and independence, rapidly expanded the readership of the Chinese press. The back pages of the newspapers became truly public spheres. Activists used these spaces to develop their ideas and open them up for debate. Readership of the Chinese newspapers linked every Chinese political actor of this period, and they contributed back into the discussion with their own writing. Many of these ideas, initially developed on the discursive, were then put into action as the opportunity arose.
战后新加坡识字率的增长，加上公众对包括华语权利和独立在内的政治议题的广泛兴趣，迅速扩大了中文报刊的读者群。报纸的封底真正成了公共领域。活动家们利用这些空间来发展他们的思想并将其公开辩论。阅读中文报纸将这一时期所有华语政治行动者联系起来，他们也通过自己的写作参与到讨论中。其中许多最初在话语层面上提出的想法，后来在机会出现时付诸实施。

As historians seek to decode the meaning of changes taking place in post-war Singapore, we must place them within the Malayan Chinese context and examine the mutual influence of the three overlapping spheres of the emerging civil societyculture, politics, and society. At the nexus of these spheres lay the print media, not merely as its recorders but also as one of its progenitors. Any attempt to engage any aspect of Singapore history which touches upon the Chinese thus has to pass through the pages of their newspapers.
历史学家在试图破译战后新加坡发生的变革的意义时，必须将这些变革置于马来华人语境中，并考察这三个重叠的民间社会领域相互之间的影响。这三个领域为文化、政治和社会，而它们之间的交汇点就是新闻媒体，新闻媒体不仅是社会变革的记录者，还是其推动者之一。因此，任何涉及华人的新加坡历史研究都必须通过他们报纸的记载。

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