Education: Rutgers University (Newark), 1951-1952; B.A., Howard University, 1954.
教育背景：罗格斯大学（纽瓦克），1951-1952 年；文学学士，霍华德大学，1954 年。

John Hay Whitney Fellowship, 1960–1961.
约翰·海·惠特尼奖学金，1960 年至 1961 年。

Longview Award for Cuba Libre, 1961.
1961 年古巴自由奖。

Obie Award for Dutchman, 1964.
奥比奖颁发给《荷兰人》，1964 年。

Guggenheim Fellowship, 1965–1966.
古根海姆学者奖，1965 年至 1966 年。

Second Prize, First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar, Senegal, for The Slave, 1966.
第二名，1966 年塞内加尔达喀尔尼格罗艺术第一届世界节奴隶。

Doctorate of Humane Letters, Malcolm X College, Chicago, 1977.
芝加哥马尔科姆 X 学院 1977 年人文文学博士学位。

BY THE AUTHOR: 由作者：

Selected Books 选定的书籍

• Cuba Libre, as LeRoi Jones (Nwe York: Fair Play for Cuba Committee, 1961).
  古巴自由，由 LeRoi Jones（纽约：古巴自由委员会，1961 年）编写。
• Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note..., as LeRoi Jones (New York: Totem Press/Corinth Books, 1961).
  《给一本二十卷自杀笔记的序言...》，作者勒罗伊·琼斯（纽约：图腾出版社/科林斯书籍，1961 年）。
• Blues People. . .Negro Music in White America, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Morrow, 1963; London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1965).
  《蓝调人》……黑人音乐在白人美国，作者勒罗伊·琼斯（纽约：莫罗出版社，1963 年；伦敦：麦吉本与基出版社，1965 年）。
• Dutchman and The Slave: Two Plays, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Morrow, 1964; London: Faber & Faber, 1965).
  《荷兰人与奴隶：两部戏剧》，勒罗伊·琼斯（纽约：莫罗，1964 年；伦敦：费伯与费伯，1965 年）。
• The Dead Lecturer: Poems, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Grove Press, 1964).
  《死去的讲师：诗歌》，LeRoi Jones（纽约：格罗夫出版社，1964 年）。
• The System of Dante's Hell, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Grove Press, 1965; London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1966).
  但丹特地狱体系，由勒罗伊·琼斯（纽约：格罗夫出版社，1965 年；伦敦：麦吉本与基出版社，1966 年）编写。
• Home: Social Essays, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Morrow, 1966; London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1968).
  家园：社会论文，勒罗伊·琼斯（纽约：莫罗，1966 年；伦敦：麦吉本＆基，1968 年）。
• Black Art, as LeRoi Jones (Newark, N.J.: Jihad, 1967).
  黑人艺术，由 LeRoi Jones（新泽西州纽瓦克：圣战，1967 年）创作。
• Slave Ship: A One Act Play, as LeRoi Jones (Neward, N.J.: Jihad, 1967).
  奴隶船：一幕剧，由勒罗伊·琼斯（新泽西州纽瓦克：圣战，1967 年）编写。
• The Baptism and The Toilet, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Grove Press, 1967).
  《洗礼和厕所》，勒罗伊·琼斯（纽约：格罗夫出版社，1967 年）。
• Arm Yourself, or Harm Yourself! A One Act Play. A Message of Self-Defense to Black Men, as LeRoi Jones (Newark, N.J.: Jihad, 1967).
  武装自己，或伤害自己！一幕剧。一则自卫信息传递给黑人男性，由 LeRoi Jones（新泽西州纽瓦克：圣战，1967 年）撰写。
• Tales, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Grove Press, 1967; London: Macgibbon & Kee, 1969).
  故事，如 LeRoi Jones（纽约：格罗夫出版社，1967 年；伦敦：麦吉本与基出版社，1969 年）。
• Black Music, as LeRoi Jones (New York: Morrow, 1967; London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1969).
  黑人音乐，由 LeRoi Jones（纽约：莫罗，1967 年；伦敦：麦吉本＆基，1969 年）撰写。
• Black Magic: Sabotage; Target Study; Black Art; Collected Poetry, 1961-1967, as LeRoi Jones (Indianapolis & New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1969; London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1969).
  黑魔法：破坏；目标研究；黑色艺术；《黑魔法：1961-1967 年诗选》，作者 LeRoi Jones（印第安纳波利斯和纽约：鲍布斯-梅里尔，1969 年；伦敦：麦吉本与基，1969 年）。
• Four Black Revolutionary Plays: All Praises to the Black Man (Indianapolis & New York: Bobbs-Merril, 1969; London: Calder & Boyars, 1971).
  四部黑人革命戏剧：向黑人致敬（印第安纳波利斯和纽约：鲍布斯-梅里尔，1969 年；伦敦：卡尔德和博亚斯，1971 年）。
• A Black Value System (Newark, N.J.: Jihad, 1970).
  黑人价值观体系（新瓦克，新泽西州：圣战，1970 年）。
• Jello (Chicago: Third World Press, 1970).
  果冻（芝加哥：第三世界出版社，1970 年）。
• It's Nation Time (Chicago: Third World Press, 1970).
  这是国家的时代（芝加哥：第三世界出版社，1970 年）。
• In Our Terribleness (Some Elements and Meaning in Black Style), by Baraka and Fundi (Billy Abernathy) (Indianapolis & New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970).
  在《我们的可怕之处（黑人风格中的一些元素和意义）》一书中，作者是 Baraka 和 Fundi（Billy Abernathy）（印第安纳波利斯和纽约：鲍布斯-梅里尔，1970 年）。
• Raise Race Rays Raze: Essays Since 1965 (New York: Random House, 1971).
  提高 种族 光线 毁灭：自 1965 年以来的论文（纽约：兰登书屋，1971 年）。
• Strategy and Tactics of a Pan-African Nationalist Party (Newark, N.J.: National Involvement, 1971).
  《泛非民族主义政党的战略与战术》（新泽西州纽瓦克：国家参与，1971 年）。
• Kawaida Studies: The New Nationalism (Chicago: Thierd World Press, 1972).
  川合达研究：新民族主义（芝加哥：第三世界出版社，1972 年）。
• Spirit Reach (Neward, N.J.: Jihad, 1972).
  精神触及（新泽西州纽瓦克：圣战，1972 年）。
• Crisis in Boston (Neward, N.J.: vita Wa Watu-People's War Publishing, 1974).
  波士顿危机（新泽西州纽瓦克：维塔·瓦图-人民战争出版社，1974 年）。
• Afrikan Free School: Education Text (Newark, N.J.: Jihad, 1974).
  非洲自由学校：教育文本（新泽西州纽瓦克：圣战，1974 年）。
• Hard Facts (Neward, N.J.: People's War Publishing, 1975).
  硬事实（新泽西州纽瓦克：人民战争出版社，1975 年）。
• What Was the Relationship of the Lone Ranger to the Means of Production? (New York: Anti-Imperialist Cultural Union, 1978).
  孤胆侠与生产手段的关系是什么？（纽约：反帝文化联盟，1978 年）。
• The Motion of History and Other Plays (New York: Morrow, 1978)-includes The Motion of History, Slave Ship, and S-1.
  历史的运动和其他剧本（纽约：莫罗，1978 年）-包括《历史的运动》，《奴隶船》和《S-1》。
• The Sidney Heroical (New York: Reed, 1979).
  悉尼英雄（纽约：里德，1979 年）。
• Selected Plays and Prose of Amiri Baraka/LeRoi Jones (New York: Morrow, 1979).
  阿米里·巴拉卡/勒罗伊·琼斯的精选剧本和散文（纽约：莫罗，1979 年）。
• Selected Poetry of Amiri Baraka/LeRoi Jones (New York: Morrow, 1979).
  阿米里·巴拉卡/勒罗伊·琼斯选诗集（纽约：莫罗，1979 年）。
• AM/TRAK(New York: Phoenix Bookshop, 1979).
  AM/TRAK（纽约：凤凰书店，1979 年）。
• Reggae or Not (New York: Contact Two, 1981).
  雷鬼或不是（纽约：Contact Two，1981 年）。
• Daggers and Javelins: Essays, 1974-1979 (New York: Morrow, 1984)
  匕首和标枪：论文，1974-1979 年（纽约：莫罗，1984 年）
• The Autobiography of LeRoi Jones (New York: Freundlich, 1984).
  勒罗伊·琼斯的自传（纽约：弗洛伊德出版社，1984 年）。
• The Music: Reflections on Jazz and Blues (New York: Morrow, 1987).
  音乐：爵士乐与蓝调反思（纽约：莫罗出版社，1987 年）。
• The LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka Reader, ed. William J. Harris and Baraka (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1991).
  《勒罗伊·琼斯/阿米里·巴拉卡读本》，编辑威廉·J·哈里斯和巴拉卡（纽约：雷鸣出版社，1991 年）。
• Thornton Dial, Image of the Tiger, essays by Baraka and Thomas McEvilley (New York: Abrams in association with the Museum of American Folk Art, and the American Center, 1993).
  桑顿·戴尔，老虎的形象，由巴拉卡和托马斯·麦克维利撰写的文章（纽约：艾布拉姆斯与美国民间艺术博物馆以及美国中心合作，1993 年）。
• Eulogies (New York: Marsilio Publishers, 1996).
  颂词（纽约：马西里奥出版社，1996 年）。

Plays 戏剧

• A Good Girl Is Hard To Find, Montclair, N.J., Sterington House, 28 August 1958.
  一个好女孩很难找到，蒙特克莱尔，新泽西州，斯特林顿出版社，1958 年 8 月 28 日。
• Dante, New York, Off Bowery Theatre, October 1961; produced again as The Eighth Ditch, New York, New Bowery Theatre, 1964.
  但丁，纽约，鲍尔里剧院，1961 年 10 月；再次制作为第八沟，纽约，新鲍尔里剧院，1964 年。
• Dutchman, New York, Village South Theatre, 12 January 1964; New York, Cherry Lane Theatre, 24 March 1964.
  荷兰人，纽约，村庄南剧院，1964 年 1 月 12 日；纽约，樱桃巷剧院，1964 年 3 月 24 日。
• The Baptism, New York, Writers' Stage Theatre, 1 May 1964.
  洗礼，纽约，作家舞台剧院，1964 年 5 月 1 日。
• The Slave and The Toilet, New York, St. Mark's Playhouse, 16 December 1964.
  奴隶和厕所，纽约，圣马克剧院，1964 年 12 月 16 日。
• Jello, New York, Black Arts Repertory Theatre, 1965.
  明胶，纽约，黑人艺术复演剧院，1965 年。
• Experimental Death Unit 1, New York, St. Mark's Playhouse, 1 March 1965.
  实验性死亡单位 1，纽约，圣马克剧院，1965 年 3 月 1 日。
• A Black Mass, Newark, N.J., Proctor's Theatre, May 1966.
  1966 年 5 月，新泽西州纽瓦克市普罗克特剧院上演了一场黑暗弥撒。
• Slave Ship: A Historical Pageant, Newark, N.J., Spirit House, March 1967.
  奴隶船：历史盛宴，1967 年 3 月，新泽西州纽瓦克，精神之家。
• Madheart, San Francisco, San Francisco State College, May 1967.
  疯狂之心，1967 年 5 月，旧金山，旧金山州立大学。
• Arm Yourself, or Harm Yourself!, Newark, N.J., Spirit House, 1967.
  武装自己，或伤害自己！，1967 年，新泽西州纽瓦克，灵魂之家。
• Great Goodness of Life (A Coon Show), Newark, N.J., Spirit House, November 1967.
  生活的伟大善良（一个狡猾的表演），1967 年 11 月，新泽西州纽瓦克，灵魂之家。
• Home on the Range, Newark, N.J., Spirit House, March 1968.
  家园，新泽西州纽瓦克，灵魂之屋，1968 年 3 月。
• Resurrection in Life, Harlem, N.Y., 24 August 1969.
  1969 年 8 月 24 日，纽约哈莱姆的生命复活。
• Junkies are Full of (SHH. . .)andBloodrites, New York, Henry Street Playhouse, 21 November 1970.
  瘾君子充满了（嘘...）和血统仪式，纽约，亨利街剧院，1970 年 11 月 21 日。
• A Recent KillingNew York, New Federal Theatre, 26 January 1973.
  最近的一起谋杀纽约，纽约联邦剧院，1973 年 1 月 26 日。
• The New Ark's a moverin, Newark, N.J., February 1974.
  新方舟在移动，1974 年 2 月，新泽西州纽瓦克。
• Sidnee Poet Heroical or If in Danger of Suit, The Kid Poet Heroical, New York, New Federal Theatre, 15 May 1975.
  Sidnee Poet Heroical 或者如果处于诉讼危险中，The Kid Poet Heroical，纽约，新联邦剧院，1975 年 5 月 15 日。
• S-1, New York, Afro-American Studios, 23 July 1976.
  S-1，纽约，非裔美国人工作室，1976 年 7 月 23 日。
• The Motion of History, New York, New York City Theatre Ensemble, 27 May 1977.
  历史的运动，纽约，纽约市剧院团，1977 年 5 月 27 日。
• What Was the Relationship of the Lone Ranger to the Means of Production?, New York, Ladies Fort, May 1979.
  孤胆侠与生产手段的关系是什么？纽约，女士堡，1979 年 5 月。

Screenplays 剧本

• Dutchman, Gene Persson Enterprises, February 1967.
  荷兰人，吉恩·佩尔森企业，1967 年 2 月。
• Black Spring, Jihad Productions, Spring 1967.
  黑色之春，圣战制作公司，1967 年春。
• A Fable, based on Jones's play The Slave, MFR Productions, 1971.
  基于琼斯的戏剧《奴隶》改编的寓言，MFR 制作，1971 年。

Other 其他

• Four Young Lady Poets, edited by Jones (New York: Corinth Books, 1962).
  四位年轻女诗人，编辑：琼斯（纽约：科林斯图书，1962 年）。
• The Moderns: An Anthology of New Writing in America, edited with an introduction by Jones (New York: Corinth Books, 1963).
  《现代人：美国新写作选集》，由琼斯编辑并撰写导言（纽约：科林斯图书，1963 年）。
• David Henderson, Felix of the Silent Forest, introduction by Jones (New York: Poets Press, 1967).
  大卫·亨德森，《寂静森林的费利克斯》，简介由琼斯撰写（纽约：诗人出版社，1967 年）。
• Black Fire: An Anthology of Afro-American Writing, edited with contributions by Jones and Larry Neal (New York: Morrow, 1968).
  黑色之火：非裔美国文学选集，由琼斯和拉里·尼尔共同编辑（纽约：莫罗出版社，1968 年）。
• Larry Neal, Black Boogaloo (Notes On Black Liberation), preface by Jones (San Francisco: Journal of Black Poetry Press, 1969).
  拉里·尼尔，《黑人波加卢（关于黑人解放的笔记）》，由琼斯撰写的前言（旧金山：黑人诗歌杂志出版社，1969 年）。
• African Congress: A Documentary of the First Modern Pan-African Congress, edited with an introduction by Baraka (New York: Morrow, 1972).
  非洲大会：第一届现代泛非大会文献，由巴拉卡（Baraka）编辑并撰写引言（纽约：莫罗，1972 年）。

Periodical Publications 期刊出版物

• "Suppose Sorrow Was A Time Machine," Yugen, 2 (1958): 9-11.
  假设悲伤是一台时光机，《幽玄》杂志，2 (1958): 9-11.
• "Reviews: Books: Langston Hughes' Tambourines to Glory,"Jazz Review, 2 (June 1959): 33-34.
  评论：书籍：兰斯顿·休斯的《荣耀的手鼓》，《爵士评论》，2（1959 年 6 月）：33-34。
• "Blues, Black and White America," Metronome, 78 (March 1961): 11-15.
  “蓝调，黑人和白人美国”，《节拍器》，78（1961 年 3 月）：11-15。
• "Milneburg Joys (or, Against 'Hipness' As Such)," Kulchur, no. 3 (Summer 1961): 41-43.
  "Milneburg Joys（或者，反对‘时髦’本身）," Kulchur, 第 3 期（1961 年夏季）：41-43。
• "The Jazz Avant Garde," Metronome, 78 (September 1961): 9-12, 39.
  “爵士前卫”，《节拍器》，78（1961 年 9 月）：9-12，39。
• "Review: Charlie Mingus Wonderland,"Kulchur, no. 8 (Winter 1962): 103-104.
  评论：查理明格斯的仙境，《文化》，第 8 期（1962 年冬季）：103-104。
• "The Avant Garde," African Revolution, 1 (May 1963): 130-138.
  “先锋派”，《非洲革命》，1（1963 年 5 月）：130-138。
• "The Colonial School of Melican Poetry (or, 'Aw, man, I read those poems before ... ')," Kulchur, no. 10 (Summer 1963): 83-84.
  《梅利肯诗歌的殖民学派（或者，“啊，老兄，我以前读过那些诗歌……”）》，《文化》，第 10 期（1963 年夏季）：83-84。
• "White Critics, Black Musicians, New Music," Revolution, 1 (October 1963): 143-152.
  "白人评论家，黑人音乐家，新音乐"，《革命》，1（1963 年 10 月）：143-152。
• "Three Ways To Play The Saxophone: The Soul of Modern Jazz," Negro Digest, 13 (December 1963): 38-44.
  "三种演奏萨克斯风的方式：现代爵士乐的灵魂,"《黑人文摘》，13（1963 年 12 月）：38-44。
• "Jazz Criticism and Ideology," Liberation, 8 (February 1964): 28-30.
  “爵士乐批评与意识形态”，《解放》，8（1964 年 2 月）：28-30。
• "The Negro Middle Class Flight From Heritage," Negro Digest, 13 (February 1964): 80-95.
  “黑人中产阶级对传统的逃离”，《黑人文摘》，13 期（1964 年 2 月）：80-95。
• "The Black Man Has No Other Choice," Progressive Leader, 3 (November-December 1964): 26.
  “黑人别无选择”，进步领袖，3（1964 年 11-12 月）：26。
• "The Task of the Negro Writer As Artist," Negro Digest, 14 (April 1965): 65, 75.
  "黑人作家作为艺术家的任务"，《黑人文摘》，14（1965 年 4 月）：65, 75。
• "Black Arts," Black Dialogue, 1 (July-August 1965): 27.
  "黑色艺术"，黑色对话，1（1965 年 7-8 月）：27。
• "In Search of the Revolutionary Theatre," Negro Digest, 15 (April 1966): 20-24.
  《寻找革命剧院》，《黑人文摘》，15（1966 年 4 月）：20-24。
• "Poetry: Actual Sweet Black Fury," Diplomat, 18 (November 1966): 53-57.
  诗歌：“实际甜蜜的黑色狂怒”，外交家，18（1966 年 11 月）：53-57。
• "Communications Project," Drama Review, 12 (Summer 1968): 53-57.
  《通讯项目》，戏剧评论，12（1968 年夏季）：53-57。
• "The Fire Must Be Permitted to Burn Full Up," Journal of Black Poetry, 1 (Summer-Fall 1969): 62-65.
  《火必须被允许燃烧到最高点》，《黑人诗歌杂志》，1（1969 年夏秋季）：62-65。
• "Black (Art) Drama Is The Same As Black Life," Ebony, 26 (February 1971): 74-82.
  “黑人（艺术）戏剧与黑人生活相同”，《黑檀》杂志，26（1971 年 2 月）：74-82。
• "The Pan-African Party and The Black Nation," Black Scholar, 2 (March 1971): 74-82.
  《泛非洲党与黑人民族》，黑人学者，2（1971 年 3 月）：74-82。
• "Toward Ideological Clarity," Black World, 24 (November 1974): 24-33.
  《走向思想清晰》，《黑人世界》，24（1974 年 11 月）：24-33。
• "Why I Changed My Ideology: Black Nationalism and Socialist Revolution," Black World, 24 (July 1975): 30-42.
  《为什么我改变了我的意识形态：黑人民族主义和社会主义革命》，《黑人世界》，24（1975 年 7 月）：30-42。
• "Afro-American Literature & Class Struggle," Black American Literature Forum, 14 (Spring 1980): 5-14.
  《非裔美国文学与阶级斗争》，黑人美国文学论坛，第 14 卷（1980 年春季）：5-14。
• "Confessions of A Former Anti-Semite," Village Voice, 25 (17-23 December 1980): 1, 19-20, 22-23.
  《一个前反犹太主义者的自白》，《村声》，25 期（1980 年 12 月 17-23 日）：1, 19-20, 22-23。

An influential figure among the literary avant-garde of Greenwich Village and the lower East Side during the late 1950s and early 1950s, Amiri Baraka (known as LeRoi Jones until 1968) has been a seminal force in the development of contemporary Afro-American literature. Poet, music critic, essayist, dramatist, novelist, and political activist, Baraka's extraordinary talent and literary innovations have established him as a major writer. His prominence rests not only on his substantial literary achievement but also on the durability of his public personality, one whose extra-literary escapades and political activities have engaged the attention of his public for almost two decades. Beginning in 1964, when the success of his play Dutchman established him as an outspoken commentator on American racial relations. Baraka has lived his artistic and political life in public view.
作为 20 世纪 50 年代末至 60 年代初格林尼治村和下东区文学先锋中的一位具有影响力的人物，阿米里·巴拉卡（直到 1968 年被称为勒罗伊·琼斯）在当代非裔美国文学发展中扮演了重要角色。作为诗人、音乐评论家、散文家、剧作家、小说家和政治活动家，巴拉卡非凡的才华和文学创新使他成为一位重要作家。他的显赫地位不仅建立在他丰富的文学成就上，还在于他公众形象的持久性，这位公众形象的额外文学冒险和政治活动吸引了公众的注意近 20 年。从 1964 年开始，他的剧作《荷兰人》的成功使他成为一个直言不讳地评论美国种族关系的人。巴拉卡一直在公众视野中度过他的艺术和政治生活。

A protean personality, fond of manifestos and vehement repudiations, he has shifted guises and discarded identities with such astonishing rapidity that critics have often been frustrated, suspended in the act of defining a man who is no longer there, while his admirers have been left abandoned or challenged to readjust themselves to his new posture. In "The Liar," an early poem written while he still called himself Jones, he commented on this aspect of his personality, almost as if he anticipated his various guises and the direction his writing would take in the future:
一个多变的个性，喜欢宣言和激烈的否认，他以惊人的速度改变外貌，抛弃身份，以至于评论家经常感到沮丧，陷入定义一个已经不存在的人的行为中，而他的崇拜者则被抛弃或被挑战，要适应他的新姿态。在《说谎者》中，他在仍自称为琼斯时写的一首早期诗中评论了他个性的这一方面，几乎就像是他预料到了他未来写作会采取的各种外貌和方向：

Baraka's life and work resist easy classification or simplistic judgments, yet, beneath the often violent shifts and turns of his artistic and political views, it is possible to view his work in distinct stages as an evolving spiritual autobiography shaped by the imperatives of an intensely self-conscious sensibility. If there is any single preoccupation which runs through Baraka's work, it is the theme of change itself, the endless quest for appropriate vehicles of expression and action in a world which is itself constantly changing. Nevertheless, there are significant and sometimes subtle lines of continuity between phases of his career. From this point of view, his initial involvement with the New York literary avant-garde provides important clues to the aesthetic and ideological underpinnings of his subsequent artistic and political activity.
巴拉卡的生活和作品抵制简单的分类或简单的判断，然而，在他艺术和政治观点经常剧烈变化的背后，可以将他的作品视为不同阶段的演变中的一部分，这是一个由强烈自我意识塑造的不断发展的精神自传。如果有一个贯穿巴拉卡作品的主题，那就是变化本身的主题，对于在一个不断变化的世界中寻找适当的表达和行动方式的无休止追求。然而，在他职业生涯的各个阶段之间存在着重要且有时微妙的连续线索。从这个角度来看，他最初与纽约文学先锋派的交往为理解他后来的艺术和政治活动的审美和意识形态基础提供了重要线索。

Like many artists and intellectuals drawn to the cultural and intellectual ferment of Greenwich Village during the late 1950s, Jones's early odyssey was shaped by a posture of sharply defined and somewhat exaggerated alienation from his own social background. Born Everett LeRoi Jones to Coyette Leroy Jones, a postal worker, and Anna Lois Russ Jones, a social worker, Jones was raised with his younger sister, Sandra Elaine, in a family which was middle class in outlook, if not in economic status. Jones's autobiographical allusions in his early works often depict him as a highly sensitive, introspective character, isolated by social class and sensibility from his environment. At the same time, guided by E. Franklin Frazier's penetrating critique of black middle-class values, Black Bourgeoisie (1957), Jones mercilessly satirizes the values and "false consciousness" of his parents' generation.
像许多艺术家和知识分子一样，被吸引到 20 世纪 50 年代末格林威治村的文化和知识激荡中，琼斯早期的奥德赛受到了与自己社会背景的尖锐定义和有些夸张的疏离姿态的影响。埃弗里特·勒罗伊·琼斯出生于科耶特·勒罗伊·琼斯（一名邮政工作者）和安娜·罗伊斯·琼斯（一名社会工作者）之子，与他的妹妹桑德拉·伊莲一起在一个中产阶级家庭中长大，尽管在经济地位上并非如此。琼斯在他早期作品中的自传暗示经常描绘他为一个高度敏感、内向的人物，被社会阶层和感性与环境隔离。同时，受到 E·富兰克林·弗雷泽对黑人中产阶级价值观的深刻批判《黑人资产阶级》（1957 年）的指导，琼斯无情地讽刺了他父母那一代人的价值观和“虚假意识”。

A product of the Newark public school system, Jones attended Central Avenue School and was one of the few black students to attend Barringer High School--a fact which probably heightened his sense of personal and cultural dislocation. Graduating from high school in 1951, Jones attended Rutgers University on a science scholarship in the fall of that year. As he later wryly observed: "I had to go to Rutgers before I found people who thought grits were meant to be eaten with milk and sugar, instead of gravy and pork sausage ... and that's one of the reasons I left." Jones transferred to Howard University in 1952, where his interests shifted to philosophy, religion, German, and English literature. He would later single out Howard University as the symbolic capstone of the black bourgeoisie, observing in one of his essays: "Howard University shocked me into realizing how desperately sick the Negro could be, how he could be led into self-destruction and how he would not realize that it was the society that had forced him into a great sickness...." Nevertheless, Jones clearly derived both social and intellectual benefits from attending Howard, studying with such prominent Afro-American scholars and teachers as E. Franklin Frazier, Nathan A. Scott, Jr., who taught a course on Dante, and Sterling A. Brown , widely regarded as the patriarch of Afro-American literary critics. Sterling Brown 's influence was particularly important for Jones because Brown also conducted informal classes on black music. Jones and A.B. Spellman , one of the few black poets whose works later appeared in the pages of Jones's avant-garde literary magazine Yugen, both attended these gatherings regularly.
琼斯是纽瓦克公立学校系统的产物，曾就读于中央大道学校，是少数几位进入巴林格高中的黑人学生之一——这一事实可能加剧了他个人和文化上的错位感。1951 年高中毕业后，琼斯获得科学奖学金进入罗格斯大学就读。正如他后来讽刺地观察到的：“我必须去罗格斯大学才发现有人认为燕麦粥应该配牛奶和糖一起吃，而不是配肉汁和猪肉香肠……这也是我离开的原因之一。”琼斯于 1952 年转入霍华德大学，他的兴趣转向哲学、宗教、德语和英国文学。他后来将霍华德大学视为黑人资产阶级的象征性巅峰，他在一篇文章中观察到：“霍华德大学让我震惊地意识到黑人可能有多么绝望地生病，他如何被引导走向自我毁灭，以及他不会意识到是社会迫使他陷入了一场巨大的疾病……”然而，琼斯显然从霍华德大学获得了社会和智力上的好处，与如此杰出的非裔美国学者和教师一起学习，如 E.富兰克林·弗雷泽，纳撒尼尔·斯科特，以及教授但丁课程的斯特林·A·布朗，被广泛认为是非裔美国文学评论家之父。布朗的影响对琼斯尤为重要，因为布朗还组织了关于黑人音乐的非正式课程。琼斯和 A.B.斯佩尔曼，是少数几位后来作品出现在琼斯的前卫文学杂志《幽玄》上的黑人诗人之一，两人都经常参加这些聚会。

Jones enlisted in the U.S. Air Force in October 1954. After basic training in South Carolina, he was assigned as a weatherman and gunner on a B-36 in Puerto Rico. Although biographical sketches about Jones sometimes report that he traveled extensively in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East during this period, he spent most of his time stationed at the Strategic Air Command post in Puerto Rico, with his overseas travel limited almost exclusively to Germany.
琼斯于 1954 年 10 月入伍美国空军。在南卡罗来纳州接受基本训练后，他被分配为一架 B-36 轰炸机的气象员和射手，驻扎在波多黎各。尽管关于琼斯的传记有时会提到他在这段时期在欧洲、非洲和中东地区进行了大量旅行，但他大部分时间都驻扎在波多黎各的战略空军司令部，海外旅行几乎完全限于德国。

Jones's return to civilian life in January 1957 coincided with an auspicious moment in American cultural and political life, a period of intellectual ferment, radical experimentation in the arts, and incipient social conflict. Allen Ginsberg 's sensational reading of Howl at the Six Gallery in San Francisco in 1955 had attracted widespread public attention and announced the emergence of the Beat generation. Another significant expression of rebellion against the dominant practices of poetry and criticism appeared in the pages of Black Mountain Review, organized by Charles Olson and Robert Creeley at North Carolina's experimental Black Mountain College. Published between 1954 and 1957, the Black Mountain Review featured the works of many poets whom Jones would later claim as his contemporaries and close associates. When the decision was made to shut down Black Mountain College in 1956, the community dispersed, some to California, others to New York's Greenwich Village. The Cedar Street Tavern, a bar made popular by internationally known abstractionist painters Jackson Pollock, Franz Kline, Willem de Kooning, and other New York School artists, soon became the gathering spot for Ginsberg, Gregory Corso , some of the Black Mountain poets, and other artists and intellectuals. At the same time, the opening of the Thelonious Monk Quartet at the Five Spot in 1957 (with John Coltrane, tenor saxophone; Wilbur Ware, bass; and Shadow Wilson, drums) signaled the arrival of what Jones was later to dub the "new music"--an important dimension of the cultural ambience of Greenwich Village. All of these diverse literary and cultural influences shaped the direction of Jones's life and art.
琼斯于 1957 年 1 月回归平民生活，正值美国文化和政治生活中的一个吉祥时刻，这是一个知识的发酵期，艺术领域的激进实验和初期社会冲突。艾伦·金斯伯格在 1955 年在旧金山的六画廊进行的《嚎叫》感人朗诵引起了广泛的公众关注，并宣告了“垮掉的一代”的出现。另一个对主流诗歌和批评实践进行反叛的重要表达出现在北卡罗来纳州实验性的黑山学院的查尔斯·奥尔森和罗伯特·克里利组织的《黑山评论》的页面上。《黑山评论》出版于 1954 年至 1957 年，展示了许多诗人的作品，琼斯后来将他们称为自己的同时代人和亲密伙伴。1956 年决定关闭黑山学院时，社区解散，一些人前往加利福尼亚，其他人前往纽约的格林威治村。 塞达街酒馆是由国际知名的抽象画家杰克逊·波洛克、弗朗茨·克莱因、威廉·德库宁等纽约学派艺术家所推崇的酒吧，很快成为金斯伯格、格雷戈里·科索以及一些黑山诗人和其他艺术家和知识分子的聚会场所。与此同时，1957 年在 Five Spot 开业的塞隆尼厄斯·蒙克四重奏（约翰·科尔特雷恩，次中音萨克斯风；威尔伯·韦尔，贝斯；沙多·威尔逊，鼓）标志着琼斯后来所称的“新音乐”的到来，这是格林威治村文化氛围的重要组成部分。所有这些不同的文学和文化影响塑造了琼斯生活和艺术的方向。

After returning to Newark briefly, Jones moved to Greenwich Village in 1957. While employed as a clerk at the Record Changermagazine, he met Hettie Roberta Cohen, a young Jewish woman who shared many of his interests in music and literature. Their relationship deepened and they were married on 13 October 1958. By that time, Hettie Cohen had become the advertising and business manager of Partisan Review, and it was in this journal that Jones issued one of his first published statements, a defense of the Beat Generation. For the Summer 1958 issue, Jones wrote a sharp response to critic Norman Podhoretz's article, "The Know-Nothing Bohemians." Declaring his aesthetic allegiance to Beat literature, Jones aligned himself with the literary innovations of Jack Kerouac and Allen Ginsberg , while attacking Podhoretz as an example of the entrenched cultural and literary values the Beats were challenging. Beat literature, he declared, was "less a movement than a reaction against ... fifteen years of sterile unreadable magazine poetry...." Jones maintained that writers of his generation "must resort to violence in literature, a kind of violence that has in such a short time begun to shake us out of the woeful literary sterility which characterized the 40's...." Turning to Podhoretz's contention that "Bohemianism ... is for the Negro a means of entry into the world of whites...," Jones argued: "Harlem is today the veritable capital city of the Black Bourgeoisie. The Negro Bohemian's flight from Harlem is not a flight from the world of color but the flight of any would-be Bohemian from what Mr. Podhoretz himself calls 'the provinciality, philistinism, and moral hypocrisy of American life.'"
琼斯在 1957 年搬到格林威治村之前曾短暂回到纽瓦克。在《唱片变革者》杂志担任职员期间，他遇见了海蒂·罗伯塔·科恩，一个年轻的犹太女性，她和琼斯在音乐和文学方面有许多共同之处。他们的关系逐渐加深，于 1958 年 10 月 13 日结为夫妻。海蒂·科恩当时已成为《党派评论》的广告和业务经理，在这本杂志上，琼斯发表了他的第一篇发表声明之一，为“垮掉的一代”辩护。在 1958 年夏季刊上，琼斯对评论家诺曼·波多赫雷兹的文章《无知波西米亚人》做出了尖锐回应。他宣称自己审美上忠于“垮掉的一代”文学，将自己与杰克·凯鲁亚克和艾伦·金斯伯格等人的文学创新联系起来，同时抨击波多赫雷兹是“根深蒂固的文化和文学价值观”的典范，而这正是“垮掉的一代”正在挑战的。他宣称，“垮掉的一代”文学“不是一个运动，而是对……十五年无趣难读的杂志诗歌的反抗”。琼斯坚持认为，他那一代的作家“必须在文学中诉诸暴力，一种在如此短的时间内开始摆脱 40 年代所特有的可悲文学贫瘠的暴力......” 转向波多雷兹的主张，“波西米亚主义......对于黑人来说是进入白人世界的手段......”，琼斯认为：“哈莱姆如今是黑人资产阶级的真正首府。黑人波西米亚人从哈莱姆逃离，并非逃离色彩世界，而是任何想要成为波西米亚人的人从波多雷兹先生所称的‘美国生活的地方性、庸俗主义和道德虚伪’中逃离。I'm sorry, but it seems like you haven't provided the source text for translation. Please provide the text you would like me to translate into Simplified Chinese

Jones's attack on Podhoretz suggested some of the social attitudes and aesthetic strategies characteristic of his early work. He typically defined literary and cultural movements in both personal and generational terms, revealing an iconoclastic and irreverent disdain for the past. More specifically, he sought to locate himself within an aesthetic tradition defined by the poetic practices of his contemporaries, the "new" poets of the 1950s, many of whom claimed Ezra Pound and William Carlos Williams as their literary ancestors. As Jones wrote in "How You Sound?," a personal statement included in Donald M. Allen's The New American Poetry: 1945-1960: "For me, Lorca, Williams, Pound and Charles Olson have had the greatest influence. Eliot, earlier (rhetoric can be so lovely, for a time ... but only remains so for the rhetorician). And there are so many young wizards around now doing great things that everybody calling himself poet can learn from ... Whalen, Snyder, McClure, O'Hara, Loewinsohn, Wieners, Creeley, Ginsberg &cc. &cc. &cc." Of all of the poets Jones cited, Allen Ginsberg was one of the most influential. Struck by the power of Howl, a poem Jones later described as "the single most important poetic influence of the period," he wrote Ginsberg a letter on a piece of toilet paper and sent it to him in Paris. Ginsberg responded, including some of his poetry for Yugen , which Jones and his wife were organizing, as well as work from Philip Whalen , Gregory Corso , Gary Snyder , Jack Kerouac , Frank O'Hara , and many other poets. Ginsberg also encouraged Jones's efforts by circulating his name throughout the literary community. Jones and Ginsberg met in Greenwich Village in 1958. He recalled the experience in a recent article for the Village Voice: "Ginsberg began introducing me to a score of other people. But more important, he explained to me what he was doing poetically and ran down an oral history of Western poetry from Chris Smart and Blake, through Whitman and William C. Williams to the present. We talked endlessly about poetry, about prosody, about literature and it is clear to me that my poetry would not have evolved as it has without AG's ideas. He let me in on poetry as a living phenomenon, a world of human concern, and literature as a breathing force in one's life, the task of a lifetime. I absorbed and grew because of these ideas, and even in resisting some of Ginsberg's other ideas, I still grew and developed because of contact with them."
琼斯对波多雷茨的攻击显示了他早期作品中一些社会态度和审美策略的特点。他通常以个人和代际术语定义文学和文化运动，展现了对过去的偶像破坏和不敬。更具体地说，他试图将自己定位在一个由他的同时代诗人的诗歌实践所定义的审美传统中，这些诗人是 20 世纪 50 年代的“新”诗人，其中许多人声称埃兹拉·庞德和威廉·卡洛斯·威廉姆斯是他们的文学祖先。正如琼斯在唐纳德·M·艾伦的《新美国诗歌：1945-1960》中的个人声明“你听起来怎么样？”中所写道：“对我来说，洛尔卡、威廉姆斯、庞德和查尔斯·奥尔森产生了最大的影响。艾略特，早期（修辞可以如此美丽，有一段时间...但只对修辞家而言如此）。现在有很多年轻的巫师在做伟大的事情，每个自称诗人的人都可以向他们学习...韦伦、斯奈德、麦克卢尔、奥哈拉、洛因索恩、维纳斯、克里利、金斯伯格等等。”琼斯引用的诗人中，艾伦·金斯伯格是其中最有影响力的之一。 受霍尔的力量所感动，琼斯后来将其描述为“那个时期最重要的诗歌影响”，他在一张卫生纸上给金斯伯格写了一封信，并寄给了他在巴黎。金斯伯格回信，附上了一些他为《幽玄》写的诗歌，琼斯和他的妻子正在组织这本杂志，还有菲利普·韦伦、格雷戈里·科索、加里·斯奈德、杰克·凯鲁亚克、弗兰克·奥哈拉等诗人的作品。金斯伯格还通过文学界广泛宣传琼斯的名字，支持他的努力。琼斯和金斯伯格于 1958 年在格林威治村相遇。他在最近为《村声》撰写的一篇文章中回忆了这段经历：“金斯伯格开始向我介绍其他许多人。但更重要的是，他向我解释了他在诗歌上的创作，并从克里斯·斯马特和布莱克，经过惠特曼和威廉·C·威廉斯，一直到现在的西方诗歌的口头历史。我们无休止地谈论诗歌、韵律学、文学，我清楚地意识到，如果没有金斯伯格的想法，我的诗歌不会像现在这样发展。” 他让我了解诗歌作为一个活生生的现象，一个充满人类关怀的世界，文学作为生活中的一股呼吸力量，是一生的任务。我吸收并成长于这些观念，即使在抵制金斯伯格的其他一些观念时，我也因与之接触而仍然成长和发展。"

In March 1958, Jones and his wife published the first issue of Yugen, which ran eight issues before it ceased publication in December 1962. One of the first journals on the New York literary scene to devote itself to the "new" poetry, Yugen featured contributions from Ginsberg, Corso, Diane DiPrima , Gary Snyder , Bob Hamilton, William Burroughs, Joel Oppenheimer , Charles Olson , and many others. As editor, Jones accepted works by friends and associates from the Beats, the Black Mountain School, and the New York School--all of whom shared a loose affinity with the "New American Poetry."
1958 年 3 月，琼斯和他的妻子出版了《幽玄》的第一期，该杂志共出版了八期，于 1962 年 12 月停刊。作为纽约文学界最早致力于“新诗歌”的杂志之一，《幽玄》刊登了金斯伯格、科索、黛安·迪普里玛、盖瑞·斯奈德、鲍勃·汉密尔顿、威廉·博洛斯、乔尔·奥本海默、查尔斯·奥尔森等人的作品。作为编辑，琼斯接受了来自“垮掉派”、黑山诗歌学派和纽约诗歌学派的朋友和同事的作品，他们都与“新美国诗歌”有着松散的联系。

In 1958, Jones established Totem Press. During 1958 and 1959 he edited and published Charles Olson 's Projective Verse, Michael McClure 's For Artaud, Diane DiPrima 's This Kind of Bird Flies Backward , and Ron Loewinsohn's Watermelons, and other literary broadsides. Beginning in 1960, Totem Press, in conjunction with Ted Wilentz's Corinth Books, published a number of books of contemporary poetry, including Kerouac's The Script of the Golden Eternity , Frank O'Hara 's Second Avenue, Gary Snyder 's Myths and Texts, and Ginsberg's Empty Mirror. Jones's first volume of poetry, Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note.... (1961), was also published by Totem Press/Corinth Books. Jones's efforts on behalf of Yugen and Totem Press quickly established him as a leading figure on the New York literary scene. In his reminiscences of life in the Greenwich Village literary community during the 1950s and 1960s, Gilbert Sorrentino recalled Jones as a dynamic presence in the village: "LeRoi Jones had a magnetic and powerful personality, and his magazine immediately began to flourish--so much so, in fact, that the poets and writers who contributed to it and who were drawn to Jones' apartment (first on West 20th Street in Chelsea and later on East 14th Street) became known as the Yugen crowd.' Jones had informal gatherings in his apartment for readings, discussions, talk, and drinking, and often these gatherings would turn into all-night parties. A not at all atypical party at Jones' would include Selby, Rumaker, Kerouac, Ginsberg, Bremser, Corso, Rosenthal, Oppenheimer, Finstein, and, when they were in New York, Wieners, George Stanley, Dorn, and Burroughs. There was often music played by Ornette Coleman, Archie Shepp, Wilbur Ware, and Don Cherry. About 1960 or so, Frank O'Hara , Koch, Bill Berkson and other people of the New York School also began to frequent Jones' place. It assumed the character of a freewheeling and noisy salon." During the same period, Jones began to write prolifically, contributing poetry, book reviews, and jazz criticism to such little magazines as Yugen, Naked Ear, Quicksilver, Hearse, Odyssey, Penny Poems, White Dove Review, Mutiny, Jazz Review, and Metronome.
1958 年，琼斯建立了图腾出版社。在 1958 年和 1959 年期间，他编辑并出版了查尔斯·奥尔森的《投射诗歌》，迈克尔·麦克卢尔的《给阿尔托的》，黛安·迪普里玛的《这种鸟是倒飞的》，以及罗恩·洛因索恩的《西瓜》，以及其他文学小册子。从 1960 年开始，图腾出版社与泰德·威伦兹的科林斯书籍合作，出版了许多当代诗歌作品，包括克鲁克的《金色永恒的剧本》，弗兰克·奥哈拉的《第二大道》，盖瑞·斯奈德的《神话与文本》，以及金斯伯格的《空镜子》。琼斯的第一部诗集《二十卷自杀注释的序言》（1961 年）也由图腾出版社/科林斯书籍出版。琼斯为《幽玄》和图腾出版社所做的努力迅速使他成为纽约文学界的重要人物。 在吉尔伯特·索伦蒂诺回忆起 20 世纪 50 年代和 60 年代格林威治村文学社区生活时，他回忆起琼斯在村里的活跃形象：“勒罗伊·琼斯拥有一个有吸引力和强大的个性，他的杂志立即开始蓬勃发展——事实上，为它做出贡献并被吸引到琼斯公寓（最初位于切尔西西 20 街，后来位于东 14 街）的诗人和作家被称为‘幽玄派’。”琼斯在他的公寓里举办非正式聚会，进行朗诵、讨论、交谈和饮酒，而且这些聚会经常持续到通宵达旦。在琼斯的一次典型聚会上，参与者包括塞尔比、鲁马克、凯鲁亚克、金斯伯格、布莱姆瑟、科索、罗森塔尔、奥本海默、芬斯坦，以及当他们在纽约时的维纳斯、乔治·斯坦利、多恩和巴勒斯。常常有奥内特·科尔曼、阿奇·谢普、威尔伯·韦尔和唐·切里演奏音乐。大约在 1960 年左右，弗兰克·奥哈拉、科赫、比尔·伯克森和纽约学派的其他人也开始经常光顾琼斯的地方。这个地方变得像一个自由奔放且喧闹的沙龙。在同一时期，琼斯开始大量写作，为《幽玄》、《赤裸的耳朵》、《水银》、《灵车》、《奥德赛》、《便士诗》、《白鸽评论》、《叛变》、《爵士评论》和《节拍器》等小杂志撰写诗歌、书评和爵士乐评论。

Among his literary ancestors, Jones cited William Carlos Williams as an important guide, pointing out during an interview that Williams taught him "how to write in my own language--how to write the way I speak rather than the way I think a poem ought to be written--to write just the way it comes to me, in my own speech, utilizing the rhythms of speech rather than any kind of metrical concept. To talk verse. Spoken verse."
在他的文学前辈中，琼斯将威廉·卡洛斯·威廉姆斯视为一位重要的指导者。在一次采访中指出，威廉姆斯教会了他“如何用自己的语言写作--如何用我说话的方式而不是我认为诗应该写的方式来写作--用我说话的方式写作，利用语言的节奏而不是任何一种韵律概念。说诗。口语诗。”

At the same time, Jones acknowledged an important debt to Kerouac. In 1959, he wrote a letter to Evergreen Review praising Kerouac's essay, "Essentials of Spontaneous Prose." In his essay, Kerouac invoked the popular Beat image of the poet as jazz musician to define the act of literary creation as an "undisturbed flow from the mind of personal secret idea-words, blowing (as per jazz musician) on subject of image." Pursuing the musical analogy, Kerouac called for the dismantling of conventional poetic and metrical structures, describing instead a system of composition based on breath pauses: "No periods separating sentence-structures already arbitrarily riddled by false colons and timid usually needless commas--but the vigorous space dash separating rhetorical breathing (as jazz musician drawing breath between outblown phrases)." Jones's intimate acquaintance with black music and with the "new" black music springing up in Greenwich Village and the lower East Side made him unusually alert to the implications of music for his own poetry. He seized upon Kerouac's essay as an important aesthetic statement and later included it in his anthology of contemporary writing, The Moderns: An Anthology of New Writing in America (1963).
与此同时，琼斯承认自己对克鲁亚克有着重要的债务。1959 年，他写信给《常青评论》（Evergreen Review）赞扬克鲁亚克的文章《即兴散文的要义》。在他的文章中，克鲁亚克援引了流行的垮掉派形象，将诗人比作爵士乐手，将文学创作定义为“从个人秘密思想词汇的头脑中无干扰地流出，吹奏（如同爵士乐手）关于形象的主题”。延续音乐的类比，克鲁亚克呼吁拆除传统的诗歌和韵律结构，而是描述了一种基于呼吸停顿的创作系统：“没有句号分隔已经被虚假的冒号和胆怯通常是不必要的逗号任意刺破的句子结构——而是有力的空格破折号分隔修辞呼吸（如同爵士乐手在吹奏短语之间吸气）”。琼斯对黑人音乐以及在格林尼治村和下东区兴起的“新”黑人音乐的亲密了解使他对音乐对自己诗歌的意义异常敏感。 他将克鲁亚克的论文视为一项重要的美学声明，并后来将其收入了他的当代写作选集《现代人：美国新写作选集》（1963 年）。

Another important personal and literary influence was Charles Olson , a leading figure in contemporary American poetry. In his capacity as editor of Yugen, Jones wrote to Olson in 1958, initiating a correspondence and personal friendship that continued through the mid-1960s. Olson's definition of a poem as a "high-energy construct," an "OPEN" field in which "ONE PERCEPTION MUST IMMEDIATELY AND DIRECTLY LEAD TO A FURTHER PERCEPTION," was an important influence on Jones's poetic practice. Olson's ideas about open poetry, poetic energy, speech-force, and the manipulation of typographical space to correspond to breath pauses were all ideas Jones appropriated for his own use.
另一个重要的个人和文学影响是查尔斯·奥尔森，他是当代美国诗歌的重要人物。作为《幽玄》杂志的编辑，琼斯在 1958 年写信给奥尔森，开始了一段通信和个人友谊，这段友谊一直持续到 1960 年代中期。奥尔森将诗歌定义为“高能量结构”，是一个“开放”的领域，其中“一个感知必须立即和直接地导致另一个感知”，这对琼斯的诗歌实践产生了重要影响。奥尔森关于开放诗歌、诗歌能量、语言力量以及利用排版空间来对应呼吸停顿的想法，都是琼斯为自己所采纳的想法。

Although Jones closely identified himself with many aesthetic strategies of his contemporaries, he nevertheless emerged as a distinctive poet in his own right. His first collection of poetry, Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note ...., introduced the range of his early aesthetic concerns as well as his thematic preoccupations. The title of the collection is ironic. In William Fischer's words: "To bring so much heavy apparatus to bear--prefaces and volumes--on a mere note is to mock the ostensible value of the poems themselves." But the title also defines the posture of the narrator/poet, who is variously wry and sardonic, gentle and lyrical, or fiercely satiric, but always isolated and solipsistic, unable or unwilling to establish meaningful contact with the world. The title poem, for example, establishes a sharp contrast between the narrator's nihilism and his daughter's religious faith:
尽管琼斯与许多同代诗人的审美策略密切相关，但他仍然以自己独特的方式成为一位杰出的诗人。他的第一本诗集《致二十卷自杀笔记的序言》......，介绍了他早期审美关注的范围以及他的主题关注点。这个集合的标题是讽刺的。用威廉·费舍尔的话来说：“为了在一个简单的笔记上使用如此沉重的设备——序言和卷册——是在嘲笑诗歌本身的表面价值。”但这个标题也定义了叙述者/诗人的姿态，他或许是讽刺和嘲讽的，温和而抒情的，或者是犀利的讽刺，但总是孤立和自我中心，无法或不愿与世界建立有意义的联系。例如，标题诗建立了叙述者的虚无主义与他女儿的宗教信仰之间的鲜明对比：

The narrator's awareness of his own spiritual malaise initiates what Lee Jacobus calls the "quest for moral order," one of the underlying themes of Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note.... At the same time, the narrator reveals a sense of ironic detachment, of playfulness and wit--often at his own expense. One of the best poems in Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note...., "Hymn For Lanie Poo," ridicules the behavior of the black bourgeoisie but also reserves some of its sharpest satiric thrusts for the figure of the black bohemian. One of the few poems in the collection to suggest the emergence of a distinctively Afro-American voice, "Hymn For Lanie Poo" presents a subtle tension between the narrative voice and the values and symbols of a stifling, predominantly white, American culture, represented in the poem by:
叙述者对自己精神困顿的意识引发了李·雅各布斯所称的“道德秩序追求”，这是《致二十卷自杀笔记的序言》的潜在主题之一.... 与此同时，叙述者展现出一种讽刺的超然态度，一种嬉戏和机智——常常是以自己为代价。《致二十卷自杀笔记的序言》中最好的诗之一，《为兰尼·普的赞美诗》，嘲笑了黑人资产阶级的行为，但也为黑人波西米亚人物保留了一些最尖锐的讽刺力量。在整个系列中为数不多的几首诗之一，暗示了一个独特的非裔美国人声音的出现，《为兰尼·普的赞美诗》呈现了叙述声音与一个令人窒息的、主要是白人的美国文化的价值观和象征之间的微妙张力，在诗中由以下形象代表：

Another group of poems is concerned with the narrator's "maudlin nostalgia" for the popular culture and superheroes of his youth. On the one hand, these poems suggest a tension between adulthood and childhood, an attempt to recover the lost innocence of youth. On the other hand, Jones often uses popular culture as a means of inverting and assaulting the values of American society. His choice of popular heroes reveals a strong preference for characters who don disguises, who lead secret and adventurous lives beneath the placid surface of daily existence. Jones's ironic awareness of himself as a black poet often breaks in and inverts some of the meanings associated with these popular figures:
另一组诗歌关注叙述者对他年轻时流行文化和超级英雄的“感伤怀旧”。一方面，这些诗歌暗示着成年和童年之间的紧张关系，试图重拾失去的青春天真。另一方面，琼斯经常利用流行文化来颠倒和攻击美国社会的价值观。他选择流行英雄表明了对那些戴着假面具、在日常生活表面下过着秘密和冒险生活的角色的偏爱。琼斯对自己作为一名黑人诗人的讽刺意识经常插入其中，并颠覆了与这些流行人物相关联的一些含义。

Yet another group of poems treats the literary context of the poet himself. "To a Publisher ... cut-out" begins by attacking publishers for their commercialism and concludes with commentary on the act of writing poetry. Poems like "One Night Stand" and "Way Out West," addressed to Ginsberg and Gary Snyder respectively, suggest some discomfort with the literary preoccupations of his contemporaries, a mood which culminates in "The Bridge." Jones's pun on musical terminology (the "bridge" refers to that passage of a jazz composition which leads players back to the main melody) suggests something of the journey Jones's narrator feels compelled to make: a journey back to his own cultural antecedents, particularly as they are symbolized by black music. The poem begins on a note of spiritual dislocation ("I have forgotten the head / of where I am...."), moves to an actual crossing ("I can't see the bridge now, I've past/it...."), and ends with an uncertain resolution. Some of the poems in Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note.... do suggest the possibility of a regenerative process, the stirring of a new, dark energy. Poems like "The Turncoat," "The Clearing," "Theory of Art," and "The New Sheriff" begin a movement away from the self-preoccupation of the earlier poems. This movement is heralded by "Betancourt," dedicated to Rubi Betancourt whom Jones met during his trip to Cuba in 1960. "Betancourt" suggests the struggle of the narrator to achieve a new basis for his art, one which will require him to disengage himself from the stifling influences of his immediate artistic and social environment:
另一组诗歌涉及诗人本身的文学背景。《致一位出版商...剪贴》一开始就抨击出版商的商业主义，最后评论了写诗的行为。像《一夜情》和《西部出口》这样的诗歌分别致给金斯伯格和加里·斯奈德，暗示了对他同时代人文学关注的某种不适，这种情绪在《桥》中达到顶点。琼斯对音乐术语的双关语（“桥”指的是爵士乐曲中引导演奏者回到主旋律的那一段）暗示了琼斯叙述者感到被迫进行的旅程：回到自己的文化先驱，尤其是被黑人音乐象征的部分。这首诗以一种精神错位的音符开始（“我已经忘记了头/我在哪里....”），然后进行了一次实际的过渡（“我现在看不见桥了，我已经/过去了....”），最后以一个不确定的结局结束。《致一部二十卷自杀笔记的序言》中的一些诗歌确实暗示了再生过程的可能性，一种新的、黑暗的能量的激发。 诸如《叛徒》、《空地》、《艺术理论》和《新警长》等诗歌开始远离早期诗歌的自我专注。这一转变由《贝坦库尔》预示，该诗献给鲁比·贝坦库尔，琼斯在 1960 年访问古巴时认识了她。“贝坦库尔”表明叙述者为实现他的艺术的新基础而努力，这将要求他摆脱他当前的艺术和社会环境的压抑影响

Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note.... established Jones as a distinctive voice among the "new" American poets. Nevertheless, critical reception was mixed. Gilbert Sorrentino , a friend and literary associate, offered probably the most trenchant criticism of Jones's early poetry: "Thinks too fast for the words, too many typographical tricks, too many ocular distractions, parentheses, the words speed on, the thought struggles to catch up.... Too much junk in shape of side remarks, off the cuff comments on what has taken place in the narrative itself.... A feeling that you're being, somehow, tricked.... However a pro, should be fine if he gets tight, and cuts out what is prettiest."
《自杀笔记二十卷》的序言...确立了琼斯作为“新”美国诗人中独特的声音。然而，评论接受度褒贬不一。吉尔伯特·索伦蒂诺，一位朋友和文学伙伴，对琼斯早期诗歌提出了可能是最尖锐的批评：“思维速度过快，文字太多的排印技巧，太多的视觉干扰，括号，文字飞快前进，思想艰难追赶...形式上太多无关紧要的东西，随口评论叙事中发生的事情...一种被愚弄的感觉...然而，如果他能收敛自己，剪掉最漂亮的部分，应该会很好。”

Sorrentino's comments point to some of the difficulties of Jones's early poetry. Because it is the expression of an alienated and narcissistic self--one for whom reality is simply an extension of the narrator's subjective consciousness--it is often oblique, dependent on deeply personal references and symbols which do not convey single meanings.
索伦蒂诺的评论指出琼斯早期诗歌的一些困难。因为它是一个疏离和自恋自我的表达——对于这个自我来说，现实只是叙述者主观意识的延伸——它常常是含糊的，依赖于深层个人参照和符号，这些符号并不传达单一的意义。

Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note.... also attracted the attention of poet Denise Levertov . In a review of the work of Jones and several of his contemporaries, Levertov praised Jones's poetic talent. While acknowledging some of the obvious literary influences on his work, Levertov also pointed to several qualities which made Jones's poetry unique: the influence of jazz rhythms, for example, and a natural inclination for the incantatory. While she praised several of his poems, she also cautioned her readers that Jones's concern with public issues made it difficult to classify him as a predominantly lyric poet. Levertov's observation about the social and political impulses at work in Jones's early poetry was remarkably perceptive and prophetic. Jones was, in fact, beginning to move toward the heightened social awareness and political activism characteristic of his later career.
《致一位二十卷自杀笔记的序言》......也引起了诗人丹尼斯·莱弗托夫的关注。在对琼斯及其几位同时代人的作品进行评论时，莱弗托夫赞扬了琼斯的诗歌才华。在承认他的作品受到一些明显文学影响的同时，莱弗托夫还指出了几个使琼斯的诗歌独特的品质：例如爵士乐节奏的影响，以及对咒语式的自然倾向。虽然她赞扬了他的几首诗，但她也告诫读者，琼斯对公共问题的关注使得很难将他归类为主要是抒情诗人。莱弗托夫对琼斯早期诗歌中社会和政治冲动的观察是非常敏锐和预见性的。事实上，琼斯正在逐渐转向他后来职业特点的加强社会意识和政治活动。

To a great extent, the cultural milieu Jones and his literary and artistic contemporaries inhabited was a self-contained universe, one with its own intellectual climate and life-style. Nevertheless, events on the periphery of Greenwich Village and the lower East Side began to have a significant impact on Jones's outlook. He became increasingly absorbed in the development of the civil rights movement during the late 1950s, even though he was highly critical of its nonviolent tactics. Even more central to his political development was his trip to Cuba in July 1960.
在很大程度上，琼斯及其文学和艺术同行所处的文化环境是一个自成一体的宇宙，拥有自己的思想氛围和生活方式。然而，格林威治村和下东区边缘的事件开始对琼斯的观念产生重要影响。尽管他对非暴力策略持高度批评态度，但他在 20 世纪 50 年代末对民权运动的发展越来越感兴趣。对他政治发展更为核心的是他在 1960 年 7 月前往古巴的旅行。

At the invitation of the New York chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Jones, along with John Henrik Clarke, Julian Mayfield , Sarah Wright, Harold Cruse, Robert Williams, and other black artists and intellectuals, traveled to Cuba to participate in the annual July 26th celebration of Fidel Castro's first, unsuccessful attempt to launch the Cuban revolution by attacking the Moncada barracks. Cuba Libre (1961), Jones's account of his encounters with more politically active foreign writers who attended the celebration, is a remarkably honest document, one which signals his growing discomfort with his own aesthetic and social stance as well as with that of his fellow artists in Greenwich Village. In typical fashion, Jones quickly establishes a sharp distinction between his own sensibility and that of the majority of his traveling companions, describing some members of his group in mocking, satiric terms: "One embarrassingly dull (white) communist, his professional Negro (i.e., unstraightened hair, 1930's bohemian peasant blouses, etc., militant integrationist, etc.) wife who wrote embarrassingly inept social comment-type poems, usually about one or sometimes a group of Negroes being mistreated in general (usually in Alabama, etc.) Two middle-class young Negro ladies from Philadelphia.... One 1920's 'New Negro' type African scholar (one of those terrible examples of what the 'Harlem Renaissance' was at its worst)...."
受纽约公平对古巴委员会的邀请，琼斯与约翰·亨利克·克拉克、朱利安·梅菲尔德、莎拉·赖特、哈罗德·克鲁斯、罗伯特·威廉姆斯等黑人艺术家和知识分子一起前往古巴，参加每年一度的 7 月 26 日庆祝活动，纪念费德尔·卡斯特罗第一次未成功发动古巴革命，袭击蒙卡达兵营。琼斯的《古巴自由》（1961 年）记载了他与参加庆祝活动的更多政治活跃的外国作家的相遇，这是一份异常诚实的文件，表明他对自己的审美和社会立场以及格林威治村的其他艺术家的立场感到越来越不舒服。琼斯典型地迅速建立了自己的感知与大多数同行之间的鲜明区别，用嘲讽、讽刺的方式描述了他团队中的一些成员：“一个令人尴尬的乏味（白人）共产主义者，他的职业黑人（即未拉直的头发，上世纪 30 年代波西米亚风格的衬衫等，激进的融合主义者等。写出令人尴尬的社会评论类诗歌的妻子，通常是关于一个或一群黑人在一般情况下受到虐待（通常在阿拉巴马州等地）。来自费城的两位中产阶级年轻黑人女士……一位 20 世纪 20 年代的“新黑人”类型的非洲学者（这是“哈莱姆复兴”最糟糕的例子之一）…."

Jones would later appropriate many of the values he so freely mocked, but in 1960 he approached politics with the distrust of ideology characteristic of his contemporaries. As the essay proceeds, however, Jones's view of himself and of the world comes under increasingly sharp scrutiny and attack from many of the delegates he meets, a process he charts with a remarkable degree of detachment. Challenged by Rubi Betancourt and other young Latin American writers about his political naiveté, Jones can only respond defensively: "Look, why jump on me? ... I'm a poet ... what can I do? I write, that's all, I'm not even interested in politics."
琼斯后来会占有他曾经自由嘲笑的许多价值观，但在 1960 年，他对待政治的态度充满了对意识形态的不信任，这是他那个时代的特点。然而，随着论文的进行，琼斯对自己和世界的看法受到越来越严厉的审查和攻击，来自他所遇到的许多代表，他以一种非常超然的态度记录了这一过程。在拉丁美洲年轻作家鲁比·贝坦库尔特和其他人对他的政治幼稚提出质疑时，琼斯只能进行防御性回应：“看，为什么要抓住我不放？...我是个诗人...我能做什么呢？我只是写作，仅此而已，我甚至对政治都不感兴趣。”

Although he was jolted by sharp exchanges with the Latin American writers and intellectuals he met in Cuba, Jones did not immediately formulate a new aesthetic code or political direction. While he sensed the limitations of his own social and political views, he was unable to propose meaningful alternatives to them, and Cuba Libre moves toward a pessimistic conclusion: "The rebels among us have become merely people like myself who grow beards and will not participate in politics.... But name an alternative here. Something not inextricably bound up in a lie. Something not part of liberal stupidity or the actual filth of vested interest. There is none. It's much too late. We are an old people already. Even the vitality of our art is like bright flowers growing up through a rotting carcass."
尽管琼斯与在古巴遇到的拉丁美洲作家和知识分子之间的激烈交流使他震惊，但他并没有立即制定新的审美准则或政治方向。虽然他意识到自己社会和政治观念的局限性，但他无法提出有意义的替代方案，而《古巴自由》朝着悲观的结论发展：“我们中的叛逆者已经变成了像我这样留胡须、不参与政治的人……但在这里提出一个替代方案。一个不与谎言密不可分的东西。一个不是自由主义愚蠢或既得利益的实际肮脏的一部分。没有。现在已经太晚了。我们已经是一个老年人。即使我们的艺术的活力也像鲜花从腐烂的尸体中长出一样。”

Jones nevertheless returned from Cuba with a heightened sense of his own social and political mission, becoming increasingly involved in radical politics. Back in Greenwich Village, he organized the Organization of Young Men, a group of black artists and intellectuals including Alvin Simon, A.B. Spellman , Bob Thompson, and Bill White. At the same time, Jones was beginning to venture from the Village to Harlem, taking the first steps in a symbolic journey "home to Harlem" which would culminate with his involvement in the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School during the mid-1960s. Harold Cruse, a perceptive social critic and a veteran observer of the Harlem political scene, recalled meeting Jones periodically during these years: "At the time, Jones appeared very quiet, unassuming, reticent, even meek--although curious about everything. But thinking back, one wonders if perhaps his inner personality had not been grossly misinterpreted."
琼斯从古巴回来后，对自己的社会和政治使命有了更加明显的意识，逐渐深入参与激进政治。回到格林威治村后，他组织了青年组织，这是一个由黑人艺术家和知识分子组成的团体，包括阿尔文·西蒙、A.B.斯佩尔曼、鲍勃·汤普森和比尔·怀特。与此同时，琼斯开始从村庄走向哈莱姆，迈出象征性的“回到哈莱姆”的第一步，这一旅程最终将在 60 年代中期他参与黑人艺术复兴剧院/学校时达到高潮。哈罗德·克鲁斯，一个敏锐的社会评论家和哈莱姆政治现场的资深观察者，在这些年里定期会见琼斯：“当时，琼斯显得非常安静、谦逊、沉默，甚至温顺——尽管对一切都很好奇。但回想起来，人们不禁怀疑，也许他的内在个性并没有被严重误解。”

Jones helped organize an interracial Harlem group, the On Guard For Freedom Committee, in 1961. Organized to address themselves to national and international issues, members of the On Guard For Freedom Committee participated in the violent demonstrations at the United Nations after the murder of Congo prime minister, Patrice Lumumba, in February 1961. They also supported Robert F. Williams, an NAACP leader in Monroe, North Carolina, who had gained national attention for advocating armed self-defense for the black community in Monroe. Jones also worked with the Monroe Defense Committee (formed after Williams fled the South to avoid false charges of kidnapping and assault) and was elected president of the New York chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in late 1961.
琼斯在 1961 年帮助组织了一个跨种族的哈莱姆团体，名为“为自由而戒备委员会”。该委员会旨在处理国家和国际问题，其成员参与了 1961 年 2 月刚果总理帕特里斯·卢蒙巴被谋杀后在联合国举行的暴力示威活动。他们还支持了罗伯特·F·威廉姆斯，一个在北卡罗来纳州门罗市的 NAACP 领袖，他因主张门罗市黑人社区进行武装自卫而引起了全国关注。琼斯还与门罗市辩护委员会合作（该委员会是在威廉姆斯逃离南方以避免被控绑架和袭击后成立的），并于 1961 年底当选为古巴公平游戏委员会纽约分会主席。

During these early years, Jones's outlook was far removed from the militant antiwhite stance he would assume in the mid-1960s. According to Harold Cruse, Jones disagreed with black nationalists in the On Guard For Freedom Committee who objected to the presence of whites at their meetings. Further, Jones argued, he could not understand why blacks in Harlem should hate whites.

At this stage in his career, Jones seemed to define his social role as a mediator between the black and white communities. He was becoming increasingly responsive to the cultural and political dynamics of the black community while attempting to bridge the gulf between Harlem and Greenwich Village at the same time.
在他职业生涯的这个阶段，琼斯似乎将自己的社会角色定义为黑人和白人社区之间的调解者。他越来越关注黑人社区的文化和政治动态，同时试图弥合哈莱姆和格林尼治村之间的鸿沟。

Jones's increased political involvement during this period did not detract from his prolific literary activity. In the spring of 1960, he became a contributing editor of Kulchur, an important little magazine devoted to commentary and criticism of literature, art, dance, film, jazz, politics, and popular culture. In early 1961, Jones and Diane DiPrima founded the Floating Bear, an underground newsletter which circulated works by aspiring writers among established members of New York's literary community. At approximately the same time, Jones, DiPrima, and several of their associates organized the American Theatre For Poets. Jones's involvement with the Floating Bear and the American Theatre For Poets soon led to his first clash with legal authorities, one of many which have marked his public career.
琼斯在这一时期的政治参与增加，并没有减少他丰富的文学活动。1960 年春天，他成为《Kulchur》的特约编辑，这是一本重要的小杂志，致力于评论和批评文学、艺术、舞蹈、电影、爵士乐、政治和流行文化。1961 年初，琼斯和黛安·迪普里玛创办了《漂浮熊》，这是一份地下通讯，旨在在纽约文学界的知名成员之间传播新人作家的作品。大约在同一时间，琼斯、迪普里玛和几位同事组织了美国诗人剧院。琼斯与《漂浮熊》和美国诗人剧院的参与很快导致了他与法律当局的第一次冲突，这是他公开职业生涯中的许多冲突之一。

The June 1961 issue of the Floating Bear included The Eighth Ditch, a short play published under the title Dante in Jones's experimental work, The System of Dante's Hell (1965). Distributed by mail, one copy of this issue was sent to an imprisoned poet at Rahway (New Jersey) State Prison, where it was intercepted by the prison authorities. Nothing further happened until the American Theatre for Poets scheduled its first performance of The Eighth Ditch. On 26 October 1961, Jones's apartment was raided by federal authorities and he was arrested, charged with sending obscenity through the mails. Diane DiPrima voluntarily surrendered later in the day, and the co-editors of the Floating Bear were released on their own recognizance. The American Theatre for Poets was also drawn into the affair and fined $25.00 for failing to obtain the proper license for special entertainment and sporting events. Jones successfully defended himself against the obscenity charge, however, and the case was dismissed.
1961 年 6 月的《漂浮熊报》杂志刊登了一部名为《第八沟渠》的短剧，发表在琼斯的实验作品《但丁地狱体系》（1965 年）中。这一期的杂志通过邮件分发，其中一份被寄往新泽西州拉赫韦（Rahway）州立监狱的一位被监禁的诗人，但被监狱当局截获。直到美国诗人剧院计划首次演出《第八沟渠》时，事情才有了进展。1961 年 10 月 26 日，琼斯的公寓遭到联邦当局突袭，他被逮捕，指控通过邮件发送淫秽物品。戴安娜·迪普里玛当天晚些时候自愿投案，而《漂浮熊报》的合编辑们则获得保释。美国诗人剧院也卷入了这场事件，因未获得特别娱乐和体育活动的合法许可而被罚款 25 美元。然而，琼斯成功地为自己辩护，免除了淫秽物品指控。

The Eighth Ditch is an extension, in dramatic form, of Jones's early poetic themes and preoccupations. Set in a black boy-scout camp in 1947, the play revolves around the dramatic encounter between two characters identified as 46 and 64. The protagonist of the play, 46 is typical of Jones's early personae: passive and self-preoccupied. The antagonist, 64, an "underprivileged" black youth, is both 46's foil and an unrecognized aspect of his consciousness--46's secret self. The play establishes a sharp contrast between these two characters, with black music functioning as an index of consciousness and awareness. For example, 46 identifies with the music of Flip Phillips and Nat King Cole, while 64 is closely associated with rhythm and blues. The central scene of the play is a graphic seduction scene in which 64 seeks to merge his consciousness with 46's: "I want you to remember me ... so you can narrate the sorrow of my life. (laughs) My inadequacies ... and yr own. I want to sit inside yr head & scream obscenities into your speech. I want my life forever wrought up with yours."
第八沟是琼斯早期诗歌主题和关注的戏剧形式延伸。该剧设定在 1947 年的一个黑人童子军营地，围绕着两个被标识为 46 和 64 的角色之间的戏剧性相遇展开。该剧的主人公 46 代表了琼斯早期的人物形象：被动且自我关注。反派角色 64 是一个“贫困”黑人青年，既是 46 的对立面，也是他意识中未被认识的一面——46 的秘密自我。该剧在这两个角色之间建立了鲜明对比，黑人音乐作为意识和觉知的指标。例如，46 认同 Flip Phillips 和 Nat King Cole 的音乐，而 64 则与节奏布鲁斯紧密相关。该剧的核心场景是一场生动的诱惑场景，64 试图将他的意识与 46 融合：“我希望你记住我…这样你就能叙述我的生活悲伤。(笑)我的不足…和你自己的。我想坐在你的脑袋里，向你的言语尖叫下流话。我希望我的生活永远与你的交织在一起。”

An early dramatic experiment, The Eighth Ditch is more an exploration of states of consciousness than a full-fledged play. Nevertheless, in its exploration of the theme of the divided self and in its use of the blues as a recurring motif, The Eighth Ditch anticipates the direction Jones's dramatic work would take in the future.
早期的戏剧实验《第八沟》更多地是对意识状态的探索，而不是一部完整的剧作。然而，在探讨分裂自我的主题以及运用蓝调作为反复出现的主题方面，《第八沟》预示了琼斯戏剧作品未来的发展方向。

The persistent allusions to the blues in The Eighth Ditch reveal the extent to which Jones, at an early stage in his career, was beginning to explore the aesthetic and cultural implications of black music for his own work. As a jazz promoter, he sponsored concerts in halls and lofts in Greenwich Village and the lower East Side, featuring many of the promising musicians who had become identified with what Jones later called the "new black music." And his jazz reviews and critical essays for Kulchur and other publications launched a critical assault upon the established canons of jazz criticism while paving the way for greater acceptance of the music of his black contemporaries.
《第八沟》中对蓝调音乐的持续暗示揭示了琼斯在职业生涯的早期阶段开始探索黑人音乐对他自己作品的审美和文化含义的程度。作为爵士音乐推广者，他赞助了格林威治村和下东区的大厅和阁楼上的音乐会，邀请了许多与琼斯后来所称的“新黑人音乐”联系紧密的有前途的音乐家。他为《库尔丘尔》和其他刊物撰写的爵士乐评论和评论性文章对爵士乐评论的既定规范发起了批判性攻击，为更广泛接受他的黑人同行的音乐铺平了道路。

Two important articles, both published in Metronome during 1961, suggest the direction Jones's art and politics would take during the early 1960s. "Blues, Black and White America" outlined the ideas which were fully developed in Jones's later path-blazing study of black music, Blues People.... Negro Music in White America (1963). In "The Jazz Avant Garde," he attempted to define the boundaries of contemporary black music. Arguing that there is a fundamental tension between African/Afro-American and Western/European-American music, Jones insisted that the ideas behind the music shaped the musician's characteristic approach, as opposed to the emphasis of some formalist critics on technical mastery. Although Jones's argument is not as fully developed as it would become in Blues People...., these two articles reveal a growing commitment to a cultural frame of reference defined by black music and the black musician. It was this dedication that led to Jones's conclusion that black music was the primary expressive language in Afro-American culture, as he stated in "The Myth of A Negro Literature" (collected in the 1966 work Home: Social Essays): "It is impossible to mention the achievements of the Negro in any area of artistic endeavor with as much significance as in spirituals, blues and jazz. There has never been an equivalent to Duke Ellington or Louis Armstrong in Negro writing, and even the best of contemporary literature written by Negroes cannot be compared to the fantastic beauty of the music of Charlie Parker."

Consistent with his own antimainstream, antibourgeois outlook, Jones celebrated precisely those values in Afro-American music, rooted in jazz and bebop, which remained most resistent to Western ideals and musical styles. This posture led Jones toward conclusions which had important implications for his perspective on Afro-American culture as well as for his own writing. It explains why, for example, allusions to black music are often so central to his work and why the figure of the black musician as a healer and shaper of consciousness appears with such frequency, particularly during the period when Jones emerged as a major cultural spokesman for black nationalism. Black music not only epitomized meaningful alternatives to the mainstream values of American society; it also pointed toward solutions to the problem of divided consciousness.
与他自己的反主流、反资产阶级的观点一致，琼斯正是在爵士乐和比博普音乐中庆祝那些根植于非裔美国音乐中、对西方理想和音乐风格最具抵抗力的价值观。这种立场使琼斯得出了对非裔美国文化以及自己写作观点具有重要影响的结论。这解释了为什么例如，对黑人音乐的暗示经常如此核心地出现在他的作品中，以及为什么黑人音乐家作为一个治愈者和意识塑造者的形象如此频繁地出现，特别是在琼斯成为黑人民族主义的主要文化代言人的时期。黑人音乐不仅体现了对美国社会主流价值观的有意义替代，也指向了解决分裂意识问题的途径。

While Jones argued that Afro-American music symbolized the depths of the estrangement of the black community from American society, he was not yet prepared to translate this awareness into a specific political vision. His public statements about race and culture during the years 1962 and 1963 often seemed ambivalent because they reflected Jones's own uncertainty at the time.
尽管琼斯认为非裔美国音乐象征着黑人社区与美国社会的疏离之深度，但他尚未准备将这种认识转化为具体的政治愿景。在 1962 年和 1963 年期间，他关于种族和文化的公开声明常常显得矛盾不一，因为它们反映了当时琼斯自己的不确定性。

In "Black is A Country" (collected in Home: Social Essays), the nationalist struggles in Asia, Africa, and Latin America were examples that blacks should follow in their own struggle for independence in the United States. Nevertheless, Jones derided the idea of a separate black society, insisting that "America is as much a black country as a white one. The lives and destinies of the white American are bound up inextricably with those of the black American...." In "City of Harlem" (also collected in Home), he celebrated Harlem as the capital of black America, a "community of nonconformists." In view of his attack on Harlem as the capital of the black bourgeoisie four years earlier, this article signaled an important ideological shift in his writing.
在《黑人是一个国家》（收录于《家园：社会论文》）中，亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的民族主义斗争是黑人在美国争取独立的榜样。然而，琼斯嘲笑了一个独立的黑人社会的想法，坚持认为“美国既是黑人的国家，也是白人的国家。白人美国人的生活和命运与黑人美国人的生活和命运密不可分……”在《哈莱姆之城》（同样收录于《家园》）中，他把哈莱姆称为黑人美国的首都，一个“不随波逐流的社区”。考虑到他四年前对哈莱姆作为黑人资产阶级之都的批评，这篇文章标志着他写作中的重要意识形态转变。

Many of the ideas Jones was grappling with during this period converged in Blues People ...., an analysis of the historical and cultural implications of Afro-American music. Polemical in tone, Blues People is not a scholarly work; rather, it is Jones's exploration of Afro-American music and an attempt to define its tradition in a meaningful way. In Blues People.... Jones argues that Afro-American music is "essentially the expression of an attitude, or a collection of attitudes, about the world," a "socio-cultural philosophy" emerging out of the historical realities of black life in the United States. Viewing black music as the record of the emotional history of black people in America, Jones charts its progress from its African origins to the emergence of the jazz avant-garde.
琼斯在这一时期所探讨的许多观念在《蓝调人》中汇聚在一起......，这是对非裔美国音乐历史和文化含义的分析。《蓝调人》的语调激烈，不是一部学术作品；相反，它是琼斯对非裔美国音乐的探索，以及试图以有意义的方式定义其传统。在《蓝调人》中......琼斯认为非裔美国音乐“本质上是一种态度的表达，或者说是关于世界的一系列态度”，是一种“社会文化哲学”，源自于美国黑人生活的历史现实。将黑人音乐视为美国黑人情感历史的记录，琼斯从其非洲起源到爵士前卫的出现，描绘了它的发展历程。

Although Jones insists upon recognizing the nationalist impulses at work in the black music he most admired, he nevertheless emphasizes the reciprocity of values which linked the jazz avant-garde to developments within American bohemia. In the conclusion to Blues People...., Jones celebrates Greenwich Village as "traditionally a breeding ground of American art and the open-air fraternity house of a kind of American Bohemianism," pointing to Charlie Parker as a model of the black artist who moved in bohemian society with relative ease. In Greenwich Village, he observes, "young Negro musicians now live as integral parts of that anonymous society to which the artist generally aspires. Their music, along with the products of other young American artists seriously involved with the revelation of contemporary truths, will help define that society, and, by contrast, the nature of the American society out of which those Americans have removed themselves." Jones thus concludes Blues People.... by stressing the common kinships, the aesthetic analogies, the similar stances which linked the community of artists and social rebels in the Village--a position he was to repudiate violently within two years.
尽管琼斯坚持认识到在他最钦佩的黑人音乐中起作用的民族主义冲动，但他仍然强调将爵士前卫与美国波西米亚内部发展联系起来的价值互惠关系。在《蓝调人民》的结论中，琼斯赞美格林威治村为“传统上是美国艺术的温床和一种美国波西米亚主义的户外联谊之地”，指出查理·帕克是一个模范，他是一个在波西米亚社会中相对轻松地生活的黑人艺术家。他观察到，在格林威治村，“年轻的黑人音乐家现在作为那个艺术家通常渴望成为一部分的匿名社会的组成部分生活。他们的音乐，连同其他认真揭示当代真相的年轻美国艺术家的作品，将有助于定义那个社会，并通过对比，定义那些美国人已经脱离的美国社会的本质。”琼斯因此得出《蓝调人民》的结论。 强调共同的亲属关系、美学类比、将艺术家群体和社会叛逆者联系在一起的相似立场——这是他在两年内强烈否认的立场。

Blues People was published to a very favorable critical reception. Widely regarded as a path-blazing work, it was soon published in British, Japanese, Mexican, French, and German editions. Two critics in particular made negative but perceptive observations about the ideological impulses at work in Blues People.... that provide deeper insight into the values underlying Jones's aesthetic judgments and cultural stance. Ralph Ellison complained that Jones's political views often interfered with his aesthetic judgments, suggesting that Jones's attempt to establish a strict correlation between race, socioeconomic class, and musical preference was muddled and oversimplified. Charles Keil praised Jones's work but attacked the "wild speculations, inconsistencies, misinformation, and absurd arguments that run through his early chapters on blues prehistory," pointing out Jones's tendency to shape his material to suit his argument.
《蓝调人》一书在出版后受到了非常好评。被广泛认为是一部开创性的作品，很快就在英国、日本、墨西哥、法国和德国出版了版本。两位评论家特别对蓝调人中的意识形态冲动进行了消极但有洞察力的观察......这些观察提供了更深入的洞察，揭示了琼斯审美判断和文化立场背后的价值观。拉尔夫·艾利森抱怨琼斯的政治观点经常干扰他的审美判断，暗示琼斯试图在种族、社会经济阶层和音乐偏好之间建立严格的相关性是混乱和过于简化的。查尔斯·凯尔赞扬琼斯的作品，但批评了“在他关于蓝调史前的早期章节中充斥着的狂野猜测、不一致、错误信息和荒谬论点”，指出琼斯倾向于塑造材料以适应他的论点。

Both Ellison and Keil exposed significant areas of tension, ambivalence, and confusion in Jones's cultural views. Although Jones continued to function within the intellectual milieu of Greenwich Village, by 1963 his work was beginning to reflect more strongly his conflicting feelings toward his environment. This tension is expressed in his second volume of poetry, The Dead Lecturer , published in 1964.
Ellison 和 Keil 都揭示了琼斯文化观念中存在的重要紧张、矛盾和混乱领域。尽管琼斯继续在格林威治村的知识界中活动，但到了 1963 年，他的作品开始更强烈地反映出他对环境的矛盾感情。这种紧张情绪体现在他 1964 年出版的第二卷诗集《死去的讲师》中。

The thematic continuity between Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note.... and The Dead Lecturer (1964) is suggested by the titles themselves, hinting that the narrator still has not resolved his fundamental predicament. He still has not formulated the new identity he seeks. Nevertheless, a significant development has occurred. The Dead Lecturer lacks the playfulness and spontaneous humor of Preface; the tone of the poems is sharper, more urgent, and the narrator/poet is less self-preoccupied, more prepared to explore the outside world than the narrator of Preface. While the poems of Preface moved toward a mood of alienation and despair, those of The Dead Lecturer recreate the struggle for new life. At one level, this struggle is expressed in terms of the narrator's attempt to free himself of language and poetic forms which no longer have any use for him, as in "Rhythm and Blues":
《致一位二十卷自杀信的序言》与《死去的讲师》（1964 年）之间的主题连贯性由标题本身暗示，暗示着叙述者仍未解决他的基本困境。他仍未形成他所寻求的新身份。然而，发生了重要的发展。《死去的讲师》缺乏《序言》中的俏皮和自发的幽默；诗歌的语调更加尖锐、更加紧迫，叙述者/诗人不再那么自我沉迷，更愿意探索外部世界，而不是《序言》中的叙述者。虽然《序言》中的诗歌朝着疏离和绝望的情绪发展，但《死去的讲师》中的诗歌再现了对新生活的奋斗。在某种程度上，这种奋斗表现为叙述者试图摆脱对他不再有任何用处的语言和诗歌形式，如《节奏与布鲁斯》中所述：

Many of the poems in The Dead Lecturer explicitly criticize the artistic orientation of Jones's literary circle, challenging the fashionable view that art was superior to life. "Short Speech To My Friends" criticizes the apolitical stance of Jones's associates, while "The Green Lantern's Solo" derides those self-oriented poets who write only for themselves and their contemporaries, refusing to make any meaningful connections between their egos and the world:
《死去的讲师》中的许多诗歌明确批评了琼斯文学圈的艺术取向，挑战了流行观念，即艺术高于生活。《献给我的朋友们的简短演讲》批评了琼斯的同事们的无政治立场，而《绿灯侠的独奏》则嘲笑那些只为自己和同代人写作的自我取向的诗人，拒绝在他们的自我和世界之间建立任何有意义的联系。

While many of the poems in The Dead Lecturer are clearly indebted to the literary influences of his contemporaries, Jones struggles against these influences at the same time. This tension is resolved by the emergence of a distinctive Afro-American voice. Works like "A Poem For Willie Best" move toward systems of meaning shaped by aesthetic and cultural references to Afro-American life. "A Poem For Willie Best" looks beneath the stereotypic image of the Hollywood actor, probing the contradiction between Best's shuffling, happy-go-lucky screen image and his taut inner life. The solution to Best's dilemma, the poet suggests, can occur only through violent release of the secret self, that self that has been repressed to accommodate American social and cultural values.
《死亡讲师》中的许多诗歌显然受到了他同时代文学影响的债务，琼斯同时也在与这些影响抗争。这种紧张关系通过独特的非裔美国人的声音得以解决。像《为威利·贝斯写的诗》这样的作品朝着由美学和文化参考非裔美国人生活塑造的意义体系发展。《为威利·贝斯写的诗》深入探讨了好莱坞演员的刻板形象，探究了贝斯摇摆、快乐的银幕形象与他内心紧张生活之间的矛盾。诗人暗示，贝斯困境的解决只能通过暴力释放秘密自我来实现，这个自我一直被压抑以适应美国社会和文化价值观。

"Rhythm & Blues," dedicated to Robert F. Williams--then in exile in Cuba--is an important statement about black music as a social and political force. In his despairing posture, the poet often alludes to silence as a symbol of his spiritual predicament. But in "Rhythm & Blues," he begins to articulate an Afro-American alternative to silence: the scream. In The Dead Lecturer, screaming and shouting alternatively emerge as deeply felt Afro-American responses to life. The shout also represents the beginning of a new role for the poet. Unlike the individual statements of the isolated poet, his need to shout implies a communal context, one shaped by the ritual of call-and-response.
《节奏与布鲁斯》，献给当时流亡古巴的罗伯特·F·威廉姆斯，是关于黑人音乐作为社会和政治力量的重要表述。在绝望的姿态中，诗人经常将沉默暗示为他精神困境的象征。但在《节奏与布鲁斯》中，他开始表达一种非洲裔美国人对沉默的替代：尖叫。在《死亡演讲者》中，尖叫和喊叫交替出现，成为深深感受到的非洲裔美国人对生活的回应。喊叫也代表了诗人新角色的开始。与孤立诗人的个人陈述不同，他需要喊叫意味着一种共同的背景，一个由呼叫和回应仪式塑造的背景。

All of these developments converge in the most important poem in the collection, "Black Dada Nihilismus." Here, Jones indicts the moral and spiritual bankruptcy of Western civilization, calling for rape, murder, and the irrational release of violence to overthrow the existing order. To legitimize his incantation of violence and racial revenge, he invokes the memory of nonwhite civilizations destroyed by the West and recites the names of figures from black history and his own past (including his grandfather, Tom Russ) as well as entertainers and popular heroes--all of whom, he suggests, were "secret murderers," figures who skillfully concealed their desire to lash out violently at white society. The poem concludes with an invocation of the African god Damballah, who functions in the poem as a vengeful black father with the will and the strength to destroy Western civilization.
所有这些发展汇聚在这部收藏中最重要的诗歌《黑色达达虚无主义》中。在这里，琼斯指责西方文明的道德和精神破产，呼吁强奸、谋杀和非理性释放暴力以推翻现存秩序。为了合法化他对暴力和种族复仇的咒语，他唤起了被西方摧毁的非白种文明的记忆，并背诵了黑人历史和他自己过去的人物的名字（包括他的祖父汤姆·拉斯）以及娱乐人士和流行英雄的名字——他暗示，所有这些人都是“秘密杀手”，他们巧妙地隐藏了对白人社会暴力反击的欲望。诗歌以对非洲神达姆巴拉的召唤结束，他在诗中扮演一个意志坚定、有力量摧毁西方文明的复仇黑人父亲的角色。

The shifts in the attitude of the poet in The Dead Lecturer do not occur in an orderly or sequential fashion. The collection as a whole reveals Jones's conscious effort to redefine the cultural and aesthetic referents of his poetry, a deliberate quest for a poetic idiom more consonant with his social and political outlook. The process of disengagement from his literary milieu is underscored by the final poem in The Dead Lecturer , "The Liar":
《死去的讲师》中诗人的态度转变并非按照有序或顺序进行。整个作品集展示了琼斯有意识地努力重新定义他诗歌的文化和审美指向，这是对更符合他社会和政治观点的诗歌语言的刻意追求。从文学环境中脱离的过程在《死去的讲师》的最后一首诗《说谎者》中得到强调。

The critical reception of The Dead Lecturer was generally unfavorable. While Richard Elman acknowledged Jones's talent, he called many of the poems artificial because of the many masquerades Jones adopted. Dismissing Jones's negritude as "posturing," Elman reserved his sharpest criticism for Jones's poetic technique, calling his cadences "leaden" and castigating his apparent inability to sustain a thought or mood. Some of these comments were echoed by Richard Howard , who failed to see any formal principles underlying the poems in The Dead Lecturer, "beyond the decorum of the page and, perhaps, a pattern of breathing." Howard saw Jones as a poet "much surer of his own voice" than he was in Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note...., but also as a writer who was inclined to exaggerate the "desperation and fragmentation" of his narrator. Clarence Major 's general consideration of Jones's poetry offered an interesting contrast to Elman's and Howard's views. Major maintained that Jones was primarily a literary poet not the jazz poet or "race" poet some critics had taken him to be. Calling him a spiritual and romantic poet, Major praised Jones for his humorous protest poems, but suggested that angry social protest "is not his forte." Coming at a time when Jones was struggling to redefine his relationship to the white literary and cultural avant-garde and to locate his work in a specifically Afro-American frame of reference, Major's article suggested the extent of the journey Jones would have to make before the transition was complete.
《死亡讲师》的评论普遍不佳。尽管理查德·埃尔曼承认琼斯的才华，但他认为许多诗歌是人为的，因为琼斯采用了许多伪装。埃尔曼认为琼斯的“黑人性”是“做作的”，他对琼斯的诗歌技巧进行了最尖锐的批评，称其节奏“沉闷”，并指责他明显无法维持一个思想或情绪。理查德·霍华德也有类似的评论，他认为《死亡讲师》中的诗歌没有任何形式原则，“除了页面的端庄外，也许还有一种呼吸的模式。”霍华德认为琼斯是一位诗人，“对自己的声音更有把握”，而在《致二十卷自杀笔记的序言》中并非如此，但他也认为琼斯是一位倾向于夸大其叙述者的“绝望和碎片化”的作家。克拉伦斯·梅杰对琼斯的诗歌的总体考虑与埃尔曼和霍华德的观点形成了有趣的对比。梅杰认为琼斯主要是一位文学诗人，而不是一位爵士诗人或“种族”诗人，一些评论家认为他是这样的。 在称赞琼斯的幽默抗议诗时，梅杰将他称为一位精神和浪漫主义诗人，但暗示愤怒的社会抗议“并非他的长项”。梅杰的文章出现在琼斯正努力重新定义自己与白人文学和文化先锋的关系，并将自己的作品定位在明确的非裔美国人参照框架中的时候，暗示了琼斯在完成过渡之前还需要走多远的旅程。

Jones's explorations in drama during this period closely parallel the thematic concerns of The Dead Lecturer , ranging from the iconoclasm of The Baptism to the drama of divided impulses in The Toilet to the unrestrained fury of Dutchman.
琼斯在这一时期对戏剧的探索与《死亡讲师》的主题关注密切相关，从《洗礼》中的偶像破坏到《厕所》中分裂冲动的戏剧，再到《荷兰人》中的无节制愤怒。

The Baptism , produced in 1964, deals with the chance encounter of a fifteen-year-old boy, a homosexual, and a hypocritical minister in a "well-to-do arrogant Protestant church." Clearly indebted to the works of French playwright Jean Genet and the theater of the absurd, the play excoriates Christianity for its hypocrisy, commercialism, and sexual repression. The play lacks a clear dramatic focus and is heavily dependent upon the shock value of irreverent attitudes for its effects.
《洗礼》，于 1964 年制作，讲述了一个十五岁男孩、一个同性恋者和一个伪善的牧师在一个“富有傲慢的新教堂”中偶然相遇的故事。该剧明显受到法国剧作家让·热内和荒诞剧场的影响，严厉批判基督教的虚伪、商业主义和性压抑。该剧缺乏明确的戏剧焦点，严重依赖对不敬态度的冲击价值来产生效果。

The Toilet is a much more specific and coherent play than The Baptism and returns to a recurring theme of Jones's early work: the drama of the sensitive, isolated individual pitted against the social codes of his community. Set in a latrine at the end of the day in an urban high school, the play concerns a gang of black youths who assemble in anticipation of a fight between their leader, Ray Foots, and a white boy, Jimmy Karolis. Foots is supposedly seeking revenge for a love note Karolis had sent him, but, when the two characters meet, it is unclear who made the first advance. In their encounter, Ray tries to avoid fighting Karolis, who has already been beaten by some of the gang members, but Karolis forces the issue. When Karolis gains the advantage over Ray, the gang jumps Karolis and beats him into unconsciousness. After the gang leaves, Ray recovers, then cradles Karolis's head in his arms, weeping as the play ends.
《厕所》比《洗礼》更具体和连贯，回归了琼斯早期作品中的一个主题：敏感、孤立的个体与社区社会规范的冲突。该剧设定在城市高中的厕所里，故事发生在一天结束时，讲述了一群黑人青年聚集在一起，准备见证他们的领袖雷·富茨与一个白人男孩吉米·卡罗利斯之间的一场斗殴。富茨据说是为了卡罗利斯给他寄来的一封情书而寻求报复，但当两个角色相遇时，谁先出手并不清楚。在他们的交锋中，雷试图避免与已经被一些团伙成员打过的卡罗利斯打架，但卡罗利斯却强迫发生冲突。当卡罗利斯占据上风时，团伙围攻卡罗利斯，将他打成失去意识。在团伙离开后，雷恢复过来，然后抱着卡罗利斯的头痛哭，剧终。

The sentimental conclusion of The Toilet again reveals some of the ambivalent and contradictory impulses at work in Jones during this period. On the one hand, the dialogue of the play shows his increasing commitment to the literary possibilities of Afro-American urban speech. On the other hand, Ray Foots, Jones's sensitive and culturally divided protagonist, is portrayed as victimized by the world--as is the white boy, Jimmy Karolis. To the extent that The Toilet embodies a social statement, it indicts the brutal society--symbolized by the gang--that will not allow love to exist.
《厕所》的感伤结局再次展现了琼斯在这一时期内部矛盾和矛盾冲动的一些方面。一方面，剧中的对话显示出他对非裔美国城市语言的文学可能性日益承诺。另一方面，雷·富茨，琼斯敏感且文化上分裂的主人公，被描绘为被世界所害--正如白人男孩吉米·卡罗利斯一样。《厕所》体现了社会声明的程度，它控告了不允许爱存在的残酷社会--由帮派所象征。

Early critics of the play praised it for its understated treatment of the theme of racial conflict, pointing out that the racial dimension of the play was merely incidental to the central dramatic conflict between Ray Foots and Jimmy Karolis. The central conflict of The Toilet, however, rests within the divided consciousness of the protagonist. Torn between his identity as Foots, the black gang leader, and Ray, the sensitive individual, the protagonist of The Toilet seemed to mirror the conflict within Jones himself.
该剧的早期评论家赞扬它对种族冲突主题的低调处理，指出剧中的种族维度仅仅是雷·富茨和吉米·卡罗利斯之间的中心戏剧冲突的附带因素。然而，《厕所》的中心冲突却存在于主人公的分裂意识之中。作为黑帮领袖富茨和敏感个体雷之间的身份之间挣扎的主人公，似乎反映了《厕所》中琼斯本人内心的冲突。

Jones's early plays paved the way for his most well-known and highly praised play, Dutchman . When Dutchman opened at the Cherry Lane Theatre on 12 January 1964, it was immediately hailed as an overwhelming success. The first full-length play to integrate the themes and motifs of Jones's earlier dramatic efforts successfully, Dutchman merges private themes, mythical allusions, surrealistic techniques, and social statement into a play of astonishing power and resonance. In recognition of its excellence, Dutchman won the Obie Award for the best American play of the 1963-1964 season.
琼斯的早期剧本为他最著名和备受赞誉的剧作《荷兰人》铺平了道路。1964 年 1 月 12 日，《荷兰人》在樱桃巷剧院首演，立即被誉为一场压倒性的成功。作为第一部成功地融合了琼斯早期戏剧努力主题和意象的长篇剧作，《荷兰人》将私人主题、神话典故、超现实主义技巧和社会声明融合在一起，展现出惊人的力量和共鸣。鉴于其卓越表现，《荷兰人》赢得了 1963-1964 赛季最佳美国剧目的奥比奖。

Dutchman revolves around an apparently casual encounter between a young, middle-class Negro and a white, bohemian woman on a New York subway. The woman, Lula, begins to flirt with the young man, Clay, and in the presence of other subway passengers her gestures become sexually suggestive, her taunts harsher. Goaded into anger by her unrelenting verbal attacks, Clay drops his middle-class facade and unleashes a violent verbal tirade against Lula. At the end of the play, Lula calmly murders Clay and awaits her next victim, another black man who has just entered the subway.
《荷兰人》围绕着一个年轻的中产阶级黑人和一位白人波西米亚女性在纽约地铁上的一次表面上随意的相遇展开。女性卢拉开始与年轻男子克莱调情，在其他地铁乘客的面前，她的姿态变得暗示性地挑逗，她的嘲讽变得更加刻薄。在她毫不留情的言语攻击下被激怒，克莱放下了他的中产阶级伪装，对卢拉展开了暴力的言语攻击。在剧终时，卢拉冷静地谋杀了克莱，并等待着她的下一个受害者，另一名刚刚进入地铁的黑人男子。

Initially, Clay represents those aspects of black life Jones mercilessly criticized elsewhere in his writing. "Buttoned down," sexually and socially repressed, Clay has concealed his true identity for the sake of conformity. Lula criticizes Clay's values from her bohemian standpoint, challenging him to drop his mask and to break through the veil of false consciousness. Up until the point that Clay verbally asserts himself, Lula functions as the central figure in the play. When Clay finally drops the masquerade, he emerges as the focal point, expressing ideas which reflect Jones's own thinking about identity, art, and liberation from social oppression. In his three-page tirade--the most often cited passage of Dutchman--Clay reveals the secret heart of black life, an inner life of repressed murderous impulses held in check by various masquerades and sublimated into artistic expression. Ironically, it is Clay's reluctance to act which leads to his death. As he reaches for his books, Lula stabs him to death.
最初，克雷代表了琼斯在其他作品中无情批评的黑人生活方面。"一本正经"，在性和社会上受到压抑，克雷为了符合规范而隐藏了自己的真实身份。卢拉从波西米亚的立场批评克雷的价值观，挑战他放下面具，冲破虚假意识的面纱。直到克雷口头肯定自己之前，卢拉一直是剧中的中心人物。当克雷最终放下伪装时，他成为焦点，表达了反映琼斯对身份、艺术和解放社会压迫的思想。在他的三页长篇演说中——《荷兰人》中最常被引用的段落——克雷揭示了黑人生活的秘密内心，一个被各种伪装控制并转化为艺术表达的内心生活。具有讽刺意味的是，正是克雷的不愿行动导致了他的死亡。当他伸手拿书时，卢拉将他刺死。

The play draws on mythic associations throughout literature: from ironic inversions of biblical imagery to recurring motifs in Afro-American literature. Clay is at various points in the play identified with Christ, Uncle Tom, and Bigger Thomas; Lula, the apple-eating Eve, is associated with furies and vampires. She is portrayed as a white temptress who destroys black men, a common figure in Afro-American literature. The title of the play implies both the cyclical and repetitive nature of myth, suggested by the legend of the Flying Dutchman, as well as the historical legacy of slavery--for it was a Dutch ship which first brought slaves to the New World.
该剧汲取了整个文学中的神话联想：从对圣经意象的讽刺性扭转到非裔美国文学中反复出现的主题。在剧中，克雷在不同的时刻被认同为基督、汤姆大叔和比格·托马斯；而吕拉，作为吃苹果的夏娃，与狂怒女神和吸血鬼联系在一起。她被描绘为一个摧毁黑人男性的白人诱惑者，在非裔美国文学中是一个常见的形象。该剧的标题既暗示了神话的循环和重复性质，如飞行荷兰人的传说所暗示的，也暗示了奴隶制度的历史遗产——因为最早将奴隶带到新世界的是一艘荷兰船。

Appearing, as it did, on the eve of widespread racial conflict in the United States, Dutchman immediately took on social and political overtones, suggesting in symbolic terms the vast gulf between black and white America. Significantly, Jones resisted political interpretations of Dutchman, commenting in an article in the New York Herald Tribune: "I showed one white girl and one Negro boy in that play, just them, singularly, in what I hope was a revelation of private and shared anguish, which because I dealt with it specifically would somehow convey an emotional force from where I got it--the discovery of America--on over to any viewer. But for the feebleminded, black and white are always the most important aspects of anything, not what a thing really is, but how it can be made to seem, if it is to accommodate the silly version of the world they are stuck with."
《荷兰人》的出现恰逢美国普遍种族冲突的前夕，立即带有社会和政治色彩，象征着黑人和白人美国之间的巨大鸿沟。值得注意的是，琼斯抵制了对《荷兰人》的政治解读，在《纽约先驱论坛报》的一篇文章中评论道：“在那部戏里，我展示了一个白人女孩和一个黑人男孩，只有他们两个，分别展示了我希望揭示的私人和共同的痛苦，因为我具体处理了这个问题，所以希望能以某种方式传达一种情感力量，从我所获得的地方——对美国的发现——一直传递给任何观众。但对于智商低下的人来说，黑人和白人总是任何事情中最重要的方面，不是事物的真实本质，而是如何使其看起来，以适应他们所困扰的愚蠢世界的版本。”

Critics emphasized the sociopolitical dimensions of Dutchman, however, and hailed Jones as a "fierce and blazing talent." The success of Dutchman propelled him into the public arena, establishing him as a nationally and internationally acclaimed writer and spokesman.
评论家强调了《荷兰人》的社会政治维度，并称琼斯是一位“激烈而闪耀的才华”。《荷兰人》的成功将他推向公众视野，使他成为一位在国内外广受赞誉的作家和发言人。

Celebrated by Playboy magazine as "the most discussed--and admired--Negro writer since James Baldwin ," Jones plunged into a whirlwind of lectures, poetry readings, and panel discussions. He continued to teach courses on contemporary American poetry and creative writing at the New School for Social Research, where he had begun teaching in 1963. Through Charles Olson 's influence he secured a teaching position at the State University of New York at Buffalo during the summer of 1964 and offered a course on contemporary poetry. During the same year he taught at Columbia University.
被《花花公子》杂志誉为“自詹姆斯·鲍德温以来最受关注和钦佩的黑人作家”的琼斯投身于一系列讲座、诗歌朗诵和座谈会的旋风之中。他继续在新社会研究学院教授当代美国诗歌和创意写作课程，他自 1963 年开始在该校任教。在查尔斯·奥尔森的影响下，他于 1964 年夏季在纽约州立大学水牛城分校获得了一份教职，并开设了一门当代诗歌课程。同年，他还在哥伦比亚大学任教。

At the same time, Jones was becoming more conscious of his role as a social critic and political spokesman, as he noted in a reminiscence of his years in Greenwich Village: "I began to recognize that if I said things, people would listen much more than before. The feeling of responsibility shook me and I pledged that I would say those things that most needed saying by a whole people, not remain a flippant hipster juggling through life on the Lower East side in integrated liberalism."
与此同时，琼斯越来越意识到自己作为社会评论家和政治代言人的角色，正如他在回忆他在格林威治村的岁月中所说的：“我开始意识到，如果我说话，人们会比以前更加倾听。责任感震撼了我，我发誓要说出那些整个民族最需要说的话，而不是留在下东区的整合自由主义中漫不经心地度过生活的时髦人。”

Jones's new "feeling of responsibility" took the form of a series of well-publicized verbal assaults upon his Greenwich Village associates, white liberals, and the white community in general. In June 1964, Jones and other members of Artists For Freedom, Inc., a group of black artists and intellectuals, debated several leading white liberals at New York City's town hall on the theme of "The Black Revolution and the White Backlash." While the debate itself was inconclusive, the acrimony expressed during the meeting symbolized the growing rift between black and white intellectuals over the significance and direction of the civil rights movement and the black revolution in the United States. Jones's angry attack on white liberals clearly startled many members of the town hall audience, but his stance signaled an increasingly frenetic attempt to extricate himself from a community whose cultural and political values he had repudiated.
琼斯的新“责任感”采取了一系列广为人知的言语攻击形式，针对他在格林威治村的伙伴、白人自由派以及整个白人社区。1964 年 6 月，琼斯和艺术家自由协会等一群黑人艺术家和知识分子在纽约市市政厅与几位主要白人自由派进行了辩论，主题是“黑人革命与白人强烈反对”。虽然辩论本身没有结论，但会议期间表达的尖刻情绪象征着黑人和白人知识分子之间在美国民权运动和黑人革命的意义和方向上日益加剧的分歧。琼斯对白人自由派的愤怒攻击显然震惊了市政厅观众中的许多人，但他的立场表明了他越来越疯狂地试图摆脱一个他已经否定文化和政治价值观的社区。

In literary terms, Jones's attempt to exorcise his earlier beliefs is revealed in his play The Slave , a companion piece to Dutchman with which it was published in 1964. Set in the future, the dramatic action of The Slave occurs against the background of a racial war, where blacks are clearly close to victory. Walker Vessels, the leader of the black revolutionary army, returns to the home of his former wife, Grace, presumably to reclaim his two daughters and also to stage a final confrontation with his former friends. Grace is now married to a liberal college professor, Bradford Easley. In a long and rambling conversation, these three characters discuss their past lives and debate literature, politics, and human values. The confrontation ends when Easley attacks Walker, who has become drunk and somewhat incoherent as the play progresses. Walker kills Easley and, shortly after, Grace is mortally wounded by a falling rafter. Before she dies, Walker tells her that their children are dead, but, as the play ends, the sound of a screaming child is heard.
在文学上，琼斯试图驱魔他早期的信仰的尝试体现在他的戏剧《奴隶》中，这是与《荷兰人》同时出版于 1964 年的一部作品。《奴隶》设定在未来，戏剧性的动作发生在种族战争的背景下，黑人显然接近胜利。黑人革命军领袖沃克·维塞尔斯回到他前妻格蕾丝的家中，据推测是为了夺回他的两个女儿，并与他的前朋友进行最后对抗。格蕾丝现在已嫁给自由派大学教授布拉德福德·伊斯利。在一场漫长而冗长的对话中，这三个角色讨论他们的过去生活，并辩论文学、政治和人类价值观。对抗在伊斯利袭击醉醺醺并逐渐语无伦次的沃克时结束。沃克杀死了伊斯利，不久后，格蕾丝被一根掉落的横梁致命伤。在她临终之前，沃克告诉她他们的孩子已经死了，但当剧终时，可以听到一个孩子的尖叫声。

Walker Vessels, poet and revolutionary leader, is depicted as a figure of sharply divided impulses. As the leader of the black liberation struggle, he has engulfed the entire society in a racial war, yet his social and political philosophy is essentially a nihilistic one, one which he admits will lead only to a "change in the complexion of tyranny." Moreover, he has no respect for his troops, "who have never read any book in their lives." Vessels emerges as a character trapped between his self-proclaimed public role and his private beliefs, locked into an adversary relationship with a white world against which he violently attempts to assert himself. Beneath the revolutionary rhetoric of the play, Jones suggests that Walker Vessels's vision is self-defeating and enslaving, for Vessels changes into the character of the old slave who begins and ends the play.
沃克·维塞尔斯，诗人和革命领袖，被描绘为一个内心冲突的人物。作为黑人解放斗争的领袖，他将整个社会卷入了一场种族战争，然而他的社会和政治哲学本质上是虚无主义的，他承认这只会导致“暴政的性质改变”。此外，他对自己的部队毫无尊重，“他们一生中从未读过任何书。”维塞尔斯成为一个被困在自己自称的公共角色和私人信仰之间的角色，与一个他试图暴力反抗的白人世界陷入对抗关系。琼斯在剧中的革命修辞之下暗示，沃克·维塞尔斯的愿景是自我毁灭和奴役的，因为维塞尔斯变成了开始和结束剧目的老奴隶的角色。

Described by a Time magazine critic as "essentially a Greenwich Village talkfest," The Slave is a much more conventional and politically explicit play than Dutchman. It is also less effective, marred by Vessels's frequent lapses into sentimentality and self-pity. Nevertheless, The Slave was an accurate dramatic recreation of the debates on art and politics Jones was staging at various locations in Greenwich Village during late 1964 and early 1965. It won second prize at the First World Festival of Negro Arts held in Dakar, Senegal, in 1966.
《奴隶》被《时代》杂志的评论家描述为“本质上是一个格林威治村的闲谈会”，比《荷兰人》更加传统和政治明确。然而，它的效果较差，因为维塞尔斯经常陷入多愁善感和自怜之中。尽管如此，《奴隶》是对琼斯在 1964 年末和 1965 年初在格林威治村各地举行的关于艺术和政治辩论的准确戏剧再现。它在 1966 年塞内加尔达喀尔举办的第一届世界黑人艺术节上获得了第二名。

In February 1965, Jones and jazz musician Archie Shepp staged a bitter antiwhite tirade at the Village Vanguard club, a highly publicized event which seemed to mark a fundamental turning point in Jones's relationship with his Greenwich Village associates. Inspired by the message of Malcolm X, Jones transformed his earlier antibourgeois posture into a militant black nationalist stance, one which insisted that the fundamental contradiction in American society was rooted in biological and ontological racial differences. At one point in his indictment of the predominantly white Village Vanguard audience, Jones paused and remarked, "I should not be speaking here.... I should be speaking to Black people."
1965 年 2 月，琼斯和爵士乐手阿奇·谢普在村庄先锋俱乐部举行了一场激烈的反白人演说，这是一场备受关注的事件，似乎标志着琼斯与他的格林威治村伙伴关系的根本转折点。受马尔科姆 X 的信息启发，琼斯将他早期的反资产阶级立场转变为激进的黑人民族主义立场，坚持认为美国社会的根本矛盾根植于生物和本体论上的种族差异。在他控诉主要是白人的村庄先锋观众时，琼斯停顿了一下，说道：“我不应该在这里讲话……我应该对黑人讲话。”

Ironically, Jones's antiwhite attacks propelled him further into the limelight of public attention. As Stephen Schneck observed: "The blasé New York culture scene was titillated by his maledictions. He was invited to all the enchanted-circle beautiful-people parties, literary, show business orgies, and hip gatherings. The more he attacked white society, the more white society patronized him. Who'd have suspected that there was so much money to be made from flagellation? Whitey seemed insatiable; the masochistic vein was a source of hitherto untapped appeal, big box office stuff, and LeRoi Jones was one of the very first to exploit it." Nevertheless, at the height of his renown as a literary celebrity, Jones, the "King of the East Village," defiantly turned his back on the promise of fame and fortune in the American literary community.
具有讽刺意味的是，琼斯对白人的攻击将他推向了公众关注的聚光灯下。正如史蒂芬·施内克所观察到的那样：“冷漠的纽约文化界被他的诅咒所吸引。他被邀请参加所有迷人的派对，文学、娱乐界的狂欢，以及潮流聚会。他攻击白人社会的越多，白人社会就越赞助他。谁会想到，鞭笞竟然能赚这么多钱？白人似乎贪得无厌；这种受虐倾向成为了一个迄今未被开发的吸引力来源，是大卖座的东西，而勒罗伊·琼斯是最早利用它的人之一。”然而，在他作为文学名人的声誉达到巅峰时，被誉为“东村之王”的琼斯，毅然背弃了在美国文学界取得名利的承诺。

By late 1965, he had ended his marriage to Hettie Cohen, broken most of his ties with the white literary community, and moved uptown from Greenwich Village to Harlem, where he and other black associates had organized the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School during the previous year.
到了 1965 年末，他已经结束了与海蒂·科恩的婚姻，断绝了与白人文学界的大部分联系，并从格林威治村搬到了哈莱姆，他和其他黑人同事在前一年组织了黑人艺术复兴剧院/学校。

Of all of the psychological imperatives and political events which prompted Jones to repudiate the interracial world of Greenwich Village, the political message of Malcolm X had perhaps the decisive impact on the direction of his life and work. As he later wrote about Malcolm X's assassination: "Malcolm's death took me further. Surely this meant that white people, with all the broadness the abstraction conveys, must be responsible, and that our revolution, if it was to be successful, must be aimed at them. It was the quantitative buildup of new Black nationalist ideas, some anti-white, some anti-Semitic, some revolutionary, some not. Now there could be absolutely no ties with whites, and certainly not any intimate ones. These in themselves, we reasoned, would make us traitors...."
琼斯拒绝格林威治村的跨种族世界，是受到心理驱使和政治事件的影响，而马尔科姆 X 的政治信息或许对他的生活和工作方向产生了决定性影响。他后来写道马尔科姆 X 的暗杀事件：“马尔科姆的死让我更进一步。这无疑意味着白人，以所有这个抽象概念所传达的广泛性，必须负责，而我们的革命，如果要成功，必须针对他们。这是新的黑人民族主义思想的数量积累，有些反对白人，有些反犹太人，有些革命性，有些不是。现在绝对不能与白人有任何联系，尤其不能有亲密关系。我们认为，这些本身就会让我们成为叛徒....”

With "The Legacy of Malcolm X, and The Coming of The Black Nation," (published in Home: Social Essays), Jones emerged in his new role as the spiritual heir of Malcolm X, underscoring the finality with which he had repudiated his past identity: "Black People are a race, a culture, a nation. The legacy of Malcolm X is that we know we can move from where we are."
在《马尔科姆 X 的遗产和黑人国家的到来》（发表在《家：社会论文》中），琼斯以马尔科姆 X 的精神继承人的新角色出现，强调他已经否认了自己过去身份的决定性：“黑人是一个种族，一个文化，一个国家。马尔科姆 X 的遗产是让我们知道我们可以从现在所处的地方前进。”

In a sense, Jones's autobiographical novel, The System of Dante's Hell , is an epilogue to his Greenwich Village days. A recapitulation of many of the themes of Jones's early work, The System of Dante's Hell charts the journey of an isolated, introspective self toward spiritual wholeness and clarity. Unfolding in fragmentary, highly lyrical episodes, the narrative coalesces into meaningful patterns as it proceeds, concluding with "The Heretics," the central episode in the novel. Here, the psychically divided narrator, an "imitation white boy," descends to "The Bottom," a southern black community, and achieves a partial reconciliation with the realities of black life. Although the quest for spiritual wholeness and a unified consciousness is not fully realized within the novel, a mature narrative voice comments upon the sources of the spiritual conflicts in The System of Dante's Hell and suggests that they have been resolved in his own life: "The flame of social dichotomy. Split open down the center, which is the early legacy of the black man unfocused on blackness. The dichotomy of what is seen and taught and desired opposed to what is felt. Finally, God, is simply a white man, a white 'idea,' in this society, unless we have made some other image which is stronger, and can deliver us from the salvation of our enemies."
从某种意义上说，琼斯的自传小说《但丁地狱体系》是他在格林威治村时期的结语。《但丁地狱体系》重新概括了琼斯早期作品中的许多主题，描绘了一个孤立、内省的自我向精神完整和清晰度的旅程。故事以片段化、高度抒情的插曲展开，随着情节的发展，故事逐渐凝聚成有意义的模式，最终以小说中的核心插曲《异端》结束。在这里，心灵上分裂的叙述者，一个“模仿白人男孩”，下降到“底部”，一个南部黑人社区，并在黑人生活的现实中实现了部分和解。尽管在小说中对精神完整和统一意识的追求并未完全实现，但一个成熟的叙述之声评论了《但丁地狱体系》中精神冲突的根源，并暗示这些冲突在他自己的生活中已经得到解决：“社会二元性的火焰。分裂开来，这是黑人早期遗产中未集中精力于黑人身上的遗产。所看到、所教导和所渴望的与所感受到的相对立的二元性。 最后，上帝只是一个白人，一个白人的“观念”，在这个社会中，除非我们创造出另一种更强大的形象，能够拯救我们脱离敌人的救赎。"

Since 1965, when Jones emerged as a leading figure in the black arts movement, his life and work has continued to undergo a series of metamorphoses. Although the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School was a short-lived project, it revolutionized black theater in the United States by performing contemporary dramatic works shaped by black nationalist beliefs. It served also as an inspirational model which was quickly adopted in black communities throughout the country. Financed with federal funds, the Black Arts Repertory Theatre School was raided and closed in 1966 by police, who maintained that an arms cache had been found in the building. By that time, however, Jones had returned to Newark. In August of the same year he married his present wife, Sylvia Robinson (Amina).
自 1965 年以来，琼斯作为黑人艺术运动的主要人物崭露头角，他的生活和工作继续经历一系列变化。尽管黑人艺术复述剧院/学校是一个短暂的项目，但通过演出受黑人民族主义信仰影响的当代戏剧作品，它彻底改变了美国的黑人戏剧。它还作为一个鼓舞人心的模式，迅速被全国各地的黑人社区采纳。由联邦资金支持，黑人艺术复述剧院学校在 1966 年被警方突袭并关闭，警方声称在建筑物内发现了武器库。然而，到那个时候，琼斯已经回到了纽瓦克。同年 8 月，他与现任妻子西尔维娅·罗宾逊（阿米娜）结婚。

In his hometown, Jones quickly organized a multifunctional black cultural center, Spirit House, complete with a theater and a group of actors. He also established a publishing house, Jihad (Arabic: "Holy War"), a cooperative book and record store, and an African free school, designed for young people in the community, who studied the works of Jones, Maulana Karenga, and other black thinkers. Inspired by the ideas of Maulana Ron Karenga, a Los Angeles-based theoretician of black cultural nationalism, Jones became deeply involved in local and national politics. He organized the Committee For a Unified Newark, a local political coalition which included the United Brothers, a group dedicated to increasing black participation in community government. During the height of the racial disturbances in Newark in 1967, Jones was arrested, beaten by police, and charged with unlawfully carrying firearms. Bruised and bandaged, Jones spoke at a press conference held during the National Black Power Conference--a meeting scheduled in Newark before the riots occurred. His case immediately became a cause célèbre. His subsequent trial, where the judge read Jones's famous poem "Black People" to the court, aroused a storm of protest from black intellectuals and political leaders as well as from many of his former white literary associates. Sentenced to from two-and-a-half to three years in jail without parole, Jones later won a retrial motion and was acquitted.
在他的家乡，琼斯迅速组织了一个多功能的黑人文化中心，名为“灵魂之家”，内设有剧院和一群演员。他还建立了一家出版社“圣战”（阿拉伯语：“圣战”），一个合作的书店和唱片店，以及一个非洲自由学校，专为社区中的年轻人设计，他们学习琼斯、穆拉纳·卡伦加和其他黑人思想家的作品。受洛杉矶黑人文化民族主义理论家穆拉纳·罗恩·卡伦加的思想启发，琼斯深度参与了当地和全国政治。他组织了一个名为“统一纽瓦克委员会”的地方政治联盟，其中包括“联合兄弟”组织，致力于增加黑人在社区政府中的参与。在 1967 年纽瓦克种族骚乱的高峰期，琼斯被逮捕，遭到警察殴打，并被指控非法携带枪支。受伤严重、裹着绷带的琼斯在纽瓦克举行的全国黑人权力大会期间发表讲话——这是在骚乱发生之前在纽瓦克安排的会议。他的案件立即成为一个轰动的事件。 他随后的审判中，法官向法庭朗诵琼斯著名的诗歌《黑人》，引起了黑人知识分子、政治领袖以及许多他以前的白人文学伙伴的抗议风暴。被判处二年半至三年监禁，不得假释，后来琼斯赢得了再审的机会，并被无罪释放。

Jones continued to write prolifically. Home: Social Essays, a collection of essays spanning the years from 1960 to 1965 was published in 1966, as was Black Art, the first collection of poetry to bear the imprint of Jihad Productions. These were followed by Slave Ship (1967), a powerful evocation of the horrors of the Middle Passage; Arm Yourself, or Harm Yourself! A One Act Play (1967), a short, agitprop sketch about the necessity of self-defense; and Tales (1967), a collection of mostly autobiographical short stories, ranging in theme from the preoccupations of his years in Greenwich Village to explorations of black nationalist ideas.
琼斯继续大量写作。《家：社会散文》是一部收录了从 1960 年到 1965 年的文章的文集，于 1966 年出版，同时还出版了《黑人艺术》，这是第一部带有圣战制作印记的诗集。随后出版了《奴隶船》（1967 年），这是一个强有力地描绘了中途奴隶贩运的恐怖的作品；《武装自己，否则伤害自己！一幕话剧》（1967 年），这是一部短小的、宣传性的小品，讲述了自卫的必要性；以及《故事》（1967 年），这是一部主要是自传体短篇小说的集合，主题涵盖了他在格林威治村度过的岁月的关注点，以及对黑人民族主义思想的探索。

In 1968, Jones assumed the name Ameer (later Amiri) Baraka, given him by Heshaam Jaaber, an orthodox Muslim and the man who buried Malcolm X. Ameer ("prince") Baraka ("the blessed one") also adopted the title Imamu (literally, one who has read the Koran, a spiritual leader), given him by Maulana Ron Karenga. In his role as a spiritual leader, Baraka worked toward defining a theological and theoretical scaffolding for his black cultural nationalist views. During this period Baraka produced Black Music (1967), a collection of essays and reviews on Afro-American music; Black Fire (1968), an anthology of contemporary black literature, which he edited with Larry Neal ; Black Magic (1969), a collection of poetry charting his spiritual journey toward blackness; Four Black Revolutionary Plays (1969); A Black Value System (1970); Jello (1970), a satirical play assaulting the Jack Benny Show; the verse collection, It's Nation Time (1970); and In Our Terribleness (Some Elements and Meaning in Black Style) (1970), a book of essays and photographs, produced with Fundi (Billy Abernathy).
1968 年，琼斯（Jones）接受了由正统穆斯林并为马尔科姆 X 安葬的海沙姆·贾伯（Heshaam Jaaber）赐予的阿米尔（Ameer，后来改为阿米里（Amiri））巴拉卡（Baraka）这个名字。阿米尔（“王子”）巴拉卡（“受祝福者”）还采纳了伊玛目（Imamu）这个头衔，这个头衔是由穆拉纳·罗恩·卡伦加（Maulana Ron Karenga）赐予的，意为“读过古兰经的人，精神领袖”。作为一名精神领袖，巴拉卡努力为他的黑人文化民族主义观点定义神学和理论支架。在这一时期，巴拉卡创作了《黑人音乐》（1967 年），这是一本关于非裔美国音乐的文章和评论集；《黑色之火》（1968 年），一本当代黑人文学选集，他与拉里·尼尔（Larry Neal）共同编辑；《黑魔法》（1969 年），一本描绘他通往黑人身份的精神之旅的诗集；《四个黑人革命性戏剧》（1969 年）；《黑人价值观体系》（1970 年）；《果冻》（1970 年），一部讽刺性戏剧，抨击杰克·贝尼秀；诗集《现在是国家的时候》（1970 年）；以及《在我们的可怕中（黑人风格中的一些元素和意义）》（1970 年），这是一本由富迪（Fundi，比利·阿伯纳西（Billy Abernathy））合作制作的文章和照片集。

A leading spokesman of black cultural nationalism during the late 1960s and early 1970s, Baraka played an important role in the organization of the Congress of African Peoples in 1970. During the same year he also campaigned vigorously for Kenneth Gibson (a political endorsement he later repudiated), who was elected the first black mayor of Newark. He played a key role in the organization of the National Black Political Assembly in 1972.
在 20 世纪 60 年代末和 70 年代初，Baraka 是黑人文化民族主义的主要发言人，在 1970 年的非洲人大会组织中发挥了重要作用。同年，他还积极竞选肯尼斯·吉布森（后来他撤回了对他的政治支持），吉布森当选为纽瓦克第一位黑人市长。他在 1972 年的全国黑人政治大会组织中发挥了关键作用。

Baraka increasingly turned toward the essay during this period, probably because this literary form lent itself most readily to a direct exposition of his political views. One slender volume of poetry, Spirit Reach (1972), marked the culmination of his development as a self-consciously spiritual poet/leader.
巴拉卡在这一时期越来越倾向于散文，可能是因为这种文学形式最容易直接阐述他的政治观点。一本薄薄的诗集《灵魂之触》（1972 年）标志着他作为一个自觉的精神诗人/领袖发展的顶点。

In 1974, Baraka dropped the title Imamu, signaling another shift in his cultural and political views. Abandoning his emphasis on black cultural nationalism and Pan-Africanism, Baraka proclaimed himself an adherent of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist thought. As in the case of his decision to depart from Greenwich Village, this transformation was neither abrupt nor dramatic; it was the culmination of a series of developments within his own life, shaped by his responses to both national and international debates about the future of the black liberation struggle. An avowed Communist, Baraka, who is a member of the Revolutionary Communist League and the Anti-Imperalist Cultural Union, now emphasizes a Marxist analysis of the forces shaping American society and the black community.
1974 年，巴拉卡放弃了“伊姆阿穆”这个头衔，标志着他文化和政治观念的又一次转变。放弃了对黑人文化民族主义和泛非主义的强调，巴拉卡宣称自己是马克思列宁主义毛泽东思想的信徒。与他决定离开格林威治村的情况一样，这种转变既不是突然的也不是戏剧性的；这是他自己生活中一系列发展的顶点，受他对国内外关于黑人解放斗争未来的辩论的回应所塑造。作为一个坚定的共产主义者，巴拉卡是革命共产主义联盟和反帝文化联盟的成员，现在强调对塑造美国社会和黑人社区的力量进行马克思主义分析。

Baraka's poetry and drama since 1974 reflect his new political commitments. Hard Facts (1975) is a collection of poetry which, in Baraka's words, "directly describes the situation of the people and tells us how we change it." Both S-1 and The Motion of History (produced in 1976 and 1977 respectively and published in 1978) are reminiscent of the agitprop dramas of the 1930s, particularly in their appeals to working-class solidarity and in their suggestion that working-class revolution is society's only hope.
巴拉卡自 1974 年以来的诗歌和戏剧反映了他的新政治承词。《坚实事实》（1975 年）是一本诗集，用巴拉卡的话说，“直接描述了人民的处境，并告诉我们如何改变它。”《S-1》和《历史的运动》（分别于 1976 年和 1977 年制作，1978 年出版）让人想起了上世纪 30 年代的宣传性戏剧，特别是在呼吁工人阶级团结和暗示工人阶级革命是社会唯一希望的方面。

As has always been the case throughout Baraka's career, the act of performance remains central to his art. His recent poetry springs to life during oral performance, which underscores its dazzling verbal effects. Nevertheless, at this point in his career Baraka has clearly put politics in command of his art and continues the struggle to merge the realms of art and life, literature and politics, the struggle that has been so central to his work.
正如巴拉卡职业生涯始终如一的情况一样，表演行为仍然是他艺术的核心。他最近的诗歌在口头表演中焕发生机，突显出令人眼花缭乱的语言效果。然而，在他职业生涯的这一阶段，巴拉卡显然已经让政治指挥他的艺术，并继续努力将艺术与生活、文学与政治的领域融合在一起，这一斗争一直是他作品的核心。

Baraka's life and art have covered an impressive range of territory over the past two decades. Although he has often expressed disdain for the literary establishment, his work has clearly defined him as a major intellectual presence in contemporary American literature and culture.
Baraka 的生活和艺术在过去的二十年中涵盖了令人印象深刻的领域。尽管他经常表达对文学界的蔑视，但他的作品明显地将他定义为当代美国文学和文化中的重要知识分子。

The Dr. Marvin Sukov Collection at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, holds the largest collection of materials by and about Jones. The Lilly Library at Indiana University holds a significant collection of correspondence to and from Baraka/Jones, as well as the manuscripts for Preface To A Twenty Volume Suicide Note...., The Eighth Ditch, The Baptism, and Dutchman. The George Arents Research Library at Syracuse University has a large collection of materials, including the manuscript of The System of Dante's Hell and four play manuscripts. The letters of Jones to Charles Olson are deposited at the Special Collections Library of the University of Connecticut.
耶鲁大学贝因克稀有书籍和手稿图书馆的马文·苏科夫博士收藏品拥有关于琼斯的最大收藏。印第安纳大学的莉莉图书馆拥有大量巴拉卡/琼斯来往函件的收藏，以及《序言：二十卷自杀笔记……》、《第八沟》、《洗礼》和《荷兰人》的手稿。雪城大学的乔治·阿伦茨研究图书馆拥有大量材料，包括《但丁地狱体系》手稿和四部剧本手稿。琼斯写给查尔斯·奥尔森的信件存放在康涅狄格大学特藏图书馆。