英语读物教程（1）11-29

2024_06_25_be0a1e9f7e412b8c3ef4g

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Lesson 1 第 1 课

Why Hilawem't Youin Gotten Deponded:
为什么 Hilawem't Youin 感到沮丧：

By Jose Antonio Vargas
何塞·安东尼奥·巴尔加斯（Jose Antonio Vargas ）

That's usually the first thing people ask me when they learn I'

an undocumented immigrant or, put more rudely, an "illegal." Some ask it with anger or frustration, others with genuine bafflement. At a restaurant in Birmingham, not far from the University of Alabama, an inebriated young white man challenged me: "You got your papers?" I told him I didn't. "Well, you should get your ass home

, then." In California, a middle-aged white woman threw up her arms and wanted to know: "Why hasn't Obama dealt with you?" At least once a day, I get that question, or a variation of it, via e-mail, tweet or Facebook message. Why, indeed, am I still here?
这通常是人们得知我是

无证移民，或者更粗鲁地说，是“非法移民”时问我的第一件事。有些人带着愤怒或沮丧问道，另一些人则带着真正的困惑。在伯明翰的一家餐馆里，离阿拉巴马大学不远，一个醉醺醺的年轻白人男子质问我：“你拿到你的证件了吗？我告诉他我没有。“好吧，那你应该把你的屁股带回家

了。”在加利福尼亚州，一位中年白人妇女举起双臂，想知道：“奥巴马为什么不对付你？每天至少一次，我通过电子邮件、推文或Facebook消息收到这个问题或其变体。为什么我还在这里？

It' s a fair question, and it' s been hanging over me every day for the past year, ever since I publicly revealed my undocumented status. There are an estimated 11.5 million people like me in this country, human beings with stories as varied as America itself yet lacking a legal claim to exist here. Like many others, I kept my status a secret, passing myself off as a U.S. citizen-right down to cultivating a homegrown accent.

I went to college and became a journalist, earning a staff job at the Washington Post. But the deception weighed on me.

When I eventually decided to admit the truth, I chose to come out publicly-very publicly-in the form of an essay for the New York Times last June. Several immigration lawyers counseled against doing this. ("It's legal suicide," warned one.) Broadcasting my status to millions seemed tantamount to an invitation to the immigration cops

: Here I am. Come pick me up.
这是一个公平的问题，自从我公开透露我的无证身份以来，在过去的一年里，它每天都悬在我头上。在这个国家，估计有1150万人像我一样，他们的故事与美国本身一样多，但缺乏合法的存在要求。像许多其他人一样，我对自己的身份保密，假装自己是美国公民，直到培养本土口音。

我上了大学，成为了一名记者，在《华盛顿邮报》找到了一份职员工作。但这种欺骗使我感到沉重。

当我最终决定承认真相时，我选择在去年六月以《纽约时报》的一篇文章的形式公开出柜。几位移民律师建议不要这样做。（“这是合法的自杀，”其中一人警告说。向数百万人广播我的身份似乎无异于向移民警察发出邀请

：我在这里。来接我。

So I waited. And waited some more. As the months passed, there were no knocks on my door, no papers served, no calls or letters from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement

(ICE), which deported a record 396,906 people in fiscal 2011. Before I came out, the question always at the top of my mind was, What will happen if people find out? Afterward, the question changed to What happens now? It seemed I had traded a largely hidden undocumented life in limbo for an openly undocumented life that's still in limbo.
所以我等了。又等了一会儿。几个月过去了，没有人敲我的门，没有送达文件，没有来自美国移民和海关执法局（ICE）的电话或信件，该局

在2011财年驱逐了创纪录的396,906人。在我出柜之前，我脑海中一直萦绕着一个问题，如果被人发现会发生什么？之后，问题变成了现在会发生什么？我似乎已经把一个基本上隐藏的无证生活换成了一个仍然处于不确定状态的公开无证生活。

But as I' ve crisscrossed the U.S.-participating in more than 60 events in nearly 20 states and learning all I can about this debate that divides our country (yes, it's my country too)-I've realized that the most important questions are the ones other people ask me. I am now a walking conversation
但是，当我在美国各地穿梭时——在近 20 个州参加了 60 多场活动，并尽我所能了解这场分裂我们国家的辩论（是的，这也是我的国家）——我意识到最重要的问题是其他人问我的问题。我现在是一个行走的对话

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that most people are uncomfortable having.

And once that conversation starts, it' s clear why a consensus on solving our immigration dilemma is so elusive. The questions I hear indicate the things people don't know, the things they think they know but have been misinformed about and the views they hold but do not ordinarily voice.
大多数人都感到不舒服。

一旦对话开始，就很清楚为什么就解决我们的移民困境达成共识如此难以捉摸。我听到的问题表明了人们不知道的事情，他们认为自己知道但被误导的事情，以及他们持有但通常不会表达的观点。

I' ve also been witness to a shift (that) I believe will be a game changer for the debate: more people coming out.

While closely associated with the modern gay-rights movement

, in recent years the term coming out and the act itself have been embraced by the country's young undocumented population. At least 2,000 undocumented immigrants-most of them under 30 -have contacted me and outed themselves in the past year. Others are coming out over social media or in person to their friends, their fellow students, their colleagues. It's srue, these individuals-many brought to the U.S. by family when they were too young to understand what it means to be "illegal" - are a fraction of the millions living hidden lives. But each becomes another walking conversation. We love this country. We contribute to it. This is our home. What happens when even more of us step forward? How will the U.S. government and American citizens react then?
我也目睹了一种转变，我相信这将改变辩论的游戏规则：更多的人站出来。

虽然与现代同性恋权利运动

密切相关，但近年来，这个词的出现和行为本身已经被该国的年轻无证人口所接受。在过去的一年里，至少有2000名无证移民（其中大多数不到30岁）与我联系并出柜。其他人则通过社交媒体或亲自向他们的朋友、同学、同事出柜。这些人——许多人在太年轻时被家人带到美国，不明白什么是“非法”——只是数百万人中隐蔽生活的一小部分。但每一次都变成了另一场行走的对话。我们爱这个国家。我们为此做出了贡献。这是我们的家。当我们中有更多的人挺身而出时会发生什么？届时，美国政府和美国公民将如何反应？

The contradictions of our immigration debate are inescapable. Polls show substantial support for creating a path to citizenship for some undocumenteds-yet

of Americans support allowing police to stop and question anyone they suspect of being "illegal." Democrats are viewed as being more welcoming to immigrants, but the Obama Administration has sharply ramped up deportations. The probusiness GOP waves a KEEP OUT flag at the Mexican border and a HELP WANTED sign 100 yards in, since so many industries depend on cheap labor.

我们移民辩论的矛盾是不可避免的。民意调查显示，大量支持为一些无证人士创造一条获得公民身份的途径，但

美国人支持允许警察拦截并询问任何他们怀疑是“非法”的人。民主党人被认为更欢迎移民，但奥巴马政府大幅加大了驱逐出境的力度。亲商业的共和党在墨西哥边境挥舞着一面“远离”旗帜，并在 100 码处挥舞着“帮助通缉”标志，因为许多行业都依赖廉价劳动力。

Election-year politics is further confusing things, as both parties scramble to attract Latinos without scaring off other constituencies. President Obama has as much as a 3-to-1 lead over Mitt Romney

among Latino voters, but his deportation push is dampening their enthusiasm. Romney has a crucial ally in Florida Senator Marco Rubio, a Cuban American, but is burdened by the sharp anti-immigrant rhetoric he unleashed in the primary-election battle. This month, the Supreme Court is expected to rule on Arizona's controversial anti-immigrant law. A decision either way could galvanize reform supporters and opponents alike.
选举年的政治更加令人困惑，因为两党都在争先恐后地吸引拉美裔，而不会吓跑其他选区。奥巴马总统

在拉丁裔选民中以3比1领先米特·罗姆尼（Mitt Romney），但他的驱逐行动正在挫伤他们的热情。罗姆尼在佛罗里达州参议员马可·卢比奥（Marco Rubio）中有一个至关重要的盟友，他是一名古巴裔美国人，但他在初选中释放出尖锐的反移民言论使他感到负担。本月，预计最高法院将对亚利桑那州有争议的反移民法作出裁决。无论哪种方式，一个决定都可能激发改革的支持者和反对者。

But the real political flash point is the proposed Dream Act

, a decade-old immigration bill that would provide a path to citizenship for young people educated in this country. The bill never passed, but it focused attention on these youths, who call themselves the Dreamers. Both the President and Rubio have placed Dreamers at the center of their reform efforts-but with sharply differing views on how to address them.
但真正的政治爆发点是拟议的《梦想法案

》，这是一项已有十年历史的移民法案，将为在这个国家接受教育的年轻人提供获得公民身份的途径。该法案从未通过，但它将注意力集中在这些自称梦想家的年轻人身上。总统和卢比奥都把梦想家置于改革努力的中心，但在如何解决这些问题上却截然不同。

ICE, the division of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS)

charged with enforcing immigration laws, is its own contradiction, a tangled bureaucracy saddled with conflicting goals. As the weeks passed after my public confession, the fears of my lawyers and friends began to seem faintly ridiculous. Coming out didn't endanger me; it had protected me. A Philippine-born, collegeeducated, outspoken mainstream journalist is not the face the government wants to put on its deportation program. Even so, who flies under the radar

, and who becomes one of those unfortunate 396,906 ? Who stays, who goes, and who decides? Eventually I confronted ICE about its plans for me, and I came away with even more questions.
ICE是国土安全部（DHS）

负责执行移民法的部门，它本身就是一个矛盾的机构，一个错综复杂的官僚机构，背负着相互冲突的目标。在我公开认罪后的几周里，我的律师和朋友的恐惧开始显得有些荒谬。出柜并没有危及我;它保护了我。一个出生于菲律宾、受过大学教育、直言不讳的主流记者并不是政府想要在驱逐计划中露面的人。即便如此，谁在雷达

下飞行，谁成为那些不幸的 396,906 人中的一员？谁留下，谁去，谁决定？最终，我向ICE询问了它对我的计划，我得到了更多的问题。

I am not without contradictions either. I am 31 and have been a working journalist for a decade. I know I can no longer claim to be a detached, objective reporter, at least in the traditional sense. I am part of this evolving story and growing movement. It is personal. Though I have worked hard to approach this issue like any other, I' ve also found myself drawn to the activists, driven to help tell their story.

我也不是没有矛盾。我今年 31 岁，从事记者工作已有十年。我知道我不能再声称自己是一个超然的、客观的记者，至少在传统意义上是这样。我是这个不断发展的故事和不断发展的运动的一部分。这是个人的。尽管我努力像对待其他任何人一样处理这个问题，但我也发现自己被活动家所吸引，被驱使着帮助讲述他们的故事。

This is the time to tell it.
现在是时候告诉它了。

"Why don't you become legal?" asked 79-year-old William Oglesby of Iowa City, Iowa. It was early December, a few weeks before the Iowa caucuses, and I was attending a Mitt Romney town hall at an animal-feed maker

. Romney had just fielded questions from a group of voters

, including Oglesby and his wife Sharon, both Republicans. Addressing immigration, Romney said, "For those who have come here illegally, they might have a transition time to allow them to set their affairs in order and then go back home and get in line with everybody else."
“你为什么不合法化？”爱荷华州爱荷华市79岁的威廉·奥格尔斯比（William Oglesby）问道。那是12月初，在爱荷华州预选会议召开前几周，我正在一家动物饲料制造商

参加米特·罗姆尼（Mitt Romney）的市政厅。罗姆尼刚刚回答了一群选民

的问题，包括奥格尔斯比和他的妻子莎伦，他们都是共和党人。在谈到移民问题时，罗姆尼说：“对于那些非法来到这里的人来说，他们可能有一个过渡时间，让他们把自己的事务安排好，然后回家，与其他人保持一致。

"I haven't become legal," I told William, "because there' s no way for me to become legal, sir." Sharon jumped in. "You can't get a green card?" "No, ma' am," I said. "There's no process for me." Of all the questions I' ve been asked in the past year, "Why don't you become legal?" is probably the most exasperating. But it speaks to how unfamiliar most Americans are with how the immigration process works.

“我还没有成为合法人，”我告诉威廉，“因为我没有办法成为合法人，先生。Sharon跳了进来。“你拿不到绿卡？”“不，马，”我说。“我没有过程。”在过去的一年里，我被问到的所有问题中，“你为什么不合法化？”可能是最令人恼火的。但它说明了大多数美国人对移民程序的运作方式是多么陌生。

As Angela M. Kelley, an immigration advocate in Washington, told me, "If you think the American tax code is outdated and complicated, try understanding America's immigration code." The easiest way to become a U.S. citizen is to be born here - doesn't matter who your parents are; you' re in. (The main exception is for children of foreign diplomatic officials.) If you were born outside the U.S. and want to come here, the golden ticket is the so-called green card, a document signifying that the U.S. government has granted you permanent-resident status, meaning you' re able to live and, more important, work here. Once you have a green card, you're on your way to eventual citizenship - in as little as three years if you marry a U.S. citizen - as long as you don't break the law and you meet other requirements such as paying a fee and passing a civics test.
正如华盛顿的移民倡导者安吉拉·M·凯利（Angela M. Kelley）告诉我的那样，“如果你认为美国的税法已经过时和复杂，那就试着理解美国的移民法。成为美国公民的最简单方法是出生在这里——不管你的父母是谁;你进来了。（主要例外是外国外交官员的子女。如果你出生在美国境外并想来这里，那么金票就是所谓的绿卡，这是一份文件，表明美国政府已经授予你永久居民身份，这意味着你能够在这里生活，更重要的是，在这里工作。一旦你有了绿卡，你就有可能获得最终的公民身份——如果你嫁给美国公民，在短短三年内——只要你不违法并且你满足其他要求，如支付费用和通过公民考试。

Obtaining a green card means navigating one of the two principal ways of getting permanent legal status in the U.S.: family or specialized work. To apply for a green card on the basis of family, you need to be a spouse, parent, child or sibling of a citizen. (Green-card holders can petition only for their spouses or unmarried children.) Then it's time to get in line. For green-card seekers, the U.S. has a quota of about 25,000 green cards per country each year. That means Moldova (population: 3.5 million) gets the same number of green cards as Mexico (population: 112 million). The wait time depends on demand. If you' re in Mexico, India, the Philippines or another nation with many applicants, expect a wait of years or even decades. (Right now, for example, the U.S. is considering Filipino siblings who applied in January 1989.)
获得绿卡意味着在美国获得永久合法身份的两种主要方式之一：家庭或专业工作。要以家庭为基础申请绿卡，您需要是公民的配偶、父母、子女或兄弟姐妹。（绿卡持有人只能为其配偶或未婚子女申请。然后是时候排队了。对于绿卡申请者，美国每年每个国家约有 25,000 张绿卡的配额。这意味着摩尔多瓦（人口：350万）获得的绿卡数量与墨西哥（人口：1.12亿）相同。等待时间取决于需求。如果您在墨西哥、印度、菲律宾或其他申请人数众多的国家，预计需要等待数年甚至数十年。（例如，目前美国正在考虑1989年1月申请的菲律宾兄弟姐妹。

Taking the employment route to a green card means clearing a pretty high bar if you have an employer who's willing to hire you.

There are different levels of priority, with preference given to people with job skills considered crucial, such as specialized medical professionals, advanced-degree holders and executives of multinational companies. There'

no waiting list for those. If you don't qualify for a green card, you may be able to secure one of the few kinds of temporary work visas-
走绿卡的就业途径意味着如果你有一个愿意雇用你的雇主，就要清除一个相当高的门槛。

有不同级别的优先级，优先考虑具有重要工作技能的人，例如专业医疗专业人员、高级学位持有者和跨国公司的高管。

这些没有等候名单。如果你没有资格获得绿卡，你也许可以获得为数不多的临时工作签证之一——

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including the now famous H1-B visas that are common in Silicon Valley.

For those already in the U.S. without documentation-those who have sneaked across a border or overstayed a temporary visa-it' s even more complicated. Options are extremely limited. One route is to marry a U.S. citizen, but it's not as easy as the movies would have you think. The process can take years, especially if a sham marriage is suspected. I couldn'

marry my way into citizenship even if I wanted to. I'm gay. Same-sex marriage is not recognized by the federal government-explicitly so, ever since Congress passed the Defense of Marriage Act

. From the government's perspective, for me to pursue a path to legalization now, I would have to leave the U.S., return to the Philippines and hope to qualify via employment, since I don'

have any qualifying family members here. But because I have admitted to being in the U.S. illegally, I would be subject to a 10 -year bar before any application would be considered

.
包括现在著名的H1-B签证，在硅谷很常见。

对于那些已经在美国没有证件的人来说——那些偷偷越过边境或逾期居留临时签证的人——情况就更加复杂了。选择非常有限。一条路是嫁给美国公民，但这并不像电影想象的那么容易。这个过程可能需要数年时间，尤其是在怀疑假结婚的情况下。即使我想

结婚，我也不能通过结婚的方式获得公民身份。我是同性恋。自从国会通过《婚姻保护法

》以来，联邦政府就不承认同性婚姻。从政府的角度来看，我现在要走上合法化的道路，我必须离开美国，返回菲律宾，并希望通过就业获得资格，因为

我在这里没有任何符合条件的家庭成员。但是由于我承认非法进入美国，在考虑

任何申请之前，我将受到10年的禁令。

The long-stalled Dream Act is the best hope for many young people. The original 2001 version would have created a path to legal status-effectively a green card-for undocumented people age 21 and under who had graduated from high school and resided in the U.S. for five years. As the bill stalled in Congress and Dreamers got older, the age requirement went up, getting as high as 35 . Rubio is expected to introduce his own variation, granting nonimmigrant visas so Dreamers could legally stay in the U.S., go to school and work. Its prospects are dim in a gridlocked Congress. Obama, meanwhile, is said to be weighing an Executive Order that would halt deportation of Dream Act - eligible youth and provide them with work permits. Under both Rubio's bill (details of which are not yet confirmed) and Obama's Executive Order (which is being studied), Dreamers could become legal residents. However, both proposals are only the first steps of a longer journey to citizenship.
长期停滞不前的《梦想法案》是许多年轻人的最大希望。最初的2001年版本将为21岁及以下的高中毕业并在美国居住五年的无证人士创造一条获得合法身份的途径 - 实际上是绿卡。随着该法案在国会停滞不前，梦想家年龄的增长，年龄要求上升，高达35岁。预计卢比奥将推出自己的变体，授予非移民签证，以便梦想家可以合法地留在美国，上学和工作。在陷入僵局的国会中，它的前景黯淡。与此同时，据说奥巴马正在权衡一项行政命令，该命令将停止驱逐“梦想法案”-符合条件的青年，并为他们提供工作许可。根据卢比奥的法案（细节尚未确认）和奥巴马的行政命令（正在研究中），梦想家可以成为合法居民。然而，这两项提案都只是获得公民身份的漫长旅程的第一步。

"Why did you come out?" asked 20-year-old Gustavo Madrigal, who attended a talk I gave at the University of Georgia in late April. Like many Dreamers I' ve met, Madrigal is active in his community. Since he grew up in Georgia, he's needed to be. A series of measures have made it increasingly tough for undocumented students there to attend state universities.
“你为什么出来？”20岁的古斯塔沃·马德里加尔（Gustavo Madrigal）问道，他参加了我4月下旬在佐治亚大学（University of Georgia）的一次演讲。像我遇到的许多梦想家一样，Madrigal在他的社区中很活跃。由于他在佐治亚州长大，所以他需要成为。一系列措施使那里的无证学生越来越难以进入州立大学。

"Why did you come out?" I asked him in turn. "I didn't have a choice," Madrigal replied. "I also reached a point," I told him, "when there was no other choice but to come out." And it is true for so many others. We are living in the golden age of coming out. There are no overall numbers on this, but each day I encounter at least five more openly undocumented people. As a group and as individuals, we are putting faces and names and stories on an issue that is often treated as an abstraction.
“你怎么出来了？”我反过来问他。“我别无选择，”Madrigal回答。“我也到了某个地步，”我告诉他，“别无选择，只能出来。对于许多其他人来说也是如此。我们生活在出柜的黄金时代。这方面没有总体数字，但每天我至少会遇到五个公开的无证人员。作为一个团体和个人，我们把面孔、名字和故事放在一个经常被视为抽象的问题上。

Technology, especially social media, has played a big role. Online, people are telling their stories and coming out, asking others to consider life from their perspective and testing everyone's empathy quotient

. Some realize the risks of being so public; others, like me, think publicity offers protection. Most see the value of connecting with others and sharing experiences - by liking the page of United We Dream on Facebook, for example, or watching the Undocumented and Awkward video series on YouTube.
技术，尤其是社交媒体，发挥了重要作用。在网上，人们讲述自己的故事，走出来，要求别人从自己的角度考虑生活，测试每个人的同理心商

数。有些人意识到如此公开的风险;其他人，像我一样，认为宣传提供了保护。大多数人都看到了与他人联系和分享经验的价值——例如，通过在 Facebook 上喜欢 United We Dream 的页面，或在 YouTube 上观看 Undocumented and Awkward 视频系列。

This movement has its roots in the massive immigrant-rights rallies of 2006, which were held in protest of HR4437

, a Republican-backed House bill that would have classified undocumented
这场运动起源于2006年的大规模移民权利集会，该集会是为了抗议HR4437

，这是一项共和党支持的众议院法案，该法案将被归类为无证
immigrants and anyone who helped them enter and remain in the U.S. as felons. Though the bill died, it awakened activism in this young generation. Through Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, I encountered youths who were bravely facing their truths.
移民和任何帮助他们作为重罪犯进入并留在美国的人。虽然该法案夭折了，但它唤醒了年轻一代的激进主义。通过Facebook、Twitter和YouTube，我遇到了勇敢面对真相的年轻人。

"For many people, coming out is a way of saying you' re not alone," says Gaby Pacheco of United We Dream. Her parents came from Ecuador and brought her to the U.S. in 1993, when she was 7. Immigration officials raided her home in 2006, and her family has been fighting deportation since. Now 27, she has three education degrees and wants to be a special-education

teacher. But her life remains on hold while she watches documented friends land jobs and plan their futures. Says Pacheco: "In our movement, you come out for yourself, and you come out for other people."
“对许多人来说，出柜是一种说你并不孤单的方式，”United We Dream的Gaby Pacheco说。她的父母来自厄瓜多尔，1993年她7岁时将她带到美国。移民官员在2006年突击搜查了她的家，从那以后，她的家人一直在与驱逐出境作斗争。现年27岁的她拥有三个教育学位，并希望成为一名特殊教育

教师。但她的生活仍然停滞不前，因为她看着有记录的朋友找到工作并计划他们的未来。帕切科说：“在我们的运动中，你为自己出柜，你为别人出柜。

The movement, as its young members call it, does not have a single leader. News travels by tweet and Facebook update, as it did when we heard that Joaquin Luna, an undocumented 18-yearold from Texas, killed himself the night after Thanksgiving and, though this is unproved, we instantly connected his death to the stresses of living as a Dreamer. Some Dreamers, contemplating coming out, ask me whether they should pretend to be legal to get by. "Should I just do what you did? You know, check the citizenship box [on a government form] and try to get the job?" a few have asked me. Often I don't know how to respond. I'd like to tell them to be open and honest, but I know I owe my career to my silence for all those years. Sometimes all I can manage to say is "You have to say yes to yourself when the world says no."
正如其年轻成员所称的那样，该运动没有一个领导人。新闻通过推特和 Facebook 更新传播，就像我们听说来自德克萨斯州的 18 岁无证少年华金·卢纳（Joaquin Luna）在感恩节后的晚上自杀一样，尽管这没有得到证实，但我们立即将他的死与作为梦想家生活的压力联系起来。一些梦想家，考虑出柜，问我他们是否应该假装合法才能过日子。“我应该像你那样做吗？你知道吗，在[政府表格上]勾选公民身份框并尝试找到这份工作？“一些人问我。我经常不知道如何回应。我想告诉他们要开诚布公，但我知道我的职业生涯要归功于我这些年的沉默。有时我只能说：“当世界说不时，你必须对自己说”是“。

"What next?" is the question I ask myself now. It's a question that haunts every undocumented person in the U.S. The problem is, immigration has become a third-rail issue

in Washington, D.C. more controversial even than health care because it deals with issues of race and class, of entitlement and privilege, that America has struggled with since its founding. As much as we talk about the problem, we rarely focus on coming up with an actual solution - an equitable process to fix the system.
“下一步是什么？”是我现在问自己的问题。这是一个困扰着美国每个无证人士的问题。问题是，移民已经成为华盛顿特区的第三条轨道问题

，甚至比医疗保健更具争议性，因为它涉及种族和阶级、权利和特权问题，这是美国自建国以来一直在努力解决的问题。尽管我们谈论这个问题，但我们很少关注提出一个实际的解决方案——一个公平的程序来修复系统。

I am still here. Still in limbo

. So are nearly 12 million others like me - enough to populate Ohio. We are working with you, going to school with you, paying taxes with you, worrying about our bills with you. What exactly do you want to do with us? More important, when will you realize that we are one of you?
我还在这里。仍然处于不确定状态

.还有近1200万像我一样的人 - 足以在俄亥俄州居住。我们和你一起工作，和你一起上学，和你一起纳税，和你一起担心我们的账单。你到底想和我们做什么？更重要的是，你什么时候会意识到我们是你们中的一员？

I. New Words 一、新词

bafflement 困惑	['bæflmənt]	.	困惑
civics 公民	['siviks] ['西维克]	.	公民学,公民棵
code 法典	$ə$	.	a system of laws and rules 法律和规则体系
consensus 共识	$ə$ 'sensəs]	.	a general agreement 一般协议
constituency 选区	$ə$ 'stitjuənsi]	.	选区中的全体选民

contemplate 考虑

[kən'templeit]

思考你是否应该做 STH，或者你应该如何做 STH，或者你应该如何做 STH

to think about whether you should do sth or

how you should do sth

controversial 争议

[kəntro'va:Jal] [kəntro'va：Jal]

adj. 调整。

causing much disagreement or argument
引起很多分歧或争论

crisscross 交叉

['kriskros] ['克里斯克罗斯]

to come and go across
来来去去

crucial 关键

['kru:/jel] ['克鲁：/果尔]

adj. 调整。

of deciding importance 决定重要性

deport 驱逐

[di'po:t] [嘀�

将

（不是公民的人）送出国家

to send

(who is not a citizen) out of a coun-

try

detached 超然

[di'tætft]

adj. 调整。

不带感情的,不偏不倚的

Ecuador 厄瓜多尔

['ekwədo:] ['ekwədo：]

厄瓜多尔（南美洲西北部国家）

eligible 资格

adj. 调整。

fulfilling the necessary conditions
满足必要条件

elusive 不可捉摸

[i'lu:siv] [i'lu：siv]

adj. 调整。

difficult to find 很难找到

embrace 拥抱

[im'breis]

to accept an idea
接受一个想法

encounter 遇到

[in'kauntə]

formal to be faced with
正式面对

entitlement 权利

[in'taitlmənt]

an official right to have or do sth
拥有或做 STH 的官方权利

equitable 公平

['ekwitabl]

adj. 调整。

fair and just 公平公正

felon 瘭疽

a person who has committed a serious crime
犯有严重罪行的人

fraction 分数

['fræk

['淘气]

a small part or amount of sth
一小部分或少量的STH

frustration 挫折

[frı'streifən]

感到恼火、失望或不满

feeling of annoyed disappointment or dissatis-

faction

galvanize 镀锌

['gælvənaiz]

to shock sb into action
震撼SB采取行动

gridlock 僵局

['gridlok] ['格洛克]

使陷入痽瘊/僵局

inebriated 醉酒

[i'ni:brieitid] [i'ni：brieitid]

adj. 调整。

formal or humorous drunk
正式或幽默的醉酒

Latino 拉丁美洲人

[læ'ti:nəu] [læ'ti：nəu]

（尤指居住在美国的)拉丁美洲人

Moldova 摩尔多瓦

[məl'do:və] [məl'do：və]

摩尔多瓦(欧洲东南部国家)

navigate 导航

['nævigeit]

找到处理困难情况的正确方法

to find the right way to deal with a difficult

situation

outdated 过时的

[aut'deitid]

adj. 调整。

由于过时而不再有用

no longer useful because of being old-fash-

ioned

petition 请愿

[pə'tijən]

to make a formal request for
提出正式请求

principal 主要

adj. 调整。

most important 重要

raid 袭击

[reid] [里德]

(警察等)突入查抄/搜捕

ramp 坡道

[ræmp] [咔嚓]

sth up to make sth increase

sth up 使 sth 增加

rhetoric 修辞

旨在影响他人的言论或写作

speech or writing that is intended to influence

people

scramble 争夺

['skræmbl] ['害怕]

to compete with others in order to get sth
与他人竞争以获得 STH

stall 失速

sto:1]

sto：1]

to stop sth from making progress
阻止 STH 取得进展

substantial 大量

[səb'stæn

adj. 调整。

large in amount 量大

weet 韦特

[twi:t] [暮：T]

在“推特”社交网站上发的信息

ndocumente

[^n'dəkjuməntid]

adj. 调整。

无证明文件的

unleash 释放	li: 李：	.	发出; 发动发出;发动
variation 变化	veəri' ei	.	a changed form 改变的形式

II. Background information
二、背景资料

移民之国

美国是个典型的移民国家,其移民史最早可追溯到 1620 年,经过近四百年的移民，美国已由民族种类较为单一的国家变为由一百多个民族组成的国家。美国迄今共有四次移民潮。

第一次移民潮（1820-1860）。移民人数多达 500 万。拿破仑战争结東后，欧洲重获和平,随着大批军人复员,欧洲各国失业现象严重。与此同时,美国国内建设需要大量劳力。美国政府改变了建国初期的限制移民政策,于是欧洲人移居美国的数量迅猛增加。1848年欧洲革命后,动荡局势和政治、宗教迫害使大批德国人离欧赴美。18461851 年期间爱尔兰出现的饥荒和疾病迫使 100 多万人移居美国。

第二次移民潮（1861-1880）。南北战争结束后,美国迎来了工业化高峰期,劳动力需求强烈。美国政府为了吸引移民,颁布了《鼓励外来移民法》。美国企业界采取许多有效措施,提供种种优惠条件吸引欧洲人移居美国。这一时期,移民总数超过500万。

第三次移民潮（1881-1920）。移民人数约2350万。美国工业化和城市化步伐加快,劳力需求持续旺盛，吸引了大批欧洲人移居美国。这次移民潮的前半段大部分移民来自北欧和西欧。后半段北欧和西欧移民所占比例下降,大部分移民来自东欧和南欧。

从 1820 年到 1920 年的 100 年间,美国移民总数为 3350 万。1920年美国人口增加到 1 亿,移民给美国带来的不仅是劳力,还有资金、技术和知识。移民为美国经济发展做出了重大贡献，正是在他们的推动下，美国变成了一个强大的国家。

第四次移民潮（1965-）。1965年美国颁布了《移民与国籍法》( the Immigration and Nationality Act)。此项法案取消了国家配额制(quota system)。新的法案把对美国有用的人才引进和美国公民家属团聚放在优先地位。美国再次出现移民潮。这次移民潮不仅规模庞大，而且移民来自更广的区域,在群体类别、教育技能、居住分布等方面出现了新的特点。

数据显示, 从1965年到 2015 年美国移民数量高达 4320 万。仅以亚洲为例, 1901一 1930 年亚洲移民所占移民总数的比例仅为3.7%。1970 年这一比例上升到

年又增加到

,大致与来自墨西哥的移民相等。来自欧洲和加拿大的移民所占比例约为

, 来自加勒比海地区的移民约占

, 来自中美洲和南美洲的移民所占比例分别为

和

,还有来自中东的比例约为

, 来自撒哈拉沙漠以南非洲地区的比例约为

。

美国合法移民分为两大类:亲属移民和非亲属移民。美国公民可为配偶、子女、父母, 以及兄弟姐妹申请移民; 永久居民可为配偶和未婚子女申请移民。非亲属移民有

美英报刊阅读教程（中级精选本）(第六版）

三种: 1. 职业移民,分为特殊人才、持高等教育学历和特别能力的专业人士、技术工人等; 2 . 投资移民;3.抽奖移民。

美国社会还有数量近 1200 万的非法移民。非法移民可分为三类:第一类是非法途径进入(illegal entry); 第二类是签证逾期滞留 (visa overstay); 第三类是违背入境卡规定滞留(border crossing card violation)。有关资料显示墨西哥是非法移民最大来源地。为了阻止墨西哥人偷渡, 布什总统 2006 年签署了《安全围墙法案》, 决定在美墨边境建造一道1126千米的隔离墙。特朗普就任总统之后对造墙之事更为卖力。据报道, 2020 年 10 月底,美墨边境墙已完成近 645 公里。

非法移民不具有合法身份, 无法享受公民权益, 生活无保障, 不安全。许多经济条件较差者只得放弃求学机会。据统计,25-65岁的非法移民中有三分之一的人受教育程度还不到 9 年级。没有合法身份就难以接受良好教育, 未接受良好的教育就难以摆脱经济贫困,不能改变“非法”身份,这样便陷入了恶性循环之中。

III. Notes to the Text
三、正文注释

Jose Antonio Vargas-前《华盛顿邮报》记者, 其2007年弗吉尼亚理工大学枪击案的报道获得普利策新闻奖。
get your ass home-a rude way of saying "go home"
让你的屁股回家——一种粗鲁的说“回家”的方式
I kept my status a secret, passing myself off as a U.S. citizen-right down to cultivating a homegrown accent. 一我隐瞒自己的身份, 冒充是美国公民，甚至学讲地道的美国音。(1) to pass off-to present falsely; (2) cultivate -to develop a way of talking)
我对自己的身份保密，把自己伪装成美国公民，直到培养本土口音。一我隐瞒自己的身份, 冒充是美国公民，甚至学讲地道的美国音。（一）假冒（2）培养-发展说话方式）
But the deception weighed on me. 一但是这种欺骗构成了我的心理负担。(weigh on sb-to make sb anxious or worried)
但这种欺骗使我感到沉重。一但是这种欺骗构成了我的心理负担。（加重 SB-让 SB 焦虑或担心）
Broadcasting my status to millions seemed tantamount to an invitation to the immigration cops... 一把我的身份告诉数百万人似乎是在招引移民局警察上门(tantamount to一having the same bad effect as sth else)
向数百万人广播我的身份似乎无异于向移民警察发出邀请......一把我的身份告诉数百万人似乎是在招引移民局警察上门（tantamount toone having same bad effect as sth else）
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement一美国移民和海关执法署
I am now a walking conversation that most people are uncomfortable having. 一我现在成了被大多数人常常谈论而又谈起来感到不舒服的话题。(walking-used here in a humorous way to emphasize the fact that the author has become a hot topic of conversation)
我现在是一个行走的对话，大多数人都不舒服。一我现在成了被大多数人常常谈论而又谈起来感到不舒服的话题。（走路——在这里以幽默的方式使用，以强调作者已成为热门话题的事实）
I' ve also been witness to a shift (that) I believe will be a game changer for the debate: more people coming out. 一我也看到了我相信会改变这场辩论局面的形势变化: 越来越多的人亮明自己的身份。
我也目睹了一种转变，我相信这将改变辩论的游戏规则：更多的人站出来。一我也看到了我相信会改变这场辩论局面的形势变化: 越来越多的人亮明自己的身份。
gay-rights movement一同性恋权利运动(美国同性恋权利运动始于20世纪60年代, 经过半个多世纪取得了巨大进展。2015年美国最高法院裁定同性婚姻合法。)
The probusiness GOP waves a KEEP OUT flag at the Mexican border and a HELP WANTED sign 100 yards in, since so many industries depend on cheap labor. 一支持企业的老大党在美
亲商业的共和党在墨西哥边境挥舞着一面“远离”旗帜，并在 100 码处挥舞着“帮助通缉”标志，因为许多行业都依赖廉价劳动力。一支持企业的老大党在美
国与墨西哥的边境挥舞“禁止入境”大旗，而又在离边界 100 码境内打出招工广告,因为许许多多企业要依赖廉价劳力。(1) GOP-the Republican political party in the U.S.; (2) HELP WANTED sign-an advertisement for jobs that an employer is seeking to fill)
Mitt Romney-an American businessman, politician, the Republican Party's nominee for President of the U.S. in the 2012 election
米特·罗姆尼（Mitt Romney）——美国商人、政治家、共和党2012年大选总统候选人
But the real political flash point is the proposed Dream Act...一但是,真正引发政治冲突的导火线是已提交的“梦想法案” [(1) Dream Act-Dream 是 “Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors”的缩略词。“梦想法案”旨在为 16 岁以前随父母非法赴美, 在美连续生活5年、无案底的非法移民提供一条入籍途径。要取得资格, 他们必须从美国高中毕业或获得 GED(一般教育发展)考试证书, 完成两年大学学业或至少服兵役两年, 且满足年龄不得超过 35 岁、道德良好等要求, 此类群体估计数量为 210 万。(2) flash point-a point at which violent action starts and cannot be controlled.]
Development of Homeland Security (DHS)一国土安全部(略作DHS)(该部成立于2002年,其职责是应对类似2001年所发生的恐怖组织发起的攻击, 保卫美国本土安全。)
who flies under the radar -who has not been found (as an illegal immigrant)
谁在雷达下飞行 - 谁没有被发现（作为非法移民）
I've also found myself drawn to the activists, driven to help tell their story. 一我还发现自己被这些积极分子所吸引，情不自禁地帮忙介绍他们的情况。(1) draw-to attract; (2) drive一 to force sb to act in a particular way)
我还发现自己被活动家所吸引，被驱使着帮助讲述他们的故事。一我还发现自己被这些积极分子所吸引，情不自禁地帮忙介绍他们的情况。（1）吸引吸引;（2）驱使一迫使 SB 以特定方式行事）
an animal-feed maker一动物饲料加工厂
动物饲料制造商一动物饲料加工厂
Romney had just fielded questions from a group of voters... 一罗姆尼刚刚巧妙地回答了一群选民所提出的问题 (field-to answer a difficult question cleverly and skillfully)
罗姆尼刚刚回答了一群选民的问题......一罗姆尼刚刚巧妙地回答了一群选民所提出的问题（field-to answer a difficult question clever and skillently）
But it speaks to how unfamiliar most Americans are with how the immigration process works.一但这说明大部分美国人对于移民程序如何运作是何等无知。( speak to-to show or prove)
但这说明大部分美国人对于移民程序如何运作是何等无知。（说话-展示或证明）
Taking the employment route to a green card means clearing a pretty high bar if you have an employer who's willing to hire you.一通过工作途径获取绿卡意味着在有人愿意雇佣你的前提下（或情况下）还得越过相当高的障碍。(1) clear-to jump over; (2) bar-a thing that stops sb from doing sth)
一通过工作途径获取绿卡意味着在有人愿意雇佣你的前提下（或情况下）还得越过相当高的障碍。（1）清晰可跳;（2） bar-阻止 SB 做 STH 的事情）
H1-B visas that are common in Silicon Valley 一硅谷常见的 H1-B 签证(H1-B一美国为引进国外专业技术人员所提供的一种工作签证)
the Defense of Marriage Act一《婚姻保护法案》(该法案1996年颁布,将“配偶” 定义为异性之间的婚姻关系,规定同性婚姻在联邦层面不被认可。)
I would be subject to a 10 -year bar before any application would be considered一在我的移民申请被审批之前我得接受10年禁止出境的惩罚（11) subject to sth一to make sb suffer; (2) bar-anything that blocks the way or prevents progress, here, referring to the law that forbids the author from leaving his homeland)
在考虑任何申请之前，我将受到 10 年的禁令一在我的移民申请被审批之前我得接受 10 年禁止出境的惩罚（11） subject to sth一to make sb suffer;（2）禁止任何阻碍前进或阻碍进步的东西，这里指的是禁止作者离开家园的法律）
empathy quotient一共情商 (a psychological self-report intended to measure how easily you pick up on other people's feelings and how strongly you are affected by other people's feelings)
Empathy Quotient一共情商（一种心理自我报告，旨在衡量你对他人感受的难易程度以及你受他人感受影响的程度）

美英报刊阅读教程(中级精选本)(第六版)

HR4437一HR4437法案,要点包括强化边境管控,没有合法文件入境美国将以犯罪论处,雇主不得雇佣非法移民，违者罚款，加速将犯罪的非法移民递解出境等。
special-education - the education of children who have physical or learning problems
特殊教育 - 对有身体或学习问题的儿童的教育
a third-rail issue-a controversial issue avoided by politicians
第三轨问题——政治家回避的争议问题
in limbo-in a state of uncertainty
处于不确定状态

IV. Language Features 四、语言特点

新闻英语总体特色

英语新闻报刊多种多样: 有纸质新闻报纸、纸质新闻杂志, 还有电子报纸 (electronic newspaper, 简称 e-paper)和电子杂志 (electronic magazine, 简称 e-zine)。报纸可细分为日报、晨报、晚报、半周报（semiweekly）、周报(weekly)和双周报(biweekly),城市报（metropolitan newspaper）、郊区报（suburban newspaper）和乡村报（rural newspaper), 大报(quality newspaper)和通俗小报(tabloid)。

新闻英语主要受以下五个因素制约: 大众性、节俭性、趣味性、时新性和客观性。

报刊是大众传媒，写作必须符合广大读者水平，语言必须通俗易懂。

报业十分珍惜版面,要求新闻写作人员在有限的篇幅内提供尽可能多的信息。读者看报珍惜时间，希望在很短的时间得到所要的信息，这就迫使新闻写作人员养成文字简洁的风格。

西方新闻界一向注重趣味性,报刊又面临电视、广播、网络传媒的巨大挑战,要稳住报业市场就得加强趣味性,因而新闻报道必须写得生动有趣。

时新性是新闻价值之一。新闻报道在提供最新消息的同时也传播了相关的新词。此外,不少新闻写作人员为了增加文章的吸引力,在语言上刻意求新,因而新闻英语具有新颖活泼的特色。

客观性是纯新闻报道所遵循的准则, 没有客观性报道就要丢掉可信性, 也就会失去读者。客观性要求新闻报道文字准确具体，避免用情感词语和夸张手法。

初读美英报刊的人往往会遇到很多困难,主要是因为他们对西方社会文化与新闻文化和报刊英语特点了解不够。西方主要报刊渗透了垄断资本主义集团的意识形态和价值观念。这些意识形态和价值观念表现在语言的各个层面上。不知道这些表现形式就容易被误导。报刊写作具有自身规律和语言特点。不熟悉这些规律和特点就会形成理解障碍。譬如, 新闻标题短小精悍, 在句式和用词上都有相应的省略手段。又如, 新闻报道为了节约篇幅,采用一系列浓缩手段、精练句式。较常见的有前置定语、名词定语、身份同位语前置、词性转化、借代、缩略词等。再如,为使语言生动、活泼，报刊常常使用比喻和成语活用手段。新闻刊物不仅是报道新闻的媒介，而且是“使用新词的庞大机器和杜撰新词的巨大工厂”。这些特点会给读者带来理解上的困难。为了帮助读者克服这些困难,本书把新闻英语特色分成若干细目,结合每篇课文, 逐一进行介绍。

V. Analysis of Content
五、内容分析

The author's essay in the New York Times, June, 2011, was intended to .
作者在2011年6月的《纽约时报》上发表的文章旨在 .

A. gain his personal fame
A. 获得个人名声

B. mobilize a come-out movement
B.动员出柜运动

C. arouse the U.S. government's concern for undocumented young people
C.引起美国政府对无证青年的关注

D. seek relief from deception
D. 寻求摆脱欺骗的解脱

The term "come out" in the article means .
文章中“出来”一词的意思是 .

A. to appear A. 出现

B. to declare oneself openly to be a homosexual
B. 公开宣称自己是同性恋者

C. to make it known to the public about one's undocumented status
C. 让公众知道一个人的无证身份

D. to get published
D. 发表

It can be seen from the article that the Dream Act is focused on .
从文章中可以看出，《梦想法案》的重点是。

A. elderly people seeking better care and treatment
A. 寻求更好护理和治疗的老年人

B. young undocumented immigrants educated in the U.S.
B. 在美国接受教育的年轻无证移民

C. poor people wishing to improve their life
C. 希望改善生活的穷人

D. all undocumented immigrants seeking legal status
D. 所有寻求合法身份的无证移民

According to the author, the easiest way to become a U.S. citizen is to .
根据作者的说法，成为美国公民的最简单方法是。

A. be born in the U.S.
A. 在美国出生

B. marry a U.S. citizen
B. 与美国公民结婚

C. have crucial job skills
C.具备关键的工作技能

D. gain a green card
D. 获得绿卡

The author's view on the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement is .
作者对美国移民和海关执法局的看法是。
A. objective A. 目标
B. highly critical B. 高度关键
C. biased C. 有偏见
D. unknown D. 未知

VI. Questions on the Article
六、关于本条的问题

How did the author reveal his undocumented status?
提交人是如何透露他的无证身份的？
Has the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement taken any action against him? What kind of situation has he been living in?
美国移民和海关执法局是否对他采取了任何行动？他一直生活在什么样的环境中？
Why is a consensus on solving the immigration dilemma so illusive once conversation about the issue starts?
为什么一旦关于这个问题的对话开始，关于解决移民困境的共识就如此虚幻？
What are the inescapable contradictions of the U.S. immigration debate?
美国移民辩论中不可避免的矛盾是什么？
What is the Dream Act?
什么是梦想法案？
Why does the author say ICE is its own contradiction?
为什么作者说ICE是它自己的矛盾？
What kind of document is the U.S. green card?
美国绿卡是什么样的文件？
What are the two principal ways of obtaining a U.S. green card?
获得美国绿卡的两种主要方式是什么？
美英报刊阅读教程(中级精选本)(第六版)
What role has technology played in the come-out movement?
技术在出柜运动中发挥了什么作用？
Why has immigration become a third-rail issue in Washington D.C. ?
为什么移民成为华盛顿特区的第三条铁路问题？

VII. Topics for Discussion
七、讨论议题

Is the Dream Act an effective solution to the problem faced by America's undocumented young people?
《梦想法案》是否有效解决了美国无证年轻人面临的问题？
Should all the undocumented people be deported?
所有无证人员都应该被驱逐出境吗？

Lesson 2 第 2 课

Sillenat Mo Moree 西莱纳特·莫·莫雷

A tragedy in Atlanta and America' s long history of violence against Asians
亚特兰大的悲剧和美国长期以来对亚裔的暴力历史

By Cady Lang 作者：Cady Lang

It was heart-breaking and horrifying-but to many, it wasn't a surprise.
这是令人心碎和可怕的，但对许多人来说，这并不奇怪。

The news that eight people, six of them Asian American women, were killed at businesses in the Atlanta area on March 16 came after a year of intense anti-Asian racism in the U.S. On the platforms where news arrives first, and quickly attaches to feelings, emotions were already raw

.
3月16日，有8人在亚特兰大地区的企业遇害，其中6人是亚裔美国女性，此前美国反亚裔种族主义已经持续了一年。在新闻最先到达并迅速附着在感情上的平台上，情绪已经是原始

的.

"This mass shooter was targeting Asian women and their businesses. This isn't an isolated incident. There have been

hate crimes targeted at Asian people this year alone," social media specialist Mark Kim wrote on Twitter. "This Atlanta tragedy lies at an intersection of race, gender, class and the legacy of America's history of colonization and violence in Asia

," journalist Elise

said on the site. "I don't have the words. I'm just despondent. Protect Asian women, solidarity with sex workers, #StopAsianHate."
“这起大规模枪击事件的目标是亚洲女性及其企业。这不是一个孤立的事件。仅今年一年就发生了

针对亚洲人的仇恨犯罪，“社交媒体专家马克·金（Mark Kim）在推特上写道。“这场亚特兰大悲剧发生在种族、性别、阶级和美国在亚洲

殖民和暴力历史的交汇点上，”记者埃利斯在网站上

说。“我说不出话来。我只是很沮丧。保护亚裔女性，声援性工作者，#StopAsianHate。

And as posts went viral, with comments affirming their calls for change, the news kept coming

. "Atlanta shooting suspect told investigators that killings of Asian women weren't racially motivated, police say," said a Washington Post news alert. A quote from a Daily Beast story described the alleged shooter-who was charged on March 17 with eight counts of murder-as the son of a pastor who was "very innocent seeming." Meanwhile the victims remained nameless. Later in the day, four were identified: Delaina Ashley Yaun, 33; Paul Andre Michels, 54; Xiaojie Yan, 49; and Daoyou Feng, 44. Additionally, Elcias R. Hernandez-Ortiz, 30, was injured in the attack. (Officials from the Atlanta police department are not naming the other victims until their families are notified.) By the time their names were made public, the suspect would already be accounted for by a member of the Cherokee County sheriff's office who, in a video that was widely circulated, said: "Yesterday was a really bad day for him and this is what he did."
随着帖子的传播，评论肯定了他们要求改变的呼吁，消息不断传来

。“亚特兰大枪击案嫌疑人告诉调查人员，杀害亚裔女性不是出于种族动机，警方说，”华盛顿邮报的新闻警报说。《每日野兽》（Daily Beast）的一篇报道将这名被指控的枪手描述为一名“看起来非常无辜”的牧师的儿子，他于3月17日被指控犯有八项谋杀罪。与此同时，受害者仍然无名。当天晚些时候，有四人被确认：33岁的Delaina Ashley Yaun;保罗·安德烈·米歇尔斯，54岁;闫晓杰，49岁;和 44 岁的冯道友。此外，30岁的埃尔西亚斯·埃尔南德斯-奥尔蒂斯（Elcias R. Hernandez-Ortiz）在袭击中受伤。（亚特兰大警察局的官员在通知其他受害者的家人之前不会透露他们的名字。当他们的名字被公开时，嫌疑人已经被切诺基县治安官办公室的一名成员所解释，他在一段广泛流传的视频中说：“昨天对他来说是非常糟糕的一天，这就是他所做的。

In the dissonance was confirmation of what many Asian Americans already knew: the violence that has long targeted their community is rarely seen for what it is.

Since the start of the pandemic last spring, Asian Americans have faced racist violence at a much higher rate than in previous years. Stop AAPI Hate, a reporting database created at the beginning of the pandemic as a response to the increase in racial violence, received 3,795reports of anti-Asian discrimination between March 19, 2020, and Feb. 28, 2021; women reported hate incidents at 2.3 times the rate of men.
在这种不和谐中，证实了许多亚裔美国人已经知道的事情：长期以来针对他们社区的暴力很少被看到。

自去年春天疫情爆发以来，亚裔美国人遭受种族主义暴力的比率远高于往年。2020年3月19日至2021年2月28日期间，为应对种族暴力的增加，在疫情初期为应对种族暴力的增加而创建的报告数据库“停止仇恨亚太裔”（Stop AAPI Hate）收到了3,795份反亚裔歧视报告;女性报告的仇恨事件是男性的2.3倍。

After his capture, the police noted that the shooter said he was seeking to address a "sexual addiction" and "was not racially motivated." But for Asian women, racism and misogyny are deeply intertwined. A 2018 report from the American Psychological Association outlined the ways in which Asian American women are exoticized and objectified in media and popular culture, depicted as
在他被捕后，警方指出，枪手说他正在寻求解决“性瘾”，并且“没有种族动机”。但对于亚裔女性来说，种族主义和厌女症是深深交织在一起的。美国心理学会 2018 年的一份报告概述了亚裔美国女性在媒体和流行文化中被异国情调和物化的方式，被描述为

美英报刊阅读教程(中级精选本)(第六版)

"faceless, quiet and invisible, or as sexual objects." The survey said these stereotypes "contribute to experiences of marginalization, invisibility and oppression" for Asian American women. On March 16, America saw that reality manifest in the most brutal way.
“不露面，安静，看不见，或者作为性对象。”该调查称，这些刻板印象“助长了亚裔美国女性的边缘化、隐形和压迫经历”。3月16日，美国以最残酷的方式看到了这一现实。

From the time the first wave of Chinese immigrants arrived as laborers in the U.S. in the 1850s, Asian Americans have always been subject to racist violence. As a source of cheap labor to build railroads, Asian immigrants came to be seen as threats to white jobs and scapegoated as dirty and disease-ridden. The "yellow peril" ultimately led to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first time the U.S. had ever barred a specific ethnic group from the country

.
自1850年代第一波中国移民作为劳工抵达美国以来，亚裔美国人一直遭受种族主义暴力。作为修建铁路的廉价劳动力来源，亚洲移民被视为对白人工作的威胁，并被当作肮脏和疾病缠身的替罪羊。“黄祸”最终导致了1882年的《排华法案》，这是美国首次禁止特定族裔进入该国

。

The brutality runs through more than two centuries of U.S. history, from the incarceration camps of World War II, when over 100,000 Japanese Americans were rounded up and imprisoned because of xenophobic fears, to the 1982murder of Vincent Chin, who died after being beaten by white men in a racially motivated attack in Detroit.
这种暴行贯穿了美国两个多世纪的历史，从第二次世界大战的监禁营，当时超过10万名日裔美国人因仇外恐惧而被围捕和监禁，到1982年文森特·钦（Vincent Chin）被谋杀，他在底特律的一次出于种族动机的袭击中被白人殴打后死亡。

Yet while racial violence has been an undeniable part of the history of Asian Americans in the U.S., the pervasive "model minority"

myth has helped to obscure it. That false idea, constructed during the civil rights era to stymie racial- justice movements, suggests that Asian Americans are more successful than other ethnic minorities because of hard work, education and inherently lawabiding natures. Racial-justice educator Bianca Mabute-Louie emphasizes the connection between this damaging stereotype and the violence we' ve seen on the news-videos featuring Asian American elders shoved to the ground. "This contributes to erasing the very real interpersonal violence that we see happening in these videos, and that Asian Americans experience from the day-to-day, things that don't get reported and the things that don't get filmed," she says.
然而，尽管种族暴力一直是美国亚裔美国人历史上不可否认的一部分，但无处不在的“模范少数族裔”

神话却帮助掩盖了它。这种在民权时代为阻碍种族正义运动而建立的错误观念表明，亚裔美国人比其他少数族裔更成功，因为他们努力工作、受过教育和天生的守法天性。种族正义教育家比安卡·马布特-路易（Bianca Mabute-Louie）强调了这种破坏性的刻板印象与我们在亚裔美国长者被推倒在地的新闻视频中看到的暴力之间的联系。她说：“这有助于消除我们在这些视频中看到的非常真实的人际暴力，以及亚裔美国人每天所经历的、没有被报道的事情和没有被拍摄的事情。

Because the myth suggests upward mobility, it creates a fallacy that Asian Americans don't experience struggle or racial discrimination

. In reality, the community is America's most economically divided: a 2018 study by the Pew Research Center found that Asian Americans experience the largest income- inequality gap as an ethnic and racial group in the U.S.
因为这个神话暗示了向上流动，它创造了一个谬论，即亚裔美国人没有经历过斗争或种族歧视

。实际上，亚裔美国人是美国经济分裂最严重的社区：皮尤研究中心 2018 年的一项研究发现，亚裔美国人作为一个民族和种族群体，在美国经历了最大的收入不平等差距。

The current surge in anti-Asian hate crimes was exacerbated by the xenophobic rhetoric of former President Donald Trump, who has continued to refer to COVID-19 as "the China virus," blaming the country for the pandemic. Trump's choice of words followed a long American history of using diseases to justify anti-Asian xenophobia-one that has helped to shape perception of Asian Americans as "perpetual foreigners." "There's a clear correlation between President Trump's incendiary comments, his insistence on using the term Chinese virus, and the subsequent hate speech spread on social media and the hate violence directed toward us," says Russell Jeung, a co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate and a professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State University.
前总统唐纳德·特朗普（Donald Trump）的仇外言论加剧了当前反亚裔仇恨犯罪的激增，他继续将COVID-19称为“中国病毒”，将大流行归咎于该国。特朗普的措辞遵循了美国长期以来利用疾病为反亚裔仇外心理辩护的历史，这种仇外心理有助于塑造亚裔美国人作为“永远的外国人”的看法。“特朗普总统的煽动性言论、他坚持使用中国病毒一词，以及随后在社交媒体上传播的仇恨言论和针对我们的仇恨暴力之间存在明显的相关性，”Stop AAPI Hate的联合创始人、旧金山州立大学亚裔美国人研究教授罗素·郑（Russell Jeung）说。

Anti-Asian racism also surged during the pandemic in Britain and Australia, with incidents of discrimination and xenophobia reported last summer by Human Rights Watch in Italy, Russia and Brazil. The news from Atlanta landed hard in Asian communities already feeling extraordinarily vulnerable

. "We 're all feeling a collective trauma

at the moment," says Mai-Anh Peterson, co-founder of besea.n (Britain's East and South East Asian Network). "We know that this isn't just a problem for North America."
疫情期间，英国和澳大利亚的反亚裔种族主义也激增，人权观察去年夏天在意大利、俄罗斯和巴西也曾报导歧视和仇外事件。来自亚特兰大的消息在已经感到异常脆弱

的亚裔社区中引起了沉重的打击。“

我们现在都感受到了集体创伤，”besea.n（英国东亚和东南亚网络）的联合创始人Mai-Anh Peterson说。“我们知道这不仅仅是北美的问题。

President Joe Biden has sought to undo the damage wrought by his predecessor. Shortly after
乔·拜登（Joe Biden）总统试图消除其前任造成的损害。不久之后
taking office in January, he signed an Executive Order

denouncing anti-Asian discrimination. During a March 11 speech on the anniversary of the COVID-19 pandemic, he said that hate crimes against Asian Americans are "un-American" and that they "must stop."

Five days later, the gunman started shooting. The President was not alone. One day before the shootings, Dr. Michelle Au, a state senator of East Asian descent in Georgia, spoke out on the imminent danger faced by the Asian community during the pandemic. "Asian Americans are part of our country's plurality," she said. "Recognize that we need help, we need protection, and we need people in power to stand up for us against hate."
今年1月上任后，他签署了一项行政命令

，谴责反亚裔歧视。在3月11日COVID-19大流行周年纪念日的演讲中，他说，针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪是“非美国人的”，他们“必须停止”。

五天后，枪手开始射击。总统并不孤单。在枪击事件发生前一天，佐治亚州东亚裔州参议员欧米歇尔博士（Michelle Au）就亚裔社区在疫情期间面临的迫在眉睫的危险发表了讲话。“亚裔美国人是我们国家多元化的一部分，”她说。“认识到我们需要帮助，我们需要保护，我们需要当权者为我们挺身而出，反对仇恨。”

What form that protection takes has been part of a heated debate among Asian Americans, particularly in the wake of a national reckoning over systemic racism and police brutality after the killing of George Floyd in May

. During a recent surge in physical violence ahead of Lunar New Year, actors Daniel Dae Kim and Daniel Wu shared on Twitter a video of a 91 -year-old man being pushed down in Oakland, Calif., Chinatown. They offered a

reward to anyone who could provide information about the attacker, who had also pushed down a 60 -year-old man as well as a 55 -yearold woman, who was left unconscious from the attack.
这种保护采取何种形式一直是亚裔美国人激烈辩论的一部分，尤其是在5月

乔治·弗洛伊德（George Floyd）被杀后，全国对系统性种族主义和警察暴行进行清算之后。在最近农历新年前的身体暴力事件激增期间，演员丹尼尔·金（Daniel Dae Kim）和丹尼尔·吴（Daniel Wu）在推特上分享了一段视频，视频中一名91岁的男子在加利福尼亚州奥克兰唐人街被推倒。他们向任何能够提供有关袭击者信息的人提供

奖励，袭击者还推倒了一名60岁的男子和一名55岁的妇女，后者在袭击中失去知觉。

Kim's tweet brought up mixed feelings within the AAPI community: his attempt to raise awareness tapped into a longtime grievance of many Asian Americans-that violence against them has often been downplayed or ignored. At the same time, the offer of a reward-particularly in a situation where the alleged attacker was a Black man-underscored the difficulty of tackling antiAsian violence without relying on law-enforcement institutions that have historically targeted Black and brown communities.

(The Oakland police charged 28-year-old Yahya Muslim with assault, battery and elder abuse.) "This looks a lot like a bounty on a Black person funded by Asian American celebrities," wrote writer and consultant Kim Tran. "I have major, major doubts."
金正恩的推文在亚太裔社区引起了复杂的情绪：他试图提高人们的认识，却触及了许多亚裔美国人长期以来的不满——针对他们的暴力行为往往被淡化或忽视。与此同时，悬赏的提议——尤其是在被指控的袭击者是黑人的情况下——凸显了在不依赖历史上针对黑人和棕色人种社区的执法机构的情况下解决反亚裔暴力的困难。

（奥克兰警方指控28岁的叶海亚·穆斯林殴打、殴打和虐待老人。“这看起来很像是由亚裔美国名人资助的对黑人的赏金，”作家兼顾问金·特兰（Kim Tran）写道。“我有很大的疑问。”

Rather than turning to additional policing, community leaders have stressed the importance of grassroots organizing at this time, as well as the need for cross-community solidarity. " We know that this is an issue that affects all our communities, and we have to break the cycle of violence," says Jeung, the Stop AAPI Hate co-founder.
社区领导人没有求助于额外的警务，而是强调了此时基层组织的重要性，以及跨社区团结的必要性。“我们知道这是一个影响我们所有社区的问题，我们必须打破暴力循环，”Stop AAPI Hate联合创始人Jeung说。

Additional policing doesn' t pose a threat just to Black and brown communities; people of Asian descent have also suffered disproportionately at the hands of law enforcement. In the aftermath of the March16 killings, many were reminded of the 2017death of Yang Song, a massage-parlor worker who fell to her death while trying to escape a police raid in Flushing, Queens: "Don't tell me increased police presence will save us," tweeted writer Mia Sato. For activists, stories like Song's are a reminder of the need to build solidarity across racial, economic and social lines. "Asians with power and visibility should be appalled that white men are targeting our most vulnerable groupspoor, immigrant women," writer and activist Roslyn Talusan said on Twitter. "Protecting and advocating for Asian sex workers should be the founding pillars of any movement for racial justice in Asian communities."
额外的警务不仅对黑人和棕色人种社区构成威胁;亚裔在执法部门手中也遭受了不成比例的痛苦。在3月16日杀人事件发生后，许多人想起了2017年杨松的死亡，杨松是一名按摩院工人，在皇后区法拉盛试图逃避警察突袭时坠楼身亡：“不要告诉我增加警力会拯救我们，”作家Mia Sato在推特上写道。对于活动人士来说，像宋这样的故事提醒人们，需要跨越种族、经济和社会界限建立团结。“拥有权力和知名度的亚洲人应该感到震惊，白人男性正在针对我们最脆弱的群体，贫穷的移民女性，”作家兼活动家罗斯林·塔卢桑（Roslyn Talusan）在推特上说。“保护和倡导亚裔性工作者应该是亚裔社区任何种族正义运动的基石。”

Details of the Atlanta crimes are still being gathered. But at ground level, the impact was immediate

. "We' re closed today because everybody is afraid," Grace Wang, manager of a local Atlanta spa, says. "All employees are worried to come to work, and customers too and we decided to close
亚特兰大犯罪的细节仍在收集中。但在地面上，影响是立竿见影

的.“我们今天关门了，因为每个人都害怕，”亚特兰大当地一家水疗中心的经理格蕾丝·王（Grace Wang）说。“所有员工都担心来上班，客户也担心，我们决定关闭
until we find out what happened."
直到我们发现发生了什么。

There are no quick solutions to racial violence. What Biden calls "un-American" is, after all, deeply rooted in American history. Ending anti-Asian racism in the U.S. means confronting centuries of discrimination, violence and oppression, and recognizing how it manifests in the present day.

As Au noted in her statements this week, "This is a new chapter in a very old story." In order to write a new story, we have to acknowledge the ugly past that brought us here.
种族暴力没有快速的解决办法。毕竟，拜登所说的“非美国”深深植根于美国历史。结束美国的反亚裔种族主义意味着面对几个世纪以来的歧视、暴力和压迫，并认识到它在当今的表现方式。

正如区在本周的声明中指出的那样，“这是一个非常古老的故事的新篇章。为了写一个新的故事，我们必须承认把我们带到这里的丑陋过去。

From TIME, March 29, 2021
摘自《时代周刊》，2021年3月29日

I. New Words 一、新词

addiction 成瘾

瘾

despondent 沮丧

[di'spəndənt]

adj. 调整。

sad, without much hope
伤心，没有太大的希望

exacerbate 加剧

[ig'zæsəbeit]

to make sth worse
使性病变得更糟

exoticize 异国情调

[ig'zoti, saiz] [伊格佐蒂，赛兹]

to make excitingly different
让激动人心的与众不同

fallacy 谬论

['fæləsi]

谬论

motivate 激励

['məutiveit]

to stir to action or feeling
激起行动或感觉

misogyny 厌女症

[mai'sodzini]

hatred of women 对女性的仇恨

pandemic 大流行病

[pæn'demik]]

全国[世界]性的流行病

pillar 支柱

支柱

racism 种族主义

['reisizəm]

种族歧视

ridden 骑

adj. 调整。

penetrated, full 穿透，饱满

solidarity 团结

[,soli'dæriti] [，soli'dæriti]

团结一致

sheriff 郡治安官

县治安官

scapegoat 替罪羊

['skeipgəut]

使成为……的替罪羊

stymie 阻碍

妨碍;阻挠

trauma 外伤

damage to the mind caused by a terrible experience
可怕的经历对心灵造成的伤害

wrought 造成

(used only in the past tense) caused sth to happen
（仅用于过去时）导致 STH 发生

xenophobic 排外

[,zenə' fəubiə] [，zenə' fəubiə]

adj. 调整。

恐惧或憎恶外国人的;恐外的

II. Background Information
二、背景资料

美国社会的种族歧视

美国少数族裔长期遭受普遍性、系统性歧视，这已成为美国社会根深蒂固的顽疾。包括非洲裔、原住民、拉丁裔、亚裔等在内的各少数族裔深受种族歧视之害。美国的发展史实际上也是一部“印第安人的血泪史”。早期，白人殖民者通过武力
镇压将印第安人驱赶至密西西比河以西的荒芜地区后, 又通过保留地政策进一步压缩印第安人生存空间。如今, 印第安人依然生活在美国社会的最底层。2019年, 约

的印第安人生活在贫困中, 为全美平均水平的 2.5 倍。在印第安人保留地 (Indian reservations), 这一比例甚至更高。许多低收入的印第安人社区遭受核废料有毒环境影响, 罹患癌症和心脏病比率很高。很多印第安人生活在危险废物处置场附近, 婴儿出生缺陷率很高。同时, 印第安人文化和语言也遭到吞噬。目前在美国使用的 115 种原住民语言中, 只有两种处于健康状态, 有 34 种处于濒危状态, 79 种预计将在一代人的时间里消失。

黑人来到美洲大陆之日便被烙上了奴隶的身份。饱受凌辱的他们不断抗争, 打破了奴隶制枷锁, 迫使政府废除种族隔离制度, 最终获得公民权利。但是, 非洲裔至今依然深受种族歧视之苦。目前, 黑人生活在贫困线以下的比例是白人的两倍多。超过

的黑人家庭面临食物贵乏, 这一比例超过白人家庭 3 倍多; 50 年前黑人失业率为

年为

。非洲裔在就业中也遭到歧视。报酬较好的职业黑人所占比例大大低于白人: 企业管理白人与黑人比例为

; 计算机领域

; 法律领域

。美国司法领域也存在针对非洲裔的系统性歧视。虽然非洲裔人口仅占人口总数的

, 却占监狱囚犯总数的

。

同非洲裔、原住民一样,美国拉美裔在教育、就业和收入等方面全方位落后于白人,长期深陷贫困的代际循环。占美国总人口

的拉美裔只拥有

的财富。据美国劳工局统计,拉美裔的失业率通常比白人高出

, 美国 4500 万贫困人口中

是拉美裔，1450万贫困儿童中

为拉美裔。皮尤中心研究发现,57%的拉美裔美国人表示自己的肤色会影响日常生活。

美国对亚裔的歧视由来已久。19世纪,美国出台《排华法案》,使当时美国国内歧视侮辱华人合法化，令地方政府和民众对华人的歧视和排斥更加肆无忌惮。如今, 亚裔在美国被冠以“模范少数种族”(model minority)的称号。这一“神话”(myth)无视亚裔美国人收入差距在美国各种族中最为悬殊的严酷现实,掩盖了许多中下层亚裔人生活极为贫困的阴暗面。同时,这也导致种族矛盾激化,使不明真相的其他少数种族人强烈妙恨。特朗普执政期间,美国政府出台臭名昭著的“中国行动计划”,给针对亚裔特别是华裔的种族歧视行为火上浇油。同时,新冠疫情在美国爆发后,特朗普借病毒污名化中国,将其称为“中国病毒”，导致针对亚裔的歧视行为屡见不鲜。“停止对亚裔仇恨组织”发布《2020-2021国家安全报告》, 统计了2020年3月-2021 年6月发生的 9081 件针对亚裔美国人的歧视和骚扰事件。根据该报告,针对亚裔美国人的歧视形式包括口头骚扰、身体攻击、线上攻击等,其中口头骚扰占比最高,

的申报人表示受到了诸如“滚回中国”“病毒中国人”等具有侮辱性的言辞对待;超过

的人遭到了不同程度的身体攻击,如当街被扔玻璃瓶、在公共场合被恶意撞击等。2021年,美国各地仇恨亚裔犯罪案比 2020 年增加了

。美国南加州大学新闻学院上周的最新民调显示，由于受到反亚裔暴力活动和反华政治言论影响,

的亚裔受访者感到孤立和备受歧视。有美国媒体报道,美国警方在处理涉亚裔等少数族裔仇恨犯罪案件中，习

美英报刊阅读教程（中级精选本）(第六版）

惯性偏衵施暴者。

当今美国少数族裔面临的种族歧视及暴行是系统性的国家悲剧, 反映了美国针对少数族裔的系统性种族歧视。深嵌于美国建国理念中的民粹主义和白人至上主义是目前导致美国少数族裔遭受歧视的根本原因。

III. Notes to the Text
三、正文注释

...emotions were already raw. 一 (人们)情绪已经激奋。（raw - not controlled）
...情绪已经很原始了。一 (人们)情绪已经激奋。（原始 - 不受控制）
This Atlanta tragedy lies at an intersection of race, gender, class and the legacy of America's history of colonization and violence in Asia. 一亚特兰大的这起悲剧事件同时体现了种族、性别、阶级以及美国对亚洲殖民和㳟力的历史影响。
这场亚特兰大悲剧是种族、性别、阶级和美国在亚洲殖民和暴力历史遗留问题的交汇点。一亚特兰大的这起悲剧事件同时体现了种族、性别、阶级以及美国对亚洲殖民和㳟力的历史影响。
And as posts went viral, with comments affirming their calls for change, the news kept coming. 一随着伴有支持其变革呼呼评论的帖子疯传,新闻不断传来。(1)go viral - to quickly and widely circulate on the Internet, as of a video, picture, or post; (2) affirm - to state firmly and publicly that you support sth. strongly)
随着帖子的传播，评论肯定了他们呼吁改变的呼吁，消息不断传来。一随着伴有支持其变革呼呼评论的帖子疯传,新闻不断传来。（1）病毒式传播 - 在互联网上快速广泛传播，如视频、图片或帖子;（2）确认 - 坚定和公开地声明您支持 STH。强烈）
In the dissonance was confirmation of what many Asian Americans already knew: the violence that has long targeted their community is rarely seen for what it is. 一观点不同的言论证实了许多亚裔美国人本已知道的事实:长期以来针对他们社区的暴力行为很少被人真正了解。( dissonance - lack of agreement)
在这种不和谐中，证实了许多亚裔美国人已经知道的事情：长期以来针对他们社区的暴力很少被看到。一观点不同的言论证实了许多亚裔美国人本已知道的事实:长期以来针对他们社区的暴力行为很少被人真正了解。（不和谐 - 缺乏协议）
A 2018 report from the American Psychological Association outlined the ways in which Asian American women are exoticized and objectified in media and popular culture, depicted as “faceless, quiet and invisible, or as sexual objects.”一美国心理学会 2018 年的一份报告概述了亚裔美国妇女是如何在媒体和流行文化中被异化和物化的，她们被描绘成“缺乏个性、性格文静、不爱露面，或者被描述为性对象”。(faceless - without individuality)
美国心理学会（American Psychological Association）2018年的一份报告概述了亚裔美国女性在媒体和流行文化中被异国情调和物化的方式，被描述为“不露面、安静和看不见，或作为性对象”。一美国心理学会 2018 年的一份报告概述了亚裔美国妇女是如何在媒体和流行文化中被异化和物化的，她们被描绘成“缺乏个性、性格文静、不爱露面，或者被描述为性对象”。（不露面 - 没有个性）
The "yellow peril" ultimately led to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first time the U.S. had ever barred a specific ethnic group from the country. —“黄祸论”最终导致1882年《排华法案》的颁布，这是美国第一次禁止某一特定民族进入美国。(1) yellow peril - the alleged danger posed by Asian peoples to the supremacy of Whites or Western interests; (2) Chinese Exclusion Act - U.S. federal law enacted in 1882 that suspended immigration of Chinese laborers)
“黄祸”最终导致了1882年的《排华法案》，这是美国首次禁止特定族裔进入该国。—“黄祸论”最终导致1882年《排华法案》的颁布，这是美国第一次禁止某一特定民族进入美国。（1）黄祸 - 亚洲人民对白人至高无上或西方利益构成的所谓危险;（2）《排华法案》——1882年颁布的美国联邦法律，暂停了华工移民）
model minority 一模范少数民族 (Asian Americans are commonly seen as the "model minority." This stems from stereotypes surrounding the Asian population and it perpetuates a narrative that Asian Americans are more likely to achieve the American dream and have "made it.")
model minority 一模范少数民族（亚裔美国人通常被视为“模范少数族裔”。这源于对亚裔人口的刻板印象，它延续了一种说法，即亚裔美国人更有可能实现美国梦并“成功了”。
Because the myth suggests upward mobility, it creates a fallacy that Asian Americans don't experience struggle or racial discrimination. 一因为这个神话暗示了（地位）向上流动性,故而产生了一种谬论,即亚裔美国人没有经历奋斗或种族歧视。(upward mobility 一 the
因为这个神话暗示了向上流动，它创造了一个谬论，即亚裔美国人没有经历过挣扎或种族歧视。一因为这个神话暗示了（地位）向上流动性,故而产生了一种谬论,即亚裔美国人没有经历奋斗或种族歧视。（向上流动一
capacity or facility for rising to a higher social or economic position)
提升到更高社会或经济地位的能力或设施）
Trump's choice of words followed a long American history of using diseases to justify antiAsian xenophobia-one that has helped to shape perception of Asian Americans as “perpetual foreigners."一特朗普的措辞与美国长期以来以疾病为由为反亚裔仇外情绪辩护的历史一脉相承一一这种仇外情绪有助于形成人们把亚裔美国人当作“永久外国人”的看法。
The news from Atlanta landed hard in Asian communities already feeling extraordinarily vulnerable. 一来自亚特兰大的消息使得本已感到特别脆弱的亚裔社区遭受重创。
来自亚特兰大的消息在已经感到异常脆弱的亚裔社区中引起了沉重的打击。一来自亚特兰大的消息使得本已感到特别脆弱的亚裔社区遭受重创。
Executive Order 一行政命令 (An executive order is a signed, written, and published directive from the President of the United States that manages operations of the federal government.)
行政命令一行政命令（行政命令是美国总统签署、书面和发布的指令，用于管理联邦政府的运作。
During a March 11 speech on the anniversary of the COVID-19 pandemic, he said that hate crimes against Asian Americans are "un-American" and that they "must stop." - 3月11日,拜登在新冠疫情一周年纪念日的演讲中说,针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪“不符合美国特性”, “必须停止”。(1) hate crime - a crime committed against people only because they belong to a particular race, religion etc.; (2) un-American - not characteristic of or consistent with American customs, principles, or traditions)
在3月11日COVID-19大流行周年纪念日的演讲中，他说，针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪是“非美国人的”，他们“必须停止”。 - 3月11日，拜登在新冠疫情一周年纪念日的演讲中说，针对亚裔美国人的仇恨犯罪“不符合美国特性”， “必须停止”。（1）仇恨犯罪——仅因属于特定种族、宗教等而对人们实施的犯罪;（2）非美国人 - 不符合或不符合美国习俗、原则或传统）
What form that protection takes has been part of a heated debate among Asian Americans, particularly in the wake of a national reckoning over systemic racism and police brutality after the killing of George Floyd in May. 一采取何种保护形式一直是亚裔美国人热议的话题, 特别是在去年5月份乔治弗洛伊德被杀, 全国对系统性种族主义和警察暴行刚进行清算之后。(1) in the wake of - right after; (2) systemic racism - racism that is perpetuated by the systems in place; (3) George Floyd 一非裔美国人,2020年5月遭美国警察过度暴力致死)
这种保护采取何种形式一直是亚裔美国人激烈辩论的一部分，尤其是在5月乔治·弗洛伊德（George Floyd）被杀后，全国对系统性种族主义和警察暴行进行清算之后。一采取何种保护形式一直是亚裔美国人热议的话题，特别是在去年5月份乔治弗洛伊德被杀，全国对系统性种族主义和警察暴行刚进行清算之后。（1）在之后 - 紧接着;（2）系统性种族主义——由现有制度延续的种族主义;（3） George Floyd 一非裔美国人，2020年5月遭美国警察过度暴力致死）
At the same time, the offer of a reward-particularly in a situation where the alleged attacker was a Black man-underscored the difficulty of tackling anti-Asian violence without relying on law-enforcement institutions that have historically targeted Black and brown communities. 同时, 悬赏——特别是在嫌疑犯是一名黑人的情况下一一突显了在不依靠历来针对黑人和拉美裔社区的执法机构的情况下解决反亚裔暴力问题的困难。(brown community Latino community)
与此同时，悬赏的提议——尤其是在被指控的袭击者是黑人的情况下——凸显了在不依赖历史上针对黑人和棕色人种社区的执法机构的情况下解决反亚裔暴力的困难。同时, 悬赏——特别是在嫌疑犯是一名黑人的情况下一一突显了在不依靠历来针对黑人和拉美裔社区的执法机构的情况下解决反亚裔暴力问题的困难。（棕色社区拉丁裔社区）
Ending anti-Asian racism in the U.S. means confronting centuries of discrimination, violence and oppression, and recognizing how it manifests in the present day. 一终结美国反亚裔种族主义意味着正视几个世纪以来的歧视、暴力和压迫, 并认识到它在当今美国社会的表现形式。(manifest - show itself/themselves; appear)
结束美国的反亚裔种族主义意味着面对几个世纪以来的歧视、暴力和压迫，并认识到它在当今的表现方式。一终结美国反亚裔种族主义意味着正视几个世纪以来的歧视、暴力和压迫, 并认识到它在当今美国社会的表现形式。（显现 - 显示自己/他们自己; 出现）

Lesson 1 第 1 课

Why Hilawem't Youin Gotten Deponded:为什么 Hilawem't Youin 感到沮丧：

By Jose Antonio Vargas 何塞·安东尼奥·巴尔加斯（Jose Antonio Vargas ）

美英报刊阅读教程 (中级精选本)(第六版)

美英报刊阅读教程 (中级精选本)(第六版)

I. New Words 一、新词

II. Background information二、背景资料

移民之国

美英报刊阅读教程（中级精选本）(第六版）

III. Notes to the Text三、正文注释

美英报刊阅读教程(中级精选本)(第六版)

IV. Language Features 四、语言特点

新闻英语总体特色

V. Analysis of Content五、内容分析

VI. Questions on the Article六、关于本条的问题

VII. Topics for Discussion七、讨论议题

Lesson 2 第 2 课

Sillenat Mo Moree 西莱纳特·莫·莫雷

A tragedy in Atlanta and America' s long history of violence against Asians亚特兰大的悲剧和美国长期以来对亚裔的暴力历史

By Cady Lang 作者：Cady Lang

It was heart-breaking and horrifying-but to many, it wasn't a surprise.这是令人心碎和可怕的，但对许多人来说，这并不奇怪。

美英报刊阅读教程(中级精选本)(第六版)

I. New Words 一、新词

II. Background Information二、背景资料

美国社会的种族歧视

美英报刊阅读教程（中级精选本）(第六版）

III. Notes to the Text三、正文注释

Why Hilawem't Youin Gotten Deponded:
为什么 Hilawem't Youin 感到沮丧：

By Jose Antonio Vargas
何塞·安东尼奥·巴尔加斯（Jose Antonio Vargas ）

II. Background information
二、背景资料

III. Notes to the Text
三、正文注释

V. Analysis of Content
五、内容分析

VI. Questions on the Article
六、关于本条的问题

VII. Topics for Discussion
七、讨论议题

A tragedy in Atlanta and America' s long history of violence against Asians
亚特兰大的悲剧和美国长期以来对亚裔的暴力历史

It was heart-breaking and horrifying-but to many, it wasn't a surprise.
这是令人心碎和可怕的，但对许多人来说，这并不奇怪。

II. Background Information
二、背景资料

III. Notes to the Text
三、正文注释