2024_07_23_54effd29c339b7b417e6g

PROJECT MUSE

Red Brick Imperialism: How Vernacular Knowledge Shaped

Japanese Colonial Expertise in Northeast China, 1905-45

Yuting Dong

Technology and Culture, Volume 63, Number 1, January 2022, pp. 118-152 (Article)

Published by Johns Hopkins University Press

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/tech.2022.0004

For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/844166

Red Brick Imperialism

How Vernacular Knowledge Shaped Japanese Colonial Expertise in Northeast China, 1905-45

YUTING DONG

Abstract

This article analyzes the influence and mechanism of Japanese imperialism by examining red brick building in Manchuria (Northeast China). Manchuria's extreme climate and geography led Japanese experts to work with Chinese brick masons. They absorbed Chinese laborers and artisans' vernacular knowledge, translating it into their technical expertise and rebranding it as part of their technological superiority. Studying documents in Russian, Japanese, and Chinese reveals that technology transfer is an interactive yet uneven process between various actors and the environment. This article further complicates the depiction of Japanese imperialism in Northeast China, arguing that imperialism builds on an appropriation and erasure of local knowledge. At the intersection of imperialism and nationalism, red brick became the staple building material in Northeast China, influencing how people build there even today.
本文通过研究满洲（中国东北）的红砖建筑，分析日本帝国主义的影响和机制。满洲的极端气候和地理条件促使日本专家与中国砖瓦匠合作。他们吸收中国工人和工匠的乡土知识，将其转化为自己的技术专长，并将其重新塑造为技术优势的一部分。对俄文、日文和中文文件的研究表明，技术转让是一个不同参与者与环境之间互动但又不平衡的过程。本文进一步将日本帝国主义在中国东北的描述复杂化，认为帝国主义建立在对当地知识的占有和抹杀之上。在帝国主义和民族主义的交汇点上，红砖成为中国东北地区的主要建筑材料，甚至影响到人们今天的建筑方式。

Introduction

On his first trip to Manchuria in 1939, Japanese poet and editor Yukio Haruyama was impressed by the widespread red brick architecture. At every station along the South Manchuria Railway (Mantetsu) and everywhere he stopped, in rural areas or cities, Haruyama was amazed by the picturesque scenery centered around red brick: bricks carried in horse wagons traversing the land, bricks heaped up in piles like hills throughout the suburbs, and houses built by laying brick into solid walls. To Haruyama, red brick embodied the culture of Manchukuo, a client state of Japan in Manchuria, and showed that the state was becoming civilized, for in his eyes, "civilization starts with roads and red bricks."
1939 年，日本诗人兼编辑春山由纪夫首次来到满洲，他对满洲遍布的红砖建筑印象深刻。在南满铁路（满铁）沿线的每一个车站，以及在农村或城市的每一个停留点，春山都被以红砖为中心的如画美景所惊叹：用马车运来的砖块在土地上穿行，砖块堆积如山，遍布郊区，还有用砖块砌成的房屋。在春山看来，红砖体现了满洲国（日本在满洲的附属国）的文化，表明满洲国正在走向文明，因为在他眼中，"文明始于道路和红砖"。

Citation: Dong, Yuting. "Red Brick Imperialism: How Vernacular Knowledge Shaped Japanese Colonial Expertise in Northeast China, 1905-45." Technology and Culture 63, no. 1 (2022):

Haruyama, "Aka renga," in Fūdo kenkyūkai, Manshū no inshō, 113; Haruyama, Manshū fubutsu shi, 50 .

The coproduction of this red brick urban environment in colonial Manchuria is a story of the intertwining symbolic meanings of this key building material for various groups. Despite Haruyama describing red brick as characteristically local, it was anything but a natural feature. Creating a landscape dominated by red brick is a history of adaptation to the natural environment, absorption of vernacular skills, and the development of technological expertise in Japan's empire.
满洲殖民地红砖城市环境的共同创造，讲述了这种关键建筑材料对不同群体的交织象征意义。尽管春山将红砖描述为当地的特色，但它绝非自然特征。创造以红砖为主的景观，是日本帝国适应自然环境、吸收当地技能和发展专业技术的历史。

The production of this red brick landscape intersects three fieldsenvironmental history, history of technology and expertise, and studies of the Japanese empire. In his "Actor-Network Theory," Bruno Latour redefines the social as "a type of connection," placing nonhuman actors as key elements in shaping the social because of these actors' connections with others. Scholars of infrastructure and materiality argue that physical infrastructures are "assemblages" built on the interactive relationships between human and nonhuman actors.

These studies emphasize that the natural environment is an active rather than background element of human history. Paul Sutter states, "The environment is . . . an intrusive force that contributes to the social construction of scientific activity." Manchuria was much colder, drier, and windier than Japan. A visitor to Manchuria complained that it was so cold that "I was chilled to the bone."

This different natural environment exposed the gaps in Japanese technological training, requiring them to learn from and absorb local Chinese practices.
这幅红砖景观的创作涉及三个领域--环境史、技术和专业知识史以及日本帝国研究。布鲁诺-拉图尔（Bruno Latour）在他的 "行动者-网络理论 "中将社会重新定义为 "一种联系"，将非人类行动者视为塑造社会的关键因素，因为这些行动者与其他人有着联系。研究基础设施和物质性的学者认为，有形基础设施是建立在人类和非人类参与者之间互动关系上的 "组合体"。

这些研究强调，自然环境是人类历史的积极因素，而不是背景因素。保罗-萨特指出："环境是......一种侵入性力量，有助于科学活动的社会建构"。满洲比日本更寒冷、干燥、多风。一位到过满洲的游客抱怨说，满洲太冷了，"我冷得彻骨"。

这种不同的自然环境暴露了日本人在技术培训方面的差距，要求他们学习和吸收中国当地的做法。

Challenging early scholarship on technological determinism, science, technology, and society (STS) scholars emphasize that society both shapes and is shaped by technology.

Recent scholarship is paying more attention to how workers in colonial societies actively influenced the reception, implementation, and conversion of metropole-oriented technology. In their studies of Japan's empire, Daqing Yang and Aaron S. Moore show that local non-Japanese laborers played a crucial role in enabling imperial engineers to install telecommunication systems and dams.

John Soluri points out that the role of laborers should be written back into history to present "those who bear the brunt of the risks that accompany changing landscapes and livelihoods."7
科学、技术与社会（STS）学者对早期技术决定论的学术研究提出了质疑，他们强调社会既塑造了技术，也被技术所塑造。

近期的学术研究更加关注殖民地社会的工人如何积极影响以大都市为导向的技术的接受、实施和转换。杨大庆和 Aaron S. Moore 在对日本帝国的研究中表明，当地的非日本劳工在帝国工程师安装电信系统和水坝的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。

约翰-索鲁里指出，劳工的作用应被写入历史，以呈现 "那些首当其冲地承受着伴随着地貌和生计变化而产生的风险的人们 "7。

Japanese experts, having translated local knowledge, influenced how scholars studied and viewed red brick. This argument enriches current

debates on the relationship between labor and technology, showing that technology transfer is not a one-way street but builds on the exploitation and appropriation of local knowledge. This aspect has not yet been fully explored in colonial societies. In Manchuria, the appropriation and erasure of vernacular skills also had a political meaning: to present the metropole and the colony as two sides of a dichotomy separated by a deep technological gap. Such appropriation buttressed the empire's claim of superiority by presenting the metropole as the master of technology and the colony as a passive recipient. Japanese technologists' writing erased the contributions of Chinese workers and communities to the development of brick technology.

关于劳动与技术关系的辩论表明，技术转让不是单向的，而是建立在对当地知识的利用和占有之上。在殖民社会中，这方面的问题尚未得到充分探讨。在满洲，对本土技能的占有和抹杀还具有政治意义：将大都市和殖民地视为二分法的两面，两者之间存在着巨大的技术差距。通过将大都市描述为技术的主宰者，将殖民地描述为被动的接受者，这种挪用强化了帝国的优越感。日本技术专家的文字抹杀了中国工人和社区对砖技术发展的贡献。

The story of red brick construction in Manchuria clarifies how imperialism worked through materials. It is a micro-perspective on how Japanese imperialism changed local people's lifestyles, regional politics, and the natural environment by creating new economic, political, and transportation networks.

As Edward W. Said points out, "Culture . . . is to be found operating within civil society, where the influence of ideas, of institutions, and of other persons works not through domination but by what Gramsci calls consent.

The choice of a particular material with an embedded ideology is critical in the culture of imperialism. Yet the process of consent was far more complicated than the Italian theoretician Gramsci depicts. Although some Chinese producers accepted red brick and the Japanese ceramic industry as symbols of progress and modernization, their production of red brick did not stem from a passive acceptance of the Japanese ideological order, but rather aimed to break Japan's monopoly in red brick sales. The Chinese producers' resistance to a material order that Japan was attempting to establish in Manchuria helped to spread red bricks.
满洲红砖建筑的故事阐明了帝国主义如何通过材料发挥作用。它从微观角度揭示了日本帝国主义如何通过建立新的经济、政治和交通网络，改变当地人的生活方式、地区政治和自然环境。

正如爱德华-W-萨义德所指出的，"文化......是在公民社会中运作的，在公民社会中，思想、制度和其他人的影响不是通过统治，而是通过葛兰西所说的同意。

在帝国主义文化中，选择具有内在意识形态的特定材料至关重要。然而，同意的过程远比意大利理论家葛兰西所描述的要复杂得多。尽管一些中国生产者接受了红砖和日本陶瓷工业，将其视为进步和现代化的象征，但他们生产红砖并非源于被动接受日本的意识形态秩序，而是旨在打破日本在红砖销售方面的垄断。中国生产者对日本试图在满洲建立的物质秩序的抵制有助于红砖的传播。

Recent studies show the value of using sites-in this case construction sites-as analytical tools.

As construction sites were in the open air, unlike enclosed factories, the natural environment conditioned human activities, often challenging hierarchies between colonizer and colonized. Red brick production sites demonstrate the impact of social and environmental factors on technological development. Chinese landowners could decide the fate of Japanese brickmaking. Wind, rainfall, and temperature were beyond the control of Japanese technologists, who were forced to adapt.
最近的研究表明，利用工地（这里指建筑工地）作为分析工具很有价值。

与封闭的工厂不同，建筑工地是露天的，自然环境制约着人类的活动，常常挑战殖民者和被殖民者之间的等级制度。红砖生产遗址展示了社会和环境因素对技术发展的影响。中国地主可以决定日本制砖业的命运。风、降雨和温度超出了日本技术人员的控制范围，他们不得不去适应。

Studies argue that labor becomes invisible in proto-capitalist and capitalist societies. Timothy Mitchell points out that the capitalist economy is built on generating transportable, location-less, and abstract technological expertise; Mitchell, Rule of Experts, ch. 1. Also Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night; Nye, Electrifying America; Bray, Technology and Gender, 238.
有研究认为，在原资本主义社会和资本主义社会中，劳动变得无形。蒂莫西-米切尔（Timothy Mitchell）指出，资本主义经济是建立在产生可运输、无地点和抽象的技术专长之上的；米切尔，《专家规则》，第 1 章。另见 Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night；Nye, Electrifying America；Bray, Technology and Gender, 238。
Tsukase, Chūgoku kindai tōhoku keizaishi kenkyū; Young, Japan's Total Empire; Matsusaka, Making of Japanese Manchuria; Fukao and Yasutomi, "Manshū" no seiritsu; O'Dwyer, Significant Soil.
Said, Orientalism, 7 .
Seow, "Sites of Extraction"; Kang, "Crafting Knowledge"; Bremner, "Magic Lantern."

Chinese, Japanese, and Russian archives reveal the development of technical red brick knowledge. As Mary Louise Pratt points out, if we rely solely on the monolingual archive produced by the metropole in history writing, we "reproduce the monopoly on knowledge and interpretation that the imperial enterprise sought."

Ann Laura Stoler and Fredrick Cooper call on historians to question "the basis of that knowledge (created by power)" and "how incomplete it often was." This article uses a wide range of sources to counter this archival bias. It answers Stoler and Cooper's call to bring the metropole and colony into one analytic field.

中国、日本和俄罗斯的档案揭示了技术红砖知识的发展。正如玛丽-路易斯-普拉特（Mary Louise Pratt）指出的那样，如果我们在历史写作中仅仅依赖大都市制作的单语档案，我们就会 "再现帝国企业所追求的对知识和解释的垄断"。

安-劳拉-斯托尔和弗雷德里克-库珀呼吁历史学家质疑"（由权力创造的）知识的基础 "以及 "它往往是多么不完整"。本文利用广泛的资料来源来反驳这种档案偏见。它响应了斯托勒和库珀的呼吁，将都城和殖民地纳入一个分析领域。

Archives from these three countries reveal how colonies were generating new political and environmental ideas, as well as technological expertise.

The structural limitations of historical records, however, pose challenges for any attempts to discover local workers' voices. Many were illiterate and so left little written material. A multilingual and multiarchival research approach combined with scientific writings and ethnographical studies provides a fuller picture of the technological expertise and presents the actions and influence of local workers more accurately than relying solely on Japanese records.
这三个国家的档案揭示了殖民地是如何产生新的政治和环境理念以及技术专长的。

然而，历史记录在结构上的局限性给试图发现当地工人的声音带来了挑战。许多人是文盲，因此留下的书面材料很少。多语种、多档案的研究方法与科学著作和人种学研究相结合，可以更全面地了解技术专长，并更准确地展示当地工人的行动和影响，而不是仅仅依赖日本的记录。

This article maps the development of red brick know-how in a colonial space. Japanese engineers, having appropriated and rediscovered the knowledge of red brick as an essential Japanese technology, inspired Chinese producers to value it and abandon their traditional gray brick.
本文描绘了红砖技术在殖民地空间的发展历程。日本工程师将红砖知识作为日本的一项基本技术加以利用和重新发掘，激发了中国生产者对红砖的重视，并放弃了传统的灰砖。

Colonial spaces in Manchuria document Japanese imperial expansion in Northeast Asia, a "cradle of conflict" in the words of American scholar Owen Lattimore.

Manchuria experienced the coexistence of multiple political powers: Japan, China, Russia, and the United States. With the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway Company (CER), Imperial Russia extended its influence in regions bordering the axis from Manzhouli to Dalian from 1896 to 1903 . The railways' Russian engineers were the first to introduce red brick as building material in Manchuria.
满洲的殖民空间记录了日本帝国主义在东北亚的扩张，用美国学者欧文-拉蒂莫尔（Owen Lattimore）的话说，这里是 "冲突的摇篮"。

满洲经历了多种政治力量的共存：日本、中国、俄国和美国。1896 年至 1903 年间，随着中国东方铁路公司（CER）的建成，帝国俄国将其影响力扩展到了从满洲里到大连的中轴线沿线地区。铁路公司的俄罗斯工程师率先在满洲里引进了红砖作为建筑材料。

After the Russo-Japanese War, Japan obtained control over the railroad from Changchun to Dalian, along with nearly 500 square kilometers of adjacent land, which were later called "railway zones," and the Kwan-

Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 7 .
Cooper and Stoler, Tensions of Empire, 21, 15.
Studies of the French and British empires are questioning how colonies generated such ideas. Scholars of Japan's empire show how Japanese settlers developed their influential political culture and agenda. O'Dwyer, Significant Soil; Uchida, Brokers of Empire. Prasenjit Duara's research shows how Japanese imperial scholars appropriated communities' writings and practices for their vision of nation building and modernity in Manchukuo; Duara, Sovereignty and Authenticity. On technological projects: Moore, Constructing East Asia; Seow, "Carbon Technocracy." Both works shed light on why Manchuria was a key site for Japanese engineers to develop "comprehensive technology" and plans that they could not realize in the metropole. They pay little attention to the possible interactive relationships between engineers and local workers. Grove, Green Imperialism, 3; Dubois, Colony of Citizens, introduction.
对法兰西帝国和大英帝国的研究正在质疑殖民地是如何产生这些思想的。研究日本帝国的学者则展示了日本殖民者如何发展其具有影响力的政治文化和议程。奥德怀尔，《重要的土壤》；内田，《帝国的经纪人》。普拉森吉特-杜阿拉的研究表明，日本帝国学者是如何为他们在满洲国的国家建设和现代性愿景挪用社区的著作和实践的；杜阿拉，《主权与真实性》。关于技术项目：Moore, Constructing East Asia；Seow, "Carbon Technocracy"。这两部著作都揭示了为什么满洲是日本工程师开发 "综合技术 "和计划的关键地点，而他们在本土却无法实现这些技术和计划。他们很少关注工程师与当地工人之间可能存在的互动关系。Grove, Green Imperialism, 3; Dubois, Colony of Citizens, introduction.
Lattimore, Manchuria, Cradle of Conflict.
tung Leasehold (Kantōshū) with Dalian at its heart, comprising 3,367 square kilometers. These zones were the primary Japanese infrastructure building sites. In 1905 and 1906, Japan established two colonial institutions -the Kwantung Government-General (Kantō sōtokufu) and Mantetsufor the political administration, jurisdiction, and policing of the leasehold and railway zones. By purchasing landholdings along the railroad from Chinese owners, Mantetsu had gradually expanded the size of railway zones to 802 square kilometers by 1919.
以大连为中心的 "关东租借地"（Kantōshū），面积达 3367 平方公里。这些地区是日本基础设施建设的主要地点。1905 年和 1906 年，日本设立了两个殖民机构--关东总督府和满铁，负责租借地和铁路沿线的政治管理、司法管辖和治安。通过从中国业主手中购买铁路沿线的土地，满铁逐渐扩大了铁路区的面积，到 1919 年已达到 802 平方公里。

Japanese colonial institutions saw infrastructure building as a powerful way to extend their influence in Manchuria for several reasons.

It could present a fait accompli control by Japan of railway zones, whose boundaries were constantly disputed by the Chinese. Erecting facilities along railway stations would attract Japanese settlers. Shinpei Gotō (1857-1927), the first chairman of Mantetsu, aimed to have 500,000 Japanese settlers and aid the transportation of goods to and from railway stations.

To create a coherent landscape, Mantetsu used red brick to construct schools, experimental farms, factories, warehouses, workers' dormitories, and railway stations. According to 1937 statistics, 68 percent of the buildings built by Mantetsu were of red brick.

日本殖民机构将基础设施建设视为扩大其在满洲影响力的有力途径，原因有以下几点。

日本可以既成事实地控制铁路区，而中国人对铁路区的边界一直存在争议。在火车站沿线修建设施可以吸引日本定居者。满铁第一任董事长后藤新平（1857-1927 年）的目标是拥有 50 万日本定居者，并帮助铁路站之间的货物运输。

为了创造协调的景观，满铁用红砖建造了学校、实验农场、工厂、仓库、工人宿舍和火车站。根据 1937 年的统计，满铁建造的建筑中有 68% 是用红砖砌成的。

From 1905 to 1932, Japan shared control of Manchuria with Chinese and Russian political forces. The CER controlled the railroad north of Changchun, with Harbin as its center.

The rest of the land was controlled by various Chinese governments, from the Qing government (1644-1911) to various warlord regimes, represented by Zuolin Zhang (whose power was assumed by his son Xueliang Zhang in 1928) based in Fengtian (191629), and to the National Government that allegedly joined the Northeast
从 1905 年到 1932 年，日本与中国和俄国的政治力量共同控制着满洲。中国共产党控制了以哈尔滨为中心的长春以北的铁路。<从清政府（1644-1911 年）到以奉天张作霖（1928 年由其子张学良掌权）为代表的各军阀政权（191629 年），再到据称加入东北的国民政府。

Current scholarship in English uses "Kwantung" rather than "Guandong." In the railway zones, the Kwantung Government-General was in charge of the police, army, and telecommunications; the Japanese consulates under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had jurisdiction over Japanese residents and foreign affairs; and Mantetsu administered infrastructure and hygiene. This division of rule among three parties became "four-head politics" (shitō seiji) after 1918. The Hara Takashi (Kei) Cabinet further separated civilian and military functions, with the Government-General policing the zone and the Kwantung Army guarding the railway. Su, Mantie shi, 378-79; Kantōkyoku, Kantōkyoku shisei 30 nen shi, 1047-64; Katō, Mantetsu zenshi, 62; "Shitō seiji," Asahi Shimbun Osaka, June 18, 1932.
目前的英文学术研究使用的是 "Kwantung"（关东）而不是 "Guandong"（关东）。在铁路沿线，关东军总司令部负责警察、军队和电信；外务省下属的日本领事馆负责管辖日本居民和外交事务；满铁负责管理基础设施和卫生。这种三党分治的局面在 1918 年后成为 "四头政治"（shitō seiji）。原隆（Kei）内阁进一步将民事和军事职能分开，由政府总长负责地区治安，关东军负责铁路守卫。Su, Mantie shi, 378-79; Kantōkyoku, Kantōkyoku shisei 30 nen shi, 1047-64; Katō, Mantetsu zenshi, 62; "Shitō seiji," Asahi Shimbun Osaka, June 18, 1932.
"Fuzokuchi keiei no hattatsu," in Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki gaisha, Mantetsu fuzokuchi kei enkaku zenshi, 1:1049.
Japan also used political, diplomatic, and military means to impose its influence in Manchuria. Matsusaka, The Making of Japanese Manchuria.
"Manshū keiei no 2 dai kō" and "Kantō totoku to ōfuku bunsho," in Mizusawa shiritsu, Gotō Shinpei Monjo.
Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki gaisha, Mantetsu tōkei nenpō, Shōwa 12 nendo matsu; cited in Ōzawa, "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō," 52.
The CER's control over the railway was challenged from 1917 to 1924, in the turbulent period after the Russian Revolution. Ablova, i rossiuskaia èmigratsiia Kitae.
with the rest of China from 1929 to 1932. Zhang in Fengtian Province was the most powerful warlord in the Northeast and had installed his favorites as generals in charge of the two other provinces, Jilin and Heilongjiang, from 1919. To boost the economy and create revenue for his military advances, after 1923 Zhang initiated urban reconstruction plans.
从 1929 年到 1932 年，奉天省与中国其他地区的关系日益紧张。奉天省的张作霖是东北最有权势的军阀，从 1919 年起，他就安插自己的心腹担任吉林和黑龙江两省的将军。为了促进经济发展，为其军事扩张创造收入，1923 年后，张自忠启动了城市改造计划。

In this era of urban reconstruction under Zhang, red brick spread to Chinese-administered regions. Zhongyuan Du was a key figure in promoting red brick as building material.

Witnessing the Japanese ceramic industry's huge global success through exports, Du aspired to industrialize a Chinese ceramic industry. Firing red brick using modern Hoffman kilns was Du's first step for later high-end ceramic products. His plan matched Zhang's aim to modernize cities. Inspired by Du's successful production and sales of red brick, more Chinese merchants introduced modern brickfiring kilns to compete with their Japanese counterparts. Their bricks were used to construct factories, houses, universities, and munitions plants. Amid political rivalry, red brick spread further across Manchuria, becoming a key commodity for both the Chinese and Japanese.
在张謇领导的城市重建时期，红砖传播到了中国管辖的地区。杜仲元是推广红砖作为建筑材料的关键人物。

目睹日本陶瓷业通过出口在全球取得巨大成功，杜仲元渴望实现中国陶瓷业的工业化。使用现代化的霍夫曼窑烧制红砖是杜月笙向后来的高端陶瓷产品迈出的第一步。他的计划与张謇的城市现代化目标不谋而合。在杜月笙成功生产和销售红砖的鼓舞下，更多的中国商人引进了现代烧砖窑，与日本同行竞争。他们的砖被用于建造工厂、房屋、大学和军工厂。在政治竞争中，红砖在满洲进一步传播，成为中国人和日本人的主要商品。

The establishment of Manchukuo changed the political landscape of Manchuria in 1932. The coexistence of the three powers gave way to the allegedly unified central government of this new state. Japanese officials dominated its government, and the Kwantung Army had a powerful influence on policy making. Infrastructural projects such as renovating Changchun into the new capital Shinkyō (Xinjing) were led by Japanese architects and engineers. They chose red brick and improved red brick buildings such as State Department (kokumuin) offices with ferro-concrete.

The construction boom in the Manchukuo era increased the demand for red brick and attracted more Chinese producers to fire red brick.
1932 年，满洲国的成立改变了满洲的政治格局。三国并存的局面让位于这个新国家据称统一的中央政府。日本官员在政府中占主导地位，关东军对政策制定具有强大的影响力。基础设施项目，如将长春改建成新首都新京，都是由日本建筑师和工程师领导的。他们选择了红砖，并用铁混凝土改进了国务院（kokumuin）办公室等红砖建筑。

满洲国时期的建筑热潮增加了对红砖的需求，吸引了更多的中国生产商烧制红砖。

Japanese Architects Envision a Red Brick Civilization

Red brick inspired many different reactions among the Japanese. For many Japanese architects, red brick carried a magical promise of civilization, progressiveness, modernity, and aesthetic beauty. Their enchantment with red brick began not long after the Meiji Revolution in 1868. The early Meiji government (1868-1912) employed foreign engineers and architects to reconstruct Tokyo into a modern civilized capital. As Terunobu Fujimori's research shows, Thomas James Waters was a central figure behind the introduction of red brick in urban construction. A British civil engi-
红砖在日本人中引起了许多不同的反应。对于许多日本建筑师来说，红砖蕴含着文明、进步、现代和美学的神奇承诺。他们对红砖的迷恋始于 1868 年明治维新后不久。早期的明治政府（1868-1912 年）聘请外国工程师和建筑师将东京重建为现代文明之都。藤森照信的研究表明，托马斯-詹姆斯-沃特斯是将红砖引入城市建设的核心人物。英国土木工程师

Takahashi, Mantetsu chihō gyōseishi, 237; Shibuya, "Chōsakurin seigen ka no Hōtenshō minsei."
On the life of Du Zhongyuan: Mitter, Bitter Revolution.
On the political structure of Manchukuo: Yamamuro, Kimera; Young, Japan's Total Empire. For the construction of Shinkyō: Sewell, Constructing Empire; Young, Japan's Total Empire; Nishizawa, Nihon no shokuminchi kenchiku, 159.
neer, Waters brought the Georgian style to the rebuilding of Ginza, a commercial district still famous today for its upscale department stores and high-end shops. The Georgian style is known for its symmetrical and evenly portioned structure and was widely used in Britain's colonies. Waters also designed the main streets and houses rebuilt in the Ginza district after 1872,
后来，沃特斯将乔治亚风格带入了银座的重建中，银座商业区至今仍以其高档百货商店和高端商店而闻名。乔治亚风格以其对称、均匀的结构而著称，在英国殖民地被广泛使用。沃特斯还设计了银座地区 1872 年后重建的主要街道和房屋、

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 marking the beginning of Japan's new era of red brick construction.

Many first-generation Japanese architects had studied or traveled in Europe and America, and they welcomed red brick as a key building material. The most well-known at that time, Kingo Tatsuno (1854-1919), studied Western architecture in Japan under Josiah Conder, a British architect hired to teach at Tokyo Imperial University. Based on his studies of Queen Anne architecture and traditional Japanese features such as roofs, Tatsuno's style combined "Western" materials such as red brick and granite in his traditional Japanese houses. The Marunouchi station in Tokyo was a prominent example of Tatsuno's work, marking the Meiji era as when red brick became a significant icon of modernity, Westernization, and civilization.

许多第一代日本建筑师曾在欧洲和美国学习或旅行，他们欢迎红砖作为一种重要的建筑材料。当时最知名的建筑师辰野金吾（1854-1919 年）曾在日本学习西方建筑，师从受聘于东京帝国大学任教的英国建筑师约西亚-康德（Josiah Conder）。根据他对安妮女王式建筑和日本传统特色（如屋顶）的研究，辰野的风格将 "西方 "材料（如红砖和花岗岩）结合到他的传统日本房屋中。东京丸之内车站是辰野作品的杰出代表，标志着明治时代红砖成为现代性、西方化和文明的重要标志。

This red brick building trend ended after the Kantō earthquake that devastated Tokyo in 1923. In the eyes of many Japanese architects, the earthquake exposed the fatal shortcomings of following Western styles and building with red brick. Fallen brick chimneys became engulfed in flames, spreading the fire more widely. Spacious rooms supported by a few pillars built of red brick collapsed.

After the earthquake, Japanese architects avoided the use of brick and stone for construction in their country and quickly adopted ferro-concrete.

这股红砖建筑潮流在 1923 年东京关东大地震后终结。在许多日本建筑师看来，地震暴露了追随西方风格、使用红砖建筑的致命缺点。倒塌的砖砌烟囱被火焰吞没，火势蔓延得更广。用红砖砌成的几根柱子支撑起的宽敞房间倒塌了。

地震后，日本建筑师避免在国内使用砖和石头建造建筑，而是迅速采用了铁混凝土。

Early Japanese architects arriving in Manchuria shared their Tokyo colleagues' fascination with red brick. Some saw red brick not only as a symbol of Western civilization and modern architecture but also as a way of creating a Manchuria-specific continental civilization different from Japan. Shigemitsu Matsumuro (1873-1937), an architect hired by the Government-General, promoted this view. He considered architecture a material form that must fit in its environment and as a tool for developing a new culture. Manchuria, long inhabited by Chinese, Koreans, and Westerners in addition to Japanese, had in Matsumuro's eyes its own unique history and traditions. He therefore criticized replicating an architectural style that "simply followed the history and tradition of Japanese" as "shallow," and he felt that it was necessary to fully research Manchuria's geography and economics. Any house built in Manchuria had to meet the standard of keeping out the cold efficiently while ensuring freedom of movement and
早期来到满洲里的日本建筑师与东京的同行一样，对红砖情有独钟。一些人认为红砖不仅是西方文明和现代建筑的象征，也是创造不同于日本的满洲特有的大陆文明的一种方式。政府总署聘请的建筑师松室重光（1873-1937 年）提倡这种观点。他认为建筑是一种物质形式，必须与环境相适应，是发展新文化的工具。满洲长期居住着中国人、朝鲜人、西方人和日本人，在松室看来，满洲有自己独特的历史和传统。因此，他批评复制 "简单沿袭日本历史和传统 "的建筑风格是 "肤浅的"，他认为有必要充分研究满洲的地理和经济。在满洲建造的任何房屋都必须达到既能有效御寒，又能确保行动自由和安全的标准。

comfort. In this way, Matsumuro believed that Japan could "create a new and special culture" in the colony and contribute a new architectural style to world history.

In 1924, Matsumuro's ideas of matching architecture with climate echoed the füdo theory (climate and geography) formulated by Tetsurō Watsuji. In the 1920s, Watsuji described climate shaping the development of culture, national character, and race.

舒适。松室认为，日本可以通过这种方式在殖民地 "创造一种新的特殊文化"，并为世界历史贡献一种新的建筑风格。

1924年，松室关于建筑与气候相匹配的想法与和辻铁郎提出的füdo理论（气候与地理）不谋而合。20 世纪 20 年代，和辻哲郎描述了气候对文化、民族性格和种族发展的影响。

Matsumuro's fascination with red brick came from his training under Kingo Tatsuno at Tokyo Imperial University. After graduating, Matsumuro traveled in Britain, where he was impressed by how red brick created a comfortable living environment that would best suit Manchuria's climate. Against his superior's orders, Matsumuro insisted on building government offices with red brick instead of wood. Only red brick houses, Matsumuro believed, "would not cause inconvenience for residents.

played an active role as major Japanese architect in Manchuria for eight years (1908-16), the only architect in the Government-General. Matsumuro became the first chair of the Manchurian Architectural Association, established in 1920 to promote the wider use and acceptance of red brick. In 1905, the Government-General published an order that the official building materials people in Dalian should use were red brick, concrete, and stone instead of wood. 32
松室对红砖的痴迷源于他在东京帝国大学师从辰野金吾。毕业后，松室到英国旅行，他对红砖如何创造出最适合满洲气候的舒适居住环境留下了深刻印象。松室违背上司的命令，坚持用红砖代替木材建造政府办公楼。松室认为，只有红砖房 "才不会给居民带来不便"。

作为日本在满洲的主要建筑师，在八年（1908-16 年）的时间里发挥了积极作用，是政府总署中唯一的建筑师。松室成为满洲建筑协会的首任主席，该协会成立于 1920 年，旨在促进红砖的广泛使用和接受。1905 年，总督府发布命令，规定大连人正式使用的建筑材料是红砖、混凝土和石材，而不是木材。32

Despite the architects' preferences, Japanese residents living in these red brick houses found it hard to adapt. For those used to living in openplan, well-ventilated homes, red brick houses felt like enclosed castles. A Japanese staff member of Mantetsu, Yasuyoshi Hinata (n.d.), complained in the staffs Journal of the Reading Group (Dokushokai zasshi) in 1925 that staying in a red brick house was like "living in a sealed greenhouse" because the layout and double-layered windows were small.

Both the size of the houses and the enhanced windows retained heat, yet Japanese residents accustomed to open designs felt penned up.
尽管建筑师有自己的喜好，但住在这些红砖房里的日本居民还是觉得难以适应。对于那些习惯于居住在开放式、通风良好的住宅中的人来说，红砖房就像是封闭的城堡。1925年，满铁的一位日本员工日奈泰吉（Yasuyoshi Hinata，注）在《员工读书会杂志》（Dokushokai zasshi）上抱怨说，住在红砖房里就像 "住在密封的温室里"，因为布局和双层窗户都很小。

房屋的大小和窗户的增大都能保持热量，但习惯于开放式设计的日本居民却感到闷热。

Others criticized this dwelling environment as hazardous. To keep out the cold, Japanese families used additional heating, either a Russian-style fireplace (pēchika) or a traditional Japanese hibachi, instead of relying on the warmth preserved by red brick walls. Sometimes the coal was not burned fully and generated carbon monoxide. In a well-ventilated house, this small amount of carbon monoxide would not be a headache. But many Japanese residents had not developed the habit of frequent ventilation, and the lack of air circulation led to carbon monoxide poisoning. Yoshikage
也有人批评这种居住环境很危险。为了御寒，日本家庭使用额外的取暖设备，即俄式壁炉（pēchika）或传统的日式火盆，而不是依靠红砖墙取暖。有时煤炭燃烧不充分，会产生一氧化碳。在通风良好的房子里，少量的一氧化碳并不会令人头疼。但许多日本居民没有养成经常通风的习惯，空气不流通导致一氧化碳中毒。吉影

On Matsumuro: Nishizawa, Umi wo watatta Nihonjin kenchikuka, 39; Matsumuro, "Shokuminchi."
Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity, 269-70.
Kantōkyoku bunsho ka, Kantōkyoku shisei sanjūnen gyōseki chōsa shiryō, 579.
Dairenshi henshū iinkai, Zoku Dairen shishi, 30. For details of this administrative order: Kenchiku kisoku kenkyū iinkai, "Genkō Dairen shi kenchiku kisoku kaisei an," 16-34.
Hinata, "Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō," 53.

Takanashi (n.d.), another contributor to the Journal of the Reading Group, linked the lack of ventilation to increasing cases of tuberculosis in Manchuria.

The Mantetsu area's own investigation confirmed Takanashi's observations. They found that 32.8 employees out of 10,000 people had tuberculosis, compared to only 28.5 people in Japan. Housewives spending long hours at home seemed to suffer from tuberculosis more often than their husbands.

Mantetsu's Japanese staff found the red brick company houses far from civilized and felt trapped in a pit that could make them sick. Matsumuro's bright vision for a new continental culture only created a hostile reality. Japanese residents made sure their voices were heard and pushed for reformulating the intolerable housing design.
阅读小组杂志》的另一位撰稿人高桥（Takanashi，注）将通风不足与满洲日益增多的肺结核病例联系在一起。

满铁地区自己的调查证实了高桥的看法。他们发现，每 1 万人中有 32.8 名雇员患有肺结核，而日本只有 28.5 人。长时间待在家里的家庭主妇似乎比她们的丈夫更容易患上肺结核。

满铁的日本员工发现，公司的红砖房与文明相去甚远，他们感觉自己被困在一个会让他们生病的深坑里。松室对新大陆文化的美好憧憬只会造成充满敌意的现实。日本居民确保他们的声音被听到，并推动重新设计令人无法忍受的房屋。

Architects and Masons Testing Red Brick in Manchuria

Other than educating residents on the importance of ventilation, Mantetsu architects did little to accommodate Japanese residents' demand for more open-plan houses. Later Japanese architects after Matsumuro still concentrated on how to increase the efficiency of heat retention. Mantetsu conducted experiments to find a balance between superior heat retention and low cost, for example, in Fengtian province in 1921.
除了向居民宣传通风的重要性外，满铁建筑师几乎没有做什么工作来满足日本居民对更开放式房屋的需求。松室之后的日本建筑师仍然把重点放在如何提高保温效率上。例如，1921 年，满铁在奉天省进行了实验，以在出色的保温性能和低成本之间找到平衡点。

Kumakichi Ōzawa (n.d.), an architect graduate of South Manchuria Industrial Professional School (Minami Manshū kōgyō senmon gakkō) employed by Mantetsu in 1926, recorded this experiment in his memoir. Despite Ōzawa describing the purpose of this experiment as finding a pleasant living environment for families, it actually compared cost and heat retention standards.

Another experiment recorded in Dalian, summarized in Mantetsu Investigation Monthly Report (Mantetsu chōsa geppō, MIMR), also aimed to improve heat retention.

大泽熊吉（Kumakichi Ōzawa，未注明日期）是南满洲工业专业学校（Minami Manshū kōgyō senmon gakkō）的建筑师毕业生，1926 年受雇于满铁，他在自己的回忆录中记录了这次实验。尽管大泽将这次实验的目的描述为为家庭寻找舒适的居住环境，但实际上它是在比较成本和保温标准。

《满铁调查月报》（Mantetsu chōsa geppō，MIMR）中记录的另一项在大连进行的实验也是为了提高保温性能。

The records of both experiments shed light on the Japanese working with Chinese brick masons and their reliance on local workers' vernacular skills. In 1921, Mantetsu experimented with various types of brick-red brick, gray brick, and hollow brick-and with different masonries. One method they tested was "hollow masonry" (horō zumi).

Horō is a Japanese phonetic transliteration of the English word "hollow." Horō was writ-
这两项实验的记录揭示了日本人与中国砖瓦匠合作的情况，以及他们对当地工人本土技能的依赖。1921 年，满铁试验了各种类型的砖--红砖、灰砖和空心砖--以及不同的砌筑方法。他们试验的一种方法是 "空心砌体"（horō zumi）。

"Horō "是英语 "hollow "的日语音译。Horō的写法是

For discussions of heating systems: Harubin tetsudōkyoku sōmubu shiryōka, Roshiya shiki pēchika danbō no kenkyū (daiihhen), cited by Ōzawa, "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō," 120-22; Hinata, "Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō." For Japanese residents' experience of these dangers: Hinata, "Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō"; Warashina,
关于供暖系统的讨论：Harubin tetsudōkyoku sōmubu shiryōka, Roshiya shiki pēchika danbō no kenkyū (daiihhen), Ōzawa, "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō", 120-22; Hinata, "Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō".日本居民对这些危险的体验：Hinata，"Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō"；Warashina、

"Tōki ni okeru jūtaku no danbō to kanki"; Takanashi, "Kion to shippei."

Harubin tetsudōkyoku sōmubu shiryōka, Roshiya shiki pēchika danbō no kenkyū (daiihhen). Cited by Ōzawa, "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō," 123. Hinata, "Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō."
Haga, Nihon jinbutsu jōhō taikei, 14:294; Ōzawa, "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō," 123.
Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 131.
Ōzawa, "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō," 124.
ten as ホロー in Katakana, a form of syllabic writing for words of foreign origin. Japanese engineers and architects either read about this in English books on masonry introduced at Japanese universities between 1868 and 1921 or learned about it during their travels. The Dalian experiment tested four types of bricklaying: "filling-up masonry" (jūten zumi), "horizontal masonry" (yoko zumi), and "vertical masonry" (tate zumi), together with horō zumi. In a later experiment between 1933 and 1934, Unichi Miura, professor at the Medical University of Manchuria (Manshū igaku daigaku), used a different term for horō zumi. Miura called it kūdō zumi 空洞積み, kūdō being a compound word in sinographs meaning "cavity" or "hollow." Miura described this cavity masonry as a hollow vertical space within the wall that may cause air convection.
十 "在片假名中是ホロー，是外来词的一种音节书写形式。日本的工程师和建筑师们或是在 1868 年至 1921 年间日本大学引进的有关砌筑的英文书籍中读到过这方面的知识，或是在旅行中了解到这方面的知识。大连实验测试了四种砌砖方式：填砌"（jūten zumi）、"横砌"（yoko zumi）、"竖砌"（tate zumi）和 "角砌"（horō zumi）。在 1933 年至 1934 年间的一次实验中，满洲医科大学教授三浦云一使用了不同的术语来表示角砌。三浦称其为 "空洞积み"（kūdō zumi），"空洞 "在汉语言中是一个复合词，意为 "空洞 "或 "空心"。三浦将这种空洞砌体描述为墙体中可能导致空气对流的中空垂直空间。

Japanese books on red bricks do not feature hollow masonry but focus on two artful styles of laying different surfaces of red brick: British style (Igirisu zumi) and French style (Furansu zumi). The French style laid the narrow and long side alternatively within one row, while the British style piled one row with the long side facing out, then one row with the narrow side facing out.

Kōhei Moroi (1862-1941), in his book on red brick, Renga yōsetsu, mentioned two other types of masonry-koguchi zumi and nagate zumi. Evidence suggests that the terms jūten zumi, yokozumi, and tate zumi, although not found in Japanese writings, resemble the styles described in Moroi's and other books.

Jūten zumi means "to lay bricks without gaps." Both the French and British styles qualify as jūten zumi. Tate zumi was similar to koguchi zumi, where all rows were like the British-style first row. Only the narrow sides of the bricks are visible from the outside. Yoko zumi may refer to nagate zumi, where the bricks' longer sides are visible.

(See figure 1.)
日本关于红砖的书籍并不介绍空心砖砌筑法，而是重点介绍两种铺设不同表面红砖的艺术风格：英式（Igirisu zumi）和法式（Furansu zumi）。法式红砖是在一排砖中交替铺设窄面和长面，而英式红砖则是先铺设一排长面朝外的砖，然后再铺设一排窄面朝外的砖。

Kōhei Moroi（1862-1941 年）在其关于红砖的著作《Renga yōsetsu》中提到了另外两种砌筑方式--"口砌"（koguchi zumi）和 "长手砌"（nagate zumi）。有证据表明，jūten zumi、yokozumi 和 tate zumi 这些术语虽然没有出现在日本的著作中，但与 Moroi 和其他书籍中描述的风格相似。

Jūten zumi 的意思是 "没有缝隙地砌砖"。法国和英国的风格都属于 "jūten zumi"。塔特砖与小口砖类似，所有砖排都与英式第一排砖一样。从外面只能看到砖的窄边。Yoko zumi 可能指的是 nagate zumi，砖的长边是可见的。

（见图 1）。

Tokyo University Library has several books in English that mention forms of hollow masonry.

Clearly hollow walls excelled in heat retention and reducing dampness.

The research also touched on potential problems with hollow masonry. Charles F. Mitchell's 1893 book emphasized the importance of using bonds to connect two walls separated by no more than 3 inches. Both Mitchell and Mitchell's and Malverd A. Howe's 1914
东京大学图书馆有几本英文书籍提到了空心砌体的形式。

显然，空心墙在保温和减少潮湿方面表现出色。

研究还涉及空心砌体的潜在问题。Charles F. Mitchell 在 1893 年出版的书中强调了使用粘结剂连接相距不超过 3 英寸的两堵墙的重要性。Mitchell 和 Mitchell 的著作以及 Malverd A. Howe 1914 年的著作都强调了空心砌体的潜在问题。

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 130.
For Miura's information: Eda, "Manshū ika daigaku to 'kaitaku eisei,'" 112; Miura, "Jūkyo ni kansuru kenkyu," 30. Miura also conducted research on the relationship between the environment and tuberculosis. His research on houses, even though he did not state it specifically in this research, possibly shared his concern of improving residential environments for the health of the residents. Miura, "Man Ka jin."
三浦的资料：江田，"Manshū ika daigaku to 'kaitaku eisei'"，112；三浦，"Jūkyo ni kansuru kenkyu"，30。三浦还对环境与肺结核之间的关系进行了研究。尽管他在这项研究中没有具体说明，但他对房屋的研究可能与他关心的改善居住环境以促进居民健康的想法一致。三浦，"Man Ka jin"。
Watanabe and Wada, Rengazō kenchiku, 40.
Watanabe and Wada, Rengazō kenchiku; Takenaka daiku dōgu kan, Kindai kenchiku monozukurino chōsen.
Moroi, Renga yōsetsu, 40.
Barker, Treatise on Masonry Construction; Mitchell and Mitchell, Brickwork and Masonry; Barham, Masonry; Howe, Masonry; Spalding, Masonry Structures.
Trautwine, Civil Engineer's Pocket Book, 214; Barham, Masonry, 73.

T E C H N O L O G Y A N D C U L T U R E

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63

FIG. 1 Common forms of brick masonry in Japan are the French bricklaying style (left) and the British style (right), examples of "filling-up masonry" or jūten zumi that leave no gaps between bricks. In this introduction of brick masonry in Japan, hollow masonry is not mentioned, probably due to its rarity in Japan. (Source: Takenaka daiku dōgu kan. Kindai kenchiku monozukuri no chōsen.)
图 1 日本砖砌体的常见形式是法式砌砖（左）和英式砌砖（右），它们是 "填充砌体 "或 "jūten zumi "的典范，砖与砖之间不留缝隙。在这篇介绍日本砖砌体的文章中，没有提到空心砖砌体，这可能是由于空心砖砌体在日本很少见。(资料来源：Takenaka daiku dōgu kan. Kindai kenchiku monozukuri no chōsen.）

work discussed specific ways to prevent moisture and rats in the space created by hollow masonry.

These books did not specify the ratio of materials and techniques required for building a hollow wall, let alone how to join hollow walls with other parts of the house for a sturdy and supportive structure. More detailed research on hollow masonry included Brick, How to Build and Estimate written by the American William Carver in 1920. Carver's work offered engineering information on building houses with each type of hollow wall.

(See figure 2.)

这些著作讨论了在空心砌体所形成的空间中防止潮湿和老鼠的具体方法。

这些书籍并没有具体说明建造空心墙所需的材料和技术比例，更不用说如何将空心墙与房屋的其他部分连接起来，以形成坚固的支撑结构。关于空心砌体更详细的研究包括美国人威廉-卡弗（William Carver）在 1920 年撰写的《砖，如何建造和估算》（Brick, How to Build and Estimate）。卡弗的著作提供了使用各种空心墙建造房屋的工程信息。

（见图 2。）

Even though Japanese architects learned about horō zumi, there was a gap between textbook knowledge and practice. Japanese architect Gihei Hirasawa sharply pointed out that many Japanese architects were trained to design structures on paper and had no experience of working on construction sites. Once on site, they could hardly solve problems while implementing blueprints, let alone navigate the process of building and directing various skilled and physical workers.

As Carver emphasized, hollow walls required skilled and precise bricklayers. The bricklayers' expertise in applying the right amount of mortar and taking care to avoid dropping mortar in the cavity determined the quality of the wall. This task depended on the collaboration between engineering expertise and brick masons' skills.

尽管日本建筑师学习了horō zumi，但教科书上的知识与实践之间仍有差距。日本建筑师 Gihei Hirasawa 尖锐地指出，许多日本建筑师接受的培训是在纸上设计结构，没有在建筑工地工作的经验。一旦到了工地，他们很难在执行蓝图的同时解决问题，更不用说驾驭建筑过程和指挥各种技术工人和体力劳动者了。

正如卡弗所强调的，空心墙需要熟练而精确的砌砖工。砌砖工在涂抹适量灰浆和注意避免灰浆掉入空洞方面的专业技能决定了墙体的质量。这项任务取决于工程专业知识和砖瓦匠技能之间的协作。

Other sources suggest that Chinese brick masons helped to realize the Japanese blueprints for hollow masonry in housing experiments. The Chinese had a long history of working with this building style. China's scholars and engineers traced a style called rowlock cavity wall (kongdou qiang 空斗墙) to the Ming dynasty. (See figure 3.) This wall had bricks arranged in two ways, "upright" and "horizontal." After piling a layer of horizontal bricks, the mason used the upright bricks to create a hollow space between two "face blocks." This style also has several variations, including one
其他资料表明，中国砖瓦匠帮助实现了日本在住房实验中使用空心砌石的蓝图。中国人对这种建筑风格的研究由来已久。中国的学者和工程师将一种名为 "空斗墙 "的建筑风格追溯到了明朝（见图 3）。(见图 3）这堵墙的砖块有两种排列方式，即 "直立式 "和 "水平式"。在堆砌一层水平砖后，石匠用直立砖在两块 "面砖 "之间形成空心空间。这种样式也有几种变体，其中一种是

Howe, Masonry, 73-75; Mitchell and Mitchell, Brickwork and Masonry, 86-89.
Carver, Brick, How to Build and Estimate, 14-35.
Hirasawa, "Shikō teki gijutsu no fuzoku yori korareru genba sagyō no tsūhei to sono kyūsai."
Cressey, "Hollow Walls."

FIG. 2 Styles of hollow masonry, despite different layering, leave space between inner and outer walls. In his book on brick masonry, William Carver calls this rolok or rolok bak laying ("rowlock"). This is one of the early mentions of hollow masonry in English sources. Even though the Tokyo University Library does not contain Stoddard's book, this image shows an example of what Japanese engineers may have read about hollow masonry. (Source: Stoddard, Brick Structures.)
图 2 空心砌体的样式，尽管分层不同，但内外墙之间都留有空隙。威廉-卡弗（William Carver）在他关于砖砌体的书中称这种砌法为 "砌块"（rolok）或 "砌块"（rolok bak laying）。这是英文资料中较早提到的空心砌体之一。尽管东京大学图书馆没有收藏斯托达德的书，但这幅图片展示了日本工程师可能读到的有关空心砌体的例子。(资料来源：斯托达德，《砖结构》）。

FIG. 3 Japanese architects relied on Chinese brick masons' skills to build rowlock cavity walls in Manchuria. (They resemble Carver's "8' all/rolok in Flemish bond" style.) This example shows that Chinese masons had a long history of building walls with the style of hollow masonry compared to Japanese engineers. (Zhang et al., "In-Plane Seismic Performance.") (Image by author.)
图 3 日本建筑师依靠中国砖瓦匠的技术在满洲里建造了空心砖墙（类似于卡佛的 "8'all/rolok in Fleish bond "风格）。(这个例子表明，与日本工程师相比，中国砖瓦匠在空心砌体墙建造方面有着悠久的历史。(Zhang 等人，"平面内抗震性能"）（图片由作者提供）。

requiring no layer of horizontal bricks and only layers of upright bricks.

Chinese brick masons in Manchuria were experienced with brick buildings because as early as the seventeenth-century transition period from the Ming to the Qing dynasties city dirt walls in Manchuria were gradually rebuilt with qingzhuan bricks (kuro renga or gray brick). These masons also
不需要水平砖层，只需要直立砖层。

满洲的中国砖瓦匠对砖砌建筑很有经验，因为早在十七世纪明朝向清朝过渡的时期，满洲的城市土墙就逐渐用青砖（黑砖或灰砖）重建。这些石匠还

Zhang et al., "In-Plane Seismic Performance."
built houses with sun-dried bricks (tupizi in Chinese). For Chinese masons, rowlock cavity walls were a traditional and widely used masonry style.

Employing Chinese brick masons gave them an opportunity to introduce their vernacular skills of building hollow walls into the Japanese architects' plans. Chinese brick masons were preferred not only for their skills

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 but also, more importantly, for the relatively cheap labor costs. In Dalian, for instance, a Japanese mason earned 3.2 yen in 1930, whereas a Chinese mason only earned 0.7 yen. Even when Chinese masons' wages rose, they were still only a half or even a third of what Japanese earned.

In addition, the fact that Japanese architects picked up specific Chinese terms for construction showed that they worked closely with Chinese masons.

VOL.63 但更重要的是，劳动力成本相对低廉。以大连为例，1930 年日本泥瓦匠的工资为 3.2 日元，而中国泥瓦匠的工资仅为 0.7 日元。即使中国泥瓦匠的工资有所提高，他们的收入仍然只有日本人的一半甚至三分之一。

此外，日本建筑师在建筑中使用了特定的中文术语，这表明他们与中国泥瓦匠的合作非常密切。

Categorizing these Chinese workers as "brick masons" does not mean they were a unified group. Instead of following strict standards for building, these Chinese masons were more flexible with brick masonry. In Japan, brick masons built to written specifications as listed in the construction codes. According to The Manual for Construction Contracts in the Field of Engineering and Architecture in 1914, professional masons adhered to a set ratio of mortar to red brick per square meter. Chinese brick masons' building methods were less regulated, and their vernacular skills were lost on unknowing Japanese eyes. The Japanese architects observed that Chinese workers chose whichever building method they deemed possible. They certainly did not follow the Japanese supervisors' orders or instructions exactly. The Chinese used not only the Japanese-preferred cement but also clay and sand. Their long experience and knowledge of working with brick gave them the edge over their Japanese supervisors, who had little experience.

将这些华工归类为 "砖瓦匠 "并不意味着他们是一个统一的群体。这些中国砖瓦匠并不遵循严格的建筑标准，而是更加灵活地使用砖块砌筑。在日本，砖瓦匠按照建筑规范中列出的书面规格进行施工。根据 1914 年的《工程与建筑领域施工合同手册》，专业砖瓦匠遵守每平方米砂浆与红砖的固定比例。而中国砖瓦匠的建筑方法则没有那么严格的规定，他们的乡土技艺在不知情的日本人眼里是茫然无知的。据日本建筑师观察，中国工人选择了他们认为可行的建筑方法。他们当然不会完全听从日本监工的命令或指示。中国人不仅使用日本人喜欢的水泥，还使用粘土和沙子。他们在使用砖块方面的长期经验和知识使他们比经验不足的日本监工更具优势。

The extended experience of working with Chinese brick masons in Manchuria enabled Japanese architects to not only bridge any gap between theory and practice in hollow masonry but also test houses with hollow walls against other, more familiar styles. During experiments, Japanese architects discovered the advantages of hollow masonry walls: they re-
在满洲里与中国砖瓦匠合作的丰富经验，使日本建筑师不仅弥补了空心砌体理论与实践之间的差距，还将空心墙房屋与其他更熟悉的风格进行了对比试验。在试验过程中，日本建筑师发现了空心砌体墙的优点：它们可以重新砌筑，从而使建筑更加坚固。

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 33.
"Obshchiĭ Obzor k Otchetu Po Sooruzheniia Porta i Goroda Dal'nego," from Ob Ustroĭstve Kammerchekogo porta v Da-liian'-vane, n.d., F. 560 Op. 28, D. 104, 97, RGIA; Kenchiku gakkai shinkyō shibu, Manshū kenchiku gaisetsu, 504.
Dairen shōkō gaigijo, "Kōjō rōgin ha NiShijin tomo teiraku" [Salary for both Chinese and Japanese in factories declined], Dairen shōkō geppō [Monthly Report of the Commerce and Industry of Dalian] 82 (1930): 110; Dairen shōkō kaigijo, Keizai tōkei geppō.
Dairen shōkō gaigijo, "Kōjō rōgin ha NiShijin tomo teiraku" [Salary for both Chinese and Japanese in factories declined], Dairen shōkō geppō [Monthly Report of Commerce and Industry of Dalian] 82 (1930)：110; Dairen shōkō kaigijo, Keizai tōkei geppō.
Shōichirō Fukuoka, "Nisshi kenchiku yōgo no kenkyū" [Research of Japanese and Chinese terms for architecture], Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [Journal of Manchuria Architectural Associations] 1, no. 1, cited by Yasuhiko Nishizawa, Kenchiku kōji genba no kanri [Management of the site of construction of architecture], Power-Point Presentation, Kinki daigaku, 2018.
福冈正一郎，《日中建筑术语研究》，《满洲建筑协会杂志》第1期，转引自西泽康彦，《建筑施工现场的管理》，Power-Point Presentation，近畿大学，2018年。
Hatanaka, Doboku kenchiku kōji ueoi benran, 287, 504; Hirasawa, "Shikō teki gijutsu no fuzoku yori korareru genba sagyō no tsūhei to sono kyūsai," 10 .

FIG. 4 Hollow masonry "Kobata kūkan zumi" creates space between the inner and outer wall, at Numada Apple Warehouse, Sapporō, Japan, in 1953. This warehouse shows that hollow masonry was used to build houses in Japan, at least in the postwar era in Hokkaido, which has a winter climate similar to Manchuria. Even though current evidence tells us little about how early Japanese started to build with hollow masonry in the home islands, this example suggests a possible circulation of building knowledge from Japan's empire back to the home islands in the post-1945 era. (Image by author. Source: City of Sapporo, "History, Viewpoint," April 27, 2011, https://www.city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/ keikan/rekiken/viewpoint.html.)
图 4 1953 年，日本札幌沼田苹果仓库，空心砌体 "Kobata kūkan zumi "在内外墙之间形成空间。这座仓库表明，至少在战后时期，在冬季气候与满洲相似的北海道，空心砌石在日本被用于建造房屋。尽管目前的证据几乎无法告诉我们日本人早期是如何开始在本岛使用空心砌石建造房屋的，但这个例子表明，1945 年后，建筑知识有可能从日本帝国流传回本岛。(图片由作者提供。资料来源：札幌市，"历史札幌市，"历史，观点"，2011 年 4 月 27 日，https://www.city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/ keikan/rekiken/viewpoint.html）。

quired fewer bricks and thus reduced construction costs. Moreover, houses built with hollow masonry performed the best in terms of heat retention.

The quantitative data the architects compiled showing numbers in heat, humidity, and cost of hollow masonry houses familiarized them with this unfamiliar masonry style.

The architects thus continued their aim to make this "red brick civilization" appeal to Japanese residents in Manchuria.

空心砌体所需的砖块更少，从而降低了建筑成本。此外，使用空心砌体建造的房屋在保温方面表现最佳。

建筑师们收集的量化数据显示了空心砌体房屋在热量、湿度和成本方面的数字，这让他们对这种陌生的砌体风格更加熟悉。

因此，建筑师们继续努力使这种 "红砖文明 "吸引满洲的日本居民。

Today in Hokkaidō, Japan, there are traces of buildings built with hollow masonry, such as at Mitani Ranch (1928) and the Numada Apple Warehouse (1953).

The concentration of hollow masonry in buildings in Hokkaido, with a climate similar to Manchuria, suggests knowledge transfer between the colony and the metropole. The masonry style resembles Chinese rowlock masonry. (See figure 4.)
如今在日本北海道，仍有空心砖石建筑的痕迹，如三谷牧场（1928 年）和沼田苹果仓库（1953 年）。

在气候与满洲相似的北海道，空心砌石在建筑物中的集中使用，表明了殖民地与大都市之间的知识转移。这种砌体风格类似于中国的排锁砌体。(见图 4）。

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 131; Miura, "Jūkyo ni kansuru kenkyū," 30.
For the comparative data: Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 133 .
It is unclear from many published sources whether hollow masonry was in fact implemented in houses. Japanese architects commonly do not include masonry styles in their blueprint. Nishizawa, Umi wo watatta Nihonjin kenchikuka, 40. Field work in several Mantetsu cities from 2015 to 2019 shows that the outsides of red brick houses built with hollow masonry do not always look different from non-hollow masonries.
从许多公开资料来看，空心砌体是否在房屋中实际应用尚不清楚。日本建筑师通常不会在蓝图中加入砌筑风格。Nishizawa, Umi wo watatta Nihonjin kenchikuka, 40.2015 年至 2019 年在几个满铁城市进行的实地考察显示，用空心砌体建造的红砖房屋外墙与非空心砌体并不总是有区别。
City of Sapporo, "Rekiken. Byūpointo," April 27, 2011, https://www.city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/keikan/rekiken/viewpoint.html; City of Sapporo, "Mitani bokujō gyūsha, Sairo," March 2014, https://www.city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/keikan/rekiken/build ings/building37.html.
札幌市，"Rekiken.Byūpointo"，2011 年 4 月 27 日，https://www.city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/keikan/rekiken/viewpoint.html；札幌市，"Mitani bokujō gyūsha, Sairo"，2014 年 3 月，https://www.city.sapporo.jp/keikaku/keikan/rekiken/build ings/building37.html。

Chinese Brick Baking Skills in Manchuria

Red brick production in Manchuria also reveals how Japanese engineers worked with Chinese producers, observed their practices, and absorbed the knowledge in technical reports. Brickmaking involves turning clay into baked brick. It started with "casting" (seikei in Japanese) a mixture of clay
满洲的红砖生产也揭示了日本工程师如何与中国生产者合作，观察他们的做法，并在技术报告中吸收相关知识。制砖是将粘土变成烤砖。它始于 "浇铸"（日语中的 "浇铸"）一种粘土混合物，这种混合物被称为 "红砖"。

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 and water into a shape. This first step relied on human labor or a machine to pound the clay mixture into a rectangular mold. The next stage was "drying" (kansō in Japanese) the shaped clay mixture in a natural or curated environment. The clay mixtures became "sun-dried bricks." The final stage was "firing" (shōsei in Japanese) these bricks in kilns to bake and harden.
第 63 卷63 和水制成一个形状。第一步是依靠人力或机器将粘土混合物捶打成长方形模具。下一阶段是在自然或人工环境中 "干燥"（日语为 "干"）成型的粘土混合物。粘土混合物成为 "晒干砖"。最后一道工序是在窑中 "烧制 "这些砖块，使其烘烤硬化。

Not every red brick was produced in the same way. The vision of building a red brick civilization also involved finding a way to produce suitable red brick in a different climate. Just as Japanese architects sought a better masonry style to reduce the cold indoors during the long Manchurian winter, Japanese ceramic engineers faced a similar challenge of firing brick in a different natural environment from Japan. Far from a controlled laboratory, the red brick production site was in the natural environment, especially during the drying process. For this step, red brick producers depended on geothermal and solar energy to dehydrate the clay mixtures into sun-dried brick. Brickmakers in Japan dried clay mixtures on wooden planks in the sunshine. In Manchuria, however, Japanese producers, especially those using machinery to make the clay mixture, had to adjust their drying method to the climate because their familiar method ended up producing sun-dried bricks with cracks.

并不是每一块红砖的生产方式都是一样的。建设红砖文明的愿景还包括找到在不同气候条件下生产合适红砖的方法。正如日本建筑师寻求更好的砌筑方式，以减少满洲漫长冬季室内的寒冷，日本陶瓷工程师也面临着类似的挑战，即在不同于日本的自然环境中烧制红砖。红砖生产基地远离受控实验室，处于自然环境中，尤其是在干燥过程中。在这一步骤中，红砖生产商依靠地热和太阳能将粘土混合物脱水成晒砖。日本的制砖工人在木板上晒干粘土混合物。然而，在满洲里，日本生产商，尤其是那些使用机械制造粘土混合物的生产商，必须根据当地气候调整干燥方法，因为他们熟悉的方法最终会生产出有裂缝的晒干砖。

Facing the challenge of producing in this new environment, Mantetsu engineers studied how the climate affected brick firing. A researcher in Mantetsu, Kenjirō Harada (n.d.), consulted climate reports to compare the data on Manchuria with Japan.

The points of comparison, including temperature, humidity, wind speed, and rainfall, underlined that Manchuria's climate was much drier, windier, and colder than Japan. Harada concluded that these great differences caused cracking during the brick-drying process. Cracking happened more frequently with bricks cast by machines than those molded by hand. Machine-cast clay molds were much denser; thus, the interior of such bricks took longer to dry than the exterior. The environment did not help, because once exposed to the outdoors, the bricks' exterior dried too quickly in Manchuria's dry, windy climate. When the exterior was completely dry, the interior was still undergoing dehydration. The water from inside reached the surface and cracked it. The Japanese found that their handmade molds also cracked easily. In Japan, put-
面对在新环境下生产的挑战，满铁的工程师们研究了气候对烧砖的影响。满铁的研究人员原田健次郎（Kenjirō Harada，注）查阅了气候报告，将满洲与日本的数据进行了比较。

比较点包括温度、湿度、风速和降雨量，结果显示满洲的气候比日本干燥得多、风大得多、寒冷得多。原田得出的结论是，这些巨大的差异导致了砖坯干燥过程中的开裂。机器浇铸的砖块比手工成型的砖块更容易开裂。机器铸造的粘土模具密度更大，因此，这种砖的内部干燥时间比外部干燥时间更长。环境也起不了作用，因为一旦暴露在室外，在满洲干燥多风的气候条件下，砖的外表干燥得太快。当外部完全干燥时，内部仍在脱水。内部的水流到表面，使其破裂。日本人发现，他们手工制作的模具也很容易开裂。在日本，把

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 7, 9-11.
Harada was apparently in the Investigation Department. Mantetsu started compiling climate data in 1904. Yamamoto, Teikoku Nihon no kishō kansoku nettowāku.
ting the clay molds on boards separated them from geothermal heat. This practice worked well in Japan's hotter and wetter environment but not in Manchuria's summers.

The urgency to produce red brick in Manchuria forced Japanese producers and engineers to learn from Chinese brick producers. Observing how the Chinese achieved a smooth surface on their bricks, Japanese producers saw that the clay mixtures were laid out directly on the ground to better dehydrate the hand-cast molds. This practice resulted in less cracking, and the Mantetsu engineers considered it more "natural" (shizen).

Similarly, Japanese producers also learned to cope with the seasonal patterns. The Government-General inspectors conducted field research to get a full record of local brick production practices. They found that Chinese producers usually excavated the clay in winter, to prepare for brick production the following spring, and then fired brick in the summer, from March to October.

The inspectors also watched how Chinese workers prepared the clay. At the Zhoushuizi branch of the Yingkou Red Brick Factory near Dalian, they observed that Chinese workers pumped water through an iron pipe day and night on the clay piled up at the factory's site. Harada's report gave a scientific explanation of this practice. By adding water, the workers hydrated the clay and stopped it from weathering away into smaller granules in the windy winter climate. The clay stayed moist and sticky for brick firing in the spring.

在满洲生产红砖的紧迫性迫使日本生产商和工程师向中国制砖商学习。日本生产商观察到中国人是如何使砖块表面光滑的，他们将粘土混合物直接铺在地面上，使手工浇铸的模具更好地脱水。这种做法减少了开裂，满铁工程师认为这种做法更 "自然"（shizen）。

同样，日本生产商也学会了如何应对季节性变化。政府总检查员进行了实地调查，以全面记录当地的砖块生产方式。他们发现，中国生产商通常在冬季挖掘粘土，为来年春季制砖做准备，然后在夏季（3 月至 10 月）烧砖。

考察人员还观看了中国工人如何准备粘土。在大连附近的营口红砖厂周水子分厂，他们看到中国工人日夜不停地用铁管向堆放在厂区的粘土上抽水。原田在报告中对这种做法做出了科学的解释。通过加水，工人们给粘土补充了水分，防止粘土在冬季多风的气候中风化成小颗粒。粘土保持湿润和粘性，以便在春季烧砖。

Similar to their colleagues in the field of architecture, Japanese factory owners worked with Chinese laborers and skilled workers. In the Dalian Brick Production Company (JP: Dairen renga seizō gōshi kaisha), the company divided the production process and allocated each part to a different Chinese foreman.

Clay preparation and casting, as well as baking, piling, selecting, and cleaning the kilns, were all outsourced to Chinese producers. The Sanshunryū Brick Factory, also in Dalian, outsourced the clay excavation and preparation to Chinese foremen and hired Chinese laborers, including children, to make brick in the busy season. The biggest brick factory in Fengtian province, Hōten yōgyō, adopted the same employment system.

(See figure 5.)
与建筑领域的同行类似，日本工厂主与中国工人和技术工人合作。在大连砖生产公司（JP：Dairen renga seizō gōshi kaisha），公司将生产流程进行了划分，每个环节都分配给不同的中国工头。

粘土的制备和铸造，以及焙烧、堆放、挑选和清洁窑炉等工作都外包给了中国生产商。同样位于大连的三顺流砖厂将粘土的挖掘和制备外包给中国工头，并在繁忙季节雇用中国劳工（包括儿童）制砖。奉天省最大的砖厂 "昊天洋行 "也采用了同样的雇佣制度。

（见图 5）。

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 10-16.
Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 10.
"Kinshū kannai," in Kantōchō rinji tochi chōsabu, Kantōsh ū jijō, 3:340. The three volumes were compiled collectively, based on five years of research and interviews by the Temporary Land Investigation Bureau.
"Eikō renga kōjō Shūsui funkōjō," in Kantōchō rinji tochi chōsabu, Kantōsh ū jijō, 1:1229. Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 5.
Translations are given in Japanese (JP) and Chinese (CH) as indicated.
"Dairen kannai," in Kantōchō rinji tochi chōsabu, Kantōshū jijō, 1:1235-38; Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 8; Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, Annual Economic Report, 178. Zai Hōten teikoku sōryōjikan Tetsurei bunkan, Tetsurei jijō, 58 .

TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63

FIG. 5 A brick-casting machine at Benxihu Ironworks factory. The manual workers, including women and children, are probably Chinese. This image offers a vivid example of how Chinese laborers were hired to make bricks in Japanese factories in Manchuria. Their knowledge and skills were sources for Japanese engineers to learn about brick baking. (Source: Shangban Benxihu meitie youxian gongsi, Shangban Benxihu meitie youxiangongsi xiezhentie.)
图 5 本溪湖炼铁厂的一台铸砖机。包括妇女和儿童在内的体力劳动者可能是中国人。这张图片生动地展示了满洲日本工厂如何雇用中国工人制砖。他们的知识和技能是日本工程师学习烧砖的源泉。(资料来源：《满洲日报资料来源：《上党本溪虎尾游仙公祠》、《上党本溪虎尾游仙公祠解振铁》）。

Some Japanese factories outsourced parts of tasks directly to Chinese producers who managed factories on a smaller scale.

This meant that, rather than firing brick, the Japanese factories became mediators that resold Chinese-produced brick to Japanese individuals and companies. This practice of outsourcing to Chinese factories was further evidence of Japanese producers' dependence on Chinese workers and producers, who were widely employed also owing to the scarcity of Japanese laborers, skilled workers, and producers in Manchuria. Facing competition from the Chinese, who would work for lower wages and had rich experience in many fields and in the local climate, Japanese workers found it hard to settle in Manchuria.

一些日本工厂直接将部分任务外包给中国生产商，由他们管理规模较小的工厂。

这意味着，日本工厂不再烧砖，而是成为中介，将中国生产的砖转售给日本个人和公司。这种外包给中国工厂的做法进一步证明了日本生产商对中国工人和生产商的依赖，由于满洲缺少日本劳工、技术工人和生产商，中国工人和生产商被广泛雇用。面对中国人的竞争，日本工人很难在满洲定居，因为中国人的工资较低，而且在许多领域和当地气候方面经验丰富。

Zai Hōten teikoku sōryōjikan Tetsurei bunkan, Tetsurei jijō, 57.
"Naichi no risaimin to Dairen shi no shokugyō shōkaijo"; "Zai Man Nihonjin no shokugyō suitai."

FIG. 6 This image of the horseshoe kiln in Shinkyō presents an exemplary shape of this type of kiln, which was widely used among Chinese brick factories. Even though more and more Chinese factories adopted Hoffman kilns and climbing kilns for red brick production, in the 1930s in the Shinkyō area some Chinese factories still used this traditional kiln for the production of gray bricks. (Source: "The Brick Industry in Shinkyō," Monthly Journal of the Shinkyō Commercial and Industrial Association (Shinkyō shōkō geppō), 1940.)
图 6 这幅新京马蹄窑的图片展示了中国砖厂广泛使用的这种窑炉的典型形状。尽管越来越多的中国砖厂采用霍夫曼窑和爬坡窑生产红砖，但在 20 世纪 30 年代，新京地区的一些中国砖厂仍使用这种传统窑炉生产灰砖。(资料来源"新京的砖业》，《新京工商协会月刊》，1940 年）。

Japanese Influence China's Red Brick Production

Japanese demand for red brick also deeply transformed Chinese producers' baking technology in Manchuria. Many updated or changed their firing methods accordingly. The rise of Chinese producers not only supplied Japanese construction with brick at a lower cost, much to the chagrin of Japanese producers, but also endowed red brick with a different layer of meaning. The ability to produce red brick using the most advanced kilns represented a national success for the Chinese ceramics industry. Its red brick symbolized the promise of a future independent from Japanese colonization.
日本对红砖的需求也深深地改变了满洲中国生产商的烧制技术。许多人相应地更新或改变了烧制方法。中国生产商的崛起不仅为日本建筑业提供了成本更低的砖块，令日本生产商深感懊恼，还赋予了红砖另一层意义。能够使用最先进的窑炉生产红砖，代表了中国陶瓷业的国家成功。红砖象征着独立于日本殖民统治之外的未来。

As outsourcers for Japanese factories, many Chinese producers adjusted their firing procedures and introduced new kilns for producing red brick. Traditionally, Chinese brick factories used horseshoe kilns (CH: mati yao or da yao) to fire gray bricks. (See figure 6.) For the baking process, Chinese masons sealed the kiln with sand, dirt, or water to deoxidize the sun-dried bricks. After piling the bricks into the kiln, workers burned coal at the bottom to keep the kiln working for 96-108 hours. Two to three hours before extinguishing the fire, workers sealed the bottom opening and then covered it with a straw mat. They continuously poured water into the kiln to create vapor, thus preventing oxygen from reaching the bricks for 48 hours. The final step was cooling the kiln for 72-96 hours.

This deoxidization turned the bricks gray.
作为日本工厂的外包商，许多中国生产商调整了烧制程序，并引进了生产红砖的新窑炉。传统上，中国砖厂使用马蹄窑（CH：mati yao 或 da yao）烧制灰砖（见图 6）。(见图 6）在焙烧过程中，中国石匠用沙子、泥土或水密封窑炉，使晒干的砖块脱氧。将砖堆入窑内后，工人在底部烧煤，使窑炉工作 96-108 小时。熄火前两三个小时，工人们封住窑底口，然后用草席盖住。他们不断向窑内灌水，以产生水蒸气，从而在 48 小时内阻止氧气进入砖坯。最后一步是将窑冷却 72-96 小时。

这种脱氧使砖块变成灰色。

To fire red brick, the Chinese producers no longer needed the final deoxidization step, and the horseshoe kiln thus lost its advantage over

TECHNOLOG Y A D C ULTURE

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63

FIG. 7 Climbing kiln or noborigama used during the Manchukuo era in Shinkyō, Manchuria. It was a type of kiln that was used by both Chinese and Japanese producers for red brick production. Compared to Hoffman kilns, the climbing kiln was cheaper, and it was commonly used by small-scale brick producers. (Source: "The Brick Industry in Shinkyō.")
图 7 满洲国时代在满洲新京使用的攀爬窑（noborigama）。这是中国和日本生产商用于生产红砖的一种窑炉。与霍夫曼窑相比，爬坡窑成本较低，小规模砖厂普遍使用。(资料来源："新京的制砖业"）。

other kilns, including the climbing kiln (JP: nobori gama) and Hoffman kiln (JP: Hōfuman gama or wagama; CH: lunyao). (See figures 7 and 8.) Although it was not possible to deoxidize brick in these kilns, they were much more cost and energy efficient. Some Chinese producers decided to keep using horseshoe kilns; therefore, to make red brick, they had to eliminate the final sealing and cooling step. This reduced the time from 252 to 72 hours. The disadvantage with horseshoe kilns was that the quality of red brick varied dramatically. Due to the uneven heat inside horseshoe kilns, many bricks were cracked and did not have a uniform color.

其他窑炉，包括爬山窑（日本语：nobori gama）和霍夫曼窑（日本语：Hōfuman gama 或 wagama；中国语：lunyao）（见图 7 和图 8）。(见图 7 和图 8。）虽然这些窑炉无法对砖进行脱氧处理，但成本和能源效率更高。一些中国生产商决定继续使用马蹄窑；因此，为了生产红砖，他们必须取消最后的密封和冷却步骤。这样，时间就从 252 小时缩短到 72 小时。马蹄窑的缺点是红砖质量参差不齐。由于马蹄窑内受热不均，许多砖块出现裂纹，颜色也不均匀。

Although the Chinese used climbing kilns for firing ceramics, the climbing kiln for brick production was more of a Japanese technique. Usually set on a slope, the climbing kiln contained fifteen to twenty individually interconnected rooms. After the first room warmed up, the heat rose to the second room. To sustain the heat level in the second room, more fuel was added through a wall opening. Relying on the physics of thermal convection, the heat traveled from the first room to the last, baking everything in between.

This type of climbing kiln in Manchuria was refined by a Japanese engineer, Senzō Nagahama (n.d.). Noticing that most climbing kilns in Japan used biomass as their main source of energy, Nagahama redesigned the internal structure to enable the use of coal as fuel from 1895. When the Japanese occupied part of South Manchuria after
虽然中国人使用爬窑烧制陶瓷，但用于制砖的爬窑更多是日本人的技术。爬窑通常建在斜坡上，有十五到二十个相互连接的独立房间。第一个房间预热后，热量上升到第二个房间。为了维持第二个房间的热量水平，需要通过墙壁开口添加更多燃料。依靠热对流的物理原理，热量从第一个房间传到最后一个房间，烘烤着中间的一切。

满洲的这种爬窑由日本工程师 Senzō Nagahama（注）改进。长滨注意到日本的大多数攀岩窑使用生物质作为主要能源，因此重新设计了内部结构，以便从 1895 年起使用煤炭作为燃料。1895 年之后，日本占领了南满洲的部分地区。

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 18. According to Tetsurei jijō in 1908, some Japanese brick producers outsourced to Chinese producers. For kilns in Tetsurei: Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 70.
Takao, "Noborigama," Tokyo: JapanKnowledge, May 18, 2005, https://japanknowledge.com/lib/display/?lid=50010L-106-0079; Kurahashi, "Honpō jiki seizōyō noborigama ni tsuite (sono ichi)."

FIG. 8 The Hoffman kiln used during the Manchukuo era (1932-45) in Shinkyō had seventeen to eighteen separate rooms forming a circle. Workers piled up bricks in each room and sealed the opening. Once the bricks in one room were baked, the heat traveled to the next room, where workers added coal to increase the temperature in the next room. It took about eleven days to bake the bricks in all rooms. The Hoffman kiln was the most advanced baking kiln at that time. (Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1.") (Source: "The Brick Industry in Shinkyō.")
图 8 新京在满洲国时期（1932-1945 年）使用的霍夫曼窑有十七八个独立的房间，围成一圈。工人们在每个房间里堆放砖块，然后封住窑口。一旦一个房间的砖块被烘烤，热量就会传到下一个房间，工人们在那里添加煤炭，以提高下一个房间的温度。烘烤所有房间的砖块大约需要 11 天。霍夫曼窑是当时最先进的烤窑。(原田，"Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1"）（资料来源："新京的制砖业"）。

1905, Nagahama traveled to Manchuria and introduced his new climbing kiln to the Japanese producers there. According to Dalian's Civil Bureau (JP: Minseisho), Chinese producers commonly used climbing kilns in Andong and Tieling, as well as Dalian.

1905 年，长滨前往满洲，向当地的日本生产商介绍了他的新型爬窑。根据大连民政局（JP：Minseisho）的资料，中国生产商通常在安东和铁岭以及大连使用爬窑。

The Chinese adopted Hoffman kilns later because this required prior investment of capital. These kilns had the advantage of reducing heat loss during the baking process.

The first Hoffman kiln in Manchuria was built by the CER in Dalian from 1902 to 1903. While constructing Dalian as a port city, the railway's Russian engineers, dissatisfied with the local Chinese low-quality red bricks made in horseshoe kilns, set up Hoffman kilns near Dalian to bake red bricks and tiles. The Japanese took over these Russian facilities. For instance, Oyamada Tokutarō (n.d.) acquired the red brick factory in Yanjiapaozi near Dalian.

中国人采用霍夫曼窑的时间较晚，因为这需要事先投入资本。这些窑炉的优点是减少了烘烤过程中的热量损失。

满洲的第一座霍夫曼窑是 1902 年至 1903 年期间由中国铁路局在大连建造的。在将大连建设为港口城市的过程中，铁路的俄罗斯工程师对当地中国人在马蹄窑中烧制的劣质红砖感到不满，于是在大连附近建立了霍夫曼窑，用于烧制红砖和瓦片。日本人接管了这些俄国设施。例如，Oyamada Tokutarō（注）收购了大连附近的阎家堡子红砖厂。

Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 22; Dairen minsei sho, Dairen minseisho shuyō kigyō jōkyō, cited by Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 39; "Andō chihō jimusho kangyō kakari chōsa," 1931, and "Tetsurei chihō jimusho chōsa," 1931, cited by Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō .
Harada，"Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1"，22；Dairen minsei sho，Dairen minseisho shuyō kigyō jōkyō，转引自 Harada，"Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1"，39；1931 年，"Andō chihō jimusho kangyō kakari chōsa "和 1931 年，"Tetsurei chihō jimusho chōsa"，原田引用，"Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō .
Harada, "Manshū ni okeru futsū renga kōgyō," in Kōgyō kagakukai Manshū shibu, Manshū no shigen to kagaku kōgyō, 299-316.
"Obshchiï Obzor k Otchetu Po Sooruzheniia Porta i Goroda Dal'nego," 97, RGIA; Manshū nichinichi shinbun sha, "Shūsuishi no kinjō," Manshū nichinichi shinbun (Manchuria), March 5, 1910.

It was not until 1923, thanks to Chinese producer Zhongyuan Du, that the Hoffman kiln was more widely adopted by the Chinese. Du's promotion of Hoffman kilns, and thus the production of red rather than gray bricks, was a direct response to the Japanese domination of the red brick market in China. Having seen Japan's success in the ceramics industry, Du aspired to revitalize the production of ceramics in China and expel Japan's
直到 1923 年，在中国生产商杜仲元的努力下，霍夫曼窑才被中国人更广泛地采用。杜仲元推广霍夫曼窑，进而生产红砖而不是灰砖，是对日本统治中国红砖市场的直接回应。杜月笙目睹了日本在陶瓷业的成功，渴望振兴中国的陶瓷生产，并将日本的红砖市场从中国驱逐出去。

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 economic influence. In his autobiographical essay "Hopes during my Eight Years of Effort," Du wrote,

[Witnessing the short life of the National Products Movements, ] I started to cherish a wish to save China by engaging in industry. I wanted to choose a type of industry that was necessary for our nation but also within my ability. One day, I accidently saw a ceramics journal that mentioned how a ceramic factory . . . was organized by Japanese [Mantetsu.] [Since then], I have decided to build a ceramic factory to recover the economic rights of my homeland.

[目睹国货运动的短暂生命，]我开始萌发了以实业救中国的愿望。我想选择一种既为国家所需，又在自己能力范围之内的工业。有一天，我无意中看到一本陶瓷杂志，上面提到日本人[满铁]如何组织陶瓷厂......[从那时起]，我就决定建立陶瓷厂，恢复祖国的经济权利。

Du devoted himself to studying the Japanese ceramics industry to figure out how Japan had been able to supersede China in an industry the Chinese had long dominated. On his return to China, Du began brickmaking to acquire the capital and resources for a future ceramic factory. Du introduced the Hoffman kiln to mass-produce red brick, what he called "new type of brick" (xinshi zhuanwa) instead of gray brick. He proudly announced, "within 3 years . . . the Japanese can no longer monopolize the production of this brick, and we thus seized more than 200,000 yuan from their hands."

For Du , producing red brick in China expressed his nationalism.

杜月笙潜心研究日本的陶瓷业，想弄明白日本为何能在中国长期占主导地位的行业中取代中国。回国后，杜月笙开始制砖，为未来的陶瓷厂积累资金和资源。杜月笙引进了霍夫曼窑，大规模生产红砖，他称之为 "新式砖"（xinshi zhuanwa），而不是灰砖。他自豪地宣布："3 年之内......日本人再也无法垄断这种砖的生产，我们因此从他们手中攫取了 20 多万元"。

对杜月笙来说，在中国生产红砖表达了他的民族主义。

Du's introduction of red brick was not an overnight success. His initiative encountered a lukewarm reaction from Chinese users, who preferred the usual gray brick and considered the red brick fragile and cheap. Xiao Hong wrote in her autobiographical novel, "The Story of Hulanhe," that gray brick houses, tile roofs, and glass windows were an essential part of her childhood memories.

For generations, Manchuria's residents enjoyed the warmth and convenience of gray brick houses, even treating them as a social status symbol.
杜月笙引进红砖并非一蹴而就。中国用户对他的倡议反应冷淡，他们更喜欢常见的灰砖，认为红砖易碎且廉价。萧红在她的自传体小说《呼兰河传》中写道，灰砖房、瓦屋顶和玻璃窗是她童年记忆中不可或缺的一部分。

世世代代，满洲里的居民享受着灰砖房带来的温暖和便利，甚至将其视为社会地位的象征。

Even so, Du's brick production was a success because it rode a rising tide of urban reconstruction under Zhang in the 1920s, and his red brick was purchased immediately by the brick-thirsty regime. These bricks were used to build the Dongbei University campus.

This official recognition of red brick as a valuable building material further encouraged Chinese producers to invest in Hoffman kilns. Within a short time after Du started to
即便如此，杜月笙的制砖业还是取得了成功，因为它赶上了 20 世纪 20 年代张作霖领导的城市改造浪潮，他的红砖立即被渴求砖块的张作霖政权买走。这些砖被用来建造东北大学校园。

官方承认红砖是一种有价值的建筑材料，这进一步鼓励了中国生产商投资霍夫曼窑。在杜氏开始生产红砖后的很短时间内

Du, "Ba nian nulizhong de yuanwang."
Du, "Ba nian nulizhong de yuanwang," 295.
Liaoningsheng danganju, Fengwu Liaoning, 161-66.
Xiao, "Hulanhe zhuan."
Liaoningsheng danganju, Fengwu Liaoning, 166.
produce red brick with Hoffman kilns, seven more factories with Hoffman kilns appeared in Fengtian. In the first half of 1926 alone, new construction projects required about 130 million red bricks.

Thanks to Hoffman kilns, Chinese producers greatly increased the productivity of brickmaking. As Chinese-produced red brick was relatively cheap, even Japanese and Mantetsu authorities purchased it. The high demand spurred the development of Chinese brick factories. According to a Mantetsu survey, in 1932 there were 349 brick factories across Manchuria, 302 of them owned by Chinese.

由于霍夫曼窑的出现，中国生产商大大提高了制砖的生产力。由于中国生产的红砖价格相对便宜，甚至日本和满铁当局也购买中国红砖。高需求刺激了中国砖厂的发展。根据满铁的调查，1932 年满洲共有 349 家砖厂，其中 302 家为中国人所有。

As both Japanese and Chinese producers made red brick, this elevated the status of skilled brick bakers. These brick producers relied not on machines but on human labor for casting. According to Harada, machine-cast clay mixtures required a more complicated drying process, and labor costs were low. To prevent cracks from uneven dehydration between the interior and exterior in densely cast clay mixtures, Harada noted, the producers built a special room (de-drying room; JP: hi kansōshitsu) to block the circulation of air, reducing the time for drying the exterior. On other occasions, the molds were covered with reed mats and placed in the open air to dry.

由于日本和中国的生产商都生产红砖，这就提升了熟练砖匠的地位。这些砖的生产者不是依靠机器，而是依靠人力进行浇铸。根据原田的说法，机器浇铸的粘土混合物需要更复杂的干燥过程，而劳动力成本却很低。原田指出，为了防止密集浇注的粘土混合物因内外脱水不均而出现裂缝，生产商建造了一个特殊的房间（脱水室；日语：hi kansōshitsu ），以阻隔空气流通，缩短外部干燥的时间。在其他情况下，则用苇席盖住模具，放在露天晾干。

The Japanese reliance on Chinese labor and skills was challenged by Chinese producers, who were competing for skilled workers to expand their brick production. In June 1929, according to the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in Fengtian, Chinese brick factories tried to lure Chinese workers away from the Japanese factories. The Chinese owners offered a better salary, dormitory facilities, and other preferential treatment. Their advertisements with incentives successfully attracted forty out of fifty workers at a Japanese brick factory.

日本人对中国劳动力和技术的依赖受到了中国生产商的挑战，他们争夺技术工人以扩大砖瓦生产。据奉天的日本商会称，1929 年 6 月，中国砖厂试图吸引中国工人离开日本工厂。中国老板提供了更高的工资、宿舍设施和其他优惠待遇。他们的优惠广告成功吸引了一家日本砖厂 50 名工人中的 40 名。

The promise of better treatment was not the only reason Chinese skilled workers chose to switch employers. Research by the Xinjing Chamber of Commerce showed that the Chinese and Japanese adopted different employment systems. Most Japanese factories hired Chinese workers indi-
承诺更好的待遇并不是中国技术工人选择更换雇主的唯一原因。新京商会的研究表明，中国和日本采取了不同的雇佣制度。大多数日本工厂雇用中国工人的条件是

For Hoffman kilns in Fengtian: Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 57. The Chinese-administered area was "Chengnei" ruled by Zhang Zuolin, and the Mantetsu-administered one was outside the Chinese area. On the spatial arrangement of Fengtian: Sun, Jindai shenyang chengshi fazhan yanjiu. On red brick demand: "Honnendo kenchikukai no fukuin to renga no juyō" [Good news of this year's architectural sphere and the demand for brick], Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, Hōten keizai junpō [Report on the economy in Hōten, issued every 10 days] 1, no. 14 (1925): 7.
奉天的霍夫曼窑：原田，"Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2"，57。中国统治区为张作霖统治的 "城内"，满铁统治区在中国统治区之外。关于奉天的空间布局：孙，《金台沈阳城址考》。关于红砖需求："本年的建筑领域和砖的需求的好消息"，《奉天商行会报》，《奉天经济报告》，每 10 天发行 1 期，第 14 号（1925 年）：7.
"Shina renga no shinshutsu" [Development of Chinese brick production]. Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, Hōten keizai junpō [Report on the economy in Hōten, issued every 10 days] 8, no. 2 (1930): 2; Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2 ," 37. The reporter who compiled this list pointed out that many Chinese factories were not included owing to the difficulty in gathering information.
"中国砖瓦生产的发展》。Hōten shōgyō kaigijo，Hōten keizai junpō[《Hōten 经济报告》，每 10 天发行一次]8，第 2 号（1930 年）：2; Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2 ," 37.编制这份名单的记者指出，由于难以收集信息，许多中国工厂没有被包括在内。
Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1," 8.
"Renga shokkō no sōdatsu" [Competitions for brick workers]. Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, Hōten keizai junpō [Report on the Economics in Hōten, Issued Every 10 days] 5, no. 18 (1929): 3 .
rectly through Chinese foremen. Acting like middlemen, these foremen greatly reduced the salary each worker received. In comparison, Chinese factories in Xinjing hired workers directly, and this sustained a more straightforward connection between factory owners and skilled workers. The battle over Chinese skilled workers helped to raise their status.
这些工头就像中间人一样，大大降低了每个工人的工资。这些工头就像中间人，大大降低了每个工人的工资。相比之下，新京的华人工厂直接雇佣工人，这使工厂主与技术工人之间的联系更加直接。对中国技术工人的争夺有助于提高他们的地位。

The Japanese production of red brick also gave land a different mean-

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 ing. It required supplies of clay, an impermeable layer under surface soil. Roughly 20.4 cubic meters of clay were needed to produce 10,000 red bricks. To obtain clay for brick firing, Japanese producers sought available land around Manchuria, which they either purchased directly or leased from Chinese landowners. It was common for Japanese producers to rely on Chinese landlords for clay supplies. As more factories were located outside the Mantetsu-administered railway zones, clay supply and brick factory operations both took place on land administered by Chinese.

VOL.63 卷它需要粘土供应，粘土是表层土壤下的不透水层。生产 10,000 块红砖大约需要 20.4 立方米的粘土。为了获得烧砖用的粘土，日本生产商在满洲里周边寻找可用的土地，他们或直接购买，或从中国地主那里租赁。日本生产商依赖中国地主供应粘土的情况十分普遍。由于更多的工厂位于满铁管理的铁路区域之外，粘土供应和砖厂运营都在中国人管理的土地上进行。

The Japanese excavation of clay endowed the land with more economic value: some Chinese landowners began selling clay to Japanese producers instead of renting out or selling their land. Harada recorded a case in Tieling where the Chinese landowner of an area near foothills sold clay to the Japanese and farmed the area after the clay was extracted. The remaining soil became even more usable for agriculture. According to statistics compiled in 1922, many areas of land were rented to Japanese for clay excavation.

日本人挖掘粘土赋予了土地更多的经济价值：一些中国地主开始向日本生产者出售粘土，而不是出租或出售土地。原田（Harada）记录了铁岭的一个案例：山脚附近的中国地主将粘土卖给日本人，并在粘土开采后在该地区耕种。剩余的土壤变得更适于耕种。根据 1922 年的统计，许多地区的土地被租给日本人用于挖掘粘土。

The Japanese demand for and production of red brick in Manchuria provided new inroads into Chinese society, transforming Chinese residential areas from a gray brick environment to a red brick oasis. Japanese brick producers not only relied on Chinese workers and laborers for their knowledge and strength but also were involved in multilevel communications with Chinese landowners and factory owners. Many Chinese producers were outsourcers for Japanese factories, while Chinese landlords needed to sell their clay to Japanese producers. More importantly, Chinese buyers came to accept red brick as a building material. Likewise, Chinese institutions and individuals were building with red brick, which spread beyond the Mantetsu corridor, painting more urban areas of Manchuria in red brushstrokes. Chinese land acquired a new layer of economic value as
日本对满洲红砖的需求和生产为中国社会提供了新的切入点，使中国住宅区从灰砖环境变成了红砖绿洲。日本砖瓦生产商不仅依靠中国工人和劳工的知识和力量，还与中国地主和工厂主进行多层次的交流。许多中国生产商是日本工厂的外包商，而中国地主则需要将粘土卖给日本生产商。更重要的是，中国买家开始接受红砖这种建筑材料。同样，中国的机构和个人也开始使用红砖进行建筑，红砖的使用范围超出了满铁走廊，满洲更多的城市地区被涂上了红色的笔触。中国土地获得了新的经济价值，因为

"Shinkyō ni okeru renga kōgyō" [The brick industry in Shinkyō]. Shinkyō shōkō kōkai, Shinkyō shōkō jijō [Commercial and industrial affairs of Shinkyō] 24 (1940): 4175,58 .
For the ratio of brick and dirt: "Shinkyō ni okeru renga kōgyō," 48. On land acquisition: "Dairen kannai," in Kantōchō rinji tochi chōsabu, Kantōshū jijō, 1:1228, 1235. On factories outside the railway zones: Kaigen chihō jimusho, Kaigen gaiyō, 43-44; Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, Hōten keizai nijū nen shi, 597-600; Zai Hōten teikoku sōryōjikan Tetsurei bunkan, Tetsurei jijō; Chōshun shōkō meiroku hensanjo, Chōshun shōkō meiroku, 37.
砖与土的比例："Shinkyō ni okeru renga kōgyō"，第 48 页。关于土地征用："Dairen kannai"，见《关东町临济 tochi chōsabu》，《关东州志》，1:1228, 1235。关于铁路区域外的工厂：Kaigen chihō jimusho，Kaigen gaiyō，43-44；Hōten shōgyō kaigijo，Hōten keizai nijū nen shi，597-600；Zai Hōten teikoku sōryōjikan Tetsurei bunkan，Tetsurei jijō；Chōshun shōkō meiroku hensanjo，Chōshun shōkō meiroku，37。
Harada, "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2," 84; "Zai Shi honpōjin tochi shōso hyō taishō 11 nen 10 gatsu matsu genzai," Shina ni okeru soshakuchi kankei zakken, 447-56, JACAR.
clay storage. In a sense, red brick re-baked Chinese society in its own image.

Translating Vernacular Knowledge Back to the Metropole

The widespread use of red brick in Manchuria also reshaped the understanding of red brick in Japan. Even though red brick in Meiji Japan exemplified a history of embracing Western architecture and Japan's modernization, after 1923 the brick gradually faded out in Japan. Red brick's forced retreat from architecture naturally met resistance from Japanese producers at home. Some producers mentioned the red brick buildings that perfectly survived the earthquake to argue that the brick was not to blame for destroyed buildings. Many of the red brick buildings that collapsed, as Hiroharu Yano observed, were not properly built or designed: "It was the over-twisted hearts of people, the idea of the time, the spirit of directors, and the nervousness of the workers" that caused the failure of red brick buildings. Echoing Yano's claim, Kuzō Nishio his colleague in the Great Japan Ceramics Industry Association (JP: Dainihon yōgyō kyōkai), said that red brick should be improved and there was no reason to write it off as building material.

红砖在满洲的广泛使用也重塑了日本人对红砖的理解。尽管明治日本的红砖体现了日本拥抱西方建筑和现代化的历史，但 1923 年后，红砖在日本逐渐消失。红砖被迫从建筑中退出，自然遭到了日本国内生产商的抵制。一些生产商提到了在地震中完美幸存的红砖建筑，认为红砖并不是建筑物被毁的罪魁祸首。正如矢野宏治观察到的那样，许多倒塌的红砖建筑都是建造或设计不当造成的：造成红砖建筑倒塌的原因是 "人们过度扭曲的内心、时代的观念、董事的精神和工人的紧张"。与矢野的观点不谋而合的是，大日本陶瓷工业会（JP：Dainihon yōgyō kyōkai）的同僚西尾久藏也表示，红砖应该得到改进，没有理由将其作为建筑材料而一笔勾销。

Although red brick did not totally disappear from Japanese buildings, it was no longer a focus of study or the primary material for architecture. For a long time after the Kantō earthquake, the previous focus on red brick switched to specific types of brick, from fire-resistant to road-paving.

尽管红砖并未从日本建筑中完全消失，但它已不再是研究的重点或建筑的主要材料。在关东大地震后的很长一段时间里，以前对红砖的关注转向了特定类型的砖，从耐火砖到铺路砖。

The prejudice against red brick after 1923 was even more severe among Japanese metropolitan architects-many regarded red brick as useless and scorned the idea of ever studying how to build with it.

For a decade after 1923, the knowledge of red brick architecture did not go far with Japan's architects, who preferred ferro-concrete for all new buildings. In contrast, the experiments and innovations with red brick in Manchuria continued because of the low risk of earthquakes.

With their mastery of brick building, Japanese architects combined ferro-concrete with brick in a new style they called "ferro-concrete with red brick coverage" (JP: tetsusuji konkurītozō renga bakukabe shiki).

1923 年后，日本大都市建筑师对红砖的偏见更加严重--许多人认为红砖毫无用处，蔑视研究如何使用红砖建造建筑的想法。

1923年后的十年间，日本建筑师对红砖建筑的了解并不多，他们更倾向于在所有新建筑中使用铁混凝土。与此相反，由于地震风险较低，满洲的红砖实验和创新仍在继续。

日本建筑师凭借对砖砌建筑的精通，将铁混凝土与砖结合在一起，形成了一种新的风格，他们称之为 "覆盖红砖的铁混凝土"（JP：tetsusuji konkurītozō renga bakukabe shiki）。

From roughly 1923 to 1935, Japanese producers and engineers in Manchuria continually transferred their knowledge of red brick back to the metropole. After the Japanese government tightened its control over building materials in 1937, the use of stone, iron, and cement-the most com-
大约从 1923 年到 1935 年，满洲里的日本生产商和工程师不断将红砖知识传回本土。1937 年，日本政府加强了对建筑材料的控制，石料、铁和水泥--这些最常见的材料--的使用也随之减少。

Yano, "Kenchiku renga nitsuite"; Nishio, "Daishinsai ha renga nimo kaizen wo unagashita."
Oyama, "Renga oyobi yōkai michi ni tsuite."
Watanabe and Wada, Rengazō kenchiku, preface.
Tsukamoto, "Shingai ni tsuite Manshū no kenchikukai ni keikokusu."
Nishizawa, Nihon no shokuminchi kenchiku, 158-59.
mon materials for Japanese architects-was restricted. Consequently, more Japanese technologists redirected their attention to producing and building with red brick in Manchuria. By translating this knowledge of red brick, Japanese technologists gradually erased the work and contributions of Chinese workers and communities in Manchuria.
日本建筑师使用的材料受到限制。因此，更多的日本技术专家将注意力转移到满洲的红砖生产和建筑上。通过翻译红砖知识，日本技术专家逐渐抹去了满洲中国工人和社区的工作和贡献。

Some omitted the traces of Chinese communities because such contri-

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 butions were deemed minimal and unimportant. Kōsuke Hirano (18711947), an engineer-bureaucrat leading experiments with ceramics in Mantetsu, described how the Japanese utilized the abundant sources of magnesite to produce fire-resistant red brick. The value of Manchuria to Japan, Hirano commented, lay only in "its natural resources, its cheap access to coals, and its connectedness to a larger market."94
VOL.日本人认为菱镁矿微不足道，并不重要。平野光助（Kōsuke Hirano，1871-1947 年）是一位工程师兼官僚，在满铁领导陶瓷实验，他描述了日本人如何利用丰富的菱镁矿生产耐火红砖。平野评论道，满洲对日本的价值仅在于 "其自然资源、廉价的煤炭以及与更大市场的联系 "94。

Hirano's narrative, however, overlooked the original discovery of the key materials for producing this type of brick. For him, the material excavation was not directly relevant to the Japanese developing their technological expertise. Hirano simplified the story of red brick firing as applying Japanese superior techniques to transform Manchuria's natural resources. He omitted the fact that without the long history of Chinese excavation and use of such resources like magnesite, it was questionable whether the Japanese would have "discovered" or even applied these materials for firing bricks. The sites with these natural materials in Manchuria were not virgin lands waiting to be discovered, but had documented layers of histories of exploitation and use. The site near Dalian where Mantetsu excavated clay for fire-resistant brick had witnessed a long history of excavation dating back to 1888. There were also traces of later use by Germans and Russians.

The Japanese use of this clay was more a continuance of previous practices, according to the historical map of the local area, than a discovery. It was also not hard to imagine that some knowledge of local use and natural resources came from conversations with residents. Hirano buried the traces of local community and workers' involvement in Japanese brick-firing technology under the glorious achievements of Japanese engineers.
然而，平野的叙述忽略了生产这种砖的关键材料的最初发现。在他看来，材料的发掘与日本人发展技术专长并无直接关系。平野将烧制红砖的故事简化为日本人运用高超技术改造满洲的自然资源。他忽略了一个事实，即如果没有中国对菱镁矿等资源的长期发掘和利用，日本人是否会 "发现 "甚至应用这些材料烧制砖块都是个问题。满洲里拥有这些天然材料的遗址并不是等待被发现的处女地，而是有着层层记录的开采和使用历史。满铁在大连附近发掘耐火砖粘土的地点，其发掘历史可追溯到 1888 年。还有后来德国人和俄国人使用过的痕迹。

根据当地的历史地图，日本人使用这种粘土与其说是一种发现，不如说是延续了以前的做法。我们也不难想象，一些关于当地用途和自然资源的知识来自与居民的交谈。平野将当地社区和工人参与日本烧砖技术的痕迹掩盖在日本工程师的辉煌成就之下。

The ongoing brick building in Manchuria attracted Japanese engineers from the metropole to visit and learn about red brick. For one of them, civil engineer Shōichirō Nagai (1894-1970), a professor at Tokyo Imperial University, the Mantetsu engineers' publications were a key source for his studies on red brick. He mentioned that the volume The Resources and Chemical Industries in Manchuria (Manshū no shigen to kagakukōgyō), to which Kenjirō Harada contributed, taught him a great deal about the ceramics industry. During a visit in 1935, to find out about the most recent fire-resistant brick in Manchuria, Nagai met Harada and took his information back to the
满洲正在进行的红砖建筑吸引了来自大都市的日本工程师前来参观和了解红砖。对于其中一位土木工程师、东京帝国大学教授永井正一郎（1894-1970 年）来说，满铁工程师的出版物是他研究红砖的重要资料来源。他提到，原田健次郎撰写的《满洲的资源和化学工业》一书让他对陶瓷工业有了很多了解。1935 年，为了了解满洲最新的耐火砖，长井访问了原田，并将他的信息带回了满洲里。

Sakei, "Kenchiku shizai to sono daiyōhin nitsuite."
On Hirano: Ōno, "Hirano Kōsuke sensei no ryakureki to sono kōseki." Hirano,

"Mantetsu no yōgyō shiken to Manshū no yōgyō."

Aoji, Dairen zufuku chishitsu setsumeisho, 113.
metropole. Nagai reported specifically on the amount of fire-resistant brick produced annually in Manchuria and the export destinations. Based on his studies, Nagai's book Brick, Roof Tile, Tile and Fire-Resistant Materials (Renga, Kawara, Tairu oyobi taikabutsu) cited many examples of brick firing in Manchuria, listing the steps from casting and drying to firing.
都城。Nagai 具体报告了满洲每年生产的耐火砖数量和出口目的地。根据他的研究，永井在《砖、屋顶瓦、瓦片和耐火材料》（Renga, Kawara, Tairu oyobi taikabutsu）一书中列举了许多满洲烧砖的例子，列出了从浇铸、干燥到烧制的步骤。

Yet in Nagai's works, the faces of the people behind each process disappeared. If Harada and his colleagues in Mantetsu were the first to "translate" local skills and practices into a Japanese language of science and expertise, Nagai was a second translator whose knowledge relied on Mantetsu engineers' reports and conversations. Under this two-layered translation, the voices and contributions of Chinese brick masons and producers gradually disappeared from Japanese engineering books. For Nagai, Japanese engineers were the designers and producers of red brick Manchuria.
然而，在永井的作品中，每个流程背后的人的面孔都消失了。如果说原田和他在满铁的同事是第一个将当地的技术和实践 "翻译 "成日语科学和专业知识的人，那么永井则是第二个翻译者，他的知识依赖于满铁工程师的报告和谈话。在这种双层翻译下，中国砖瓦匠和生产者的声音和贡献逐渐从日本工程书籍中消失。在永井看来，日本工程师才是满洲红砖的设计者和生产者。

In their search for other building materials, Toraichi Watanabe (n.d.) and Zenji Wada (n.d.) drew Japanese architects' attention to Manchuria in 1940. There, they pointed out, rose a landscape of red brick suited to the natural environment of the Asian continent, which suffered fewer seismic shocks than Japan. Red brick, in their eyes, was a solution for the current career crisis hitting Japanese architects since losing access to their usual building materials. Learning about building with red brick, they claimed, was important not only for Japan as a future leader of Asia but also for Japanese architects aiming to expand their job prospects. Watanabe and Wada's manual, Architecture of Brick (Rengazō kenchiku), focused less on the sources of knowledge and more on the applicable red brick designs that Japanese architects could quickly master. Besides introducing basic masonry methods, their manual hardly touched on the specific social and natural environments of Manchuria and their impact on red brick architectural plans. It ignored the interactive relationship between architects and social actors on construction sites. The manual provided an overview of brick masons' wages in Manchuria but very little information on how to recruit or communicate with them.

在寻找其他建筑材料的过程中，Toraichi Watanabe（注）和 Zenji Wada（注）于 1940 年将日本建筑师的目光引向了满洲。他们指出，在那里出现了适合亚洲大陆自然环境的红砖景观，那里遭受的地震冲击比日本要少。在他们看来，红砖可以解决目前日本建筑师因无法获得常用建筑材料而面临的职业危机。他们认为，学习使用红砖进行建筑，不仅对作为亚洲未来领导者的日本很重要，而且对旨在扩大就业前景的日本建筑师也很重要。渡边和和田的手册《砖的建筑》（Rengazō kenchiku）不太注重知识的来源，而更注重日本建筑师可以快速掌握的适用红砖设计。除了介绍基本的砌筑方法，他们的手册几乎没有涉及满洲特殊的社会和自然环境及其对红砖建筑设计的影响。手册忽略了建筑师与建筑工地上的社会参与者之间的互动关系。手册概述了满洲里砖瓦匠的工资，但很少介绍如何招募他们或与他们沟通。

In this repackaged imperial knowledge of red brick, any traces of Chinese laborers and producers' contributions to implementing architectural designs and to producing red brick, as well as preexisting Russian influence, were lost. The complicated origins and social processes of developing red bricks in Manchuria were erased and became part of the imperial knowledge system where only Japanese contributed and participated. At this stage, knowledge of red brick was technical expertise serving the Japanese empire.
在这种重新包装的帝国红砖知识中，中国工人和生产者在实施建筑设计和生产红砖方面所做贡献的任何痕迹，以及之前存在的俄罗斯影响都被抹去了。满洲开发红砖的复杂起源和社会过程被抹去，成为帝国知识体系的一部分，只有日本人贡献和参与其中。在这一阶段，红砖知识是为日本帝国服务的技术专长。

Conclusion

From 1905 to 1945, Japanese architects like Shigemitsu Matsumuro cherished a vision to construct a red brick civilization in Manchuria that was different from Japan. A history of Japanese architects' and engineers'

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63 intensive interaction with Chinese producers, brick masons, and laborers reveals that Japanese technological knowledge of red brick had actively absorbed local workers' vernacular skills.

Moreover, as the major material in Japan's colonial infrastructure project, red brick changed the landscape of Chinese-administered regions. Seeing the Japanese monopoly of the red brick trade, Chinese industrialist Zhongyuan Du pushed for the Chinese to mass-produce red brick with modern Hoffman kilns. The resulting rivalry with Japanese companies lowered the price of red brick and expanded its application across Manchuria and beyond.
此外，作为日本殖民时期基建工程的主要材料，红砖改变了中国直辖地区的面貌。看到日本人垄断了红砖贸易，中国实业家杜仲元推动中国人使用现代霍夫曼窑大量生产红砖。由此引发的与日本公司的竞争降低了红砖的价格，并将其应用范围扩大到满洲内外。

Red brick had different trajectories in China and Japan after 1945. Although no longer widely used as a symbol of modernity and civilization in Japanese architecture, the red brick buildings constructed during the Meiji and Taishō eras (1868-1926) generated historical nostalgia. For example, the interpretation of the Ōzu Red Brick Hall in Ehime Prefecture highlights that this style, representing the Meiji and Taishō eras, could evoke feelings of "romanticism."

Red brick's value as a relic lay not in its utility but in its historical meaning. In China, however, red brick became a staple of everyday construction. The National Development and Reform Commission only banned the use of clay-made and solid brick in 2012, to protect farmland from destruction through clay excavation.

Replacing clay-based solid bricks, Chinese producers came up with other materials to continue producing red brick, including industrial waste. In this sense, red brick in China turned out to be an environmentally friendly material that could turn waste into treasure. Despite the introduction of new tunnel kilns, Northeast China still baked bricks in Hoffman kilns.

Red brick in Northeast China is no longer a symbol of colonialism or nationalism, but part of everyday life. Beyond the current differences in red brick use between China and Japan, looking through the layers of historical materials helps us understand these countries' intertwined and mutually influential history of red brick.
1945 年后，红砖在中国和日本有着不同的发展轨迹。虽然在日本建筑中，红砖已不再被广泛用作现代和文明的象征，但明治和大正时期（1868-1926 年）建造的红砖建筑却引发了历史怀旧。例如，对爱媛县大津红砖会馆的诠释突出表明，这种代表明治和大正时代的风格可以唤起 "浪漫主义 "的情感。

红砖作为文物的价值不在于其实用性，而在于其历史意义。然而，在中国，红砖成了日常建筑的主要材料。国家发展和改革委员会直到 2012 年才禁止使用粘土砖和实心砖，以保护农田免受粘土挖掘的破坏。

为了取代粘土实心砖，中国的生产者想出了其他材料来继续生产红砖，其中包括工业废料。从这个意义上说，中国的红砖是一种变废为宝的环保材料。尽管引进了新的隧道窑，但中国东北地区仍然使用霍夫曼窑烧制红砖。

中国东北的红砖不再是殖民主义或民族主义的象征，而是日常生活的一部分。除了中日两国目前在红砖使用上的差异，透过历史资料的层层递进，有助于我们了解这两个国家相互交织、相互影响的红砖历史。

Organization for Promotion of Tourism in Shikoku, "Ōzu akarenga kan" [Ozu Redbrick Hall], accessed June 2, 2021, https://shikoku-tourism.com/spot/13285.
National Development and Reform Commission, "Guanyu kaizhan 'shierwu' chengshi chengqu xianzhi shiyong niantu zhipin xiancheng jinzhi shiyong shixinniantuzhuan gongzuo de tongzhi (fagaiban huanzi. [2012]2313hao)," Government Website, 2012, https://www.ndrc.gov.cn/fggz/hjyzy/zyzhly/201209/t20120925_1135489. html.
国家发展和改革委员会：《关中 "shierwu "chengshi chengqu xianzhi shiyong niantu zhipin xiancheng jinzhi shiyong shixinniantuzhuan gongzuo de tongzhi （fagaiban huanzi. [2012]2313hao）》，政府网站，2012 年，https://www.ndrc.gov.cn/fggz/hjyzy/zyzhly/201209/t20120925_1135489. html。
Hu, interview.

Yuting Dong is an Academy Scholar at the Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. Her research topics include Japanese imperialism, infrastructure, and labor and expertise studies. She is especially grateful for suggestions from Andrew Gordon, Ian J. Miller, Sunil Amrith, Mark C. Elliott, Tristan Grunow, Bill Sewell, Kate McDonald, Hiromi Mizuno, Yasu-hiko Nishizawa, Asobu Yanagisawa, Sumio Obinata, and Jiaxing Yuan during different stages of writing and revising. Different versions of this paper have also benenfited from the "Built Japan" workshop at the University of British Columbia in 2017, "First Friday" in the Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations at Harvard University in 2020, and the Association of Asian Studies conference in 2021. She also wishes to express her gratitude for the wonderful comments and suggestions by editors and reviewers at Technology and Culture.
董玉婷是哈佛大学国际与地区研究院的研究院学者。她的研究课题包括日本帝国主义、基础设施、劳动和专业知识研究。她特别感谢安德鲁-戈登（Andrew Gordon）、伊恩-米勒（Ian J. Miller）、苏尼尔-阿姆里斯（Sunil Amrith）、马克-C-埃利奥特（Mark C. Elliott）、特里斯坦-格鲁诺（Tristan Grunow）、比尔-斯维尔（Bill Sewell）、凯特-麦克唐纳（Kate McDonald）、水野宏美（Hiromi Mizuno）、西泽康彦（Yasu-hiko Nishizawa）、柳泽麻生（Asobu Yanagisawa）、小畑纯夫（Sumio Obinata）和袁嘉兴（Jiaxing Yuan）在写作和修改的不同阶段提出的建议。本文的不同版本还受益于 2017 年不列颠哥伦比亚大学的 "建设日本 "研讨会、2020 年哈佛大学东亚语言与文明系的 "第一个星期五 "以及 2021 年亚洲研究协会会议。她还希望对《技术与文化》杂志编辑和审稿人的精彩评论和建议表示感谢。

Bibliography

Archival and Oral Sources

Gaimushō gaikō shiryōkan [Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan], Tokyo, Japan (JACAR)

Hu, Jingcheng. Interview by the author. Jiabei zhuanchang, Jiagedaqi, Heilongjiang Province, July 31, 2019

Russian State Historic Archive, Saint-Petersburg, Russia (RGIA)

Published Sources

Ablova, N. E. KVZhD i rossiūskǟa èmigratsiia

Kitae: mezhdunarodnye

politicheskie aspekty istorii: pervaia polovina XX v. Stranitsy rossiŭskoŭ istorii [The CER and Russian emigration in China: History from the international and political aspects, the first half of the 20th century]. Moskva: Russkaia panorama, 2005.
Ablova, N. E. KVZhD i rossiūskǟa èmigratsiia

Kitae: mezhdunarodnye

Andrews, Thomas G. Killing for Coal: America's Deadliest Labor War. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008.

Aoji, Otoji. Dairen zufuku chishitsu setsumeisho [Operating manual for the geography in the Dalian Region]. Dairen: Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki gaisha shomubu shomuka chishitsu chōsajo, 1924.

Barham, George R. Masonry: An Elementary Text-Book for Students in Trade Schools and Apprentices. London: Longmans, Green, 1914.

Barker, Ira O. A Treatise on Masonry Construction. 4th ed. New York: Wiley, 1890.

Bennett, Jane. Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things. Durham: Duke University Press, 2010.

Bray, Francesca. Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China. Acls Humanities E-Book. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.

Bremner, Lewis. "The Magic Lantern as a Lens for Observing the Eye in Tokugawa Japan: Technology, Translation, and the Rangaku Movement." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (2020): 691-729.

Carse, Ashley. "Nature as Infrastructure: Making and Managing the Panama Canal Watershed." Social Studies of Science 42, no. 4 (2012): 539-63.

Carver, William. Brick, How to Build and Estimate: A Manual of Construction Data on Brickwork for Architects, Engineers, Contractors and Builders. Cleveland: Common Brick Manufacturers' Association of America, 1926.

Cha, Jeon-dok. "Manshū no inshō" [Impression of Manchuria]. Chōsen oyobi manshū sha, Chōsen oyobi Manshū [Korea and Manchuria] 305 (1933): 43-45.

2022

VOL. 63

Chōshun shōkō meiroku hensanjo. Chōshun shōkō meiroku [Directory of merchants and industrialists in Changchun]. Chōshun: Chōshun shōkō meiroku hensanjo, 1922.

Clancey, Gregory. Earthquake Nation: The Cultural Politics of Japanese Seismicity, 1868-1930. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006.

Coaldrake, William H. Architecture and Authority in Japan. The Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies Series. London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 1996.

Cooper, Frederick, and Ann Laura Stoler. Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.

Cressey, Charles. "Hollow Walls." National Builder (1896-1924) 65, no. 3 (1922): 62 .

Dairen shōkō kaigijo. Keizai tōkei geppō [Annual economic statistical report]. Vol. 173. Dairen: Dairen shōkō kaigijo, 1929.

Dairenshi henshū iinkai. Zoku Dairen shishi [Sequel to the municipal history of Dalian]. Tokyo: Dairen kai, 2009.

Du, Zhongyuan. "Ba nian nulizhong de yuanwang" [Hopes during my eight years of effort]. In Du Zhongyuan, Yuzhong zagan [Various feelings in the prison], 289-99. China: n.p., 1936.

Duara, Prasenjit. Sovereignty and Authenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian Modern. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003.

Dubois, Laurent. A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.

Eda, Izumi. "Manshū ika daigaku to 'kaitaku eisei"' [Manchuria Medical University and 'Settlement Hygiene']. Keio Journal of Economics 97, no. 2 (2004): 281-393.

Edgerton, David. "From Innovation to Use: Ten Eclectic Theses on the Historiography of Technology." History and Technology 16, no. 2 (1999): 111-36.

Fūdo kenkyūkai. Manshū no inshō [Impression of Manchuria]. Tofū shobō, 1944 .

Fujimori, Terunobu. Meiji no Tōkyō keikaku [Urban planning of Tokyo in the Meiji era]. Tōkyō: Iwanami shoten, 1990.

Fujimori, Terunobu. Kindai Nihon no yōfū kenchiku. Kaika hen [Western architecture in modern Japan: Section on civilization]. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 2017.

Fukao, Yōko, and Ayumu Yasutomi. "Manshū" no seiritsu: shinrin no shōjin to kindai kūkan no keisei [Formation of "Manchuria": The disappearance of forests and the formation of modern space]. Nagoyashi: Nagoya Daigaku Shuppankai, 2009.

Grove, Richard. Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Haga, Noboru. Nihon jinbutsu jōhō taikei [A series of information on Japanese individuals]. Tōkyō: Kōseisha, 1999.

Harada, Kenjirō. "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 1" [Brick industry for architectural use in Manchuria 1]. Mantetsu chōsaka, Mantetsu chōsa geppō [Monthly report of Mantetsu's research] 12, no. 1 (1932): 1-44.

Harada, Kenjirō. "Manshū ni okeru kenchiku yō renga kōgyō 2" [Brick industry for architectural use in Manchuria 2]. Mantetsu chōsaka, Mantetsu chōsa geppō [Monthly report of Mantetsu's research] 12, no. 2 (1932): 32-135.

Harootunian, Harry. Overcome by Modernity: History, Culture, and Community in Interwar Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.

Harubin tetsudōkyoku sōmubu shiryōka. Roshiya shiki pēchika danbō no kenkyū (daiihhen) [Research on Russian style pechika heating (the first part)]. Hōten: Minami Manshū tetsudō sōkyoku, 1942.

Haruyama, Yukio. Manshū fūbutsu shi [Real feeling of Manchuria]. Tokyo: Seikatsu sha, 1940.

Hatanaka, Kenzō. Doboku kenchiku kōji ukeoi benran [Manual for construction contracts in the field of engineering and architecture]. Tokyo: Ōkura shoten, 1914.

Headrick, Daniel R. The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1981.

Hinata, Yasuyoshi. "Kanchi seikatsu kenkyū no hitsuyō" [Necessity to research on living in the cold climate]. Mantetsu dokushokai zasshi [Journal of the Reading Group] 12, no. 10 (1925): 52-58.

Hirano, Kōsuke. "Mantetsu no yōgyō shiken to Manshū no yōgyō" [Mantetsu's experiments on ceramics and the ceramic industry in Manchuria]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 34, no. 399 (1926): 112-20.

Hirazawa, Gihei. "Shikō teki gijutsu no fusoku yori korareru genba sagyō no tsūhei to sono kyūsai" [Bad tendencies that stem from the insufficiency in operational skills when working on construction sites and their remedies]. Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no. 6 (1924): 8-15.
Hirazawa, Gihei."Shikō teki gijutsu no fusoku yori korareru genba sagyō no tsūhei to sono kyūsai》（《在建筑工地工作时因操作技能不足而产生的不良倾向及其纠正方法》）。Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no：8-15.

Hōten shōgyō kaigijo. The Annual Economic Report of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce Mukden 1922. Mukden: Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, 1922.

Hōten shōgyō kaigijo. Hōten keizai nijū nen shi [Twenty-year history of Hōten's economy]. Hōten: Hōten shōgyō kaigijo, 1927.

Howe, Malverd Abijah. Masonry: A Short Text-Book on Masonry Construction. London: Wiley, Chapman & Hall, 1914.

Hughes, Thomas Parke. Networks of Power: Electrification in Western Society, 1880-1930. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983.

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63
Hughes, Thomas Parke. "Technological Momentum." In Does Technology Drive History? The Dilemma of Technological Determinism, 101-14. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994.

Jensen, Casper Bruun, and Atsuro Morita. "Introduction: Infrastructures as Ontological Experiments." Ethnos: Includes the Theme Issue: Infrastructures 82, no. 4 (2017): 615-26.

Kaigen chihō jimusho. Kaigen gaiyō [Outline of Kaigen]. Kaigen: Minami Manshū Kaigen chihō jimusho, 1926.

Kang, Hyeok Hweon. "Crafting Knowledge: Artisan, Officer, and the Culture of Making in Chǒson Korea, 1392-1910." Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2020.

Kantōchō rinji tochi chōsabu. Kantōsh ū jijō [Affairs of the Kwantung Government-General]. Dairen: Man Mō bunka kyōkai, 1923.

Kantōkyoku. Kantōkyoku shisei 30 nen shi [Thirty-year history of the administration of the Kwantung Government-General]. Dairen: Kantōkyoku, 1936.

Kantōkyoku bunsho ka. Kantōkyoku shisei sanjūnen gyōseki chōsa shiryō [Documents for the study of achievements of the Kwantung Government-General during the 30 years]. Dairen: Kantōkyoku, 1937.

Katō, Kiyofumi. Mantetsu zenshi: "kokusaku-gaisha" no zenbō [Full history of Mantetsu: A whole picture of the "National-Policy Company"]. Tōkyō: Kōdansha, 2006.

Kenchiku gakkai shinkyō shibu. Manshū kenchiku gaisetsu [Outline of architecture in Manchuria]. Shinkyō: Manshū jijō annaijo, 1940.

Kenchiku kisoku kenkyū iinkai. "Genkō Dairen shi kenchiku kisoku kaisei an" [Revision of the existing regulations of architecture in Dalian]. Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no. 7 (1924): 16-34.
Kenchiku kisoku kenkyū iinkai."大连市建筑条例修订案》。Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no：16-34.

Kōgyō kagakukai Manshū shibu. Manshū no shigen to kagaku kōgyō [Resources and the chemical industry in Manchuria]. Tokyo: Maruzen, 1933.

Kurahashi, Tōjirō. "Honpō jiki seizōyō noborigama ni tsuite (sono ichi)" [On the climbing kiln for the domestic production of porcelain]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 20, no. 1 (1917): 40-55.

Kuru, Hirofumi. "Shikasai to kenchiku" [Earthquake, fire, and architecture]. Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no. 3 (1924): 31-44.

Latour, Bruno. Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-

Theory. Clarendon Lectures in Management Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Lattimore, Owen. Manchuria, Cradle of Conflict. New York: Macmillan, 1932.

Liaoningsheng danganju. Fengwu Liaoning [Sceneries of Liaoning]. Vol. 3. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 2012.

Mantetsu kenchikukai. Mantetsu no kenchiku to gijutsu jin [Architects and technical experts of Mantetsu]. Tokyo: Mantetsu kenchikukai, 1976.

Matsumuro, Shigemitsu. "Shokuminchi ha yoroshiku dokuritsu shita bunka wo kensetsu subeshi" [Colonies should build independent cultures]. Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no. 3 (1924): 6-15.
Matsumuro, Shigemitsu."Shokuminchi ha yoroshiku dokuritsu shita bunka wo kensetsu subeshi" [殖民地应建立独立的文化]。Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no.3 (1924):6-15.

Matsusaka, Yoshihisa Tak. The Making of Japanese Manchuria, 1904-1932. Harvard East Asian Monographs 196. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001.

Miller, Ian Jared. The Nature of the Beasts: Empire and Exhibition at the Tokyo Imperial Zoo. Asia-Local Studies/Global Themes. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013.

Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki gaisha. Mantetsu fuzokuchi keiei enkaku zenshi [Full history of the administration of Mantetsu railway auxiliary zones]. Tōkyō: Ryūkei shosha, 1977.

Mitchell, Timothy. Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil. New York: Verso, 2011.

Mitchell, Timothy. Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

Mitchell, Charles Frederick, and Mitchell, George A. Brickwork & Masonry: A Practical Text Book for Students, and Those Engaged in the Design and Execution of Structures in Brick and Stone. 2nd ed. London: B.T. Batsford, 1908.

Mitter, Rana. A Bitter Revolution: China's Struggle with the Modern World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Miura, Unichi. "Jūkyo ni kansuru kenkyu" [Research regarding houses]. In Mansh u fūdo eisei kenkyū gaiyo [An outline of the research on the climate hygiene in Manchuria], edited by Mantetsu chihō eisei ka, 1-35. Darien: Minami Manshū tetsudō kabushiki gaisha, 1936.
Miura, Unichi."有关房屋的研究》。In Mansh u fūdo eisei kenkyū gaiyo [An outline of the research on the climate hygiene in Manchuria], edited by Mantetsu chihō eisei ka, 1-35。大连：南满洲铁道株式会社，1936 年。

Miura, Unichi. "Man Ka jin rōmusha no shukusha, bensho ni kansuru sangyō eiseigakuteki kōsatsu" [Study of dormitories and bathrooms of Manchurian and Chinese laborers from the perspective of industrial hygiene]. Manshū no nōritsu kyōkai, Manshū no nōritsu [Efficiency in Manchuria] 4(3), no. 32 (1942): 15-21.
三浦云一"Man Ka jin rōmusha no shukusha, bensho ni kansuru sangyō eiseigakuteki kōsatsu》（从工业卫生的角度研究满洲和中国劳工的宿舍和浴室）。Manshū no nōritsu kyōkai, Manshū no nōritsu [Efficiency in Manchuria] 4(3), no.32 (1942):15-21.

Mizusawa shiritsu Gotō Shinpei kinenkan, ed. Gotō Shinpei monjo [Documents of Gotō Shinpei]. Japan: Maruzen Yūshōdō shoten, 1979.

Moore, Aaron S. Constructing East Asia: Technology, Ideology, and Empire in Japan's Wartime Era, 1931-1945. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013.

Moroi, Kōhei. Renga yōsetsu [Key points of brick]. Tokyo: Hakubun kan, 1902.

Nagai, Shōichirō. "Manshū ni okeru taika zairyō kōgyō no kinkyō" [Recent situations of the industry on fire-resistant materials in Manchuria]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 43, no. 509 (1935): 294-97.

JANUARY

2022

VOL. 63

Nagai, Shōichirō. Renga, kawara, tairu oyobi taikabutsu [Brick, roof tile, tile and fire-resistant materials]. Tokyo: Ryōritsu sha, 1935.

"Naichi no risaimin to Dairen shi no shokugyō shōkaijo" [Disaster victims of Japan's home islands and Dalian's employment agency]. Manshū no shakai [The Society of Manchuria] 2, no. 4 (1923): 56.

Nishio, Kuzō. "Daishinsai ha renga nimo kaizen wo unagashita" [The Kantō earthquake also promoted the improvement of brick]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 32, no. 381 (1924): 394.

Nishizawa, Yasuhiko. Nihon no shokuminchi kenchiku: Teikoku ni kizukareta nettowāku [Japan's colonial architecture: The network that built the empire]. Tokyo: Kawade shobō shinsha, 2009.

Nishizawa, Yasuhiko. Umi wo watatta Nihonjin kenchikuka [Japanese architects that crossed the sea]. Shōkokusha, 1996.

Nye, David E. Electrifying America: Social Meanings of a New Technology, 1880-1940. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1990.

O'Dwyer, Emer Sinéad. Significant Soil: Settler Colonialism and Japan's Urban Empire in Manchuria. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2015.

Ōno, Masakichi. "Hirano Kōsuke sensei no ryakureki to sono kōseki" [Short bibliography and contributions of Mr. Hirano Kōsuke]. Yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association] 56, no. 632 (1948): 88-89.

Oyama, Kyūichi. "Renga oyobi yōkai michi ni tsuite" [About brick and cement road]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 34, no. 399 (1926): 124-26.

Ōzawa, Kumakichi. "Mantetsu kenchiku shikō" [Draft on the history of Mantetsu architecture]. In Mantetsu no kenchiku to gijutsu jin [Architects and technical experts of Mantetsu], 50-136. Tokyo: Mantetsu kenchikukai, 1976.

Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2008.

Said, Edward W. Orientalism. 1st Vintage Books ed. New York: Vintage Books, 1979.

Sakei, Tsutomu. "Kenchiku shizai to sono daiyōhin nitsuite" [About building materials and their substitutes]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 47, no. 563 (1939): 574-81.

Schivelbusch, Wolfgang. Disenchanted Night: The Industrialisation of Light in the Nineteenth Century. Oxford: Berg, 1988.

Seow, Victor. "Carbon Technocracy: East Asian Energy Regimes and the Industrial Modern, 1900-1957." Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2014. Seow, Victor. "Sites of Extraction: Perspectives from a Japanese Coal Mine in Northeast China." Environmental History 24 (2019): 504-13.
Seow, Victor."Carbon Technocracy：东亚能源制度与现代工业，1900-1957 年"。哈佛大学博士论文，2014 年。Seow, Victor."Sites of Extraction：来自中国东北日本煤矿的视角"。Environmental History 24 (2019)：504-13.

Sewell, Bill. Constructing Empire: The Japanese in Changchun, 1905-45. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2019.

Shangban Benxihu meitie youxian gongsi. Shangban Benxihu meitie youxiangongsi xiezhentie. [Official Benxihu Ironworks Photo Collection]. Tokyo, 1930.

Shibuya, Yuri. "Chōsakurin seiken ka no Hōtenshō minsei to shakai: Ō eikō wo chūshin toshite" [Civilian affairs and society in Province Hōten under the rule of the Zhang Zuolin Regime: With Wang Yongjiang as the focus]. Tōyōshi kenkyū [Research on Oriental History] 52, no. 1 (1993): 84-117.
Shibuya, Yuri."Chōsakurin seiken ka no Hōtenshō minsei to shakai: Ō eikō wo chūshin toshite" [《张作霖政权统治下的奉天省民政与社会》：以王永江为中心］东洋史研究》第 52 卷第 1 期（1993 年）：84-117.

Soluri, John. Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005.

Stoddard, Ralph Perkins. Brick Structures, How to Build Them; Practical Reference Data on Materials, Design, and Construction Methods Employed in Brick Construction; for Contractors, Builders, Architects, Engineers, and Students. An Authoritative Manual on Brick Mansonry, with Particular Reference to the Structural Uses of Brick in Residences and Others Small Buildings. 11th ed. New York, London: McGraw-Hill, 1946.
Stoddard, Ralph Perkins.砖结构，如何建造；关于砖结构中使用的材料、设计和施工方法的实用参考数据；适用于承包商、建筑商、建筑师、工程师和学生。砖砌结构权威手册，特别参考了住宅和其他小型建筑中砖的结构用途。第 11 版。纽约、伦敦：麦格劳-希尔，1946 年。

Spalding, Frederick Putnam. Masonry Structures. New York: Wiley, Chapman & Hall, 1921.

Su, Chongmin. Mantie shi [History of Mantetsu]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990.

Sun, Hongjin. Jindai Shenyang chengshi fazhan yanjiu: 1898-1945 [Research on the urban development of modern Shenyang]. Changchun: Jilin daxue chubanshe, 2015.

Sutter, P. S. "Nature's Agents or Agents of Empire? Entomological Workers and Environmental Change during the Construction of the Panama Canal." Isis 98, no. 4 (2007): 724-54.

Takahashi, Reisen. Mantetsu chihō gyōseishi [History of Mantetsu's regional administration]. Dairen: Man Mō jijō chōsakai, 1927.

Takanashi, Yoshikage. "Kion to shippei" [Temperature and disease]. Mantetetsu dokushokai, Mantetsu dokushokai zasshi [Journal of the Reading Group] 12, no. 10 (1925): 51-52.

Takenaka daiku dōgu kan. Kindai kenchiku monozukuri no chōsen [Challenges of modern architectural production]. Kōbe: Takenaka Carpentry Tools Museum, 2015.

Trautwine, John Cresson. The Civil Engineer's Pocket-Book. 16th ed. London: Wiley, 1893.

Tsukamoto, Osamu. "Shingai ni tsuite Manshū no kenchikukai ni kei-
kokusu" [Regarding earthquake: My warnings to the Architectural Society in Manchuria]. Manshū kenchiku kyōkai zasshi [The Journal of the Manchuria Architectural Association] 4, no. 3 (1924): 4.

Tsukase, Susumu. Chūgoku kindai tōhoku keizaishi kenkyū: tetsudō fusetsu to Chūgoku tōhoku keizai no henka [Research on the modern economic history of Northeast China: The installation of railways and the economic transformation of Northeast China]. Shohan. Tōkyō: Tōhō Shoten, 1993.
Tsukase, Susumu.Chūgoku kindai tōhoku keizaishi kenkyū: tetsudō fusetsu to Chūgoku tōhoku keizai no henka [Research on the modern economic history of Northeast China：中国东北近代经济史研究：铁路的设置与东北经济的转型》。］昭藩。东京：東京：東方書店，1993 年。

Uchida, Jun. Brokers of Empire: Japanese Settler Colonialism in Korea, 1876-1945. Harvard East Asian Monographs 337. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011.

Warashina, Asakichi. "Tōki ni okeru jūtaku no danbō to kanki" [Heating and ventilation of houses in the winter]. Mantetetsu dokushokai, Mantetsu dokushokai zasshi [Journal of the Reading Group] 12, no. 10 (1925): 37-43.

Watanabe, Toraichi, and Zenji Wada. Rengazō kenchiku [Architecture of brick]. Tokyo: Teikoku kōgyō kyōiku kai, 1940.

Xiao, Hong. "Hulanhe zhuan" [The story of Hulanhe]. In Xiaohong ji [Collection of Xiao Hong], edited by Gong Qin, 209-381. Guangzhou Shi: Huacheng chubanshe, 2006.

Yamamoto, Haruhiko. Teikoku Nihon no kishō kansoku nettowāku: Mansh

, Kantōsh

[Observatory network of weather in imperial Japan: Manchuria, Kwantung]. Tokyo: Nōrin tōkei shuppan, 2014.

Yamamuro, Shin'ichi. Kimera: Manshūkoku no shōzō [Chimera: A portrait of Manchukoku]. Tōkyō: Chūō Kōronsha, 1993.

Yang, Daqing. Technology of Empire: Telecommunications and Japanese Expansion in Asia, 1883-1945. Harvard East Asian Monographs 219. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010.

Yano, Hiroharu. "Kenchiku renga nitsuite" [On architectural brick]. Dai Nihon yōgyō kyōkai zasshi [Journal of the Ceramic Association, Japan] 32, no. 381 (1924): 389-94.

Young, Louise. Japan's Total Empire: Manchuria and the Culture of Wartime Imperialism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

Zai Hōten teikoku sōryōjikan Tetsurei bunkan. Tetsurei jijō [Affairs of Tetsurei]. Tokyo: Gaimushō tsūshōkyoku, 1908.

"Zai Man Nihonjin no shokugyō suitai" [Decline of Japanese business in Manchuria]. Manshū no shakai jigyō kenkyūjo, Manshū no shakai [The Society of Manchuria] 2, no. 4 (1923): 32-41.

Zhang, Weiping, Haoliang Du, Xiang Li, Xianglin Gu, and Qiang Li. "InPlane Seismic Performance of Chinese Traditional Rowlock Cavity Walls under Low-Cycle Loading." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 0, nos. 2-3 (2016): 204-16.

1. Latour, Reassembling the Social, 5; Bennett, Vibrant Matter; Carse, "Nature as Infrastructure"; Jensen and Morita, "Introduction."
2. Sutter, "Nature's Agents"; Miller, Nature of the Beasts, introduction.
3. Cha, "Manshū no inshō," 43.
4. For technological determinism: Headrick, Tools of Empire. For STS work challenging this view: Hughes, Networks of Power; Hughes, "Technological Momentum"; Edgerton, "From Innovation to Use."
5. Yang, Technology of Empire; Moore, Constructing East Asia.
6. Soluri, Banana Cultures, 13. Other scholars show that labor militancy could structurally change industry: Soluri, Banana Cultures, 11; Andrews, Killing for Coal, 122-56; Mitchell, Carbon Democracy, 22-31.
1. Fujimori, Meiji no Tōkyō keikaku, 36-39.
2. For Kingo Tatsuno: Kantōkyoku, Kantōkyoku shisei 30 nen shi, 579. For Condor: Fujimori, Kindai Nihon no yōfū kenchiku, 196-99; For Tatsuno's work: Coaldrake, Architecture and Authority in Japan, 237.
3. Kuru, "Shinkasai to kenchiku."
4. Clancey, Earthquake Nation, 222.
1. Nagai, "Manshū ni okeru taika zairyō kōgyō no kinkyō," 2-11; Nagai, Renga, kawara, tairu oyobi taikabutsu.
2. Watanabe and Wada, Rengazō kenchiku, 1-2, 204.