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(Sorrells, K. (2016). Intercultural communication: Globalization and social justice.)
(Sorrells, K. (2016).跨文化交流:全球化与社会正义》)。
Analyzing Messages 分析信息

About Diverse Cultures 关于多元文化

Did you know that five students protesting the military coup in Thailand in November 2014 raised the Hunger Games salute, the hand gesture freedom fighters popularized in the Hunger Games symbolizing solidarity, unity, and defiance? (Olarn & Bothlho, 2014). What does this example of repurposing say about the relationship between popular culture and "real" life?
您知道吗,2014 年 11 月,五名抗议泰国军事政变的学生举起了 "饥饿游戏礼",这是自由战士在 "饥饿游戏 "中流行的手势,象征着团结、统一和反抗。(Olarn & Bothlho,2014 年)。这个再利用的例子说明了流行文化与 "现实 "生活之间的关系?
Did you know that when Jason Collins came out in 2013, he was the first publicly gay athlete to play in any of the four major professional sports leagues in
你知道吗,当杰森-科林斯在 2013 年出柜时,他是第一位公开在美国四大职业体育联盟中打球的同性恋运动员。
North America? In 2014, Michael Sam was the first publicly gay athlete drafted by the National Football League (NFL); he was cut at the end of training camp. Does being gay have an impact on his opportunities in the NFL?
北美?2014 年,迈克尔-萨姆(Michael Sam)成为第一位被美国橄榄球联盟(NFL)公开选中的同性恋运动员,但他在训练营结束时被裁掉。同性恋是否会影响他在 NFL 的机会?
Did you see Katy Perry's geisha-inspired performance of "Unconditionally" during the 2013 American Music Awards? What are the implications for intercultural communication of her cultural appropriation? Is there a relationship between her performance and the emergence of Japanese popular culture, including anime (animation), manga (comic books), JPop, and JRock on the global scene?
你看过凯蒂-佩里在 2013 年美国音乐奖颁奖典礼上以艺妓为灵感演唱的《无条件》吗?她的文化挪用对跨文化交流有何影响?她的表演与日本流行文化(包括动漫、漫画、JPop 和 JRock)在世界舞台上的崛起是否有关系?
Did you know that social networking sites, particularly Facebook and Twitter, were critical during the Arab Spring as youth posted pictures, videos, and text to expose repressive regimes and mobilize activists?
您是否知道社交网站,尤其是 Facebook 和 Twitter,在 "阿拉伯之春 "期间发挥了至关重要的作用,青年们通过发布图片、视频和文字来揭露专制政权并动员积极分子?
Along with the fast-paced and multidirectional movement of people in the global context discussed in the previous chapter, mediated messages and popular culture as noted above also circulate more rapidly, more widely, and with greater degrees of saturation today than ever before. The forces and factors that have given rise to globalizationadvances in communication technology and social media platforms, the integration of global markets, as well as the privatization and deregulation of media outlets in much of the world-combine to intensify the role of media and popular culture in shaping our communication with and understanding of cultures different from our own. Media and popular culture also play pivotal roles in how we make sense of and construct our own cultures and identities.
随着上一章所讨论的全球范围内人们的快节奏和多方向流动,上文提到的媒介信息和 流行文化如今也比以往任何时候都传播得更快、更广,饱和度也更高。通信技术和社交媒体平台的进步、全球市场的一体化以及世界许多地方媒体机构的私有化和放松管制,这些导致全球化的力量和因素结合在一起,强化了媒体和大众文化在影响我们与不同文化的交流和对不同文化的理解方面所起的作用。媒体和大众文化在我们如何理解和构建自己的文化和身份方面也发挥着举足轻重的作用。
Often the assumptions, stereotypes, and attitudes we hold about people from different cultures or distant countries come solely or primarily through media and popular culture forms, such as movies, and cable network programs, and celebrities. it's likely that much of the information you use to construct your "knowledge" about people and places different from your own
我们对来自不同文化或遥远国家的人所持有的假设、刻板印象和态度往往完全或主要来自媒体和流行文化形式,如电影、 和有线电视网络节目以及名人。
comes through mediated forms of communication and popular culture sources. Now imagine people in India, Greece, Brazil, and China watching popular U.S. TV programs, such as The Big Bang Theory, Breaking Bad, Modern Family, or American Idol. What stereotypes and assumptions might people hold about the United States if their primary exposure to the culture is through these mediated texts?
这些都是通过媒介传播形式和流行文化来源产生的。现在想象一下,印度、希腊、巴西和中国的人们在观看《生活大爆炸》(The Big Bang Theory)、《霹雳游侠》(Breaking Bad)、《摩登家庭》(Modern Family)或《美国偶像》(American Idol)等流行的美国电视节目。如果人们主要通过这些媒介文本接触美国文化,那么他们会对美国持有怎样的成见和假设?
Media and popular culture play central roles in intercultural communication. First, media and popular culture facilitate communication across cultural and national boundaries escalating the flow of information and images interculturally. Second, media frame global issues and normalize particular cultural ideologies. By 2015 , five to seven major media monopolies dominated the distribution of mediated images and messages around the globe. The broad reach and global control by a small number of media giants places a few transnational corporations in a position to exert tremendous power over the perspectives, standpoints, and ideologies that are available. Third, the global spread of mass media and popular culture fragments and disrupts national and cultural identities, leading to resistance, opposition, and conflict. Finally, media
媒体和大众文化在跨文化传播中发挥着核心作用。首先,媒体和大众文化促进了跨越文化和国界的交流,使信息和图像在文化间的流动不断升级。其次,媒体框定全球问题,并使特定的文化意识形态正常化。到 2015 年,五到七家主要媒体垄断了全球媒体图像和信息的传播。少数媒体巨头的广泛影响力和对全球的控制,使少数跨国公司能够对现有的观点、立场和意识形态施加巨大的影响。第三,大众传媒和流行文化的全球传播分裂和破坏了民族和文化特性,导致抵制、反对和冲突。最后,媒体

and popular culture forge hybrid transnational cultural identities in the global context by re-collecting diasporic identities, constructing a global semiculture, and creating intercultural political and social alliances. These four roles of media and popular culture in intercultural communication are addressed throughout the chapter.
The title of this chapter ("Jamming Media and Popular Culture") is used to connote the improvisational and emergent nature of intercultural communication in the technologically advanced, global agethe rapid absorption, adaptation, appropriation, and fusion of verbal and nonverbal languages, and visual and musical codes-that characterizes the mediated popular culture scene, as well as new social movements in the context of globalization. We begin by defining media and popular culture and discussing their impact on intercultural communication in the context of globalization. From there, processes of encoding and decoding media messages, questions of power and hegemony, and the representation of nondominant groups are explored. The chapter concludes with steps to heighten our awareness and skills for consuming media and popular culture messages, strategies to resist mainstream corporate messages, and ways to actively produce media messages, such as alter native and citizen media that are emerging in the global context.
本章的标题("Jamming Media and Popular Culture")意指在技术发达的全球化时代,跨文化交流的即兴性和新兴性,即语言和非语言、视觉和音乐代码的快速吸收、改编、挪用和融合,这也是媒体化流行文化场景以及全球化背景下新社会运动的特点。我们首先定义媒体和流行文化,并讨论它们在全球化背景下对跨文化交流的影响。接着,我们探讨了媒体信息的编码和解码过程、权力和霸权问题以及非主流群体的代表性。本章最后介绍了提高我们消费媒体和大众文化信息的意识和技能的步骤、抵制主流企业信息的策略,以及积极制作媒体信息的方法,如改变全球背景下出现的本土媒体和公民媒体。

Defining Media 定义媒体

In the broadest sense, the word media (note that "media" is the plural form of the singular "medium") refers to the modes, means, or channels through which messages are communicated. For example, a telephone or cell phone is a medium of interpersonal communication connecting one point to another; newspapers, magazines, TV movies, and music recordings are types of mass media, where a source disseminates messages to large audiences. The term network media refers to media like the World Wide Web, which connects multiple points to multiple points in addition to serving interpersonal and mass media functions. Technology is a critical feature of media, and ad-
从广义上讲,媒体一词(注意 "媒体 "是单数 "媒介 "的复数形式)是指传播信息的方式、手段或渠道。例如,电话或手机是一种连接点与另一个点的人际传播媒介;报纸、杂志、电视电影和音乐录音则是大众传媒的一种类型,通过它们向大量受众传播信息。网络媒体指的是像万维网这样的媒体,它除了具有人际传播和大众传媒的功能外,还将多点与多点连接起来。技术是媒体的重要特征,而广告则是媒体的重要组成部分。

vances in technology have dramatically magnified the impact of media on global communication today. Yet, media as channels of communication are not only technologies; media-TV, films, the World Wide Web, and email—do not exist "independently of the concepts people have of them, the uses people make of them, and the social relations that produce them and that are organized around them everyday" (Grossberg, Wartella, Whitney, & Wise, 2006, p. 8). The authors of MediaMaking (Grossberg et al., 2006) posited that the media are composed of three elements: (1) technology; (2) social relationships or institutions, such as broadcasting organizations and music and film companies; and (3) cultural forms. Cultural forms refer to the products' format (newscasts, sitcoms, action dramas, or thrillers), structures, languages, and narrative styles that are produced when media technologies and institutions come together.
技术的进步极大地增强了媒体对当今全球传播的影响。然而,作为传播渠道的媒体并不仅仅是技术;媒体--电视、电影、万维网和电子邮件--并不是 "独立于人们对它们的概念、人们对它们的使用以及产生它们并每天围绕它们组织起来的社会关系 "而存在的(Grossberg, Wartella, Whitney, & Wise, 2006, p.8)。媒体制作》(MediaMaking)一书的作者(Grossberg et al:(1) 技术;(2) 社会关系或机构,如广播组织、音乐和电影公司;(3) 文化形式。文化形式指的是媒体技术和机构结合后产生的产品形式(新闻广播、情景喜剧、动作剧或惊悚片)、结构、语言和叙事风格。
Media bring together technologies, institutions, and cultural forms to create and convey meaningmaking products that reflect, construct, and reinforce cultural ideologies. Political scientist Lane Crothers (2013) argued that the popularity of tanic, the second highest grossing film of all time, rested on its embodiment of cultural ideologies of American civil society, such as the presumed irrelevance of class distinctions, a tolerance for difference, the centrality of individualism, and the attraction to and fascination with capitalism. Given this, we can see how the global sale, distribution, and consumption of media are not merely economic transactions. When one nation's cultural products-namely, the United States-dominate the world market, the appeal and fascination as well as the concern and resistance focus on the effects on national cultural values, behavior, and identities.
媒体将技术、机构和文化形式结合在一起,创造并传递意义产品,这些产品反映、构建并强化了文化意识形态。政治学家莱恩-克罗瑟斯(Lane Crothers,2013)认为,有史以来票房第二高的电影《 tanic》之所以大受欢迎,是因为它体现了美国公民社会的文化意识形态,如假定阶级差别无关紧要、对差异的宽容、个人主义的中心地位以及对资本主义的吸引和迷恋。有鉴于此,我们可以看到媒体的全球销售、发行和消费并不仅仅是经济交易。当一个国家的文化产品--即美国的文化产品--在世界市场上占据主导地位时,其吸引力和魅力以及关注和抵制都集中在对国家文化价值观、行为和身份认同的影响上。
The term media is often confused and conflated with the term popular culture. While the media are the source of much of popular culture today and serve to advertise and distribute a broad range of popular cultural forms, the two are not interchangeable. Popular culture as a term has come into common usage in recent years to replace the term low culture, which carried a negative connotation as compared to "high culture" as discussed in Chapter
媒体一词经常与大众文化一词混淆。虽然媒体是当今许多流行文化的源头,并起到宣传和传播各种流行文化形式的作用,但两者并不能互换。近年来,大众文化一词开始被普遍使用,以取代低俗文化一词,后者与本章讨论的 "高雅文化 "相比带有负面含义。
  1. Scholars have argued since the 1960 s that the mass production of products-TV programs, Barbie dolls, iPhones, or hip hop music, for exampledoes not take away their meaning; rather, groups of people, cultures, and subcultures use mass produced products as a way to make meaning in their lives. People use mass produced forms of popular culture to reflect and construct identities as well as display and enact values. Popular culture refers to systems and artifacts that the general populous or broad masses within a society share or about which most people have some understanding (Brummett, 1994). Hamburgers and fries, baggy jeans and bling, tattoos, celebrities, music videos, sports, reality shows, Disneyland, TV evangelists, tourism, video games, and pornography are all forms of popular culture. Three characteristics help define popular culture: (1) Popular culture is central and pervasive in advanced capitalist systems, (2) popular culture is produced by culture industries, and (3) popular culture serves social functions. In a world where most everything is commodified, very little is outside of popular culture. From entertainment, fashion, and health to religious rituals, the environment, social causes, and cultural identities, almost everything has been turned into commodities that are packaged, bought, and sold.
    自 20 世纪 60 年代以来,就有学者认为,大规模生产的产品--例如电视节目、芭比娃娃、iPhone 或嘻哈音乐--并没有剥夺它们的意义;相反,人们、文化和亚文化群体将大规模生产的产品作为一种方式来创造他们生活的意义。人们使用大众文化的生产形式来反映和构建身份,并展示和颁布价值观。大众文化指的是一个社会中的普通民众或广大群众所共享的或大多数人都有所了解的系统和人工制品(Brummett, 1994)。汉堡包和薯条、宽松牛仔裤和金银首饰、纹身、名人、音乐视频、体育、真人秀、迪士尼乐园、电视布道者、旅游、电子游戏和色情都是大众文化的形式。流行文化有三个特征:(1) 流行文化是先进资本主义体系的核心,无处不在;(2) 流行文化由文化产业生产;(3) 流行文化服务于社会功能。在一个万事万物都商品化的世界里,大众文化之外的东西少之又少。从娱乐、时尚和健康,到宗教仪式、环境、社会事业和文化身份,几乎所有的东西都变成了商品,被包装、购买和出售。
Isolated pockets of what in the past were referred to as folk culture-localized cultural practices that are enacted for the sole purpose of people within a particular place-still exist. However, as these practices are sought out by tourists for their "authenticity" as folk culture, such as ritual feast days, dances at the Pueblos in New Mexico, or hula dances in Hawaii, they too become commodities in the nostalgic search for the "pure," the "real," and tourist destinations of "authentic" culture (Root, 1996; Sorrells, 2002). As U.S. cultural celebrations, such as Halloween, Valentine's Day, and Mother's Day, and culturally rooted coming of age rituals, such as quinceañeras and bar mitzvahs, are commodified, they become part of popular culture.
过去被称为民俗文化的孤立的片段--只为特定地方的人们而举行的本地化文化习俗--仍然存在。然而,随着这些习俗因其作为民间文化的 "真实性 "而受到游客的追捧,如仪式盛宴日、新墨西哥州普韦布洛斯的舞蹈或夏威夷的草裙舞,它们也成为了怀旧寻找 "纯粹"、"真实 "和 "正宗 "文化旅游目的地的商品(Root, 1996; Sorrells, 2002)。随着万圣节、情人节和母亲节等美国文化庆典以及五四青年节和成人礼等根植于美国文化的成人仪式被商品化,它们也成为流行文化的一部分。
The term culture industry refers to industries that mass produce standardized cultural goods, such as the Disney Corporation, Time Warner Inc., and Viacom. It is easier to understand these megacorporations as culture industries when we consider the range of products that Disney, for example, produces-amusement parks, adventure tours,

cartoons, cable networks, clubs, movies, music, games, toys, clothing, concerts, phones, product tie-ins, and virtual communities. Critical theorists Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer (1972), who initially coined the term in the middle of the 20th century, were concerned that culture industries could easily manipulate the masses into becoming docile and passive consumers. Certainly, in a mediasaturated culture produced by culture industries, popular culture is a central and pervasive element of advanced capitalist societies. On the streets, airports, buses, subways; in school, in the workplace, and in restaurants; on the Internet; in the dentist and doctor's waiting room; and most especially in our homes and on our bodies, popular culture permeates and penetrates every corner of our lives. The average adult in the United States consumes a tremendous amount of media through TV, computers, phones, and radio. In 2008, Americans listened to and viewed media an average of 11 hours per day. By 2013, that number had increased to 13.6 hours per day per person. Data from the study indicate that in 2015, the average adult in the United States consumes 15.5 hours of media per day (Short, 2013). Given the pervasive consumption of popular culture through increasingly varied forms of media, what functions does it serve?
文化产业包括:动画片、有线电视网络、俱乐部、电影、音乐、游戏、玩具、服装、音乐会、电话、产品配套和虚拟社区。批判理论家西奥多-阿多诺(Theodor Adorno)和马克斯-霍克海默(Max Horkheimer,1972 年)在 20 世纪中叶首次提出了 "文化工业 "一词,他们担心文化工业会轻易地操纵大众,使其成为温顺、被动的消费者。当然,在由文化产业生产的媒体饱和文化中,大众文化是发达资本主义社会的核心和普遍元素。在大街上、机场、公交车、地铁里,在学校、工作场所、餐馆里,在互联网上,在牙医和医生的候诊室里,尤其是在我们的家里和身上,大众文化渗透和渗透到我们生活的每一个角落。美国普通成年人通过电视、电脑、电话和广播消费了大量媒体。2008 年,美国人平均每天收听和收看媒体 11 小时。到 2013 年,这一数字增加到每人每天 13.6 小时。研究数据显示,2015 年,美国成年人平均每天消费 15.5 小时的媒体(Short,2013 年)。鉴于大众文化消费通过日益多样化的媒体形式无处不在,那么大众文化的功能是什么?
Sociologist Dustin Kidd (2007) noted that the primary function of popular culture within advanced capitalist societies is to generate profit. Yet, he argued it also serves to establish social norms, constitute social identities and maintain social boundaries, and create meaning through shared rituals of consumption. Finally, popular culture functions as a site of innovation and social change. Popular culture-whether through TV dramas, radio talk shows, magazine articles and advertisements, sports events, or celebrity stories-is the most central and effective means of defining and disseminating social norms. Portrayals and enactments of interpersonal, intergenerational, gender, and intercultural relationships in popular culture normalize culturally informed ways of interacting, social practices, and hierarchies of power. U.S. dominant cultural values of consumerism, individualism, and competition as well as White American middle-class ideologies of what is proper, acceptable, and desirable are reinforced through popular culture. Note how hip hop culture or heavy metal are demonized as abhorrent and distasteful within
社会学家达斯汀-基德(Dustin Kidd,2007 年)指出,在发达资本主义社会中,大众文化的主要功能是创造利润。然而,他认为,大众文化还能建立社会规范、构成社会身份、维持社会界限,并通过共同的消费仪式创造意义。最后,大众文化是创新和社会变革的场所。大众文化--无论是通过电视剧、广播脱口秀、杂志文章和广告、体育赛事还是名人故事--都是定义和传播社会规范的最核心、最有效的手段。流行文化中对人际关系、代际关系、性别关系和跨文化关系的描绘和表现,使文化上的交往方式、社会实践和权力等级正常化。消费主义、个人主义和竞争等美国主流文化价值观,以及美国白人中产阶级关于什么是适当的、可接受的和理想的意识形态,都通过流行文化得到了强化。请注意嘻哈文化或重金属是如何被妖魔化为令人憎恶和厌恶的。

the broader cultural discussion while other forms of popular culture are considered acceptable.
Popular culture is a key component in the production of social identities, such as class, race, culture, and age where the consumption of popular culture creates and marks social boundaries of inclusion and exclusion (Dines & Humez, 2015; Kidd, 2007). Consider how the clothes you buy, the hairstyle you pay for, the music you consume, and the TV programs you enjoy constitute your identity. Additionally, when people collectively participate in the shared consumption of popular culture through rituals-by attending the Coachella Music and Arts Festival; going to watch the Atlanta Hawks, Detroit Pistons, or San Antonio Spurs; or participating in video gaming communities or fandoms based on the Hunger Games or Sherlock Holmes-the shared sense of meaning of the ritual provides the basis of group solidarity and identity. In other words, in advanced capitalist cultures, the consumption of popular culture serves as shorthand for sets of values, practices, and goals; for individual and group identities; and for inclusion and exclusion in social groups.
大众文化是社会身份(如阶级、种族、文化和年龄)产生的一个关键组成部分,大众文化的消费创造并标志着包容与排斥的社会界限(Dines & Humez, 2015; Kidd, 2007)。想想你买的衣服、花钱买的发型、消费的音乐和欣赏的电视节目是如何构成你的身份的。此外,当人们通过参加科切拉音乐艺术节;去观看亚特兰大老鹰队、底特律活塞队或圣安东尼奥马刺队的比赛;或参加基于《饥饿游戏》或《福尔摩斯探案集》的视频游戏社区或粉丝团等仪式,集体参与对流行文化的共同消费时,仪式的共同意义就为群体团结和身份认同提供了基础。换句话说,在先进的资本主义文化中,大众文化消费是一套价值观、实践和目标的速记;是个人和群体身份的速记;也是社会群体包容和排斥的速记。
Finally, popular culture can function as a platform for discussion or as an initiating force for social change. When Ellen DeGeneres, star of the popular sitcom Ellen, came out in 1997 as a lesbian (both as the actress and the character she played), an international discussion of lesbians and gay men on prime-time TV and the social acceptability of lifestyles that differ from the heterosexual norm ensued. The fact that the enormously popular show -one of the highest rated TV shows ever and winner of an Emmy Award-was cancelled by ABC also generated tremendous discussion about the power of networks to control and censor popular culture. When Don Imus made his now infamous racist and sexist remarks about the Rutgers women's basketball team in 2007, a nationwide discussion and debate about race, gender, and hip hop culture in the United States followed.
最后,大众文化可以作为讨论的平台,也可以作为社会变革的发起力量。流行情景喜剧《艾伦》的女主角艾伦-德杰尼勒斯(Ellen DeGeneres)于 1997 年公开自己是一名女同性恋者(既是女演员,也是她所扮演的角色),随之而来的是国际上对黄金时段电视节目中的女同性恋者和男同性恋者以及社会对不同于异性恋标准的生活方式的接受程度的讨论。美国广播公司(ABC)取消了这部大受欢迎的节目--有史以来收视率最高的电视节目之一和艾美奖得主,这一事实也引发了关于电视网控制和审查流行文化的权力的大讨论。2007 年,唐-伊姆斯(Don Imus)对罗格斯大学女子篮球队发表了臭名昭著的种族主义和性别歧视言论,随之而来的是一场关于美国种族、性别和嘻哈文化的全国性讨论和辩论。

Additionally, popular culture celebrities have been instrumental in raising awareness and mobilizing economic and political support for natural and social crises through events, such as Live Aid, a rock concert known as the "global jukebox" that provided support for famine victims in Ethiopia in 1985; the Rock the Vote campaign that began in the 1990s and has continued in the 2000s and today; and the internationally broadcast benefit concert for Hurricane Katrina victims in 2005. During this event, hip hop artist Kanye West improvised off script saying, "George Bush doesn't care about Black people," generating discussion in public and private spaces about the historically and institutionally embedded racial discrimination in the United States, which was exposed when the levies in New Orleans broke (Dyson, 2006). In 2011, Japanese popular culture celebrities and animators used their influence to gain support for earthquake and tsunami victims. These examples illustrate how popular culture, in addition to generating profit, defining social norms, and constituting social identities, provides a stage for discussion of social issues
此外,流行文化名人在通过各种活动提高人们对自然和社会危机的认识并动员经济和政治支持方面也发挥了重要作用,如 1985 年为埃塞俄比亚饥荒受害者提供支持的被称为 "全球点唱机 "的摇滚音乐会 Live Aid;始于 20 世纪 90 年代并延续到 21 世纪和今天的 "摇滚投票 "运动;以及 2005 年为卡特里娜飓风受害者举办的国际广播慈善音乐会。在这次活动中,嘻哈艺术家坎耶-韦斯特(Kanye West)即兴脱稿说:"乔治-布什不关心黑人",在公共和私人空间引发了关于美国历史上和制度上根深蒂固的种族歧视的讨论,这种歧视在新奥尔良的堤坝破裂时暴露无遗(Dyson,2006 年)。2011 年,日本流行文化名人和动画师利用他们的影响力为地震和海啸受害者争取支持。这些例子说明,除了创造利润、定义社会规范和构成社会身份之外,流行文化还为社会问题的讨论提供了舞台

and can be instrumental in initiating social change. Given its centrality both socially and economically, let's take a look at how popular culture impacts intercultural communication in the context of globalization.

Cultural Identity 文化特性

Rachel, a White American student from Minneapolis, Minnesota, spent a semester teaching English to Somali women who came to the United States as refugees. Minnesota has the largest Somali population in North America. Rachel discusses her observations of how Somali women use popular culture-especially fashionto express themselves and maintain their culture:
雷切尔是一名来自明尼苏达州明尼阿波利斯市的美国白人学生,她花了一个学期的时间教作为难民来到美国的索马里妇女学习英语。明尼苏达州拥有北美最大的索马里人口。Rachel 讨论了她观察到的索马里妇女如何利用流行文化,尤其是时尚来表达自己和维护自己的文化:
Before I started working with Somali women, I had this stereotype that they are not very fashion-conscious. Because they have to cover their head and dress modestly for religious reasons, I thought they didn't really care about how they dressed. After getting to know some Somali women, I began to realize they actually take great pride in what they wear. They have amazing collections of skirts and dresses. The designs are more subtle than American fashion, but certainly detailed, well-made, and fun in their own way.
A young Somali woman told me that she would never leave Minnesota because the latest Somali fashions come to Minneapolis first. There are three Somali shopping centers where she buys the latest trends from Somalia. To my surprise, she has never lived in Somalia. She was born in a refugee camp in Kenya and then moved to the United States. She is still deeply connected to her homeland, and fashion is one way for her to maintain her connection as a second generation, diasporic Somali American.

Communication, and 交流,以及

Globalization 全球化

From the first pages of his book Globalization & American Popular Culture, political scientist Lane Crothers (2013) noted the seemingly odd juxtaposition of popular culture, which is often characterized as light, fun, and "just entertainment" with
政治学家莱恩-克罗瑟斯(Lane Crothers,2013 年)在其《全球化与美国大众文化》一书的开篇就指出,大众文化通常被描述为轻松、有趣、"只是娱乐",而这两者之间存在着看似奇怪的并置关系。

the weighty and important set of issues associated with globalization. Yet, he argued that what may appear at first glance as inconsequential forms of entertainment-films, TV programs, and popular music-are, in fact, key elements in contemporary globalization that alternately promote deeply felt desires for global integration and also mobilize adamant resistance to integration.
Consider the fact that American television programming, movies, and music are the dominant forms of entertainment globally and that more than of the revenue for U.S. films is generated from international sales (Crothers, 2013). Given its position as a global leader in the production of popular culture, the United States has led the international battle to reduce or remove restrictions on the flow of popular culture around the world, claiming popular culture is a commodity like any other. Yet, popular culture forms are not simply commodities like corn, cars, or computers. Many, including representatives of nation-states as well as local culture industries argue that popular culture products are embedded with cultural values, norms, and ideologies. What may seem like harmless and frivolous entertainment actually disseminates core U.S. cultural values, such as individualism, personal freedom, and consumerism around the globe; through the distribution and consumption of U.S. popular culture globally, particular cultural views on gender norms and gender relationships, sex, sexuality, and violence, as well as racial stereotypes and intercultural relations are normalized (Dines & Humez, 2015; Durham & Kellner, 2012). Thus, in addition to purely economic objections to U.S. global dominance of popular culture that drives national and local producers of cultural products out of business, various countries, notably France, Canada, and Australia initially, and Iran, Venezuela, more recently have resisted the unregulated flow
美国电视节目、电影和音乐是全球娱乐的主要形式,美国电影超过 的收入来自国际销售(Crothers, 2013)。鉴于其在全球流行文化生产中的领导地位,美国一直在国际上带头减少或取消对流行文化在全球流通的限制,声称流行文化与其他商品一样是一种商品。然而,大众文化形式并不像玉米、汽车或电脑那样是简单的商品。包括民族国家和地方文化产业代表在内的许多人都认为,大众文化产品蕴含着文化价值观、规范和意识形态。看似无害和无聊的娱乐活动实际上在全球传播着美国的核心文化价值观,如个人主义、个人自由和消费主义;通过美国流行文化在全球的传播和消费,关于性别规范和性别关系、性、性和暴力以及种族成见和跨文化关系的特定文化观点被正常化(Dines & Humez, 2015; Durham & Kellner, 2012)。因此,除了纯粹从经济角度反对美国对流行文化的全球主导地位导致国家和地方文化产品生产商破产之外,许多国家,尤其是法国、加拿大和澳大利亚,以及伊朗和委内瑞拉,最近也开始抵制不受管制的文化产品流动。
of cultural products arguing that popular culture can lead to cultural corruption, cultural homogenization, and cultural imperialism (Crothers, 2013).
Cultural corruption refers to the perceived and experienced alteration of a culture in negative or detrimental ways through the influence of other cultures. Cultural homogenization is the convergence toward common cultural values and practices as a result of global integration, and cultural imperialism is the domination of one culture

over others through cultural forms, such as popular culture, media, and cultural products. All three objections-cultural corruption, cultural homogenization, and cultural imperialism-focus on the dominance today of U.S. popular culture globally and the potentially significant ways this dominance may contribute to the loss, change, and/or undermining of national and local cultural practices, values, and identities. In 1993, French president François Mitterrand captured the rising fear, stating the following:
通过大众文化、媒体和文化产品等文化形式对他人的统治。这三种反对意见--文化腐败、文化同质化和文化帝国主义--都集中反映了当今美国流行文化在全球的主导地位,以及这种主导地位可能会导致国家和地方文化习俗、价值观和身份认同的丧失、改变和/或破坏。1993 年,法国总统弗朗索瓦-密特朗(François Mitterrand)抓住了人们日益增长的恐惧感,他说
Creations of the spirit are not just commodities; the elements of culture are not pure business. What is at stake is the cultural identities of all of our nations-it is the freedom to create and choose our own images. A society which abandons the means of depicting itself would soon be an enslaved society. (Shapiro, 2000)
精神创造不仅仅是商品,文化元素也不是纯粹的生意。这关系到我们所有民族的文化特性,关系到我们创造和选择自己形象的自由。一个放弃自我描绘手段的社会很快就会成为一个被奴役的社会。(夏皮罗,2000 年)
Globalization has often enabled and sometimes forced the integration of markets, politics, and cultures globally. Integration on a global scale has led to the fragmentation and disruption of economic, political, and cultural cohesiveness within nationstates and communities. Just as the massive and multidirectional migration of people around the globe discussed in the previous chapter has disrupted and fragmented economic, political, and social norms, so too the increased movement of cultural products and popular cultural forms has fragmented local and national cultural identities, values, norms, and practices. Political scientist James Rosenau (2003) has coined the word fragmegration to describe the dual and simultaneous dynamic of integration and fragmentation that has emerged in the context of globalization. The term fragmegration helps explain the dual, simultaneous, and often contradictory tensions of integration and fragmentation that accompany the spread of and resistance to U.S. popular culture in the context of globalization. Having defined basic terms and highlighted the contested intercultural issues of popular culture and globalization, we turn now to a discussion of global and regional media circuits.
全球化往往促成,有时甚至迫使全球市场、政治和文化一体化。全球范围的一体化导致了民族国家和社区内部经济、政治和文化凝聚力的分裂和破坏。正如上一章所讨论的全球人口大规模、多方向的迁移破坏和分裂了经济、政治和社会规范一样,文化产品和流行文化形式的日益流动也分裂了地方和国家的文化特性、价值观、规范和实践。政治学家詹姆斯-罗森诺(James Rosenau,2003 年)创造了 "碎片化"(fragmegration)一词,用来描述全球化背景下出现的一体化和碎片化的双重和同步动态。fragmegration(碎片化)一词有助于解释在全球化背景下,伴随着美国流行文化的传播和抵制而出现的整合与碎片化的双重、同时且往往相互矛盾的紧张关系。在定义了基本术语并强调了大众文化和全球化的跨文化争议问题之后,我们现在来讨论全球和地区媒体线路。
The following examples of fragmegration, the simultaneous dynamic of integration and fragmentation, illustrate how popular culture is experienced in the context of globalization. Many in France are outraged by what they experience as the corrosive influence of U.S. popular culture. English is increasingly part of casual conversations and daily business practices in France as evidenced by terms, such as le deal and le cash flow. "Bazinga" is becoming as common in France as bonjour as a result of the popularity of the Big Bang Theory. Outcries that U.S. popular culture is an assault on French language and national identity exemplify the concern about cultural corruption.
以下关于 "碎片化"(fragmegration)的例子,即融合与碎片化同时发生的动态,说明了在全球化背景下人们是如何体验流行文化的。许多法国人对美国流行文化的腐蚀性影响感到愤怒。在法国,英语越来越多地成为休闲对话和日常商务活动的一部分,le deal(交易)和le cash flow(现金流)等术语就是证明。由于《生活大爆炸》的热播,"Bazinga "在法国变得和 "bonjour "一样常见。美国流行文化对法语和民族认同感的攻击,充分体现了对文化腐败的担忧。
In Iran today, where more than two thirds of the population is under the age of 30 , U.S. popular culture and messages are very alluring. Adaption by youth of cultural practices and values expressed through music, movies, and fashion from the United States and the West illustrates the tendency toward cultural homogenization as a result of global integration. Social networking sites, particularly Facebook and Twitter, played central roles in Iran and subsequently during the Arab Spring as youth posted pictures, videos, and
在今天的伊朗,三分之二以上的人口年龄在 30 岁以下,美国的流行文化和信息极具诱惑力。年轻人对美国和西方通过音乐、电影和时尚表达的文化习俗和价值观的适应,说明了全球一体化带来的文化同质化趋势。社交网站,尤其是 Facebook 和 Twitter,在伊朗以及随后的 "阿拉伯之春 "期间发挥了核心作 用,因为年轻人在这些网站上发布图片、视频和信息。
text to expose repressive regimes and mobilize activists. The Egyptian government attempted to stop the use of social media for revolutionary purposes by shutting down the Internet across the nation. Thus, U.S. popular culture and new media are both desired and resisted for social and political reasons.

Global and Regional 全球和地区

Media Circuits 媒体电路

Remember Avatar, the most commercially successful film ever made? Communication scholar Tanner Mirrlees (2013) noted Avatar was touted by many as a quintessentially "American" film, a product of Hollywood, at the center of American cultural industries; yet, Avatar is not only an American film. It is the product of News Corp, a transnational media corporation with stockholders from many countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, and the United States and is owned by Rupert Murdoch, a binational citizen of Australia; the U.S. Twentieth Century Fox corporation is owned by News Corp and has transnational distribution subsidiaries in Finland, Czech Republic, Portugal, Japan, and Latvia among other countries. James Cameron, the director of Avatar, has binational citizenship in New Zealand and Canada. While many of the film's stars are U.S. born and the production and post-production were managed by U.S. companies, the male star, Sam Worthington, was born in England and raised in Australia; firms around the world (Canada, France, New Zealand, Japan, and the United States) participated in the creation of the film. Parts of the movie were shot in the United States, but it was primarily filmed in New Zealand with government subsidies. So, is Avatar an American film?
还记得有史以来商业上最成功的电影《阿凡达》吗?传播学者坦纳-米尔利斯(Tanner Mirrlees,2013 年)指出,《阿凡达》被许多人吹捧为一部典型的 "美国 "电影,是好莱坞的产物,是美国文化产业的中心;然而,《阿凡达》不仅仅是一部美国电影。它是新闻集团的产品,新闻集团是一家跨国传媒公司,股东来自沙特阿拉伯、英国和美国等多个国家,其所有人是澳大利亚双重国籍公民鲁珀特-默多克;美国二十世纪福克斯公司为新闻集团所有,在芬兰、捷克共和国、葡萄牙、日本和拉脱维亚等国设有跨国发行子公司。阿凡达》的导演詹姆斯-卡梅隆拥有新西兰和加拿大的双重国籍。虽然影片中的许多明星都在美国出生,制作和后期制作也由美国公司管理,但男主角萨姆-沃辛顿(Sam Worthington)出生在英国,在澳大利亚长大;世界各地的公司(加拿大、法国、新西兰、日本和美国)都参与了影片的创作。电影的部分镜头在美国拍摄,但主要是在政府补贴下在新西兰拍摄的。那么,《阿凡达》是一部美国电影吗?
Avatar has been interpreted as an allegory of Western and U.S. imperialism and critiqued as

a neocolonial view of naïve, innocent, and pure indigenous "others" who are rescued and liberated by yet another White male "savior." Still, activists have repurposed Avatar, finding parallels and identification with the experiences of oppressed people around the world (Jenkins, 2010). Marginalized people in India, Bolivia, South Africa, and Palestine have appropriated Avatar as a sign of resistance to capitalism, neoliberalism, and militarization that destroy natural environments and local cultures, and violate human rights. Mirrlees (2013) contends that Avatar, open to multiple and often contradictory readings, is a form of global popular culture rather than distinctly American.
在新殖民主义的视角下,天真、纯洁的土著 "他者 "被另一个白人男性 "救世主 "拯救和解放。尽管如此,活动家们还是对《阿凡达》进行了重新诠释,发现它与世界各地受压迫人民的经历相似,并得到了他们的认同(Jenkins,2010 年)。印度、玻利维亚、南非和巴勒斯坦的边缘化人群将《阿凡达》作为抵制资本主义、新自由主义和军事化的标志,因为资本主义、新自由主义和军事化破坏了自然环境和当地文化,侵犯了人权。Mirrlees(2013)认为,《阿凡达》可以被多重解读,而且往往是相互矛盾的解读,它是一种全球流行文化,而不是美国特有的文化。
Jeremy Tunstall (2008), author of The Media Were American, argued that we need to understand global flows of media today in terms of Euro-American dominance rather than focusing solely on the United States as the primary force. He used the term Euro-American to refer to the continents of Europe and South and North America, which are the main importers and exporters of media around the globe. While the United States remains central to the production of media and popular culture, many of the films made in Hollywood are collabo- rations with British and Canadian partners. In the past decade, a number of TV programs immensely popular with U.S. audiences did not originate in the United States. Programs such as Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? and The Weakest Link were British, and the reality show Big Brother was created in the Netherlands. Additionally, over the past decades, South American telenovelas produced in countries with large viewing audiences, such as Brazil, Mexico, Venezuela, Argentina, and Chile, are now imported to over 125 countries around the world they are especially popular in Italy, Greece, Spain, Portugal, France, and Sweden as well as Eastern Europe, Russia, India, Philippines, and Vietnam (Aldama & Rojas, 2013). While U.S. soaps are still shown regularly around the world, Tunstall (2008) noted that Latin American telenovelas, despite or perhaps because of their rags-to-riches plots, are finding greater appeal than depictions of glitzy affluence in U.S. soap operas.
媒体是美国人》一书的作者杰里米-滕斯托尔(Jeremy Tunstall,2008 年)认为,我们需要从欧美主导地位的角度来理解当今媒体的全球流动,而不是仅仅将美国作为主要力量。他用 "欧美 "一词来指欧洲大陆、南美洲和北美洲,它们是全球媒体的主要进口国和出口国。虽然美国仍然是媒体和大众文化生产的中心,但好莱坞制作的许多电影都是与英国和加拿大的合作伙伴合作完成的。在过去十年中,许多深受美国观众欢迎的电视节目并非源自美国。谁想成为百万富翁》(Who Wants to Be a Millionaire?此外,在过去的几十年里,在巴西、墨西哥、委内瑞拉、阿根廷和智利等拥有大量观众的国家制作的南美电视连续剧现在被引进到全世界超过 125 个国家,它们在意大利、希腊、西班牙、葡萄牙、法国和瑞典以及东欧、俄罗斯、印度、菲律宾和越南尤其受欢迎(Aldama & Rojas, 2013)。尽管美国肥皂剧仍在世界各地定期播出,但 Tunstall(2008 年)指出,尽管或可能因为其 "从贫穷到富裕 "的情节,拉丁美洲的电视连续剧比美国肥皂剧中对华丽富裕生活的描述更具吸引力。
As telenovelas are exported around the globe, they not only expose people in distant places and different cultures to the narratives, social realities, and cultural practices of Latin America, but they also serve a central function for diasporic Latin Ameri-

can communities. Forms of popular culture, such as TV programs and movies from migrants' countries of origin, allow migrant communities to stay in touch with, remember, and recreate their cultural identities. While telenovelas produced in Latin America have long been popular among U.S. Latinos/Latinas, in 2006, TV executives from the top two Spanish-language networks-Univision and Telemundo-began writing and producing shows in Miami. Washington Post writer Peter Whoriskey (2006) reported that executives hope to hook more Hispanics "by depicting the realities of U.S. life, where dating and class distinctions-the staples of many a melodrama-adhere to different rules than in other countries." Whoriskey quoted Telemundo President Don Browne:
文化的形式,如来自移民原籍国的电视节目和电影。流行文化的形式,如来自移民原籍国的电视节目和电影,使移民社区能够与他们的文化身份保持联系,记住并重新创造他们的文化身份。长期以来,拉美地区制作的电视连续剧一直深受美国拉美裔/拉丁裔的欢迎。2006 年,两大西班牙语电视网--Univision 和 Telemundo- 的电视管理人员开始在迈阿密撰写和制作节目。华盛顿邮报》作家 Peter Whoriskey(2006 年)报道说,管理人员希望 "通过描绘美国的现实生活来吸引更多的拉美裔美国人","在美国,约会和阶级差别--许多情节剧的主要内容--遵循着与其他国家不同的规则"。Whoriskey 引用了 Telemundo 总裁 Don Browne 的一段话:

Abstract 摘要

A lot of our audience came from Mexico, they're Mexican, but their life experiences are much different than people who haven't emigrated. The humor is different. The pacing is different. It was critical for us to be more relevant. Everyone reduces their appeal down to language-and it's not just language. It's cultural relevance.

Increasingly, the 50 million Latinos/Latinas in the United States, including bilingual viewers who could be watching the major U.S. networks, are drawn to telenovelas, such as Univision's blockbuster Amores Verdaderos (True Love) and La Madrastra (The Stepmother).
美国 5000 万拉丁裔/拉美裔观众,包括可能收看美国主要电视网的双语观众,越来越多地被电视连续剧所吸引,如 Univision 的大片《Amores Verdaderos》(《真爱》)和《La Madrastra》(《继母》)。
While Euro-American media and popular culture remain dominant in the global flow of media today, the world's most densely populated countriesIndia and China-represent significant audiences of regional importance, especially when combined with the large diasporic communities from each country living around the world. Tunstall (2008) noted that large population countries like India and China as well as the United States, Mexico, and Brazil are much less likely to import media because they have the capacity to produce media for their internal audiences. Large population countries, however, do generally export their media regionally and increasingly, in the current context, globally. International communication scholar Daya Kishan Thussu (2010) noted that India is one of the only non-Western countries that has impacted the global cultural market. In terms of production and viewership, India's film industry, based in
尽管欧美媒体和流行文化在当今全球媒体流动中仍占主导地位,但世界上人口最稠密的国家--印度和中国--却代表着具有地区重要性的重要受众,尤其是当这两个国家的大量侨民生活在世界各地时。Tunstall(2008 年)指出,像印度和中国这样的人口大国以及美国、墨西哥和巴西不太可能进口媒体,因为它们有能力为本国受众制作媒体。然而,人口众多的国家通常会在地区范围内出口媒体,而且在当前情况下,越来越多的国家会在全球范围内出口媒体。国际传播学者 Daya Kishan Thussu(2010 年)指出,印度是影响全球文化市场的唯一非西方国家之一。在电影制作和观众数量方面,印度电影业的基地位于
Mumbai (formerly Bombay giving rise to the name "Bollywood"), is the largest in the world. Annually, 1 billion more tickets are sold to Indian films than Hollywood films (Thussu, 2010). In 2013, the United States produced about 620 feature films while India produced roughly 1,325 films, yet Indian superstar Shah Ruhk Khan remains relatively unknown outside India and the diasporic Indian communities around the world. Nevertheless, the popularity of films like 100-Foot Journey, Heaven and Earth, My Name is Khan, and Namesake suggests that as Indian films address the challenges of diasporic communities in France, Canada, and the United States, they increasingly appeal to a broader crossover audience.
孟买(原孟买,"宝莱坞 "之名由此而来)是世界上最大的城市。每年售出的印度电影票比好莱坞电影票多 10 亿张(Thussu,2010 年)。2013 年,美国制作了约 620 部故事片,而印度则制作了约 1,325 部电影,但印度巨星沙鲁克-汗在印度和散居世界各地的印度人社区之外仍相对默默无闻。然而,《百尺之旅》、《天堂与大地》、《我的名字叫可汗》和《名字》等影片的热映表明,随着印度电影应对散居在法国、加拿大和美国的社区所面临的挑战,它们越来越吸引更广泛的跨文化观众。
Like telenovelas for the Latino/Latina audiences living outside Latin America, Indian films play a critical role in the lives of many diasporic Indians. A participant in communication scholar Anjali Ram's (2004) research commented that Hindi films allow "our children to be educated in their own culture, to know about our own childhood, how we grew up -children get to understand about our culture and that in reality, we are foreigners here" (p. 128). Ram noted the following:
对于生活在拉丁美洲以外的拉丁裔/拉美裔观众来说,印度电影就像电视连续剧一样,在许多散居国外的印度人的生活中发挥着至关重要的作用。一位参与传播学者 Anjali Ram(2004 年)研究的人评论说,印地语电影让 "我们的孩子接受自己文化的教育,了解我们自己的童年,了解我们是如何成长的--孩子们可以了解我们的文化,了解实际上我们在这里是外国人"(第 128 页)。Ram 指出以下几点:
... it is clear that Hindi cinema functions as much more than entertainment. Rather, it facilitates and shapes recollections, it allows the past to be reconstructed within the present context, and it provides an emotionally charged technicolor medium through which the past can be shared and communicated with others, both in everyday contexts and shared commemorative events. (p. 129)
......很明显,印度电影的功能远不止娱乐。相反,它促进并塑造了回忆,让过去在现在的背景下得以重构,并提供了一种充满情感的科技色彩媒介,通过这种媒介,无论是在日常环境中还是在共同的纪念活动中,都可以与他人分享和交流过去。(p. 129)

In contrast, small population countries in Central America, the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia are solely dependent on media imports. More than one third of the countries of the world produce no films at all and are dependent on regional and global sources for much of their TV programming. Interestingly, in both small and large population countries, people around the world prefer to watch the news, soap operas, and dramas in their own languages, with culturally relevant content and culturally familiar formats when possible.
The predominance of the Euro-American media circuit combines with regional and diasporic media circuits to create dynamic and contradictory challenges for intercultural communication in the global context. Tunstall (2008) stated the following:
欧美媒体线路的主导地位与地区和散居地媒体线路相结合,为全球背景下的跨文化传播带来了动态和矛盾的挑战。Tunstall (2008) 指出
Most people in almost all other countries spend a tenth or more of their media time with media imported, typically, from the United States and/or from one or two other countries. Consequently, most of the world's people have some sustained exposure to the history, culture, and mythology of one or two other countries. (p. xiv)
几乎所有其他国家的大多数人都把十分之一或更多的媒体时间花在从美国和/或其他一两个国家引进的媒体上。因此,世界上大多数人都能持续接触到其他一两个国家的历史、文化和神话。(第 xiv 页)
Clearly, the circulation of media regionally and globally escalates the flow of information and images interculturally, which exposes people to different cultures, yet this exposure can fragment and disrupt local and national cultural identities. Also, as noted in the examples of Latinos/Latinas in the United States and the diasporic Indian communities, the circulation of media and popular culture creates hybrid transnational cultural identities in the global context by re-collecting and reconstituting diasporic identities. Additionally, the predominance of U.S. media and popular culture internationally has been instrumental in constructing a global semiculture where people from far-reaching countries and cultures-in France, India, Guatemala, Iran, Thailand, South
显然,媒体在地区和全球范围内的流通使信息和图像在文化间的流动升级,这使人们 接触到不同的文化,但这种接触会分裂和破坏地方和民族的文化特性。此外,正如在美国的拉美裔/拉丁裔以及散居国外的印第安人社区的例子中所指出的,媒体和流行文化的流通通过重新收集和重组散居国外者的身份,在全球范围内创造了混合的跨国文化身份。Additionally, the predominance of U.S. media and popular culture internationally has been instrumental in constructing a global semiculture where people from far-reaching countries and cultures-in France, India, Guatemala, Iran, Thailand, South
Korea, China, and the United States, for exampleshare some aspects of U.S. popular culture, yet the pervasiveness of U.S. popular culture and English (more particularly American English) has led to the decline and hybridization of local cultures and languages, threatening cultural and linguistic diversity around the world. Tunstall (2008) succinctly articulated another concern:
然而,美国流行文化和英语(尤其是美式英语)的普及导致了当地文化和语言的衰落和混杂,威胁着世界各地的文化和语言多样性。Tunstall(2008 年)简明扼要地阐述了另一个令人担忧的问题:
The United States remains unique in that most Americans are exposed almost entirely to their own nation's history, culture, and mythology. What do they know (of a supposedly global reality) who only American media know? (p. xiv)
美国的独特之处在于,大多数美国人接触到的几乎完全是自己国家的历史、文化和神话。他们知道什么(所谓的全球现实),只有美国媒体知道吗?(第 xiv 页)
While the dominance of the United States in terms of media and popular culture may appear beneficial to the United States and to Americans, a lack of understanding of other cultures' perspectives, histories, lifestyles, values, and ideologies is a distinct disadvantage and disturbing danger of this asymmetrical flow. The one-sided view that many people in the United States have as a result of consuming only or primarily U.S. media and popular culture can and often does lead to misperceptions, misunderstanding, ignorance, stereotypes, and prejudice about other ethnicities/races as well as national cultural groups. One of the contradictions of globalization for people living in the United States is that while the world is increasingly interconnected and integrated, Americans can and do live relatively uninformed about the perspectives, and insulated from the conditions, of others around the world due to the inequitable and uneven flows of media and popular culture. Now that we have a broad picture of how media and popular culture circulate globally and regionally, we examine in greater depth the processes of meaning-making involved in the production and consumption of popular culture.

Producing and Consuming 生产与消费

When studying popular culture, media, and communication, scholars often look at three areas: (1) the production or encoding of popular culture, where the institutions, the people, and the relationships of power involved in making popular culture products or texts are studied; (2) textual analysis, where the actual product or text-the TV program or film, such as The Big Bang Theory or Avatar, for example-is analyzed for symbolic meaning and narrative content; and (3) audience analysis, where the meanings and interpretations that viewers/ readers/listeners decode from popular culture text are investigated. It may seem a bit odd to ask what meanings are constructed by particular forms of popular culture, yet the production and consumption of popular culture involves ongoing meaningmaking processes that establish social norms, constitute identities, disseminate dominant ideologies, and allow for oppositional meanings to emerge. Given the asymmetrical distribution of popular culture around the globe that has led to claims of

cultural corruption, cultural homogenization, and cultural imperialism, it is important to understand the meaning-making processes and their consequences in the production and consumption of popular culture.
Cultural studies scholar Stuart Hall (1980), in his article titled "Encoding/Decoding," offered a model that helps us understand the processes of meaningmaking that occur as popular culture is produced and consumed. His original research in the 1970s focused on understanding the meanings people made of TV programs in Britain. He examined the ways in which people in England decoded mass mediated messages that were encoded by program producers. Hall noted that decoding, or the active interpretative and sense-making processes of audiences, is as important as encoding, or the construction of mass mediated meaning by culture industries. Further, Hall (1980) argued that "decoding does not necessarily follow from encoding" (p. 136), emphasizing the interpretative agency audiences have in producing meaning. Let's take a look at his model (see Figure 7.1).
文化研究学者斯图尔特-霍尔(Stuart Hall,1980 年)在其题为 "编码/解码 "的文章中提出了一个模型,帮助我们理解大众文化在生产和消费过程中的意义生成过程。他在 20 世纪 70 年代的最初研究侧重于了解英国人对电视节目的理解。他研究了英国人如何解码由节目制作者编码的大众传媒信息。霍尔指出,解码(即受众的主动解释和意义生成过程)与编码(即文化产业对大众传媒意义的建构)同样重要。此外,霍尔(1980 年)还认为,"解码并不一定来自编码"(第 136 页),强调了受众在产生意义时的解释能动性。让我们来看看他的模型(见图 7.1)。

According to Hall, "meaning structures 1" and "meaning structures 2" may not be the same. Agreement between the meanings that are encoded and those that are decoded depends on the degree of symmetry between the social and institutional positions of the encoder-producer and the decoderreceiver. The structural differences of relation and position between the media/popular culture producer (meaning structures 1) and the audience (meaning structures 2) may lead to the creation of different meanings. While Hall argued that all stages of the meaning-making are imprinted within complex structures of dominance, he stressed the important role that social, economic, cultural, and political positionality play in both the encoding and decoding of popular culture texts. Hall outlined three broad ways of "reading" popular culture texts: (1) a dominant or hegemonic reading, (2) a negotiated reading, and (3) an oppositional reading. A dominant reading is one where the viewer or reader shares the meanings that are encoded in the text and accepts the preferred reading, which generally naturalizes and reinforces dominant ideologies. A negotiated reading is one where the reader or viewer generally shares the codes and preferred meanings of the texts, but may also
霍尔认为,"意义结构 1 "和 "意义结构 2 "可能并不相同。被编码的意义和被解码的意义之间是否一致,取决于编码者--生产者和解码者--接收者的社会和制度地位之间的对称程度。媒体/大众文化生产者(意义结构 1)和受众(意义结构 2)之间在关系和地位上的结构性差异可能会导致不同意义的产生。霍尔认为,意义生成的各个阶段都烙印在复杂的统治结构中,同时他强调了社会、经济、文化和政治地位在大众文化文本的编码和解码过程中的重要作用。霍尔概括了三大 "解读 "流行文化文本的方式:(1) 统治或霸权阅读,(2) 协商阅读,(3) 对立阅读。主导性阅读是指观众或读者认同文本中的意义,并接受首选的阅读方式,这种阅读方式通常会归化和强化主流意识形态。协商阅读是指读者或观众通常认同文本中的编码和首选含义,但也可能

resist and modify the encoded meaning based on her or his positionality, interests, and experiences resulting in a contradictory reading of the text. An oppositional reading is one where the social position (in terms of class, race, gender, religion, nationality, ideology, etc.) of the viewer or reader of the text places them in opposition to the dominant code and preferred reading of the popular culture text. The reader understands the dominant code yet brings an alternative frame of reference, which leads him or her to resist the encoded meaning. An oppositional reading is not simply the negation of the dominant reading; rather, it is a reading that opposes the ideologies that are taken for granted in the dominant reading. An oppositional reading generates alternative ways of understanding and making sense of the text creating new possibilities for living and being in the world.
Figure 7.1 Are Encoded and Decoded Meanings the Same? Are Meanings Negotiated?
图 7.1 编码和解码的含义相同吗?意义是协商的吗?
Source: From Culture, Media, Language by
Stuart Hall. Copyright © 1980 Taylor & Francis. Reproduced by permission of Taylor & Francis Books UK.
斯图尔特-霍尔版权 © 1980 Taylor & Francis。经 Taylor & Francis Books UK 许可转载。
Let's take the Spider-Man film series (Spider-Man was released in 2002, Spider-Man 2 in 2004, and Spider-Man 3 in 2007) to illustrate the concept of dominant, negotiated, and oppositional readings of popular culture texts. The Spider-Man film series is based on the Marvel Comics character created in the 1960s-a groundbreaking comic in that the main character was a teenage superhero with all the insecurities of rejection and loneliness to which a growing adolescent comic book market could relate (Wright, 2001). In the three films to date, the "geeky" Peter Parker from Queens struggles
让我们以《蜘蛛侠》系列电影(《蜘蛛侠》于 2002 年上映,《蜘蛛侠 2》于 2004 年上映,《蜘蛛侠 3》于 2007 年上映)为例,说明流行文化文本的主导性解读、协商性解读和对立性解读的概念。蜘蛛侠》系列电影改编自 Marvel 漫画公司在 20 世纪 60 年代创作的漫画人物--这是一部开创性的漫画,其主角是一位青少年超级英雄,他的不安全感、被排斥感和孤独感与日益壮大的青少年漫画市场息息相关(Wright,2001 年)。在迄今为止的三部电影中,来自皇后区的 "怪才 "彼得-帕克(Peter Parker)一直在挣扎。
to balance choices and responsibilities presented by his human desires and his superhuman abilities. As he transforms into Spider-Man to fight an array of evil villains that threaten New York City, including Green Goblin, Dr. Octopus, Sandman, New Goblin, and Venom, he also negotiates a romantic relationship with his childhood crush, Mary Jane Watson. The monstrous villains are humanmade mistakes. They are accidents produced when exaggerated ambitions and inflated egos of men combine with futuristic science and technology. Parker's best friend, Harry Osborn, is torn between friendship and avenging the death of his father, a scientist and CEO of Oscorp who morphed into the Green Goblin and died in a duel with Spider-Man. Mary Jane is "the girl next door," a victim of domestic abuse and an aspiring actress who plays the role of girlfriend to four different men in the three films as her love for Peter Parker waxes and wanes. As the true love of Spider-Man, she is the target of numerous captures by various villains and heroic rescues by Spider-Man and Harry (who has become the New Goblin).
在人类欲望和超人能力之间做出选择并承担责任。他变身蜘蛛侠,与威胁纽约市的绿妖精、章鱼博士、沙人、新妖精和毒液等一系列邪恶反派展开斗争,同时还与儿时暗恋的玛丽-简-沃森商谈一段浪漫的恋情。可怕的反派都是人类犯下的错误。他们是人类夸大的野心和膨胀的自负与未来科技相结合产生的意外。帕克最好的朋友哈里-奥斯本(Harry Osborn)纠结于友谊和为父亲报仇之间,他的父亲是奥斯公司的科学家和首席执行官,在与蜘蛛侠的决斗中变成了绿妖精而死。玛丽-简是 "邻家女孩",是家庭虐待的受害者,也是一位有抱负的女演员,她在三部电影中扮演了四个不同男人的女朋友,她对彼得-帕克的爱也时好时坏。作为蜘蛛侠的真爱,她是各种反派多次抓捕的目标,也是蜘蛛侠和哈利(已成为新妖精)英勇营救的对象。
  • A dominant reading of the Spider-Man film series is as follows: The world we live in is a dangerous

    and treacherous place divided between forces of good and evil. People need protection from evil or villainous forces, which can take many different forms-even science, which is usually considered a force of progress and good, can be turned to disastrous ends. Fortunately, however, average or even nerdy, working-class boys can grow up to be superheros and can serve as role models if they believe in themselves and take responsibility for the power they have. Making the right choices is difficult in the complex, competitive, capitalist-driven world, but individuals, by making the right decisions, can succeed, saving and protecting others less capable or fortunate.
  • A negotiated reading of the Spider-Man film series is as follows: Yes, the world is a dangerous place divided between good and evil, but why is the superhero always a boy/man, and why are all the main characters in the film White? Are the only people who can save or destroy the world White men? The female characters in the film-from Mary Jane to the secretaries in the newspaper officeare presented as passive "damsels-in-distress" in stereotypically domestic roles or revered and prized for their beauty and bodies. Fortunately, Mary Jane is represented as making some choices in her dedication to her career, as well as which boyfriend she wants. Women, apparently, do have choices-just more limited ones than men.
    对《蜘蛛侠》系列电影的协商解读如下:是的,这个世界是一个善恶分明的危险之地,但为什么超级英雄总是一个男孩/男人,为什么电影中的主角都是白人?难道只有白人才能拯救或毁灭世界吗?影片中的女性角色--从玛丽-简到报社的秘书--都以被动的 "女主角 "形象出现,扮演着刻板的家庭角色,或因其美貌和身材而备受推崇。幸运的是,《玛丽简》中的玛丽简在献身事业和选择男友方面做出了一些选择。显然,女性确实有选择,只是比男性的选择更有限。
  • An oppositional reading of the Spider-Man film series is as follows: All the evil or "bad" things that are presented in the films-from the demonic villains, to the misrepresentation of Spider-Man in the media, to the foreclosure of Aunt May's house -were caused by the greed for money, power, and fame in a capitalist, corporatized, militarized society. The situations people were in had less to do with their individual decisions and more to do with the oppressive and exploitative corporate, media, criminal, and military systems that are depicted as "normal" in the films. The emphasis on individual choice masks the systemic oppression that creates the "evil" from which Spider-Man-the young, White, superhero male-must rescue and protect the vulnerable masses.
    对《蜘蛛侠》系列电影的反面解读如下:电影中呈现的所有邪恶或 "坏事"--从恶魔般的反派,到媒体对蜘蛛侠的歪曲,再到梅姨的房子被取消赎回权--都是由资本主义、公司化和军事化社会中对金钱、权力和名声的贪婪造成的。人们所处的境况与其个人的决定关系不大,更多的是与压迫性和剥削性的企业、媒体、犯罪和军事系统有关,而这些在电影中被描述为 "正常"。对个人选择的强调掩盖了造成 "邪恶 "的系统性压迫,而蜘蛛侠--年轻的白人男性超级英雄--必须从 "邪恶 "中拯救和保护弱势群体。
This example illustrates how dominant, negotiated, and oppositional readings of the text differ. The varied readings of the Spider-Man film series also demonstrate how ideologies central to U.S. cul-

ture-such as individualism; freedom of choice; equality; the irrelevance of class, gender, and race; and the valorization of capitalism-are encoded and normalized in the text. Consumers of media and popular culture texts can make decisions to resist or challenge dominant readings; however, the ability to develop a negotiated or oppositional reading depends on being conscious of how one's individual or group-based interests are undermined by the passive acceptance of dominant ideologies. People or groups for whom the dominant reading is less than beneficial—people who are disadvantaged or oppressed in the capitalist system, nonWhite people and women, for example-may be more likely to negotiate and oppose the dominant reading. Now that we have a general overview of the process of producing and consuming popular culture, let's look more closely at how cultural and racial groups are represented in popular culture and the ways individuals and groups negotiate these representations.
Media and popular culture serve as primary channels through which we learn about groups who are different from ourselves, as well as make sense of who we are. Through the consumption of media and popular culture, children, teenagers, and adults are fed a steady diet of images that often promote and reinforce stereotypes and misinformation about cultural groups. A study conducted at the University of Southern California (Smith, Choueiti, & Pieper, 2013) found that minorities are still underrepresented in film. Evaluating 500 top grossing films from 2007 to 2012 , researchers found that of all speaking roles were White, were Black, were Asian, and were from other racial/ethnic backgrounds. Latino/as or Hispanics were particularly underrepresented with only speaking roles. A strong relationship was found between the race of the director and the race of the cast. Communication scholar Pieper noted, "At the core, this is a visibility issue. Who we see in film sends a powerful message about who is important and whose stories are valuable, both to international audiences and to younger viewers in our own country.... Are films communicating to audiences that only certain stories are worth telling?" (Keegan, 2013). In addition, researchers found that Latina/Hispanic women are most likely to be shown in sexy clothing or nude, while Black men are the least likely to be depicted in committed relationships.
媒体和大众文化是我们了解与自己不同的群体以及认识自己的主要渠道。通过媒体和流行文化的消费,儿童、青少年和成年人被源源不断地灌输各种形象,而这些形象往往会宣扬和强化对文化群体的刻板印象和错误信息。南加州大学进行的一项研究(Smith, Choueiti, & Pieper, 2013)发现,少数民族在电影中的代表性仍然不足。研究人员对 2007 年至 2012 年 500 部最卖座的电影进行了评估,发现 所有发言的角色都是白人, 是黑人, 是亚裔, 来自其他种族/族裔背景。拉美裔或西班牙裔的代表性尤其不足,仅有 扮演演讲角色。导演的种族与演员的种族之间存在着密切的关系。传播学者皮珀指出:"从根本上说,这是一个能见度问题。我们在电影中看到的人向国际观众和本国年轻观众传递了一个强有力的信息,即谁是重要的,谁的故事是有价值的....。电影是否在向观众传达只有某些故事才值得讲述的信息?此外,研究人员发现,拉丁裔/西班牙裔女性最有可能以性感服装或裸体示人,而黑人男性则最不可能被描绘成有承诺的关系。
Limited representations of non-White groups in the United States media have damaging effects as nondominant groups are more frequently represented as criminals, crime victims, and in limited roles in terms of work. While the number of representations of Blacks has increased on TV and in films over the past 30 years, the preponderance of images of African American males in stereotypically negatives roles, such as criminals, pimps, drug dealers, and gang members continues a 200 -year tradition of denigrating, dehumanizing, and devaluing Blacks in the U.S. media. Education scholar Darron
美国媒体对非白人群体的表现有限,造成了破坏性影响,因为非主流群体更多地被表现为罪犯、犯罪受害者和工作方面的有限角色。过去 30 年来,虽然电视和电影中表现黑人的数量有所增加,但非裔美国男性在刻板印象中扮演罪犯、皮条客、毒贩和帮派成员等负面角色的形象占绝大多数,这延续了美国媒体 200 年来诋毁、非人化和贬低黑人的传统。教育学者 Darron
Smith (2013) notes that other typical roles for Black men include the White protagonist's sidekick, the comic relief, the athlete, the over-sexualized player, or simply the token Black. Popular shows on prime-
Smith (2013) 指出,黑人男性的其他典型角色还包括白人主角的跟班、滑稽帮凶、运动员、性欲过强的玩家,或者仅仅是象征性的黑人。黄金时段的热门节目

time TV and cinematic films overwhelming cast White characters and reflect the interest of White people. The predominantly White film and TV industry, and White screenwriters and directors, who write and direct from their perspective, often limit and marginalize the lived experiences and standpoints of people of color.
Latinos/Latinas, Asian Americans, Native Americans, Arab Americans, and other nondominant groups have been relatively invisible in U.S.produced TV programs and films. When appearing, non-White groups are frequently cast as socially deviant elements; as less moral, less intelligent, or "primitive"; as comic figures; or as threats to dominant U.S. or White cultural norms, values, and superiority. Latinos appeared early on in TV history in programs, such as I Love Lucy and Cisco Kid, in a few situational comedies appearing in the 1970 s (Chico and the Man and Viva Valdez), in star roles in the 1980s and 1990s (notably Edward James Olmos in Miami Vice and Jimmy Smits in L.A. Law); however, the first network series featuring an all-Latino/ Latina cast, Kingpin, appearing in 2002, depicted "a Mexican drug lord and his family of stereotypical characters" (Wilson, Gutiérrez, & Chao, 2013).
在美国制作的电视节目和电影中,拉丁美洲人/拉丁裔美国人、亚裔美国人、土著美国人、阿拉伯裔美国人和其他非主流群体一直相对隐蔽。在出现时,非白人群体往往被塑造成社会异类;道德水平较低、智力较低或 "原始";滑稽形象;或对美国或白人主流文化规范、价值观和优越感构成威胁。在电视史上,拉美人很早就出现在《我爱露西》(I Love Lucy)和《思科小子》(Cisco Kid)等节目中,在 20 世纪 70 年代出现在一些情景喜剧中(《奇科与男人》(Chico and the Man)和《瓦尔迪兹万岁》(Viva Valdez)),在 20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代扮演明星角色(尤其是《迈阿密风云》(Miami Vice)中的爱德华-詹姆斯-奥尔莫斯(Edward James Olmos)和《洛杉矶法律》(L.A.Law》中的吉米-斯密茨);然而,第一部以全拉美裔/拉丁裔演员为主角的网络连续剧《枭雄》(Kingpin)出现在 2002 年,描绘的是 "一个墨西哥毒枭和他的刻板角色家庭"(Wilson、Gutiérrez 和 Chao,2013 年)。
In The Guardian newspaper, cultural critic Priya Elan (2014) comments on the cultural stereotypes rampant in pop music. In 2004, Gwen Stefani released her first solo album, including a poignant song "Long Way to Go" about the challenges faced by mixed race couples; yet, the album featured girls, identically dressed backup dancers who never spoke, an "ethnic posse" for Stefani to use like decoration. Comedian Margaret Cho (2005) sarcastically commented on Stefani's Harajuku girls saying:
文化评论家 Priya Elan(2014 年)在《卫报》上评论了流行音乐中肆虐的文化刻板印象。2004 年,格温-斯蒂芬妮(Gwen Stefani)发行了她的第一张个人专辑,其中有一首凄美的歌曲《Long Way to Go》,讲述了混血夫妇所面临的挑战;然而,这张专辑中却出现了一些女孩,她们穿着相同的伴舞,从不说话,是斯蒂芬妮用来装饰的 "民族装束"。喜剧演员玛格丽特-周(Margaret Cho,2005 年)讽刺斯蒂芬妮的原宿女孩们说:"我们的原宿女孩们都是'民族主义者':
. . . racial stereotypes are really cute sometimes, and I don't want to bum everyone out by pointing out the minstrel show. I think it is totally acceptable to enjoy the Harajuku girls, because there are not that many other Asian people out there in the media really, so we have to take whatever we can get. Amos' Andy had lots of fans, didn't they? At least it is a measure of visibility, which is better than invisibility. I am so sick of not existing, that I would settle for following any white person around with an umbrella, just so I could say I was there.
.......种族刻板印象有时真的很可爱,我不想因为指出吟游诗人的表演而让大家扫兴。我认为欣赏原宿女孩是完全可以接受的,因为媒体上的亚洲人真的不多,所以我们必须接受我们能得到的一切。阿莫斯的 安迪有很多粉丝,不是吗?至少这是一种能见度,总比不为人知要好。我已经厌倦了不存在的生活,我愿意打着伞跟在任何一个白人身后,这样我就可以说我在那里了。
Ten years later, Katy Perry's performances with selected cultures as her backdrop exemplifies cultural stereotyping, appropriation, and fetishism. What are the intended and received messages of her carefully applied makeup, kimono, and rather eclectic array of pan-Asian props in "Unconditionally," performed during the 2013 American Music Awards? And what of her reimagined world of Cleopatra's Egypt in "Dark Horse," one of the most frequently viewed videos in 2014? Priya Elan (2014) commented:
十年后的今天,凯蒂-佩里以特定文化为背景的表演体现了文化刻板印象、挪用和拜物教。她在 2013 年美国音乐奖颁奖典礼上演唱的《无条件》(Unconditionally)一曲中,精心打造的妆容、和服和一系列不拘一格的泛亚洲道具,究竟意在传达什么信息?她在 2014 年观看次数最多的视频之一《黑马》中重新想象的埃及艳后世界又是怎样的呢?Priya Elan(2014 年)评论道:
The road of cultural insensitivity leads very quickly to the slipstream of racism, because racism isn't just someone calling you a name in the street or in the playground; it's a subtle, creeping thing that hangs about in words left unsaid and moments not challenged when they should be. As Maya Angelou said: "The plague of racism is insidious, entering into our minds as smoothly and quietly and invisibly as floating airborne microbes enter into our bodies to find lifelong purchase in our bloodstreams."
The nondominant group with the longest history of being targeted for stereotypical and dehumanizing treatment in the media in the United States is American Indians. Centuries ago, images appeared in print media, paintings, and literature that vilified Native Americans; then, films and TV programs depicted American Indians as brute and primitive savages who were barely considered human (epitomized by films, such as The Searchers, released in 1956, featuring protagonist John Wayne). More sympathetic depictions of Native Americans have appeared in the past 20 years. Yet, such portrayals as those found in Disney's animated film Pocahontas, which claimed to challenge racism and intolerance and promote respect for other cultures, were criticized for masking the brutal realities of the intercultural encounter between Europeans and Native Americans and for reinforcing racial and gender stereotypes (Buescher & Ono, 1996). To evaluate Disney's claim of positive representations of Native Americans and women and to explore possible readings of the movie from the standpoint of different cultural groups, communication scholar Amy Aidman (1999) compared the responses of Native American girls ages 9 to 13 from both urban and rural settings and European American girls from an urban setting to the movie. She concluded the following:
在美国,美国印第安人是历史最悠久的非主流群体,他们是媒体刻板印象和非人对待的对象。几个世纪前,印刷媒体、绘画和文学作品中出现了诋毁美洲原住民的形象;随后,电影和电视节目将美洲原住民描绘成野蛮原始的野人,几乎不被视为人类(1956 年上映的以约翰-韦恩(John Wayne)为主角的电影《搜索者》(The Searchers)等就是典型代表)。在过去的 20 年中,出现了更多同情美洲原住民的描述。然而,像迪斯尼动画电影《风中奇缘》中的这种描写,虽然声称要挑战种族主义和不宽容,促进对其他文化的尊重,但却被批评为掩盖了欧洲人和美洲原住民之间跨文化交汇的残酷现实,强化了种族和性别的刻板印象(Buescher & Ono, 1996)。为了评估迪斯尼对美国原住民和妇女的正面描述,并从不同文化群体的角度探讨对这部电影的可能解读,传播学者艾米-艾德曼(Amy Aidman,1999 年)比较了来自城市和农村环境的 9 至 13 岁美国原住民女孩和来自城市环境的欧洲裔美国女孩对这部电影的反应。她得出以下结论:
While the Euro-American girls produced a reading that could be labeled as "negotiated" in some respects, they appeared to accept the colonist lesson about U.S. history and to view the movie as somewhat comical. For the urban Native American girls, "Pocahontas" was an important movie to which they related strongly. The Native American girls
虽然欧美女孩的阅读在某些方面可以被称为 "协商",但她们似乎接受了殖民者关于美国历史的教训,并认为这部电影有些滑稽。对于城市中的美国土著女孩来说,《风中奇缘》是一部重要的电影,她们对此有强烈的共鸣。美国土著女孩

from the reservation were not as enthusiastic about the movie, perhaps because the culture of their everyday lives strengthened their personal and cultural identities in such a way as to make media representations of Native Americans less significant to them. (pp. 154155)
来自保留地的人对这部电影并不热衷,也许是因为他们日常生活中的文化强化了他们的个人和文化身份,使媒体对美国原住民的描述对他们来说意义不大。(第 154-155 页)
Aidman's research highlights the ways our positionality in terms of culture, race, class, and geographic location impact our reading of a movie text. It also demonstrates the significant role media representations play in making sense not only of groups that are different from our own, but also in how we make sense of our own identities. The Native American girls who had few real-life role models that reflected and embodied their cultural identities in their urban setting showed a high level of identification with Pocahontas. As anthropologist S. Elizabeth Bird (2014) noted in Imagining Indians:
艾德曼的研究强调了我们在文化、种族、阶级和地理位置方面的地位如何影响我们对电影文本的阅读。研究还表明,媒体的表现形式不仅对我们理解不同于我们自己的群体有重要作用,而且对我们如何理解自己的身份也有重要作用。美国原住民女孩在现实生活中很少有能够反映和体现她们在城市环境中的文化身份的榜样,她们对《风中奇缘》表现出了高度的认同。正如人类学家伊丽莎白-伯德(S. Elizabeth Bird,2014 年)在《想象印第安人》一书中所指出的:
For most White Americans, to live in a media world is to live with a smorgasbord of images that reflect back themselves, and offer pleasurable tools for identity formation.
American Indians, like many other minorities, do not see themselves, except as expressions through a cultural script they do not recognize, and which they reject with both humor and anger. (p. 209)
美国印第安人和许多其他少数民族一样,并不了解自己,只是通过他们不认可的文化脚本来表达自己,他们既幽默又愤怒地拒绝这种文化脚本。(p. 209)

Anthropologist Suad Joseph's (2006) study of the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal from 2001 to 2003 points to the critical role media outlets play in racializing and essentializing Arabs and Muslims in general and Arab and Muslim Americans by association. Joseph's research found that media representations of Arab and Muslim Americans in the two most prominent, agenda-setting print media sources in the United States erase the diversity and humanity within Arab and Muslim groups while emphasizing their distinctiveness and "otherness" from Americans. For example, Arab Americans are depicted in the U.S. media as Muslims. Yet, the majority of Arab Americans are Christian. Muslims are represented in the U.S. media as
人类学家苏阿德-约瑟夫(Suad Joseph,2006 年)对 2001 年至 2003 年《纽约时报》和《华尔街日报》的研究表明,媒体在种族化和本质化阿拉伯人和穆斯林以及阿拉伯裔和穆斯林裔美国人方面发挥着至关重要的作用。约瑟夫的研究发现,在美国两家最著名的、制定议程的印刷媒体中,媒体对美国阿拉伯人和穆斯林的描述抹杀了阿拉伯人和穆斯林群体的多样性和人性,同时强调了他们与美国人的区别和 "异类"。例如,美国媒体将阿拉伯裔美国人描述为穆斯林。然而,大多数阿拉伯裔美国人是基督徒。美国媒体将穆斯林描述为
Arabs. Yet, fewer than of Muslims worldwide are Arabs. Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world and over of all Muslims live in Asia (Pew Research Center, 2009). Further, Muslim Americans are depicted as Arabs when in fact the largest group of Muslims in the United States is African American Muslims. In an analysis of the interaction of organizations-those with proMuslim and anti-Muslim agendas-with the media, sociologist Christopher Bail (2012) found that emotional messages released to the press emphasizing fear and anger had the best chance of getting media attention. While of press releases went unnoticed, the least representative messages received the most attention. Muslim organizations condemning terrorism with what was perceived as a dispassionate tone rarely received attention. Yet, emotional and angry responses to discrimination from Muslim organizations were much more likely to receive attention leaving the impression on non-Muslim media viewers that Muslims cared little about terrorism and were over sensitive to Islamophobia. Continuous and repeated misrepresentation and misinformation in the media fuels ignorance and stereotypes about vastly diverse populations of Muslims and Muslim Americans,
阿拉伯人。然而,全世界的穆斯林中只有不到 是阿拉伯人。印度尼西亚是世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,超过 的穆斯林生活在亚洲(皮尤研究中心,2009 年)。此外,美国穆斯林被描述为阿拉伯人,而事实上美国最大的穆斯林群体是非裔美国穆斯林。社会学家克里斯托弗-拜尔(Christopher Bail,2012 年)在分析支持穆斯林和反对穆斯林的组织与媒体的互动时发现,向媒体发布强调恐惧和愤怒的情绪化信息最有可能获得媒体的关注。虽然 的新闻稿没有引起注意,但最没有代表性的信息却得到了最多的关注。穆斯林组织以被认为是冷静的口吻谴责恐怖主义,很少受到关注。然而,穆斯林组织对歧视做出的情绪化和愤怒的回应却更容易受到关注,这给非穆斯林媒体观众留下了穆斯林对恐怖主义漠不关心、对伊斯兰恐惧症过于敏感的印象。媒体不断重复的歪曲和误导助长了人们对穆斯林和美国穆斯林的无知和成见、

resulting in discrimination, violation of civil rights, and hate crimes.
As previously illustrated, media and popular culture representations of nondominant groups are often negative and stereotypical. While negative representations of dominant group members also exist, these representations appear as attributes of the individual within the group among a broad range of other options. For example, White men are, in some instances, represented as criminals, yet they are also represented as doctors, lawyers, political leaders, teachers, and in other positive roles. Therefore, the element of criminality is attributed to the individual character of the person rather than to the racial or ethnic group as a whole. The final section of the chapter offers examples and concrete strategies for analyzing, challenging, and re-creating media and popular culture.

Resisting and Re-Creating

Given the issues presented in this chapter, concern that culture industries can manipulate the masses into docile and passive consumers is understandable. What are the consequences of the consolidated control of the media by a few powerful multinational corporations and the asymmetrical distribution of popular culture around the globe? To what extent are you an active interpreter of popular culture and media texts as Hall (1980) suggested? What actions can individuals and organized groups take to make a difference? The following three-step process is designed to develop our competence as "readers" or decoders and as "producers" or encoders of media and popular culture texts.
鉴于本章提出的问题,我们可以理解对文化产业可能操纵大众成为温顺、被动的消费者的担忧。少数强大的跨国公司对媒体的集中控制以及流行文化在全球范围内的不对称传播会带来什么后果?你在多大程度上是霍尔(1980 年)所说的大众文化和媒体文本的积极阐释者?个人和有组织的团体可以采取哪些行动来改变现状?以下三个步骤旨在培养我们作为媒体和大众文化文本的 "读者 "或解码者以及 "制作者 "或编码者的能力。

Step One: Increased Awareness

An initial and significant step in improving our competence is to become conscious of the role of the media and popular culture in shaping our views of the world, in normalizing dominant ideologies, and in perpetuating denigrating stereotypes and misrepresentations. Lessons from media literacy offer a framework that can help us navigate and make sense of the media-saturated culture in which we live in the context of globalization. Table 7.1, modified from the Center for Media Literacy (n.d.),
提高我们能力的第一步也是重要的一步,就是要意识到媒体和大众文化在塑造我们的世界观、使主流意识形态正常化以及使诋毁性的陈规定型观念和错误表述长期存在方面所起的作用。媒体扫盲的经验教训提供了一个框架,可以帮助我们在全球化背景下驾驭和理解我们所处的媒体饱和文化。表 7.1,根据媒体扫盲中心(Center for Media Literacy)(n.d.)修改、

identifies five keywords and core concepts with corresponding key questions that assist us in critically analyzing the production and consumption of media and popular culture messages or texts.

Step Two: Informed Action

As we develop a critical process of analysis, we have choices about how we consume and act in relation to media and popular culture. Engaging in intercultural praxis, we may continue to consume the same media and popular culture texts that we have before, yet with our increased awareness, we bring a critical reading of these texts to our consciousness. When we share our critical analysis with others and present our alternative readings to friends, family, coworkers, and others, we take informed action. We may also choose to seek out alternative points of view or media and popular culture texts that offer perspectives that differ from the dominant view.
Alternative media or independent media refers to media practices that fall outside of or are independent from the mainstream corporate-owned and controlled mass media (Waltz, 2005).
另类媒体或独立媒体是指不属于或独立于主流企业拥有和控制的大众媒体的媒体实践(Waltz, 2005)。
Table 7.1 Core Concepts and Key Questions for Media Literacy
表 7.1 媒体扫盲的核心概念和关键问题
Key Words 关键词 Core Concepts 核心理念 Key Questions 关键问题
1 Authorship 著作权

Media/popular culture messages or
texts are constucted.
Who created the message?
2 Format 格式

The form or format of media/popular
culture messoges/texts is cultural.

What cultural messages are conveyed
by the media/popular culture format?
Audience 观众

People read the same media/popular
culture text differently.

What is a dominant, negotiated, and
oppositional reading of this text?
4 Content 内容

Media/popular culture are embedded
with values, points of view, and

What values, points of view, and
beliefs are represented or omitted
from this text?
Function/Purpose 功能/目的

Media/popular culture messages are
created for prof and setablish social
norms, constitute identities, and
create shared meanings and sites of

What purpose does the media/
popular culture text serve?
Source: Adapted from Center for Media Literacy (n.d.).
资料来源资料来源:改编自媒体素养中心 (n.d.)。
Making a decision not to consume media or popular culture that reinforces stereotypical and dehumanizing portrayals or that presents racist, sexist, classist, and ethnocentric messages is another type of informed action. It may not seem like individual acts, such as refusing to consume media and popular culture can make a difference. However, when organized collectively-such as the boycott campaign launched against Apple for labor practices in China, or against Chick-fil-A for the CEO's anti-gay marriage stance-the act of not consuming products, brands, or popular culture forms can and does make a difference in a capitalist-driven world.
另一种知情行动是,决定不消费那些强化刻板印象和非人化描述,或传播种族主义、性别歧视、阶级歧视和种族中心主义信息的媒体或流行文化。拒绝消费媒体和流行文化等个人行为似乎并不能带来改变。然而,如果组织集体行动--比如针对苹果公司在中国的劳工行为发起的抵制运动,或者针对 Chick-fil-A 公司首席执行官反对同性恋婚姻的立场发起的抵制运动--不消费产品、品牌或流行文化形式的行为能够而且确实在资本主义驱动的世界中产生影响。

Step Three: Creative Production

The first two steps outline our progress from passive consumers to informed actors as we develop increased awareness and skills to critically analyze and consume media and popular culture. A third step in the process of developing strategies for intercultural praxis in relation to media and popular culture is to redefine ourselves as creators who can and do produce texts. With advanced technologies in the global context, average citizens in many parts
of the world increasingly have access to producing media and popular culture texts. Citizen media or participatory media are media texts created by average citizens who are not affiliated with mainstream, corporate media outlets (Rodríguez, 2001), including videos that appear on YouTube, zines (web-based and print fan magazines), blogs (weblogs) and vlogs (video blogs), podcasts, and digital storytelling. Citizen or participatory media texts document and provide commentary on current events and issues that produce alternative viewpoints to mainstream media (Atton, 2002). New technologies and social media enable people to become active producers-participants in constructing meaning through a range of media resources.
世界上越来越多的人有机会制作媒体和大众文化文本。公民媒体或参与式媒体是由不隶属于主流企业媒体的普通公民创作的媒体文本(Rodríguez, 2001),包括出现在 YouTube 上的视频、zines(基于网络和印刷的粉丝杂志)、博客(网络日志)和 vlogs(视频博客)、播客和数字故事。公民或参与性媒体文本记录并评论时事和问题,提出主流媒体以外的观点(Atton, 2002)。新技术和社交媒体使人们成为积极的生产者--通过一系列媒体资源建构意义的参与者。

Photo 7.1 The transgressive practices of "culture jamming" are creative efforts to block or jam and subvert mainstream messages. Culture jamming challenges dominant readings or interpretations of mainstream popular culture and media texts by producing and negotiating oppositional readings that "talk back to" centers of economic, political, and symbolic power, such as multinational corporations. Through increased awareness, informed action, and creative production, we transform ourselves into active interpreters and producers of media and popular culture texts as opposed to passive consumers.
照片 7.1 "文化干扰 "的越轨行为是阻止或干扰和颠覆主流信息的创造性努力。文化干扰 "挑战主流大众文化和媒体文本的主流解读或诠释,通过制作和协商反对性解读,"回击 "经济、政治和象征权力中心,如跨国公司。通过提高认识、知情行动和创造性生产,我们将自己转变为媒体和流行文化文本的积极解释者和生产者,而不是被动的消费者。
Culture jamming, or the act of altering or transforming mass media and popular culture forms into messages or commentary about itself, is another way to resist dominant mainstream media and produce alternative popular culture texts. The publisher of Adbusters, a magazine aimed at challenging and disrupting the "media trance" of our consumer addicted world and author of Culture Jam, Kalle Lasn (2000) argued that culture jamming is a form of public activism that challenges, subverts, and redefines dominant, hegemonic meanings produced by multinational culture industries.
文化干扰(Culture jamming),或将大众媒体和流行文化形式改变或转化为有关自身的信息或评论的行为,是抵制主流媒体和制作另类流行文化文本的另一种方式。Adbusters 是一本旨在挑战和扰乱我们这个沉迷于消费的世界的 "媒体恍惚 "的杂志,《文化干扰》一书的作者 Kalle Lasn(2000 年)认为,文化干扰是一种公共行动主义形式,它挑战、颠覆和重新定义由跨国文化产业生产的主流霸权意义。