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Coding in Grounded Theory Practice

The first analytic turn in our grounded theory journey brings us to coding. Grounded theory coding requires us to stop and ask analytic questions of the data we have gathered. These questions not only further our understanding of studied life but also help us direct subsequent data-gathering toward the analytic issues we are defining. Grounded theory coding consists of at least two phases: initial and focused coding. During initial coding we study fragments of datawords, lines, segments, and incidents-closely for their analytic import. From time to time, we may adopt our participants' telling terms as in vivo codes. While engaging in focused coding, we select what seem to be the most useful initial codes and test them against extensive data. Throughout the process, we compare data with data and then data with codes. We may follow special procedures to elaborate our codes or move to extant theoretical codes but only if indicated by our emerging analysis. Signposts and guides make our sojourn with coding accessible and ease our way around obstacles.
Consider the following interview excerpt from Bonnie Presley, who had long known she had systemic lupus erythematosus and had recently learned that she also had discoid lupus erythematosus. At the time of this interview, Bonnie was 48 years old and divorced from her second husband. After leaving a partner with whom she had lived for several years, she lived alone with her three cats. During the past year, she had had several immobilizing episodes of illness; the first one had been life-threatening. Currently, she was attempting to regain her strength after being ill for almost three months. Bonnie's good friend and neighbor, Linda, was keeping a watchful eye on her. Linda was bringing Bonnie food and made her tea since Bonnie felt too weak to care for herself.
考慮以下邦妮·普雷斯利(Bonnie Presley)的採訪摘錄,她很早就知道自己患有系統性紅斑狼瘡,最近才知道自己也患有盤狀紅斑狼瘡。在接受採訪時,邦妮 48 歲,與第二任丈夫離婚。在離開了與她生活了幾年的伴侶後,她獨自帶著三隻貓生活。在過去的一年裡,她有幾次無法動彈的疾病發作;第一個是危及生命的。目前,她在病了近三個月後正試圖恢復體力。邦妮的好朋友兼鄰居琳達一直在監視她。琳達給邦妮帶來了食物,併為她泡了茶,因為邦妮覺得自己太虛弱了,無法照顧自己。
Although Bonnie's adult daughter, Amy, now lived in the area, their calls and Amy's visits remained sporadic. Years before, Amy could not understand how the mother she had known as a fitness buff could have become so sedentary. Bonnie's youthful physical appearance belied her health status because her symptoms remained invisible to an untrained eye. In the early years of her illness, Bonnie had found it difficult to tell Amy about her illness and its seriousness. Amy had moved away before Bonnie first became ill and Bonnie
雖然邦妮的成年女兒艾米現在住在該地區,但他們的電話和艾米的探訪仍然零星。幾年前,艾米無法理解她所認識的健身愛好者的母親怎麼會變得如此久坐不動。邦妮年輕的外表掩蓋了她的健康情況,因為她的癥狀對未經訓練的眼睛來說仍然看不見。在她生病的最初幾年,邦妮發現很難告訴艾米她的病情及其嚴重性。 艾米在邦妮第一次生病之前就搬走了,邦妮

had either understated what was happening or avoided telling Amy. Bonnie recounted her realization about how she had told Amy the news about her recent crisis:
She found out from Linda that I was, had been in bed for days and she called me up. 'You never tell me, and I have to find out from Linda,' and 'Why don't you tell me who you are and what's going on and ... Well, I don't know how long after that, but that Saturday the pain started right here and it, throughout the day it got worse and worse and worse. And she-I kept thinking that, well, I can deal with this, so I took some kind of a pain pill and nothing helped. And that was about one in the afternoon. Well, it got worse and worse so that every time I took a breath the pain was horrible, so by seven, eight o'clock that night, I was scared because I knew that if it got any worse I wasn't going to be able to breathe. So I called her and then I told her what was going on, that I was going to be driven to the doctor because they were going to try giving me shots of zylocain or something to try to locate a point to where maybe it would go in there and numb the pain for me so that I could breathe. Well, I called her and told her this. And I have a car phone. She says, 'Well, Mom l'll call you later or you call me.' Well, I didn't call her; she didn't call me. That was Saturday night. She didn't call me until-she called me about noon on Monday, and I finally said, 'Well look, this is why I don't tell you, because when I toid you Saturday night, you never called, you didn't care or anything and it really hurt my feelings. So that's why I don't tell you when I have this going on.' And she said to me, 'Well, Mom, you sounded perfectly fine.' And I said, 'Well, what do you expect me to do, become an emotional wreck or something?' I said, 'I have to keep everything still and quiet in me in order to control, because if I went into emotional frenzy, I would have not been able to breathe,' you know. So she started really trying to understand that just because I was scared to death. I was in horrible pain, but when i called her, I guess I was just a normal mom.
What sense might we make of stories like Bonnie's? How do we synthesize hundreds of pages of interviews, fieldnotes, documents, and other texts to develop a grounded theory? Whether we have collected stories, scenes, or written statements, we study and define these materials to analyze what happened and what they might mean.
Qualitative coding, the process of defining what the data are about, is our first analytic step. Coding means naming segments of data with a label that simultaneously categorizes, summarizes, and accounts

for each piece of data. Coding is the first step in moving beyond concrete statements in the data to making analytic interpretations. We aim to make an interpretative rendering that begins with coding and illuminates studied life.
對於每條數據。 編碼是超越數據中的具體陳述進行分析解釋的第一步。我們的目標是製作一種從編碼開始的解釋性渲染,並闡明所研究的生活。

框注 3.1 紮根理論編碼示例

Receiving second-hand news
Being left out; Accusing mother of repeated not telling; (questioning ethical stance?) Being confronted
Facing self and identity questions; Demanding self-disclosure and information
Experiencing escalating pain Expecting to manage pain Inability to control pain
經歷不斷升級的疼痛 期望控制疼痛 無法控制疼痛
Rapid worsening of pain Having excruciating pain Becoming frightened; Foreseeing breathing crisis
疼痛迅速加重 疼痛難忍 變得害怕;預見呼吸危機
Breaking the news; Informing daughter of plan

Explaining projected treatment

Having access for making contact
Leaving follow-up contact open-ended
No follow-up 沒有跟進
Ascertaining the time between contacts
Explaining lack of disclosure Accusing daughter of not caring
解釋缺乏披露 指責女兒不關心
Expressing hurt; Assuming lack of caring; Making negative inferences (of a moral lapse?)
Accounting for not telling
Sounding fine 聽起來不錯
Questioning daughter's expectations
Explaining need for emotional control
Seeing life-threatening risk of losing control
Teaching that mode of telling does not reflect state of being
Sounding like a 'normal' mom

She found out from Linda that I was, had been in bed for days and she called me up, 'You never tell me, and ! have to find out from Linda,' and 'Why don't you tell me who you are and what's going on and ...' Well, I don't know how long after that, but that Saturday the pain started right here and it, throughout the day it got worse and worse and worse. And she-l kept thinking that, well, I can deal with this, so I took some kind of a pain pill and nothing helped. And that was about one in the afternoon. Well, it got worse and worse so that every time I took a breath the pain was horrible, so by seven, eight o'clock that night, I was scared because I knew that if it got any worse 1 wasn't going to be able to breathe. So I called her and then I told her what was going on, that I was going to be driven to the doctor because they were going to try giving me shots of zylocain or something to try to locate a point to where maybe it would go in there and numb the pain for me so that I could breathe. Well, called her and told her this. And I have a car phone. She says, 'Well, Mom l'll call you later or you call me.' Well. I didn't call her; she didn't call me. That was Saturday night. She didn't call me until-she called me about noon on Monday, and I finally said, 'Well look, this is why I don't tell you, because when I told you Saturday night, you never called, you didn't care or anything and it really hurt my feelings. So that's why I don't tell you when I have this going on.' And she said to me, 'Well, Mom, you sounded perfectly fine.' And I said, 'Well, what do you expect me to do, become an emotional wreck or something?' I said, 'I have to keep everything still and quiet in me in order to control, because if I went into emotional frenzy, I would have not been able to breathe,' you know. So she started really trying to understand that just because I was scared to death, I was in horrible pain, but when I called her, I guess I was just a normal mom.
她從琳達那裡得知我在床上躺了好幾天,她打電話給我,“你從來不告訴我,而且!必須從琳達那裡找出答案,“和”你為什麼不告訴我你是誰,發生了什麼事......”好吧,我不知道在那之後過了多久,但那個星期六的疼痛就從這裡開始了,一整天它變得越來越糟。她一直在想,好吧,我可以處理這個問題,所以我吃了某種止痛藥,但沒有任何説明。那大約是下午一點。嗯,情況越來越糟,以至於每次我呼吸時疼痛都很可怕,所以到了那天晚上七、八點,我很害怕,因為我知道如果情況變得更糟,我就無法呼吸了。所以我打電話給她,然後我告訴她發生了什麼事,我要開車去看醫生,因為他們會試著給我注射齊洛卡因或其他東西,試圖找到一個點,也許它會進入那裡,為我麻木疼痛,這樣我就可以呼吸了。好吧, 打電話給她並告訴她這個。我有一部車載電話。她說,『好吧,媽媽一會兒給你打電話,或者你給我打電話。井。我沒有給她打電話;她沒有給我打電話。那是星期六晚上。她沒有給我打電話,直到星期一中午她給我打電話,我終於說,『好吧,這就是我不告訴你的原因,因為當我星期六晚上告訴你時,你從來沒有打電話,你不在乎什麼,這真的傷害了我的感情。所以這就是為什麼我不告訴你什麼時候有這件事。她對我說,『嗯,媽媽,你聽起來很好。我說,『好吧,你希望我做什麼,成為一個情緒崩潰的人?“我說,'我必須保持一切靜止和安靜,才能控制,因為如果我陷入情緒狂熱,我就無法呼吸,”你知道的。所以她開始真正地試圖理解,僅僅因為我被嚇死了,我就感到非常痛苦,但當我打電話給她時,我想我只是一個普通的媽媽。
Our codes show how we select, separate, and sort data to begin an analytic accounting of them. Qualitative codes take segments of data apart, name them in concise terms, and propose an analytic handle to develop abstract ideas for interpreting each segment of data. As we code, we ask: which theoretical categories might these statements indicate?
You might have wondered what qualitative codes look like and how researchers construct them. A quick look at my codes of Bonnie Presley's story will give you an idea (see Box 3.1).
您可能想知道定性代碼是什麼樣子的,以及研究人員如何構建它們。快速流覽一下我對邦妮·普雷斯利(Bonnie Presley)故事的代碼會給你一個想法(見框3.1)。
The codes in Box 3.1 attempt to portray meanings and actions in Bonnie's story. We gain a sense of both Bonnie's and Amy's concerns, as Bonnie presents them. Her story shows how telling news can be fraught with problems. Misunderstandings and dilemmas arise. Hesitancies occur. Accusations ensue. Explanations follow. Telling the news can open the self to view, nisk emotional costs, and force questions about relationships. Not telling or delayed telling can also rent or rupture bonds. Familial failures, ethical slights, and moral claims accrue, from one or another person's view. Rhetorical styles may be meant-or misunderstood-as delivering fundamental judgments. For both Bonnie and Amy, disclosing illness became a contested area in which charged questions ignited about whom each was to the other. Events may force disclosure, as Bonnie's story indicates. What people tell, when they tell it, and how they tell it all matter. How Bonnie told her daughter affected how her daughter understood and acted on the news. Bonnie had concentrated on not risking loss of emotional control but later realized that her straightforward way of informing Amy may have understated the seriousness of the episode and fueled misunderstandings. By maintaining emotional control when informing her daughter, Bonnie's daughter thought she 'sounded perfectly fine,' like just a normal mom.'
Note that the codes stick closely to the data, show actions, and indicate how dilemmas surrounding disclosure arise. Certain codes, such as 'being left out,' 'facing self and identity questions,' 'demanding self-disclosure and information,' are central to analyzing Bonnie's story, as are those about accounting, explaining, and providing reasons. Other codes preserve events, suggest contexts, and portray viewpoints, such as 'receiving second-hand news,' 'expecting to manage pain,' and 'sounding like a "normal" mom.' Many of the codes are short. They also imply crucial relationships between telling and self, as defined by both self and other. Hence, the codes suggest building categories concerned with telling, disclosing, self, and identity. I placed two codes in parentheses because they are less firmly apparent here than others and represent ideas to look for in further data. Consistent with a grounded theory emphasis on emergence, questions about these codes arise from my reading of the data rather than emanating from an earlier frame applied to them.

Grounded Theory Coding 紮根理論編碼

Grounded theory coding generates the bones of your analysis. Theoretical integration will assemble these bones into a working skeleton. Thus, coding is more than a beginning; it shapes an analytic frame from which you build the analysis.
I lay out coding strategies for developing the frame. Try them. See how they work for you. Grounded theory coding fosters studying action and processes, as you can see in the codes of Bonnie Presley's story.
我列出了開發框架的編碼策略。試試吧。了解它們如何為您工作。紮根理論編碼促進了對行動和過程的研究,正如您在邦妮·普雷斯利(Bonnie Presley)的故事代碼中看到的那樣。
Coding is the pivotal link between collecting data and developing an emergent theory to explain these data. Through coding, you
Coding is the pivotal link between collecting data and developing an emergent theory to explain these data. Through coding, you define what is happening in the data and begin to grapple with what it means. define what is happening in the data and begin to grapple with what it means. The codes take form together as elements of a nascent theory that explains these data and directs further data-gathering. By careful attending to coding, you begin weaving two major threads in the fabric of grounded theory: generalizable theoretical statements that transcend specific times and places and contextual analyses of actions and events.
Grounded theory coding consists of at least two main phases: 1) an initial phase involving naming each word, line, or segment of data followed by 2) a focused, selective phase that uses the most significant or frequent initial codes to sort, synthesize, integrate, and organize large amounts of data. While engaged in initial coding, you mine early data for analytic ideas to pursue in further data collection and analysis. Initial coding entails a close reading of the data as indicated by my codes of Bonnie Presley's story. During initial coding, the goal is to remain open to all possible theoretical directions indicated by your readings of the data. Later, you use focused coding to pinpoint and develop the most salient categories in large batches of data. Theoretical integration begins with focused coding and proceeds through all your subsequent analytic steps.
紮根理論編碼至少包括兩個主要階段:1)初始階段,包括命名每個單詞、行或數據段,然後是2)一個集中的、選擇性的階段,使用最重要或最頻繁的初始代碼來排序、合成、集成和組織大量數據。在進行初始編碼時,您可以挖掘早期數據以獲得分析思路,以便在進一步的數據收集和分析中追求。初始編碼需要仔細閱讀數據,如我對 Bonnie Presley 故事的代碼所示。在初始編碼期間,目標是對數據讀數所指示的所有可能的理論方向保持開放。稍後,您可以使用重點編碼來精確定位和開發大批量數據中最突出的類別。理論整合從集中編碼開始,然後進行所有後續分析步驟。
The actual research you conduct through analyzing your data likely differsat least somewhat-from what you may have planned earlier in a research or grant proposal. We learn through studying our data. Qualitative coding guides our leaming. Through it, we begin to make sense of our data. How we make sense of it shapes the ensuing analysis. Careful attention to coding furthers our attempts to understand acts and accounts, scenes and sentiments, stories and silences from our research participants' view. We want to know what is happening in the setting, in people's lives, and in lines of our recorded data. Hence, we try to understand our participants' standpoints and situations, as well as their actions within the setting.
The logic of grounded theory coding differs from quantitative logic that applies preconceived categories or codes to the data. As the example above illustrates, we create our codes by defining what we see in the data. Codes emerge as you scrutinize your data and define meanings within it. Through this active coding, you interact with your data again and again and ask many different questions of them. As a result, coding may take you into unforeseen areas and new research questions.
Language plays a crucial role in how and what we code. Most fundamentally, the empirical world does not appear to us in some natural state apart from human experience. Rather we know the empirical world through language and the actions we take toward it. In this sense, no researcher is neutral because

language confers form and meaning on observed realities. Specific use of language reflects views and values. We share one language with colleagues and perhaps another with friends; we attribute meanings to specific terms and hold perspectives. Our codes arise from the languages, meanings, and perspectives through which we learn about the empirical world, including those of our participants as well as our own. Coding impels us to make our participants' language problematic to render an analysis of it. Coding should inspire us to examine hidden assumptions in our own use of language as well as that of our participants.
We construct our codes because we are actively naming data-even when we believe our codes form a perfect fit with actions and events in the studied world. We may think our codes capture the empirical reality. Yet it is our view: we choose the words that constitute our codes. Thus we define what we see as significant in the data and describe what we think is happening. Coding consists of this initial, shorthand defining and labeling; it results from a grounded theorist's actions and understandings. Nonetheless, the process is interactive. We interact with our participants and subsequently interact with them again many times over through studying their statements and observed actions and re-envisioning the scenes in which we know them. As we define our codes and perhaps later refine them, we try to understand participants' views and actions from their perspectives. These perspectives usually assume much more than what is immediately apparent. We must dig into our data to interpret participants' tacit meanings. Close attention to coding helps us to do that.
Close attention to coding follows the first grounded theory mandate: Siudy your emerging data (Glaser, 1978).
對編碼的密切關注遵循第一個紮根理論任務:Siudy your emerging data (Glaser, 1978)。
From the beginning, you may sense that the process of coding produces certain tensions-between analytic insights and described events, whether spoken accounts or written observations, between static topics and dynamic processes, and between participants' worlds and professionals' meanings.

Initial Coding 初始編碼

The Logic of Initial Coding

When grounded theorists conduct initial coding, we remain open to exploring whatever theoretical possibilities we can discern in the data. This initial step in coding moves us toward later decisions about defining our core conceptual categories. Through comparing data with data, we learn what our research participants view as problematic and begin to treat it analytically. During initial coding, we ask:
  • 'What is this data a study of?' (Glaser, 1978: 57; Glaser & Strauss, 1967)
  • What does the data suggest? Pronounce?
  • From whose point of view?
  • What theoretical category does this specific datum indicate? (Glaser, 1978)
Initial coding should stick closely to the data. Try to see actions in each segment of data rather than applying preexisting categories to the data. Attempt to code

with words that reflect action. At first, invoking a language of action rather than of topics may feel strange. Look closely at actions and, to the degree possible, code data as actions. This method of coding curbs our tendencies to make conceptual leaps and to adopt extant theories before we have done the necessary analytic work.
Students often believe that they must rely on earlier concepts and invoke them before they begin coding to make their qualitative research legitimate. They make statements like, 'T'm going to use Max Weber's concept of routinization,' or 'My advisor wants me to use Anselm Strauss's concept of "negotiations".' Such approaches preclude ideas from emerging as you code events. The openness of initial coding should spark your thinking and allow new ideas to emerge. Earlier grounded theory rules prescribed conducting initial coding without having preconceived concepts in mind (Glaser, 1978, 1992). I agree with Glaser's approach of keeping initial coding open-ended yet acknowledge that researchers hold prior ideas and skills. As Dey (1999: 251) states, 'There is a difference between an open mind and an empty head.' Try to remain open to seeing what you can learn while coding and where it can take you. In team research, several individuals may code data separately and then compare and combine their different codings.
學生們通常認為,他們必須依賴早期的概念,並在開始編碼之前調用它們,以使他們的定性研究合法化。他們說,“我打算使用馬克斯·韋伯(Max Weber)的”規則化“概念,或者”我的導師希望我使用安塞姆·施特勞斯(Anselm Strauss)的“談判”概念。這種方法會阻止在編寫事件代碼時出現想法。初始編碼的開放性應該激發您的思考並允許新想法出現。早期的紮根理論規則規定在沒有先入為主的概念的情況下進行初始編碼(Glaser,1978,1992)。我同意格拉澤的方法,即保持初始編碼的開放性,但承認研究人員擁有先驗的想法和技能。正如Dey(1999:251)所說,“開放的思想和空虛的頭腦是有區別的。試著保持開放的態度,看看你在編碼時能學到什麼,以及它可以把你帶到哪裡。在團隊研究中,幾個人可能會分別對數據進行編碼,然後比較和組合他們不同的編碼。
Initial codes are provisional, comparative, and grounded in the data. They are provisional because you aim to remain open to other analytic possibilities and create codes that best fit the data you have. You progressively follow up on codes that indicate that they fit the data. Then you gather data to explore and fill out these codes.
Initial grounded theory coding can prompt you to see areas in which you lack needed data. Realizing that your data have gaps-or holes-is part of the analytic process. It is inevitable when you adopt an emergent method of conducting research. After all, making 'discoveries' about the worlds you study and pursuing these discoveries to construct an analysis is what grounded theory is about. Such discoveries reflect what you learn and how you conceptualize it. The advantage of grounded theory strategies is that you may learn about gaps and holes in your data from the earliest stages of research. Then you can locate sources of needed data and gather them. Hence, simultaneous data collection and analysis can help you go further and deeper into the research problem as well as engage in developing categories.
初始紮根理論編碼可以提示您查看缺少所需數據的領域。意識到您的數據存在差距或漏洞是分析過程的一部分。當您採用緊急研究方法時,這是不可避免的。 畢竟,對你所研究的世界進行“發現”,並追求這些發現來構建分析,這就是紮根理論的意義所在。這些發現反映了你學到了什麼,以及你如何概念化它。紮根理論策略的優勢在於,您可以從研究的最早階段了解數據中的差距和漏洞。然後,您可以找到所需資料的來源並收集它們。因此,同時收集和分析數據可以説明您更深入地研究問題,並參與開發類別。
Codes are also provisional in the sense that you may reword them to improve the fit. Part of the fit is the degree to which they capture and condense meanings and actions. Compelling codes capture the phenomenon and grab the reader.

Initial Coding Practices

Speed and spontaneity help in initial coding. Working quickly can spark your thinking and spawn a fresh view of the data. Some codes fit the data and grab the reader immediately. You can revise others to improve the fit. My original code of the first line of Bonnie Presley's story above was 'receiving news indirectly.' It condensed the statement but the neutral wording drained the incident
速度和自發性有助於初始編碼。快速工作可以激發您的思維,併產生對數據的新檢視。有些代碼適合數據並立即抓住閱讀器。您可以修改其他內容以改善貼合度。上面邦妮·普雷斯利(Bonnie Presley)故事的第一行的原始代碼是“間接接收新聞”。它濃縮了聲明,但中立的措辭耗盡了事件

of its intensity and importance. Changing the code to 'receiving second-hand news' suggested the reduced value of the news, implied the receiver's diminished status, and alluded to her angry response.
Comparing incidents of the same order between data spurs you to think analytically about them. Bonnie Presley revealed a reluctance to tell her daughter, delayed in telling her, and imparted difficult news in a matter-of-fact manner. Yet, from time to time, she and Amy talked about their problems in giving and getting news about Bonnie's illness. Because Bonnie no longer had much contact with her own mother, dilemmas of disclosure did not arise with her. No disclosures occurred. Bonnie's grandmother, of whom she was very fond, had partly raised her. Bonnie protected her grandmother from worry by treating her situation lightly and by minimizing the implications of her symptoms. My data included other cases of inter-generational tensions. Several other single women I studied who had no children and few close family ties had conflicted relationships with their aging mothers. As geographical and emotional distance increased, these women correspondingly curtailed sharing their news. From the data and brief descriptions above, avoiding disclosure, delaying disclosure, and controlling information all emerged as salient codes.
比較數據之間相同順序的事件會刺激您對它們進行分析思考。邦妮·普雷斯利(Bonnie Presley)透露,她不願意告訴女兒,遲遲不告訴她,並以實事求是的方式傳達了困難的消息。然而,她和艾米時不時地談論他們在提供和獲得有關邦妮病情的消息方面遇到的問題。因為邦妮不再與自己的母親有太多聯繫,所以她沒有出現披露的困境。沒有發生任何披露。邦妮的祖母非常喜歡她,她撫養了她。邦妮通過輕描淡寫地對待她的情況並盡量減少她癥狀的影響來保護她的祖母免於擔心。我的數據包括其他代際緊張的案例。我研究的其他幾位單身女性沒有孩子,也很少有親密的家庭關係,她們與年邁的母親關係衝突。隨著地理和情感距離的增加,這些女性相應地減少了分享她們的消息。從上面的數據和簡要描述來看,避免披露、延遲披露和控制資訊都成為突出代碼。
Glaser (1978) shows how coding with gerunds helps you detect processes and stick to the data. Think of the difference in imagery between the following gerunds and their noun forms: describing versus description, stating versus statement, and leading versus leader. We gain a strong sense of action and sequence with gerunds. The nouns turn these actions into topics. Staying close to the data and, when possible, starting from the words and actions of your respondents, preserves the fluidity of their experience and gives you new ways of looking at it. These steps encourage you to begin analysis from their perspective. That is the point. If you ignore, gloss over, or leap beyond participants' meanings and actions, your grounded theory will likely reflect an outsider's, rather than an insider's view. Outsiders often import an alien professional language to describe the phenomenon. If your data are thin and if you don't push hard in coding, you may mistake routine rationales for analytic insights. Thus, accepting participants' orchestrated impressions at face value can lead to outsider analyses.
Glaser (1978) 展示了使用動名詞編碼如何説明您檢測過程並堅持數據。想想以下動名詞和它們的名詞形式在意象上的差異:描述與描述,陳述與陳述,領導與領導。我們獲得了強烈的動名詞動作感和順序感。名詞將這些動作變成主題。貼近數據,並在可能的情況下,從受訪者的言行出發,可以保持他們體驗的流動性,併為您提供新的看待方式。這些步驟鼓勵您從他們的角度開始分析。這就是重點。如果你忽視、掩蓋或超越參與者的意義和行為,你的紮根理論可能會反映局外人的觀點,而不是局內人的觀點。局外人經常用一種外來的專業語言來描述這種現象。如果你的數據很薄,如果你不努力編碼,你可能會把常規的基本原理誤認為是分析見解。因此,從表面上接受參與者精心策劃的印象可能會導致局外人分析。
Picking up general terms from an interview such as 'experience' or 'event' and calling them codes tells you little about the participant's meaning or action. If general terms seem significant, qualify them. Make your codes fit the data you have rather than forcing the data to fit them.
A code for coding:
  • Remain open 保持開放
  • Stay close to the data
  • Keep your codes simple and precise
  • Construct short codes 構造短代碼
  • Preserve actions 保留操作
  • Compare data with data
  • Move quickly through the data.
In short, remain open to what the material suggests and stay close to it. Keep your codes short, simple, active and analytic. The first two guidelines above reflect your stance toward coding. The remaining guidelines suggest how to do coding.

Word-by-Word Coding 逐字編碼

The size of the unit of data to code matters. Some grounded theorists conduct nuanced coding and move through their data word by word. This approach may be particularly helpful when working with documents or certain types of ephemera, such as Internet data. Word-by-word analysis forces you to attend to images and meanings. You may attend to the structure and flow of words, and how both affect the sense you make of them, as well as their specific content.
要編碼的數據單位的大小很重要。一些紮根的理論家進行細緻入微的編碼,並逐字逐句地瀏覽他們的數據。在處理文件或某些類型的臨時數據(如 Internet 數據)時,此方法可能特別有用。逐字分析迫使您關注圖像和含義。你可以關注單詞的結構和流動,以及兩者如何影響你對它們的理解,以及它們的具體內容。

Line-by-Line Coding 逐行編碼

For many grounded theorists, line-by-line coding is the first step in coding (see Box 3.2). Line-by-line coding means naming each line of your written data (Glaser, 1978). Coding every line may seem like an arbitrary exercise because not every line contains a complete sentence and not every sentence may appear to be important. Nevertheless, it can be an enormously useful tool. Ideas will occur to you that had escaped your attention when reading data for a general thematic analysis.
對於許多紮根理論家來說,逐行編碼是編碼的第一步(見框注3.2)。逐行編碼意味著命名寫入數據的每一行(Glaser,1978)。對每一行進行編碼似乎是一種隨意的練習,因為並非每一行都包含一個完整的句子,也不是每個句子看起來都很重要。 儘管如此,它可能是一個非常有用的工具。在閱讀數據進行一般主題分析時,您會想到一些沒有引起注意的想法。
Line-by-line coding works particularly well with detailed data about fundamental empirical problems or processes whether these data consist of interviews, observations, documents, or ethnographies and autobiographies. For example, if you plan to study how older women who have been full-time homemakers handle divorce, you have identified an area to explore about which you may hear stories in interviews, support groups, and job training programs that take on vivid meanings when studied line by line.
Detailed observations of people, actions, and settings that reveal visibly telling and consequential scenes and actions lend themselves to line-by-line coding. Generalized observations such as 'the meeting droned on' give you little substance to code.
Fresh data and line-by-line coding prompt you to remain open to the data and to see nuances in it. When you code early in-depth interview data, you gain a close look at what participants say and, likely, struggle with. This type of coding can help you to identify implicit concerns as well as explicit statements. Engaging in line-by-line coding helps you to refocus later interviews. The following flexible strategies help you code:
  • Breaking the data up into their component parts or properties
  • Defining the actions on which they rest
  • Looking for tacit assumptions
  • Explicating implicit actions and meanings
  • Crystallizing the significance of the points
  • Comparing data with data
  • Identifying gaps in the data.
By using these strategies flexibly and following leads in your data, coding leads to developing theoretical categories, some of which you may define in your initial codes. Stick with what you define in your data. Build your analysis step-by-step from the ground up without taking off on theoretical flights of fancy. Having a credible amount of data that speaks to your research topic further strengthens the foundation of your study.
Your research participants' actions and statements teach you about their worlds, albeit sometimes in ways they may not anticipate. Studying your data through line-by-line coding sparks new ideas for you to pursue. Hence, the grounded theory method itself contains correctives that reduce the likelihood that researchers merely superimpose their preconceived notions on the data. Line-by-line coding provides an early corrective of this type.
In the examples of line-by-line coding in Box 3.2 , my interest in time and selfconcept comes through in the first two codes in Excerpt 1. Note how I kept the codes active and close to the data. Initial codes often range widely across a variety of topics. Because even a short statement or excerpt may address several points, it could illustrate several different categories. I could use the excerpt in Box 3.2 to show how avoiding disclosure serves to control identity. I could also use it either to show how a respondent learns that other people see his or her illness as inexplicable or how each day is unpredictable. Having multiple interviews of the same individuals allows me to see how social and emotional isolation begins and progresses.
在方框 3.2 中的逐行編碼示例中,我對時間和自我概念的興趣體現在摘錄 1 的前兩個代碼中。請注意我如何使代碼保持活動狀態並接近數據。初始代碼通常涉及各種主題。因為即使是簡短的陳述或摘錄也可能涉及幾個要點,它可以說明幾個不同的類別。我可以使用方框3.2中的摘錄來說明避免披露如何有助於控制身份。我也可以用它來展示受訪者如何瞭解到其他人認為他或她的疾病是莫名其妙的,或者每一天都是不可預測的。對同一個人進行多次採訪,讓我看到了社會和情感上的孤立是如何開始和發展的。
The logic of 'discovery' becomes evident as you begin to code data. Line-byline coding forces you to look at the data anew. Compare what you see when you read a set of fieldnotes or an interview as an entire narrative with what you gain when you do word-by-word, line-by-line, or incident-by-incident coding on the same document. Entire narratives may net several major themes. Wordby-word, line-by-line, segment-by-segment, and incident-by-incident coding may generate a range of ideas and information. Therefore, you 'discover' ideas on which you can build.
Initial codes help you to separate data into categories and to see processes. Line-by-line coding frees you from becoming so immersed in your respondents' worldviews that you accept them without question. Then you fail to look at your data critically and analytically. Being critical about your data does not necessarily mean being critical of your research participants. Instead, being critical forces asking yourself questions about your data. These questions help you to see actions and to identify significant processes. Such questions include:
  • What process(es) is at issue here? How can I define it?
  • How does this process develop?
  • How does the research participant(s) act while involved in this process?
  • What does the research participant(s) profess to think and feel while involved in this process? What might his or her observed behavior indicate?
  • When, why, and how does the process change?
  • What are the consequences of the process?
Through coding each line of data, you gain insights about what kinds of data to collect next. Thus, you distill data and direct further inquiry early in the

框注3.2 初始編碼:逐行編碼

Excerpt 1 Christine Danforth, age 37, lupus erythematosus, Sjögren's syndrome, back injuries
摘錄 1 Christine Danforth,37 歲,紅斑狼瘡、乾燥綜合征、背部受傷
Shifting symptoms, having inconsistent days
interpreting images of self given by others
Avoiding disclosure 避免披露
Predicting rejection 預測拒絕
Keeping others unaware 讓別人不知情
Seeing symptoms as connected
Having others unaware 讓別人不知情
Anticipating disbelief 預料到難以置信
Controlling others views
Avoiding stigma 避免汙名化
Assessing potential losses and risks of disclosing

Meaning of the CVA

Feeling forced to live one day at a time
Having a worried past

Earlier losses 早前的損失

Difficulty in living one day at a time; concentrating on today Giving up future orientation Managing emotions through living one day at a time Reducing life-threatening risk
難以一次生活一天;專注於今天 放棄未來的方向 通過一天一天的生活來管理情緒 減少危及生命的風險

Lupus erythematosus is a systemic, inflammatory autoimmune disease of the connective tissue that affects vital organs as well as joints, muscles, and nerves. Sjögren's syndrome is a related autoimmune inflammatory disease characterized by dry mucous membranes of the eyes and mouth.
If you have lupus, I mean one day it's my liver, one day it's my joints; one day it's my head, and it's like people really think you're a hypochondriac if you keep complaining about different ailments ... It's like you don't want to say anything because people are going to start thinking, you know, 'God, don't go near her, all she is-is complaining about this.' And I think that's why I never say anything because I feel like everything I have is related one way or another to the lupus but most of the people don't know I have lupus, and even those that do are not going to believe that ten different ailments are the same thing. And I don't want anybody saying, you know, [that] they don't want to come around me because I complain.
Excerpt 2 Joyce Marshall, age 60, minor heart condition, recent small CVA (stroke)
摘錄 2 喬伊斯·馬歇爾(Joyce Marshall),60 歲,輕微心臟病,近期小 CVA(中風)
In her case, the stroke left her with weakness, fatigue, and slowed responses when tired.
I have to see it [her CVA] as a warning. I can't let myself get so anxious. I have to live one day at a time.
I've been so worried about John [her husband who had had life-threatening heart attacks and lost his job three years before retirement] and preparing to get a job ther first in 38 years] ... It's just so hard with all this stress ... to concentrate on what I can do today. I always used to look to the future. I can't now; it upsets me too much. I have to live one day at a time now or else there may not be any me.

data collection. Line-by-line coding gives you leads to pursue. If, for example, you identify an important process in your fifteenth interview, then you can return to earlier respondents and see if that process explains events and experiences in their lives. If not, you can seek new respondents who can illuminate this process. Hence, your data collection becomes more focused, as does your coding.

Coding Incident to Incident

Whether or not you conduct line-by-line coding depends on the type of data you have collected, their level of abstraction, the stage of the research process, and your purpose for collecting these data. Grounded theorists often conduct a close cousin of line-by-line coding through a comparative study of incidents. Here you compare incident with incident, then as your ideas take hold, compare incidents to your conceptualization of incidents coded earlier. That way you can identify properties of your emerging concept.
A similar logic applies to observational data. Making comparisons between incidents likely works better than word-by-word or line-by-line coding, in part because the fieldnotes already consist of your own words (see, for example, Charmaz & Mitchell, 2001). Compare incident to incident. Concrete, behavioristic descriptions of people's mundane actions may not be amenable to line-by-line coding, particularly when you observed a scene but do not have a sense of its context, its participants, and did not interact with them. Students often think observing behavior in public places is the easiest type of qualitative research to conduct. Not so. Both the researcher's data and analytic approach make a difference. Few novices have the eye and ear to record nuances of action and interaction. More likely, they record concrete behaviors in a general way and gradually learn to make more acute observations.
Still, detailed observations alone do not guarantee creating an insightful theoretical analysis although they may generate excellent description. The mode of analysis matters. Comparative methods help you to see and make sense of observations in new, analytic ways. Conducting a line-by-line coding of one observation after another of people's actions in a public place may not spark fresh ideas. Instead, making comparisons between observations gives you clues to follow if not immediate ideas. If the people you study bring you into their world, for example, you may record all kinds of incidents in anecdotes, conversations, and observations in your fieldnotes that abound with meaning. You may see first-hand how your participants manage daily life without them telling you-and you may learn much more.
儘管如此,僅靠詳細的觀察並不能保證做出有見地的理論分析,儘管它們可能會產生出色的描述。分析模式很重要。比較方法可説明您以新的分析方式查看和理解觀察結果。對人們在公共場所的行為進行逐行編碼可能不會激發新的想法。相反,在觀察結果之間進行比較會為您提供線索,即使不是直接的想法。例如,如果你研究的人把你帶入他們的世界,你可能會在你的田野筆記中記錄軼事、對話和觀察中的各種事件,這些事件充滿了意義。您可能會親眼目睹您的參與者如何在他們不告訴您的情況下管理日常生活 - 您可能會學到更多。
The more unproblematic-that is, routine, familiar, and ordinary-observed events seem to you, the more problematic creating an original conceptual analysis of them will be. Breaking through the ordinariness of routine events takes effort. To gain analytic insights from observations of routine actions in ordinary settings, first compare and code similar events. Then you may define subtle patterns and significant processes. Later, comparing dissimilar events may give you further insights.

Using Comparative Methods

Whatever unit of data you begin coding in grounded theory, you use 'constant comparative methods' (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to establish analytic distinctionsand thus make comparisons at each level of analytic work. At first, you compare data with data to find similarities and differences. For example, compare interview statements and incidents within the same interview and compare statements and incidents in different interviews. Making sequential comparisons helps. Compare data in earlier and later interviews of the same individual(s) or compare observations of events at different times and places. When you conduct observations of a routine activity, compare what happens on one day with the same activity on subsequent days.
If your codes define another view of a process, action or belief than your respondent(s) hold, note that. Your observations and ideas do matter. Do not dismiss your own ideas if they do not mirror the data. Your ideas may rest on covert meanings and actions that have not entirely surfaced yet. Such intuitions form another set of ideas to check. Our task is to make analytic sense of the material, which may challenge taken-for-granted understandings.
What you see in your data relies in part upon your prior perspectives. Rather than seeing your perspectives as truth, try to see them as representing one view among many. That way, you may gain more awareness of the concepts that you employ and might impose on your data. To illustrate, you might already possess a repertoire of psychological concepts that you ordinarily invoke to understand behavior. Invoking these concepts in your codes can lead you to prejudge what is happening. Try to avoid assuming that respondents, for example, repress or deny significant 'facts' about their lives. Instead, look for how they understand their situations before you judge their attitudes and actions through your own assumptions. Seeing the world through their eyes and understanding the logic of their experience brings you fresh insights. Afterwards, if you still enlist disciplinary terms as codes, you will use them more consciously rather than automatically. Thus, you can elect to use only those terms that fit your data.

Advantages of Initial Coding

From the start, careful word-by-word, line-by-line, incident-by-incident coding moves you toward fulfilling two criteria for completing a grounded theory analysis: fit and relevance. Your study fits the empirical world when you have constructed codes and developed them into categories that crystallize participants' experience. It has relevance when you offer an incisive analytic framework that interprets what is happening and makes relationships between implicit processes and structures visible.
Careful coding also helps you to refrain from imputing your motives, fears, or unresolved personal issues to your respondents and to your collected data. Some years ago, a young man in my seminar conducted research on adaptation to disability. He had become paraplegic himself when he was hit by a car while bicycling. Stories of courage, hope, and innovation filled his ten in-depth interviews. Narratives of grief, anger, and loss permeated his analysis of them. After I noted that his analysis did not reflect his collected material, he realized how

his feelings had colored his perceptions of other people's disabilities. His was an important realization. However, he might have arrived at it before he handed in his paper had he done more assiduous coding. Line-by-line coding might have changed his ideas about his date early in the analysis.
Coding forces you to thirik about the material in new ways that may differ from your research participants' interpretations. Your analytic eye and disciplinary background lead you to look at their statements and actions in ways that may not have occurred to them. By studying the data, you may make fundamental processes explicit, render hidden assumptions visible, and give participants new insights. Thomas (1993) says that a researcher must take the familiar, routine, and mundane and make it unfamiliar and new. Think of seeing a once-familiar landscape with a fresh eye after a long absence. You see familiar landmarks with acuity unlike days past when they blurred together. Word-by-word and line-by-line coding help you to see the familiar in new light. Incident coding aids you in discovering patterns and contrasts. You may gain surprising insights about how people's actions fit together or come into conflict. You also gain distance from your preconceptions and your participants' taken-for-granted assumptions about the material so that you can see it in new light.

In Vivo Codes 體內代碼

Grounded theorists generally refer to codes of participants' special terms as in vivo codes. Their specialized terms provide a useful analytic point of departure. In vivo codes help us to preserve participants' meanings of their views and actions in the coding itself. Pay attention to language while you are coding. In vivo codes serve as symbolic markers of participants' speech and meanings. Whether or not they provide useful codes in the later more integrated analysis depends on how you treat them analytically. Like any other code, they need to be subjected to comparative and analytic treatment. Although the terms may be catchy, in vivo codes do not stand on their own in a robust grounded theory; these codes need to be integrated into the theory. When you scrutinize them carefully, three kinds of in vivo codes prove to be useful:
  • Those general terms everyone 'knows' that flag condensed but significant meanings
  • A participant's innovative term that captures meanings or experience
  • Insider shorthand terms specific to a particular group that reflect their perspective.
In vivo codes that condense meanings consist of widely used terms that participants assume everyone shares. In contrast, take participants' usage as problematic rather than reproducing it. Hence, we look for their implicit meanings and attend to how they construct and act upon these meanings. In doing so, we can ask, what analytic category(ies) does this code suggest? Unpacking such terms not only gives you a great opportunity to understand implicit meanings and actions but also to make comparisons between data and with your emerging categories.
Today, everyone knows what the general term 'battered woman' means; however, certain groups assume specific meanings when they use the term. Donileen Loseke (1992) discovered that claims-makers' use of the term depicted a particular set of characteristics that did not fit all women who suffered physical abuse. For claims-makers, a battered woman meant an economically and emotionally dependent mother who suffered repeated, escalating physical abuse, had low self-esteem and poor coping skills, could not rely on informal help or formal services, and had no piace to go. These claims-makers then acted on their meanings when deciding who would receive services and what these services should include. An older, affluent woman without children would not fit their definition, despite having been beaten.
今天,每個人都知道「受虐婦女」這個通用術語的含義;但是,某些群體在使用該術語時會具有特定的含義。Donileen Loseke(1992)發現,索賠者對這一術語的使用描繪了一組特定的特徵,這些特徵並不適合所有遭受身體虐待的婦女。對於索賠者來說,被毆打的婦女意味著在經濟和情感上依賴的母親,她遭受反覆的、不斷升級的身體虐待,自尊心低下,應對能力差,不能依賴非正式的説明或正式服務,也沒有皮亞克可去。然後,這些索賠者在決定誰將獲得服務以及這些服務應包括哪些內容時,根據其含義採取行動。一個沒有孩子的年長、富裕的女人,儘管被毆打過,也不符合他們的定義。
Some in vivo codes simultaneously reflect condensed meanings of a general term and reveal an individual's fresh perspective. After suffering a sudden onset of a serious chronic condition, one man said he intended to pursue 'making a comeback' (Charmaz, 1973). By borrowing a term from once-successful celebrities, he defined his stance toward dealing with chronic illness. Other participants' actions and statements indicated that they shared this stance, although they did not invoke this vivid term.
In vivo codes are characteristic of social worlds and organizational settings. For example, Calvin Morrill's (1995: 263-268) glossary of executives' terms in one corporation included both general terms and specific labels that no doubt furthered his understanding of how they dealt with conflict. Executives imbued some terms, such as 'bozo,' 'roadblock,' or 'jumping ship,' with meanings that echoed ordinary parlance, although many terms assumed specific meanings within the organization and evoked metaphors of combat, violence, and violation. Morrill includes among them:
體內代碼是社會世界和組織環境的特徵。例如,Calvin Morrill(1995:263-268)的高管術語表既包括一般術語,也包括特定標籤,這無疑加深了他對他們如何處理衝突的理解。高管們給一些術語注入了與普通用語相呼應的含義,例如“bozo”、“roadblock”或“jumping ship”,儘管許多術語在組織內部具有特定的含義,並喚起了戰鬥、暴力和侵犯的隱喻。莫里爾包括:

An executive who often engages in covert action
against opponents, does not support his intra-
departmental colleagues in disputes ... (in take-
over imagery, black knight refers to an unfriendly
acquirer from the perspective of an acquired
firm). (p. 263)

Not confronting an offender with longstanding
grievances against their behavior. (p. 265)

An executive's allowing himself or herself to be
publicly criticized by another without calling out
the challenger. (p. 266)
SMALL BURSTS OF FIRE Short public criticisms of a colleague delivered in rapid succession. (p. 267)
小爆發的火力 對同事的簡短公開批評接連不斷。“(第267頁)
VAPORIZING Terminating an executive from the company or creating the conditions under which an executive resigns from the corporation. (p. 267)
蒸發 解僱公司高管或創造高管從公司辭職的條件。“(第267頁)
At organizational or collective levels of analysis, in vivo codes reflect assumptions, actions, and imperatives that frame action. Studying these codes and exploring leads in them allows you to develop a deeper understanding of what is