1.5 Political Economy in the Global North and South: Connecting, Financing, and Ruling 1.5 全球北方和南方的政治经济学：连接、融资和统治
Pedro B. Ortiz (World Bank) and Marco Kamiya (UN-Habitat) Pedro B. Ortiz （世界银行） 和 Marco Kamiya （联合国人居署）
Abstract 抽象
The metropolis is an unprecedented phenomenon of global transformation, yet we still have no discipline of practice to deal with it. Areas of knowledge such as metropolitan finance, supply chains, transport integration, land management, and infrastructure provision are still exploratory fields. National governments must focus and adapt the new political economy that the metropolis demands. This paper defines and analyzes the complexity of metropolitan structures, describing the differences between metropolises in developed and developing countries, and the connectivity and production links that integrate them. It looks at metropolitan political management and governance as a framework for economics, planning, and financing, both in formal and informal contexts, and discusses this new approach in relation to states and cities at the international and national levels. 大都市是前所未有的全球转型现象，但我们仍然没有实践的学科来应对它。大都市金融、供应链、交通一体化、土地管理和基础设施建设等知识领域仍处于探索阶段。各国政府必须关注并适应大都市所需的新政治经济。本文定义并分析了大都市结构的复杂性，描述了发达国家和发展中国家大都市之间的差异，以及整合它们的连通性和生产环节。它将大都市政治管理和治理视为正式和非正式背景下的经济、规划和融资框架，并在国际和国家层面讨论这种与国家和城市相关的新方法。
Metropolises today are the predominant connection between cities and the global economy. Supply chains, economic hubs, and production platforms are linked globally through cities. Metropolises are also the major axes that connect cities, countries, and rural areas. They influence major national decisions concerning infrastructure deployment and economic development and play a fundamental political and economic role in the governance of cities and nations. The world’s roughly 20 metropolises are also a base for multinational corporations and providers of finance, business environments, and the infrastructure that connects them. 今天的大都市是城市与全球经济之间的主要联系。供应链、经济中心和生产平台通过城市在全球范围内连接起来。大都市也是连接城市、国家和农村地区的主轴。它们影响着有关基础设施部署和经济发展的重大国家决策，并在城市和国家的治理中发挥着重要的政治和经济作用。世界上大约 20 个大都市也是跨国公司和金融提供商、商业环境以及连接它们的基础设施的基地。
As early as 1995, Kenichi Ohmae (1995), a McKinsey & Corp. partner, predicted the end of nation states and the emergence of mega-economies or regions. More recently, Parag Khana (2016) described a world in which connectivity led by supply chains was the rule rather than the exception, configuring an almost stateless world. 早在1995年，麦肯锡&公司合伙人Kenichi Ohmae（1995年）就预测了民族国家的终结和大型经济体或地区的出现。最近，Parag Khana （2016） 描述了一个由供应链主导的连通性是规则而不是例外的世界，构建了一个几乎无状态的世界。
The realities and politics of the so-called met-ro-optimists, however, are more complex. Saskia Sassen (1995) defined the emergence of the metropolis, focusing on three global cities in her classic study. The Global City (Sassen, 1995) analyzed Tokyo, New 然而，所谓的 met-ro-optimists 的现实和政治要复杂得多。Saskia Sassen （1995） 在她的经典研究中定义了大都市的出现，重点关注三个全球城市。The Global City （Sassen， 1995） 分析了东京，新
York, and London as the ultimate metropolises where finance and production hubs integrated. Later, Pedro Ortiz (2013) described the need to plan for the metropolis and its limits within nation-states marked by the tension between productivity and equity. Today, academic output on metropolises and megacities is deeper and more analytical in a moment in which metropolises are the norm rather than the exception. 约克和伦敦是金融和生产中心融合的终极大都市。后来，佩德罗·奥尔蒂斯 （Pedro Ortiz） （2013） 描述了在以生产力和公平之间的紧张关系为标志的民族国家内对大都市及其限制进行规划的必要性。今天，在大都市成为常态而不是例外的时刻，关于大都市和特大城市的学术成果更加深入和更具分析性。
The world is clearly moving toward metropolitan economies (see Table 1), but nation-states are still in control and will be the predominant force for the next few decades in a world that requires trade, urban-rural policies, social mandates, and nationwide planning. This chapter focuses on the major axes that define the political economy of the metropolis-connections, finance, and economics-and the new rules that govern them. 世界显然正在向大都市经济迈进（见表 1），但民族国家仍然处于控制之中，并且在未来几十年内，在一个需要贸易、城乡政策、社会授权和全国规划的世界中，民族国家将成为主导力量。本章重点介绍定义大都市政治经济学的主要轴线——联系、金融和经济——以及支配它们的新规则。
A well-known quote from Bismarck says, “Politics is the art of the possible.” Political economy tries to address the dichotomy between economic and social objectives to make them as compatible as possible and avoid the breaking down of the system. Disruptions could result from the failure to coordinate efficiency and equity. Metropolitan management must therefore steer between unacceptable social inequity and 俾斯麦的一句名言说：“政治是可能性的艺术。政治经济学试图解决经济和社会目标之间的二分法，使它们尽可能兼容并避免系统崩溃。未能协调效率和公平性可能会导致中断。因此，大都市管理层必须在不可接受的社会不平等和
unsustainable economic inefficiency. Economics aims to be a science, but political economics is not. 不可持续的经济低效率。经济学的目标是成为一门科学，但政治经济学不是。
Economics is the science that analyzes the components of a productive process. In metropolitan terms, economic policies attempt to maximize the output given a limited amount of resources. When applied to metropolises, economic policies develop a set of technical mechanisms to (i) calculate the return on a combination of resources and (ii) improve productivity. 经济学是分析生产过程组成部分的科学。从大都市的角度来看，经济政策试图在资源有限的情况下实现产出最大化。当应用于大都市时，经济政策开发了一套技术机制来 （i） 计算资源组合的回报和 （ii） 提高生产力。
Political economy, instead, is the art of achieving the most desirable objective through an analytical approach situated within a specific sociopolitical context that could allow, or endanger, the efficiency of the result. Political economy tries to make the output as efficient as possible given a set of social (political) circumstances. The objective of political economy is efficacy rather than efficiency. 相反，政治经济学是通过位于特定社会政治背景下的分析方法来实现最理想的目标的艺术，该方法可能允许或危及结果的效率。政治经济学试图在给定一系列社会（政治）环境的情况下使产出尽可能高效。政治经济学的目标是效能而不是效率。
Economies of scale apply directly to metropolises, which is why metropolises are more efficient than simple cities and why they are becoming increasingly powerful. Metropolises are now reaching competitive 规模经济直接适用于大都市，这就是为什么大都市比简单的城市更有效率，以及它们变得越来越强大的原因。大都市现在正在达到竞争力
capacities beyond those of many nation-states. We could define the current era, starting in the late 20th century, as the Age of the Metropolis. 能力超过了许多民族国家的能力。我们可以将当前时代（从 20 世纪末开始）定义为大都会时代。
In achieving efficiency, numerous techniques are used to quantify the output of a specific set of productive inputs. Techniques are used to time and scale the inputs to maximize the output. On the social side, many indicators allow equitable access to social facilities to be calculated and shared, and such indicators help us reach a progressive distribution of consumption. However, there are no techniques or indicators available to locate equilibrium between efficiency and equity, despite the many efforts to develop taxation formulas to frame this dichotomy. 在提高效率的过程中，使用了许多技术来量化一组特定生产投入的产出。使用技术对输入进行计时和缩放，以最大化输出。在社会方面，许多指标允许计算和共享公平使用社会设施的机会，这些指标有助于我们实现消费的渐进分布。然而，尽管人们做出了许多努力来制定税收公式来构建这种二分法，但没有可用的技术或指标来定位效率和公平之间的平衡。
Above all, it is important to understand that there can be no equity without growth, and no growth without equity. The political programs that prioritize growth as the forerunner of equity generally do not understand that if sharing is postponed for a long time, the whole system breaks and growth is disrupted, if not halted altogether. 最重要的是，重要的是要明白，没有增长就没有公平，没有公平就没有增长。将增长作为公平的先驱的政治计划通常不明白，如果分享被推迟很长时间，整个系统就会崩溃，增长就会被破坏，如果不是完全停止的话。
Table 1. Ranking of Nations and Metropolises by GDP, 2014 表 1.2014 年国家和大都市 GDP 排名
Rank 排
Country or Metro Area 国家/地区或都会区
国内生产总值
（购买力平价，B美元）
GDP
(PPP, US$B)
GDP
(PPP, US$B)| GDP |
| :---: |
| (PPP, US$B) |
Total Population 总人口
人均 GDP
（购买力平价，美元）
GDP per Capita
(PPP, US$)
GDP per Capita
(PPP, US$)| GDP per Capita |
| :---: |
| (PPP, US$) |
A key component is at play in this dichotomy between growth and equity: the physical substrata, a substantial component when dealing with territorial structures, as with metropolises. The physical substrata includes both the natural environment and the urban construct and layout (UN-Habitat, 2015). 在增长和公平之间的这种二分法中，一个关键组成部分在发挥作用：物理底层，这是处理地域结构（如大都市）的重要组成部分。物理底层包括自然环境和城市建设和布局（联合国人居署，2015 年）。
Well managed, the physical realm can mitigate socioeconomic frictions. One example is breaking the center-periphery antagonism, which fosters the marginalization of peripheral social groups. Adopting a polycentric approach to metropolises allows demand to control the land market and provides a plurality of locations for social access to public facilities. 如果管理得当，物理领域可以减轻社会经济摩擦。一个例子是打破中心-边缘对立，这促进了边缘社会群体的边缘化。对大都市采用多中心方法，允许需求控制土地市场，并为公共设施的社交访问提供多个地点。
The metropolis is an aggregate of cities and neighborhoods. The territorial build-up of a metropolis therefore depends on an efficient layout of the connections among them. This point was described by Jacobs in her classic, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961), in which she described the conditions for vibrant and productive cities as available public space, mixed communities, a number of intersections, and so on. Recently, De Nadai (2016) quantified these conditions in Italy using cell phone data, while UN-Habitat, the Lincoln Institute, and New York University (2016) have been working on a global sample of 200 cities to create a dataset using quantitative and qualitative aspects of urban expansion from 1990 to 2015. 大都市是城市和社区的集合体。因此，大都市的领土建设取决于它们之间联系的有效布局。雅各布斯在她的经典著作《美国大城市的死与生》（1961 年）中描述了这一点，她在书中将充满活力和生产力的城市的条件描述为可用的公共空间、混合社区、许多十字路口等。最近，De Nadai （2016） 使用手机数据量化了意大利的这些状况，而联合国人居署、林肯研究所和纽约大学 （2016） 一直在对 200 个城市进行全球样本研究，以使用 1990 年至 2015 年城市扩张的定量和定性方面创建一个数据集。
Zooming out, the efficiency of the metropolis is based on two components: relative location and infrastructure investments. Relative location concerns territorial components, since the functions and uses of land must be efficiently located to minimize costs and provide fluid mobility and accessibility throughout the metropolis. Infrastructure investments must be of an appropriate level and adequacy. Urban and metropolitan space is created by the infrastructure that provides potential for its use. As noted by Lefebvre (1974), “Space does not exist; it is created.” 放大来看，这座大都市的效率基于两个因素：相对位置和基础设施投资。相对位置涉及领土组成部分，因为必须有效地定位土地的功能和用途，以最大限度地降低成本，并在整个大都市中提供流畅的流动性和可达性。基础设施投资必须具有适当的水平和充足性。城市和大都市空间是由为其使用潜力提供的基础设施创造的。正如 Lefebvre （1974） 所指出的，“空间不存在;它是被创造的。
A good location is the one that is related to this infrastructure. It is reflected in the value of the land and the added value generated by the impact of the infrastructure on the potential uses of that land. Added value is mostly a condensation of the positive externalities of the public (or private) investment in infrastructure on the potential (economic) use of that land. The infrastructure provides the location’s effectiveness. Time is also relevant. If the availability of the infrastructure is not timed well (typically due to financial concerns), a good location is useless. Politics therefore enters the timing game. 一个好的位置是与此基础设施相关的位置。它反映在土地的价值以及基础设施对土地潜在用途的影响所产生的附加值上。附加值主要是公共（或私人）基础设施投资对土地潜在（经济）利用的正外部性的浓缩。基础设施提供了位置的有效性。时间也很重要。如果基础设施的可用性没有很好地安排（通常是由于财务问题），那么一个好的位置是没有用的。因此，政治进入了时间游戏。
The metropolitan physical structure, location, and infrastructure-in other words, land use and transport-are the base. This is what a metropolitan government must provide. The interests of land and inherited inefficient locations, historically based in shortsighted land policy approaches, often make the pursuit of this objective very difficult, if not 大都市的物理结构、位置和基础设施（换句话说，土地利用和交通）是基础。这就是都市政府必须提供的。土地的利益和继承的低效地点，历史上基于短视的土地政策方法，往往使追求这一目标变得非常困难，如果不是这样的话
impossible. Political economy balances those conflicting private interests and tries to come out with a feasible proposal for land allocation decisions and provision of infrastructure. 不可能的。政治经济学平衡了那些相互冲突的私人利益，并试图为土地分配决策和基础设施的提供提出可行的建议。
The economy of the metropolis is an essential component. The forces that shape the efficiency of a metropolitan economy (e.g., labor, capital, entrepreneurship, and productivity) are now global, not local. They must be dealt with in a way quite similar to a national economic policy rather than a localized urban economic policy. 大都市的经济是必不可少的组成部分。塑造大都市经济效率的力量（例如，劳动力、资本、创业精神和生产力）现在是全球性的，而不是地方性的。它们必须以一种与国家经济政策相当的方式处理，而不是以地方性的城市经济政策来处理。
Metropolitan Governance 大都市治理
The economic power and the social complexity of metropolises align themselves rather more with the management of nation-states than of cities. Metropolises follow this rule even if they do not have an established government. 大都市的经济实力和社会复杂性更多地与民族国家的管理相一致，而不是与城市的管理相一致。大都市即使没有成熟的政府，也遵循这一规则。
In all cultures, city government is a (formal or informal) unitary system. This has been true in Europe since Roman times. In complex hierarchical systems such as the Roman Empire or the indigenous Germanic and Anglo-Saxon tribal systems, the basic unit of territorial coexistence was the village, the town, and the city. A single institution deals with the issues that require joint or cooperative management. 在所有文化中，市政府都是一个（正式或非正式的）单一制。自罗马时代以来，欧洲就是如此。在复杂的等级制度中，如罗马帝国或土著日耳曼人和盎格鲁-撒克逊部落制度，领土共存的基本单位是村庄、城镇和城市。一个机构处理需要联合或合作管理的问题。
A metropolitan governance system is much more complex. It involves many municipalities, tiers, ministries, and departments of the national government (e.g., transport, housing, finance, public administration, health, and education). It also typically involves multiple utility agencies, either public, private, both, or mixed. Each of these organizations has their own framework of purposes and competences provided by the law, and none of those involved in metropolitan management can impose on any other beyond the limits established by the law. 大都市治理体系要复杂得多。它涉及国家政府的许多市、级、部委和部门（例如，交通、住房、财政、公共管理、卫生和教育）。它通常还涉及多个公用事业机构，无论是公共的、私人的、两者兼而有之，还是混合的。这些组织中的每一个都有自己的法律规定的目标和权限框架，参与大都市管理的任何组织都不能超出法律规定的限制强加给任何其他组织。
The management of a metropolis is not based on orders provided from the upper tier of a unitary system, it is based on a peer dialogue among all the institutions and organizations within the limits established. The law outlines the distribution of responsibilities 大都市的管理不是基于单一制上层提供的命令，而是基于在既定范围内所有机构和组织之间的同行对话。法律概述了责任分配
and competences among them. A metropolitan management structure is neither based on a unitary hierarchical pyramid (the top-down Aristotelian potestas) nor on a centripetal (center versus periphery) model of imposed decisions. Metropolitan management structure is based on a matrix of dialogues (Figure 1) among the actors and stakeholders involved. 以及他们中的能力。大都市管理结构既不是基于单一的等级金字塔（自上而下的亚里士多德 potestas），也不是基于强加决策的向心性（中心与外围）模型。大都市管理结构基于相关参与者和利益相关者之间的对话矩阵（图 1）。
Figure 1. Metropolitan Governance: A Matrix of Dialogues 图 1.大都市治理：对话矩阵
National governments, in contrast to single municipalities, have developed from more diverse alternatives. Models range from the centralized unitary system of a military conquest to the cooperative coordination of city leagues, such as the Greek Delian, Achaean, or Hellenic leagues, to the Germanic Hanseatic league. With time, the complexity of organization has evolved into such solutions as federations. 与单一城市相比，国家政府是从更多样化的选择发展而来的。模型范围从军事征服的集中单一系统到城市联盟的合作协调，例如希腊德利安、亚该亚或希腊联盟，再到日耳曼汉萨同盟。随着时间的推移，组织的复杂性已经演变成联合等解决方案。
Unitary: In a unitary system, power before decentralization is instituted in a single central power. Sovereignty stands at the center. Most countries work this way. France is a good example. In France, the head of a department is the prefect, who is appointed by the national president and is accountable to him or her. 单一制：在单一制中，权力下放前的权力由单一的中央权力建立。主权处于中心地位。大多数国家都是这样运作的。法国就是一个很好的例子。在法国，部门负责人是省长，由国家总统任命并对他或她负责。
Confederate: In a confederate system, sovereignty stands at the level of member states or cities. The German Hanse and the Greek Hellenic systems are 邦联：在邦联体系中，主权位于成员国或城市的层面。德国的 Hanse 和希腊的希腊系统是
illustrative. The Confederate States of America (the government of the South during the U.S. Civil War) and the European Union are closer examples. 说明。美利坚联盟国（美国南北战争期间的南方政府）和欧盟是更接近的例子。
Federation: In a federal system, sovereignty is at the center but management is not just decentralized, it is also devolved. The various tiers of government have their own independent designation systems and are accountable to their population, not to the central unitary power that has appointed them. Germany and the United States are current examples. 联邦：在联邦体系中，主权是核心，但管理不仅是分散的，而且还是下放的。各级政府有自己独立的指定系统，并对其人民负责，而不是对任命他们的中央单一权力负责。德国和美国就是目前的例子。
Metropolises have developed as complex supra-urban systems composed of multiple cities or urban units. They have the management complexity of modern nation-states. They have the productive capacity and the socioeconomic complexity of nation-states. Their management requirements have less to do with simple urban structures than with the typical concerns of nation-states. As an example of metropolitan efficiency, the ones that are in fact nation-states, such as Singapore, perform so well that they are often benchmarked as examples of the way to go forward. 大都市已经发展成为由多个城市或城市单元组成的复杂的超城区系统。它们具有现代民族国家的管理复杂性。他们拥有民族国家的生产能力和社会经济复杂性。他们的管理要求与简单的城市结构关系不大，而是与民族国家的典型关注点有关。作为大都市效率的一个例子，那些实际上是民族国家的国家，如新加坡，表现得如此出色，以至于它们经常被作为前进道路的标杆。
The need for a new urban dimension, the metropolitan one, has been felt since the second half of the 20th century. There have been many attempts to build some metropolitan coordination among cities involved in various forms of metropolitan phenomena. 自 20 世纪下半叶以来，人们就感受到了对新城市维度的需求，即大都市维度。已经有很多尝试在涉及各种形式的大都市现象的城市之间建立一些大都市协调。
Within the confederate approach there is an incremental process that can be simplified into four stages: 在邦联方法中，有一个增量过程可以简化为四个阶段：
Round Table: The first stage of coordination involves meeting and revealing to the group what each member is doing. Sharing information permits learning from each other, facilitating good results by benchmarking and, most importantly, detecting where conflicts or inconsistencies might appear. This could lead to alternative methods to address the conflicts or inconsistencies by either negotiation or confrontation. 圆桌会议：协调的第一阶段包括开会并向小组透露每个成员在做什么。共享信息可以相互学习，通过基准测试促进良好的结果，最重要的是，可以检测可能出现冲突或不一致的地方。这可能会导致通过谈判或对抗来解决冲突或不一致的替代方法。
Parallel Projects: Out of those round tables and their attendant cross-insemination of ideas and experiences, some of the administrations involved may eventually replicate each other and develop similar projects. Such parallel projects are not integrated into the single management. 平行项目：在这些圆桌会议及其随之而来的思想和经验的交叉授精中，一些参与的政府最终可能会相互复制并开发类似的项目。此类并行项目未集成到单个管理中。
Common Projects: Once confidence has been developed over many years of stages 1 and 2, some of the administrations may decide to undertake common projects. Planning is done together but implementation is still run independently. Some economy-of-scale benefits could be achieved by such common initiatives. 共同项目：一旦在第 1 阶段和第 2 阶段的多年中建立了信心，一些主管部门可能会决定开展共同项目。规划是一起完成的，但实施仍然是独立进行的。这些共同举措可以实现一些规模经济效益。
Management Agency: When the complexity of a project requires strong technical skills and continuous maintenance management, a common project might be provided with a management agency. Cross-boundary transport projects, such as in Washington, D.C., are an example of this stage. 管理机构：当项目的复杂性需要强大的技术技能和持续的维护管理时，可能会为一个普通项目提供一个管理机构。跨境运输项目，例如华盛顿特区，就是这一阶段的一个例子。
These stages of confederation building take time: five to ten years each at least. Some arrangements never go beyond a certain stage when the confidence has not been built to allow for further development. Most important, it must be understood that the process of confederation has a limit: where none of the administrations involved, or the politicians in charge of these administrations, is willing to transfer sovereignty from their administration to the agency. 邦联建设的这些阶段需要时间：每个阶段至少需要 5 到 10 年。有些安排永远不会超过某个阶段，因为还没有建立信心来允许进一步的发展。最重要的是，必须明白，邦联的过程是有限制的：没有一个参与其中的政府或负责这些政府的政治家愿意将主权从他们的政府转移到该机构。
Confederations do not readily develop into federations or unitary systems. The Hanseatic League imploded when confronted from the outside. The Hellenic League was taken over by the Athenian Empire and the Confederate States of America terminated with the end of the U.S. Civil War. Europe, as it is, is a confederation. A unitary monetary system requires a federal fiscal and economic policy. The absence of such has created many of the troubles Europe is experiencing. A constitutional attempt was made a few years ago, but it failed. Europe in 2016 is struggling with centrifugal forces such as England and Greece. 邦联不容易发展成邦联或单一制。汉萨同盟在面对来自外部的威胁时崩溃了。希腊联盟被雅典帝国接管，美利坚联盟国随着美国内战的结束而终止。欧洲是一个邦联。单一货币体系需要联邦财政和经济政策。缺乏这样的组织造成了欧洲正在经历的许多麻烦。几年前曾尝试制定宪法，但失败了。2016 年的欧洲正在与英格兰和希腊等离心力作斗争。
A National Unitary System, Decentralization, and Devolution 国家单一制、分权和权力下放
At the other extreme of governmental mechanisms, we have the unitary system. With the exception of Singapore and some other cities (e.g., Monaco 在政府机制的另一个极端，我们有单一制。除了新加坡和其他一些城市（例如摩纳哥
and the Vatican) often presented as metropolitan successes, the unitary system is mainly used at the national level. 和梵蒂冈）通常被描述为大都市的成功，单一制主要用于国家层面。
There are many ways to achieve national unity. Usually violence is involved, with the unitary system at some moment in history being imposed by either war or revolution. It is therefore to some extent an imposed system. Even when legitimized by a democratic constitution, it nevertheless has a top-down approach and is sometimes contested when it fails to respond to bottom-up community concerns. 实现国家统一的方法有很多。通常涉及暴力，单一制在历史上的某个时刻是由战争或革命强加的。因此，它在某种程度上是一个强加的制度。即使被民主宪法合法化，它仍然采用自上而下的方法，并且有时当它未能回应自下而上的社区问题时，它会受到争议。
National unitary systems can be deaf to metropolitan needs. They tend to focus on national issues and take a limited interest in metropolitan ones. These issues are difficult, conflictive, and expensive to solve (e.g., Bogotá transport). This is so even when the capital metropolis produces more than 60 percent of the national GDP (e.g., Manila, Cairo, and Buenos Aires) and the whole country is at stake if the capital metropolis does not work. 国家单一制可能对大都市的需求充耳不闻。他们倾向于关注国家问题，而对大都市问题的兴趣有限。这些问题很难解决、冲突且成本高昂（例如，波哥大交通）。即使首都大都市的GDP占全国GDP的60%以上（如马尼拉、开罗和布宜诺斯艾利斯），如果首都大都市不运转，整个国家都将处于危险之中。
On some occasions, metropolises benefit from a decentralization framework. A local agency is instituted and a CEO appointed by the central government, such as in Madrid during the 1970s. Decentralization is as democratic as the central government. Even a legitimately democratic government does not necessarily represent the specific inhabitants of the metropolis. It represents the inhabitants of the unitary state (e.g., the role of Minister for Kampala, Uganda). Eventually, the metropolitan population will require accountability of these appointees. They will be summoned to be accountable to the metropolitan population, not to the national president. Devolution would then be the next step in establishing real metropolitan governance. 在某些情况下，大都市受益于去中心化框架。设立地方机构并由中央政府任命首席执行官，例如 1970 年代的马德里。权力下放与中央政府一样民主。即使是合法的民主政府也不一定代表大都市的特定居民。它代表单一制国家的居民（例如，乌干达坎帕拉部长的角色）。最终，大都市居民将要求对这些被任命者负责。他们将被传唤对大都市人民负责，而不是对国家总统负责。那么，权力下放将是建立真正的大都市治理的下一步。
Decentralization must not be mistaken with devolution. In a metropolitan devolution process, the accountability of the metropolitan appointees is transferred from the central government to the citizens of the metropolis. The head of the metropolitan agency is accountable to the electorate. Once their offices have devolved, metropolitan executives become elected governmental officials. The central government cannot remove them 权力下放不能与权力下放相混淆。在大都市权力下放过程中，大都会任命者的责任从中央政府转移到大都市的公民。大都会机构的负责人对选民负责。一旦他们的职位下放，大都会的行政人员就会成为民选政府官员。中央政府无法罢免他们
without the convergence of exceptional and specific circumstances, to be established by law at the constitutional level. 没有特殊和特定情况的融合，由宪法层面的法律确定。
A process of metropolitan devolution can be established in unitary states. There are, however, two difficulties. First, no politician wants to lose areas of power and control. National governments do not like to lose part of their capacity to manage the metropolis, which represents a large portion of national population and possibly even a greater share of national GDP. Politicians by nature accumulate power, they do not let it erode. Second, if the president of the metropolitan government represents an opposition party, presiding over more than 50 percent of the national GDP might encourage him or her to imagine the national presidency as the next rung to climb. This person would become the political enemy of the national president, as occurred in Buenos Aires. No politician wants to breed enemies out of power resignation. 在单一制国家中可以建立大都市权力下放的过程。然而，有两个困难。首先，没有政客愿意失去权力和控制权。各国政府不喜欢失去部分管理大都市的能力，因为大都市代表了全国人口的很大一部分，甚至可能在全国 GDP 中占有更大的份额。政客天生就是积累权力，他们不会让权力被侵蚀。其次，如果东京都政府的总统代表一个在野党，那么他/她领导的全国GDP超过50%可能会鼓励他或她把国家总统职位想象成下一个要攀升的阶梯。这个人会成为国家总统的政敌，就像在布宜诺斯艾利斯发生的那样。没有政客想从权力辞职中培养敌人。
All this is unfortunate enough. On one hand, it is impossible to build a metropolitan government level out of a confederate approach. Such adverse circumstances are a pity, as it would be possible to build that level from unitary decentralization and devolution. Some would argue that metropolitan governments are not necessary, and that a confederation or decentralization framework would be quite enough. Political economy, however, would point otherwise, arguing that many challenges and problems of metropolises are neither municipal nor national. If they are specifically metropolitan problems, they must be addressed at the metropolitan level, and for such they need the instrument of a metropolitan institution to address them, achieved through either decentralization or devolution. 这一切都是很遗憾的。一方面，不可能从邦联式方法中建立一个大都会政府级别。这种不利的情况很遗憾，因为有可能从单一的权力下放和权力下放中建立那个水平。有些人会争辩说，大都市政府没有必要，一个邦联或分权框架就足够了。然而，政治经济学却不这么认为，它认为大都市的许多挑战和问题既不是市政的，也不是国家的。如果它们是具体的大都市问题，则必须在大都市层面解决，为此，他们需要大都市机构的工具来解决它们，通过权力下放或权力下放来实现。
In a globalized world, in a competitive environment where metropolises are more competitive and economically productive than nations, and where the wealth of nations depends on the efficiency of their metropolises, there is little room for suboptimal solutions. Metropolises must be provided with the most effective system of governance to be able to maximize their economy. If not, the 在一个全球化的世界里，在一个竞争激烈的环境中，大都市比国家更具竞争力和经济生产力，而国家的财富取决于其大都市的效率，因此几乎没有次优解决方案的余地。必须为大都市提供最有效的治理体系，才能最大限度地发挥其经济效益。如果没有，则
nation is doomed. It will not be able to compete in a globalized world. 国家注定要灭亡。它将无法在全球化的世界中竞争。
Metropolises also must be able to provide adequate frameworks to develop the political economy necessary for governance’s equity objective. That is why the governmental system is an essential piece of the metropolitan political economy. 大都市还必须能够提供足够的框架来发展治理公平目标所需的政治经济学。这就是为什么政府系统是大都市政治经济的重要组成部分。
Metropolitan Economics and Political Economy 大都会经济学和政治经济学
The productive system of a metropolis is a system where all parts are interrelated, even though some of its components may be discontinuous in spatial terms. Many metropolises do not see the need to act on the system in a consistent and comprehensive way. Economies of metropolises are often dealt with in a disjointed way, assuming they are dealt with at all. Metropolitan economies are often as important and powerful as national economies and they must be dealt with at a similar level of concern and with similar policy management capacities. 大都市的生产系统是一个所有部分都相互关联的系统，即使它的某些组成部分在空间上可能是不连续的。许多大都市认为没有必要以一致和全面的方式对该系统采取行动。大都市的经济经常以脱节的方式处理，假设它们根本没有得到处理。大都市经济体通常与国家经济一样重要和强大，必须以类似的关注水平和类似的政策管理能力来处理它们。
The projects approached for common development by cities in metropolises are mainly green or gray infrastructure projects. This is because, among the five components of metropolitan structures (environment, transport, housing, productive activities, and social facilities), environment and transport are continuous systems; the other three are discontinuous. 大都市城市接洽的共同发展项目主要是绿色或灰色的基础设施项目。这是因为，在大都市结构的五个组成部分（环境、交通、住房、生产活动和社会设施）中，环境和交通是连续的系统;其他三个是不连续的。
There is a tendency to think that continuous systems require more coordination than discontinuous ones. That is why municipalities feel a greater need to have a consistent metropolitan policy when dealing with green and gray infrastructure, unlike when dealing with housing, productive, or social policies. The need for coordination is more difficult to perceive for the discontinuous components and comes about only in more complex stages of metropolitan evolution, most frequently in decentralized or devolved systems. 有一种倾向认为，连续系统比不连续系统需要更多的协调。这就是为什么市政当局在处理绿色和灰色基础设施时更需要一致的大都市政策，这与处理住房、生产性或社会政策不同。对于不连续的组成部分，协调的需求更难感知，并且只出现在大都市演变的更复杂的阶段，最常见的是分散或分散的系统。
Beyond technical capacity, the major problem for coordination is isolation between professionals who deal with the economic policies of metropolises and those 除了技术能力之外，协调的主要问题是处理大都市经济政策的专业人员与处理大都市经济政策的专业人员之间的孤立
who deal with physical policies. If there is no metropolitan institution to foster collaboration, coordination, and dialogue, isolation becomes chronic and coordination takes place only, if ever, at the academic level. 他们处理实体保单。如果没有大都市机构来促进合作、协调和对话，孤立就会成为慢性病，协调只会发生在学术层面。
Physical planners approach location in terms of a separation of conflictive functions (e.g. polluting industry and residential areas) and as driven by traffic patterns of accessibility or congestion. Very little attention is typically given to economic needs because planners lack such skills and information, and the system, either academic or administrative, rarely provides for it. Urban economists will, on the other hand, bypass physical management and address their arguments to top politicians and deci-sion-makers. They will encourage policies and projects unrelated to a physical context that is difficult to grasp and appreciate. Governance specialists, focus on institutional settings. They rarely understand the physical needs of the metropolis and so produce proposals based on benchmarking approaches that replicate well-functioning institutions. This approach, providing a tool unrelated to the task, might leave you with the institutional dilemma of a screw in one hand and a hammer in the other. 物理规划者根据冲突功能（例如污染工业和住宅区）的分离以及可达性或拥堵的交通模式来处理位置。通常很少关注经济需求，因为规划者缺乏这样的技能和信息，而学术或行政系统很少提供这些。另一方面，城市经济学家将绕过实体管理，向顶级政治家和决策者提出他们的论点。他们将鼓励与难以掌握和欣赏的物理环境无关的政策和项目。治理专家，专注于机构设置。他们很少了解大都市的物质需求，因此根据复制运作良好的机构的基准方法提出提案。这种方法提供了一个与任务无关的工具，可能会让你陷入一手拿螺丝钉，一手拿锤子的制度困境。
Unfortunately, institutions from places that have problems in socioeconomic contexts unrelated to the metropolis in question are hardly going to perform as they did in the native city. If officials from Kampala are urged to adopt a governance mechanism during a field trip to see the transport system of Stockholm, that mechanism must be contextualized or else this becomes an exercise of science fiction. Governance is the tool to implement a proposal or a project. If the project was not selected and developed by the city leader, the tool chosen will probably be inefficient or redundant for the purpose. 不幸的是，来自与相关大都市无关的社会经济环境存在问题的机构几乎不会像在当地那样表现。如果敦促坎帕拉的官员在实地考察斯德哥尔摩的交通系统时采用一种治理机制，那么该机制必须结合具体情况，否则就会成为科幻小说。治理是实施提案或项目的工具。如果项目不是由城市领导选择和开发的，那么所选择的工具可能会效率低下或多余。
Political Economy: Strategic and Structural Planning 政治经济学：战略与结构规划
Integrating economic, social, and physical approaches into the metropolis can be done through strategic planning. The physical environment is the backdrop against which economic and social planning take place. Strategic planning is the instrument that establishes 可以通过战略规划将经济、社会和物理方法整合到大都市中。物理环境是经济和社会规划发生的背景。战略规划是建立
the socioeconomic priorities for the future of a specific metropolis. It does so based on the metropolis’s problems, risks, weaknesses, and potential. The transversal approach to metropolitan strategic planning could result in identifying priority projects. Transversal projects that require a physical dimension and promote a strategic vision for the metropolis beyond the tactical. 特定大都市未来的社会经济优先事项。它根据大都市的问题、风险、弱点和潜力来做到这一点。大都市战略规划的横向方法可能会导致确定优先项目。横向项目需要物理维度，并促进超越战术的大都市战略愿景。
The socioeconomic strategic plan then feeds a physical structural plan. Note that a structural plan that addresses the overall general physical strategies of the metropolis should not be confused with a detailed municipal regulatory plan. The structural plan must be designed at the metropolitan level, which requires instruments different from those used at the municipal level. Such a misunderstanding is the most common mistake made by professionals who deal with metropolitan planning, most of whom come from an urban planning background. They create so-called metropolitan plans that are impossible to implement because they misunderstand the biology of the metropolis. Such plans eventually become decorative elements in administrative offices. 然后，社会经济战略计划为物理结构计划提供信息。请注意，解决大都市整体一般物理战略的结构计划不应与详细的市政监管计划相混淆。结构规划必须在大都市层面进行设计，这需要与城市层面使用的仪器不同。这样的误解是处理大都市规划的专业人士最常犯的错误，他们中的大多数人都来自城市规划背景。他们制定了所谓的大都市计划，这些计划不可能实施，因为他们误解了大都市的生物学。这样的计划最终成为行政办公室的装饰元素。
A structural plan deals with the main projects that have a transversal metropolitan implication. Such projects are meant to affect the overall structure of the metropolis to increase both the efficiency and equity of the metropolitan system. Sustainability is obviously the substrata of the physical policies that must integrate the five previously mentioned metropolitan components: green and gray infrastructure (i.e., environment and transport), housing, productive activities, and social facilities. 结构规划涉及具有横向大都市影响的主要项目。此类项目旨在影响大都市的整体结构，以提高大都市系统的效率和公平性。可持续性显然是物理政策的底层，它必须整合前面提到的五个大都市组成部分：绿色和灰色基础设施（即环境和交通）、住房、生产活动和社会设施。
Metropolitan Urban Economy 大都会城市经济
Urban economy emphasizes city layout to improve productivity. Components are rooted into supply chains, activities, and procedures that facilitate integration of production with time and efficiency. Several factors contribute to this, including fixed capital and spatial layout. 城市经济强调城市布局以提高生产力。组件植根于供应链、活动和程序中，有助于将生产与时间和效率相结合。有几个因素促成了这一点，包括固定资本和空间布局。
Fixed capital is essential because metropolises must accumulate fixed capital as a multiplier of labor 固定资本是必不可少的，因为大都市必须积累固定资本作为劳动力的乘数
productivity. There are three components of metropolitan fixed capital: 生产力。大都市固定资本有三个组成部分：
Location: It must be integrated into a territorial model that allows resilience, sustainability, and flexibility. 位置：它必须整合到允许弹性、可持续性和灵活性的领土模型中。
Typology: It must respond to the potential needs of the metropolitan economy’s strategic development. 类型学：它必须响应大都市经济战略发展的潜在需求。
Timing: It must be prioritized and timed because no one wants to finance infrastructure that is not yet necessary. 时机：必须确定优先级和时间，因为没有人愿意为尚不需要的基础设施提供资金。
Fixed capital is not enough, and yet it could also be too much. Some metropolises have already achieved their actual limits of capital accumulation and therefore need to tame the complexity of their accumulated capital. Only a few metropolises have reached this level: Paris, London, New York, and Tokyo are the clearest examples. 固定资本是不够的，但也可能太多。一些大都市已经达到了资本积累的实际极限，因此需要驯服其资本积累的复杂性。只有少数大都市达到了这一水平：巴黎、伦敦、纽约和东京是最明显的例子。
Some of the effects of fixed capital can be achieved less expensively by running capital and management. We see traffic management as an alternative to building expensive and environmentally degrading infrastructure. The analysis of intermodal and overall efficiency can be approached with multiple econometric techniques. 固定资本的一些效果可以通过运行资本和管理来降低成本。我们将交通管理视为构建昂贵且环保基础设施的替代方案。多式联运和整体效率的分析可以使用多种计量经济学技术来实现。
This capacity for management governance is what we call intangible fixed capital. Investment is necessary in human and social resources, and resources related to entrepreneurial capacity. Metropolises with more social and human capital can recuperate quicker and better after disasters than those with less. One could compare the aftermath of the 2010 earthquakes in Haiti and Chile as an example. Not that they need to be tested by disaster to analyze results, these metropolises perform better in any circumstance. 这种管理治理能力就是我们所说的无形固定资本。对人力和社会资源以及与创业能力相关的资源进行投资是必要的。与社会和人力资本较多的大都市相比，拥有更多社会和人力资本的大都市在灾后可以更快、更好地恢复。我们可以以 2010 年海地和智利地震的后果为例。并不是说他们需要经过灾难的考验来分析结果，这些大都市在任何情况下都表现得更好。
We should distinguish between the social and productive facilities of tangible fixed capital. No labor force can be improved without health or education facilities. Even cultural and leisure facilities are essential to keep a labor force balanced and competitive. The share and prioritization, however, is impossible to approach by standardized quantitative means. No comparative standard analysis is available among 我们应该区分有形固定资本的社会设施和生产设施。没有卫生或教育设施，就无法改善劳动力。甚至文化和休闲设施对于保持劳动力的平衡和竞争力也是必不可少的。然而，份额和优先级不可能通过标准化的定量方法来实现。没有可用的比较标准分析
well-performing metropolises. Each metropolis has its own underlying structure. Cultural and spatial contrasts require different optimal equilibriums. Transfer of internationally trendy templates should be restrained. The share should be established by the priorities and appreciation of local consumers and the electorate. 表现良好的大都市。每个大都市都有自己的基础结构。文化和空间对比需要不同的最佳平衡。应限制国际流行模板的转让。份额应由当地消费者和选民的优先事项和欣赏来确定。
Congestion is the nightmare monster of the metropolis. Congestion can bring a metropolis to gridlock. Often size is seen as the cause, but more important are the attributes of urban expansion layouts. In this framework, the subsequent argument is that metropolitan growth should be contained. This is a moral approach, not technical, as an ethic of small is beautiful can be discerned. Technically, however, a congestion threshold is reached when the marginal return on the accumulation curve becomes negative. In traffic terms, that would be when the cost of one additional car on the road reducing the general speed (a negative externality) becomes greater than the benefit of accessibility provided for by that additional car. Congestion, and not only in terms of vehicular traffic, can diminish a metropolis’s competitiveness. Non-congested competitors then take advantage of this weakness in global markets. 拥堵是大都市的噩梦怪物。拥堵会导致大都市陷入僵局。规模通常被视为原因，但更重要的是城市扩张布局的属性。在这个框架中，随后的论点是应该遏制大都市的增长。这是一种道德方法，而不是技术方法，因为可以辨别出小即是美的道德。然而，从技术上讲，当累积曲线上的边际回报变为负值时，就会达到拥塞阈值。从交通角度来看，当道路上增加一辆降低一般速度的汽车（负外部性）的成本大于该额外汽车提供的可达性的好处时。拥堵，不仅在车辆交通方面，还会削弱大都市的竞争力。然后，非拥堵的竞争对手利用全球市场的这一弱点。
Nevertheless, economies of scale show that the larger you are, the more efficient you are likely to be. Better mobility should increase productivity. According to Prud’homme and Lee (1999), the elasticity of commuting speeds and labor productivity is around +0.30 , which means that increasing speed by 10 percent increases productivity by 3 percent. The larger the metropolis, however, the more specialized the labor force typically becomes. Such specialization requires adequate education and immigration appeal. Larger metropolises typically enjoy larger marginal returns on fixed capital. The congestion limit must not be reached, meaning there needs to be a way to push back the congestion threshold. As Alain Bertaud (2016) said, “Mobility explains the link between city size and productivity.” 尽管如此，规模经济表明，您的规模越大，您的效率可能就越高。更好的移动性应该提高生产力。根据 Prud'homme 和 Lee （1999） 的说法，通勤速度和劳动生产率的弹性约为 +0.30 ，这意味着速度提高 10% 会使生产率提高 3%。然而，大都市越大，劳动力通常就越专业化。这种专业化需要足够的教育和移民吸引力。较大的大都市通常享有更高的固定资本边际回报。不得达到拥塞限制，这意味着需要有一种方法来推回拥塞阈值。正如 Alain Bertaud （2016） 所说，“移动性解释了城市规模与生产力之间的联系。
Size and congestion are related-they are part of the same equation-which is why, instead size 大小和拥塞是相关的 - 它们是同一方程式的一部分 - 这就是为什么 size 而不是 size
being the factor to limit, congestion should be targeted. The limit on a metropolis’s size is the capacity of its collective intelligence to manage congestion. The components of collective intelligence are not only the capacity of the governance system to respond (i.e., social capital and accumulated social and human resources integrated into institutional frameworks), it is also the economic capacity to enable and facilitate the necessary investments (see Figure 2). 作为限制因素，拥堵应该是有针对性的。大都市规模的限制是其集体智慧管理拥堵的能力。集体智慧的组成部分不仅是治理系统的应对能力（即社会资本和积累的社会和人力资源被整合到制度框架中），而且还是实现和促进必要投资的经济能力（见图 2）。
On the other side, and as mentioned before, the attributes of the layout of urban expansions are a significant determinant of congestion in cities. UN-Habitat, New York University, and the Lincoln Institute (2016) found that, especially in less developed countries, the cause of congestion is unplanned and disorderly growth taking place in defiance of municipal plans or regulations. Congestion is strictly correlated with the share of land that is allocated to streets, main streets, and arterial roads. If not enough land is allocated for this purpose, a serious number of bottlenecks is created, and the economies of scale cannot be achieved as desired, and described before. An optimum value for street allocation should be 30 percent, but in Dhaka, Bangladesh, for example, the share of built-up area allocated to streets is just 12 percent. 另一方面，如前所述，城市扩张布局的属性是城市拥堵的重要决定因素。联合国人居署、纽约大学和林肯研究所（2016 年）发现，特别是在欠发达国家，拥堵的原因是无计划、无序的增长，无视市政规划或法规。拥堵与分配给街道、主要街道和主干道的土地份额密切相关。如果为此目的分配没有足够的土地，就会产生大量的瓶颈，并且规模经济无法如愿以偿地实现，如前所述。街道分配的最佳值应该是 30%，但例如，在孟加拉国达卡，分配给街道的建成区份额仅为 12%。
Figure 2. Metropolitan Psychology, Infrastructure, and Management 图 2.大都会心理学、基础设施和管理
Note: Presented at the International Urban Development Association (INTA) 33rd Congress, 2009. 注：2009 年在国际城市发展协会 （INTA） 第 33 届大会上发表。
The essential economic question is: Would the investment (fixed capital or management) necessary to raise the congestion threshold compensate for the benefits of increased capacity? If not, the investment should not be undertaken. This is as simple and as complex as a cost-benefit analysis. If the project is intelligent enough and has understood the metropolis’s DNA, the outcome will be positive. The issue will then be how to accommodate the discrepancy between those who pay for the investment and those who benefit from it. Should the investment be public, private, both, or neither? 基本的经济问题是：提高拥堵阈值所需的投资（固定资本或管理）能否补偿增加容量的好处？如果没有，则不应进行投资。这与成本效益分析一样简单和复杂。如果该项目足够聪明并且了解大都市的 DNA，那么结果将是积极的。然后，问题将是如何容纳为投资付费的人和从中受益的人之间的差异。投资应该是公共的、私人的、两者兼而有之，还是两者都不是？
Metropolitan Finance: A Key Condition Metropolitan Finance：一个关键条件
Metropolitan financing in the context of devolution and fiscal arrangements often involves various levels of government and comprises two classes: (i) revenues, expenditures, and services, and (ii) infrastructure. 在权力下放和财政安排的背景下，大都市融资通常涉及各级政府，包括两类：（i） 收入、支出和服务，以及 （ii） 基础设施。
Concerning revenues, expenditures, and services, the funding responsibilities and the inter-governmental fiscal arrangements should be coordinated, clear, and efficient. Three levels are generally involved. The state/province level typically provides major health and education facilities, inter-urban trains, and roads. The cross-local level (e.g., boards and authorities) typically provides large health and education facilities, metro public transport, water supply and waste water, solid waste disposal, and metro ring roads and freeways. The local level typically provides local health and education facilities, solid waste collection, and local roads. Table 2 shows a general metropolitan finance arrangement among different layers of government. 在收入、支出和服务方面，资金责任和政府间财政安排应协调、清晰和高效。通常涉及三个级别。州/省级通常提供主要的卫生和教育设施、城际火车和道路。跨地方层面（例如，董事会和当局）通常提供大型健康和教育设施、地铁公共交通、供水和废水、固体废物处理以及地铁环路和高速公路。地方一级通常提供当地的卫生和教育设施、固体废物收集和当地道路。表 2 显示了各级政府之间的一般大都会财政安排。
Providing infrastructure also involves layers of government with different objectives and interests. In general, national and regional highways, water supply, major networks, drainage, and energy are provided by the central government, whereas a local government may have an urgent need for rural roads to provide access to local wholesale markets in addition to major highways. 提供基础设施还涉及具有不同目标和利益的政府层级。一般来说，国家和地区高速公路、供水、主要网络、排水和能源由中央政府提供，而地方政府可能迫切需要农村道路，除了主要高速公路外，还可以通往当地批发市场。
Table 2. General Metropolitan Finance Arrangements 表 2.一般大都会财政安排
Gov't Level 政府级别
Sectors 部门
Revenue Sources for 收入来源
Collection Yield* 收集产量*
Systems** 系统**
Systems to Maximize Net Revenue*** 最大化净收入的系统***
Capex 资本支出
Opex 运营支出
State/ province/ regions 省/市/自治区/直辖市/自治区/直辖市
Health, inter-urban trains, bulk electricity generation, water management, etc. 卫生、城际列车、大宗发电、水管理等。
General taxes (e.g., income and VAT, bonds, project loans) 一般税（例如，收入和增值税、债券、项目贷款）
User fees, taxes 使用费、税费
Rarely fully cost recoverable, but relatively easy to police payment 很少可以完全收回成本，但相对容易监管付款
Health cards, smart grid, water auctions 健康卡、智能电网、水拍卖
Transparent bidding for concessions, suppliers, and use rights 对特许权、供应商和使用权进行透明的招标
Education, metro rail, water supply and sanitation, etc. 教育、地铁、供水和卫生等。
Shares of general taxes, property tax levies, bonds, project loans 一般税、财产税、债券、项目贷款的份额
User charges, CSO transfer revenue 用户费用、CSO 转移收入
With the exception of water supply, rarely cost recoverable, but more difficult to police access 除供水外，成本很少可收回，但更难监管
Integrated ticketing, smart metering 集成票务、智能计量
GIS-based property tax monitoring, automated billing, and other IT systems to maximize yield. Crowd sourcing of service issues and responses. 基于 GIS 的财产税监控、自动计费和其他 IT 系统，以最大限度地提高收益。服务问题和响应的众包。
Development area or corridor authorities 开发区域或走廊当局
Area or corridor transport and urban renewal 区域或走廊交通与城市更新
Property taxes, project loans 财产税、项目贷款
User charges, CSO transfer revenue 用户费用、CSO 转移收入
Commercial basis: corporation should be in surplus 商业基础：公司应有盈余
Rarely cost recoverable, but more difficult to police access 很少可以收回成本，但更难警方访问
Cost recovery pricing 成本回收定价
GIS-based property tax monitoring, automated billing, and other IT systems to maximize yield. Crowd sourcing of service issues and responses. Land banking and performance-based bids. 基于 GIS 的财产税监控、自动计费和其他 IT 系统，以最大限度地提高收益。服务问题和响应的众包。土地银行和基于绩效的投标。
Gov't Level Sectors Revenue Sources for Collection Yield* Systems** Systems to Maximize Net Revenue***
Capex Opex
State/ province/ regions Health, inter-urban trains, bulk electricity generation, water management, etc. General taxes (e.g., income and VAT, bonds, project loans) User fees, taxes Rarely fully cost recoverable, but relatively easy to police payment Health cards, smart grid, water auctions Transparent bidding for concessions, suppliers, and use rights
Metro-level cross lg (city regions, boards, etc.) Education, metro rail, water supply and sanitation, etc. Shares of general taxes, property tax levies, bonds, project loans User charges, CSO transfer revenue With the exception of water supply, rarely cost recoverable, but more difficult to police access Integrated ticketing, smart metering GIS-based property tax monitoring, automated billing, and other IT systems to maximize yield. Crowd sourcing of service issues and responses.
Development area or corridor authorities Area or corridor transport and urban renewal Property taxes, project loans User charges, CSO transfer revenue Commercial basis: corporation should be in surplus Eminent domain, areabased tax surcharges Land banking and performance-based bids
Local Solid waste local roads, parks, etc. Property taxes, project loans, limited bonds, transfers User charges, CSO transfer revenue Rarely cost recoverable, but more difficult to police access Cost recovery pricing GIS-based property tax monitoring, automated billing, and other IT systems to maximize yield. Crowd sourcing of service issues and responses. Land banking and performance-based bids.| Gov't Level | Sectors | Revenue Sources for | | Collection Yield* | Systems** | Systems to Maximize Net Revenue*** |
| :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: | :---: |
| | | Capex | Opex | | | |
| State/ province/ regions | Health, inter-urban trains, bulk electricity generation, water management, etc. | General taxes (e.g., income and VAT, bonds, project loans) | User fees, taxes | Rarely fully cost recoverable, but relatively easy to police payment | Health cards, smart grid, water auctions | Transparent bidding for concessions, suppliers, and use rights |
| Metro-level cross $\lg$ (city regions, boards, etc.) | Education, metro rail, water supply and sanitation, etc. | Shares of general taxes, property tax levies, bonds, project loans | User charges, CSO transfer revenue | With the exception of water supply, rarely cost recoverable, but more difficult to police access | Integrated ticketing, smart metering | GIS-based property tax monitoring, automated billing, and other IT systems to maximize yield. Crowd sourcing of service issues and responses. |
| Development area or corridor authorities | Area or corridor transport and urban renewal | Property taxes, project loans | User charges, CSO transfer revenue | Commercial basis: corporation should be in surplus | Eminent domain, areabased tax surcharges | Land banking and performance-based bids |
| Local | Solid waste local roads, parks, etc. | Property taxes, project loans, limited bonds, transfers | User charges, CSO transfer revenue | Rarely cost recoverable, but more difficult to police access | Cost recovery pricing | GIS-based property tax monitoring, automated billing, and other IT systems to maximize yield. Crowd sourcing of service issues and responses. Land banking and performance-based bids. |
Source: Linfield, Kamiya, and Eguino (in press). 资料来源：Linfield、Kamiya 和 Eguino（正在出版）。
Notes: *Collection yield refers to how much of the tax/fee due do they actually collect. **Systems refers to best practice and technology supports available to maximize efficiency of use and yield. ^(******Systemupgradestominimizeleakageincollectionandmaximizetransparencyandaccountability.){ }^{* * * S y s t e m ~ u p g r a d e s ~ t o ~ m i n i m i z e ~ l e a k a g e ~ i n ~ c o l l e c t i o n ~ a n d ~ m a x i m i z e ~ t r a n s p a r e n c y ~ a n d ~ a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . ~} 注：*收款收益率是指他们实际收取的应缴税款/费用。**系统是指可用的最佳实践和技术支持，可最大限度地提高使用效率和产量。 ^(******Systemupgradestominimizeleakageincollectionandmaximizetransparencyandaccountability.){ }^{* * * S y s t e m ~ u p g r a d e s ~ t o ~ m i n i m i z e ~ l e a k a g e ~ i n ~ c o l l e c t i o n ~ a n d ~ m a x i m i z e ~ t r a n s p a r e n c y ~ a n d ~ a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . ~}
The point is that investment serves everybody and becomes a public good, contributing to the general population and economy, not just the individuals who are directly affected. Benefits are thus indivisible. The public sector pays, but there are three tiers to the metropolis: 关键是投资为每个人服务，成为一种公共产品，为普通人口和经济做出贡献，而不仅仅是直接受影响的个人。因此，好处是不可分割的。公共部门付费，但大都市有三个等级：
The local (confederate) that does not have the resources to pay. 没有资源支付的地方（邦联）。
The national (unitary) that lacks the political will and resists as much as possible until metropolitan congestion becomes a national issue with negative political impacts. 缺乏政治意愿并尽可能抵抗直到大都市拥堵成为具有负面政治影响的全国性问题的国家（单一）国家。
The metropolitan (federal) that either does not exist or lacks the financial capacity (not devolved yet) to address these needs. 大都市（联邦）要么不存在，要么缺乏满足这些需求的财政能力（尚未下放）。
As a result, the necessary investments are not implemented and the metropolis reaches a point of inefficiency as saturation and congestion limit its output. Diseconomies of scale occur as a result of management inefficiency. If the benefits of the investment are divisible (e.g., a toll bridge), the private sector can take care of it. The requirement is that demand must be able to respond to the supply cost. If an equilibrium point between supply and demand can be reached, there is no problem for private involvement. This assumes that the public sector has the skills and the will to set up the main lines for the projects (complex terms of reference) and the concessionary rights in the correct way. This is not, however, always the case. Spurious interests in the political economy may be playing in the shadows. 结果，必要的投资没有得到实施，由于饱和和拥堵限制了其产出，这座大都市达到了效率低下的地步。规模不经济是管理效率低下的结果。如果投资的收益是可分割的（例如，收费桥），私营部门可以照顾它。要求是需求必须能够响应供应成本。如果能够达到供需之间的平衡点，那么私人参与就没有问题。这假设公共部门具有以正确方式为项目设置主线（复杂的职权范围）和特许权的技能和意愿。然而，情况并非总是如此。政治经济学中的虚假利益可能正在暗中发挥作用。
Figure 3. Infrastructure Growth Model: The Steel/ Concrete Age 图 3.基础设施增长模式：钢铁/混凝土时代
Note: Presented at the International Urban Development Association (INTA) 33rd Congress, 2009. 注：2009 年在国际城市发展协会 （INTA） 第 33 届大会上发表。
In terms of investment, and in the theoretical framework of a liberal free-market environment, if an investment produces benefits, it does not need to be undertaken by the public sector. The public sector should concentrate on investments that have a general interest (social or economic) and that must be made at a loss-an indivisible loss. The way to finance an indivisible good that must be financed by the public sector is through taxation. 就投资而言，在自由自由市场环境的理论框架内，如果一项投资产生收益，就不需要由公共部门承担。公共部门应该专注于具有普遍利益（社会或经济）的投资，并且必须在亏损的情况下进行投资——一种不可分割的损失。为必须由公共部门资助的不可分割的商品提供资金的方法是通过税收。
There is a major difference between the metropolises of developed and developing countries. Developed metropolises do all right. They reside in 99 percent formal economies that developed mostly in the 19th century. They have reached a level of infrastructure provision and finance capacity where the challenge is taming the system rather than furthering hardware development. 发达国家和发展中国家的大都市之间存在重大差异。发达的大都市做得很好。他们居住在 99% 的正规经济体中，这些经济体大多在 19 世纪发展起来。他们已经达到了基础设施供应和融资能力的水平，其中的挑战是驯服系统，而不是进一步开发硬件。
Developing metropolises have a different problem. In emerging metropolises, most of the economy is informal (as much as 80 percent), and these shadow economies affect urban development (uncontrolled and slums), social provision (informal networks and families), and even governance (mafias). 发展中的大都市则面临不同的问题。在新兴大都市，大部分经济是非正规的（高达 80%），这些影子经济影响着城市发展（不受控制的贫民窟）、社会供应（非正式网络和家庭），甚至治理（黑手党）。
The four uncontrolled elements are economic, urban, social, and governance. These metropolises cannot grow to their full potential as they cannot 四个不受控制的要素是经济、城市、社会和治理。这些大都市无法充分发挥其潜力，因为它们无法
make good use of all their assets, controlled or uncontrolled, and harness them to use in the development struggle. 善用他们所有的资产，无论是受控的还是不受控制的，并利用它们用于发展斗争。
The problem with taxation is that you cannot tax uncontrolled activities. The controlled sector in many of these developing metropolises is as little as 20 percent. It is difficult to pay for infrastructure by taxing just that 20 percent of all those who would benefit from it. The informal sector must be taxed to produce full-fledged development. This can be implemented only through indirect taxation, but that would jeopardize fiscal equity policies. The equilibrium must be balanced with expenditure policies, targeting insolvent demand, and social collective consumption-social alternatives to unleash market mechanisms. 税收的问题在于你不能对不受控制的活动征税。在许多发展中大都市，受控部门只有 20%。仅向将从中受益的人的 20% 征税，很难支付基础设施费用。非正规部门必须征税才能产生全面的发展。这只能通过间接税来实现，但这将危及财政公平政策。这种平衡必须与针对资不抵债需求的支出政策以及释放市场机制的社会集体消费-社会替代方案相平衡。
Informal metropolitan economies must develop indirect taxation systems on public goods to accumulate their required fixed capital, but such taxation does not necessarily relate to the direct usage of the required good. In such cases, the private sector could undertake the investment. In other cases, the taxation should involve divisible private goods and provide for the financing of indivisible public goods (e.g. taxing petrol to build and service a public transport line). 非正规大都市经济体必须发展公共产品的间接税制度，以积累其所需的固定资本，但这种税收不一定与所需商品的直接使用有关。在这种情况下，私营部门可以进行投资。在其他情况下，税收应涉及可分割的私人物品，并为不可分割的公共物品提供资金（例如，对汽油征税以建造和服务公共交通线路）。
Another source of financing is land value capture, which has the effect of public investments on the value of land. Value capture allows for further public investments and starts a spin-off effect, providing additional revenue for further investment. There are two possible approaches to land value capture: ex-post and ex-ante. Either the added value is recuperated after (post) it has been produced or before (ante) it is produced. Ex-post retrieval works through taxation, direct or indirect. Such is the case in consolidated urban areas (e.g., a new underground station). The owners already have development rights, with only the increased value of development rights available to be taxed, and only after the development occurs. It could be 30 years until the owner decides to redevelop; therefore, ex-post is long and has limited potential. Ex-ante retrieval requires the capacity to negotiation and alternative projects and can be monetized as soon as an agreement is reached. 另一个融资来源是土地价值捕获，它对公共投资对土地价值有影响。价值捕获允许进一步的公共投资并启动分拆效应，为进一步投资提供额外的收入。土地价值捕获有两种可能的方法：事后和事前。附加值要么在产生之后 （post） 或在产生之前 （ANTE） 恢复。事后检索通过直接或间接税收进行。在合并的城市地区（例如，一个新的地铁站）就是这种情况。业主已经拥有开发权，只有在开发发生后才能对增加的开发权价值征税。业主可能需要 30 年才能决定重新开发;因此，事后时间长且潜力有限。事前检索需要谈判和替代项目的能力，并且可以在达成协议后立即获利。
In developed metropolises, land value capture is easier because of existing registration and cadastral systems, legal frameworks (adequate planning and land management laws), and management instruments (land management agencies). With this approach, up to 80 percent of the generated value can be retrieved. The public foundation Arpegio in Madrid is one example. In developing metropolises, registered and unregistered areas coexist. Inefficient or inexistent land management systems and unclear property rights, landowners, and assets make land value capture more difficult. 在发达大都市，由于现有的登记和地籍系统、法律框架（适当的规划和土地管理法）和管理手段（土地管理机构），土地价值捕获更容易。使用这种方法，最多可以检索 80% 的生成值。马德里的公共基金会 Arpegio 就是一个例子。在发展中大都市中，已注册和未注册的地区并存。低效或不存在的土地管理系统以及不明确的产权、土地所有者和资产使土地价值获取更加困难。
In the political economy of metropolises, if there is not a finalist approach to special taxation, income will be diverted by politicians to more intentionally political interests. Income will not be used for the general interest, but for all those legitimate and illegitimate interests that conform to political decisions, prioritizing electoral, clientelist, lobbyist, party, and personal interests. Infrastructure allocation and services are also subject to such interests. This is the shadow side of political economy. It is difficult to deal with, but must be tackled to strengthen the collective intelligence of the metropolis. 在大都市的政治经济学中，如果没有一个最终的特别税收方法，政客们就会把收入转移到更有意识的政治利益上。收入不会用于一般利益，而是用于所有符合政治决策的合法和非法利益，优先考虑选举、客户、游说者、政党和个人利益。基础设施分配和服务也受此类利益的约束。这是政治经济学的阴暗面。这很难处理，但必须加以解决，以加强大都市的集体智慧。
Planning and Navigating the Political Economy 规划和驾驭政治经济学
The planning tools and management mechanisms of emerging metropolises must be completely different from the ones of developed metropolises. They must be designed to respond to local circumstances, which is where the mechanisms of 99 percent of the formal developed metropolises were devised. In developing metropolises with large informal sectors, master plans are drafted and approved as in formal metropolises, but they are never implemented. Once failed, they are revised, redrafted, and re-approved, and fail again. These master plans need to be contextualized, which requires understanding the governance capacity of the public sector, involving multiple stakeholders to incorporate the actors, and integrating infrastructure-the core of master 新兴大都市的规划工具和管理机制必须与发达大都市的规划工具和管理机制完全不同。它们的设计必须根据当地情况做出反应，而 99% 的正规发达大都市的机制就是在这里设计的。在拥有大量非正规部门的发展大都市中，总体规划的起草和批准与正规大都市一样，但从未实施过。一旦失败，它们将被修改、重新起草和重新批准，然后再次失败。这些总体规划需要结合情境，这需要了解公共部门的治理能力，让多个利益相关者参与进来，并整合基础设施——总体规划的核心
plans-with regional and local development. All of this must represent sound population projections, realistic financial capacity, and adequate business plans. 规划 - 与区域和地方发展。所有这些都必须代表合理的人口预测、现实的财务能力和适当的商业计划。
One potential instrument to guide master plans and integrate the different tiers of metropolitan government is a national urban policy. Such a policy must be rooted in clear aims and synergies among national, regional, metropolitan, and local infrastructure. A national urban policy also must consider its effects on productivity, and therefore understand the existing value chains (productive sectors) in terms of the constraints on those value chains by supply chains (the logistics needed to produce). Both value chains and supply chains are essential to integrate urban planning into urban economy. Note that in terms of productivity and urbanization, Southeast Asian countries have been very successful despite often lacking a formal national urban policy. This indicates that it is not a legalistic process, but rather the practical application of planning and economic principles (UN-Habitat, 2014). 指导总体规划和整合大都市政府不同层次的一个潜在工具是国家城市政策。这样的政策必须植根于明确的目标以及国家、区域、大都市和地方基础设施之间的协同作用。国家城市政策还必须考虑其对生产力的影响，从而根据供应链（生产所需的物流）对这些价值链的限制来理解现有的价值链（生产部门）。价值链和供应链对于将城市规划融入城市经济都至关重要。请注意，在生产力和城市化方面，东南亚国家尽管经常缺乏正式的国家城市政策，但仍然非常成功。这表明这不是一个法律主义的过程，而是规划和经济原则的实际应用（联合国人居署，2014 年）。
In terms of policy, in a context of weak governance and broad informality, the capacity for economic management is severely limited. This is not yet an appropriate context for a federalized metropolis. It seems that even cultural agreement on this necessity has not yet been reached. 在政策方面，在治理薄弱和广泛的非正规性背景下，经济管理能力受到严重限制。对于一个联邦化的大都市来说，这还不是一个合适的背景。似乎甚至还没有就这种必要性达成文化共识。
Discussions still wander around the different forms of confederation and alternatives with a combination of multiple components. If there are five sectors, five administrative tiers, five stakeholder groups, five management systems, and five financing alternatives, there are already a million alternative governance possibilities. To choose among a million possibilities is not the way to approach constructing a metropolitan governance system. The decision-making process must be pared down to essential decisions. There will always be time afterwards to calibrate. 讨论仍然围绕着不同形式的联盟和多个组成部分的组合的替代方案。如果有五个部门、五个行政层级、五个利益相关者群体、五个管理系统和五个融资替代方案，那么已经有一百万种替代治理的可能性。在一百万种可能性中进行选择，并不是构建都市治理体系的方法。决策过程必须简化为基本决策。之后总会有时间进行校准。
Metropolitan managers have two types of tools: carrots and sticks. 大都会经理有两种类型的工具：胡萝卜和大棒。
The stick is limited to a context of inadequate governance. To develop the stick, much more is 大棒仅限于治理不足的背景下。要发展棍子，更多的是
required than just legislative paperwork. A legal framework, approving laws and regulations, is relatively cheap and easy; the hard part is implementation. The stick requires civil servants in numbers and with skills sufficient to meet the challenge. Then it requires autoritas to implement; potestas is not enough. Credibility and spotless behavior grants the legitimacy for implementation. This set of requirements is not easy to achieve, and administrators can be overrun by circumstances and overruled by judiciary decisions. 需要的不仅仅是立法文书工作。批准法律法规的法律框架相对便宜且容易;难的是实施。这根棍子需要公务员的数量和技能足以应对挑战。然后它需要 autoritas 来实现;Potestas 是不够的。可信度和一尘不染的行为为实施提供了合法性。这套要求并不容易实现，管理人员可能会被环境所淹没，并被司法机构的决定所推翻。
The carrot has two types of incentives: exemptions and subsidies. Administrative exemptions and direct subsidies, when managed in an informal framework and inefficient administration, can become an inducement to inconsistent implementation, favoritism, and corruption. Indirect subsidies are the remaining solution. There are many ways to influence the economy through complementary targeted services, facilities, and infrastructure (e.g., free infrastructure provision, accessibility and public transport, provision of serviced land, productive facilities as logistic centers, outsourced services and advisory services, export facilities, and commercial support). The options are unlimited, but they require money. 胡萝卜有两种类型的激励措施：豁免和补贴。行政豁免和直接补贴，如果在非正式框架和低效的管理中进行管理，可能会成为实施不一致、偏袒和腐败的诱因。间接补贴是剩下的解决方案。通过互补的目标服务、设施和基础设施（例如，免费提供基础设施、可达性和公共交通、提供服务用地、作为物流中心的生产设施、外包服务和咨询服务、出口设施和商业支持），可以通过多种方式影响经济。选择是无限的，但它们需要钱。
To produce any kind of indirect subsidy, finance is required for fixed capital investment and running costs alike. Finance comes via indirect taxation or national transfers. Land value capture can play an important role. Ex-ante catchment value initiatives can be developed to grow capital. Up to 67 percent of added value generated can be recuperated. Ex-post options can reach only 40 percent at most. Returns can be reinvested in social and economic projects. Since this is using metropolitan wealth and endogenous sources of revenue, land value capture can create a virtuous circle for the political economy. 要产生任何类型的间接补贴，固定资本投资和运营成本都需要资金。资金来自间接税或国家转移。土地价值捕获可以发挥重要作用。可以制定事前集水区价值计划来增加资本。高达 67% 的附加值可以回收。事后选项最多只能达到 40%。回报可以再投资于社会和经济项目。由于这是利用大都市财富和内生收入来源，因此土地价值捕获可以为政治经济创造一个良性循环。
To spur finance, more governance instruments are required. These include an adequate legal framework to enforce planning decisions, a legal economic framework for a private-public collaboration setting, skills to implement it all, 为了刺激金融，需要更多的治理工具。这些包括执行规划决策的适当法律框架、公私合作环境的法律经济框架、实施这一切的技能，
accountability to avoid opaque deviations, and the ethics. When this capacity is in place in developing economies, the size of the metropolis can drive the development of more complex financial instruments, such as bonds and loans from commercial banks and international markets. Development banks are also working on lending and financial instruments for metropolises and subnational governments in developing contexts. 避免不透明偏差的问责制和道德规范。当发展中经济体具备这种能力时，大都市的规模可以推动更复杂的金融工具的发展，例如来自商业银行和国际市场的债券和贷款。开发银行还致力于为发展中国家的大都市和地方政府提供贷款和金融工具。
National urban policies and regional and national plans must be integrated to increase their efficiency. When national urban policies achieve sufficient sophistication, in which urban form and layout is shown with direct effects on productivity and economic growth, then central governments and development banks will pay more attention. 必须将国家城市政策与区域和国家规划结合起来，以提高其效率。当国家城市政策达到足够成熟时，城市形态和布局对生产力和经济增长有直接影响，那么中央政府和开发银行就会更加关注。
The Next Years 未来几年
Metropolitan economies will expand and multiply. Global connectivity will progressively link mega-cities to the global economy. This process requires appropriate governance and sufficient technical capacity of governments and citizens. Metropolitan leaders will face stronger demand in a world where more is required from metropolitan and global cities. But as the world marches toward the New Urban Agenda with global sustainable development goals (Goal 9 is related to infrastructure and Goal 11 to urbanization), the entry points for finance, planning, governance are open. 大都市经济将扩大和倍增。全球连接将逐步将特大城市与全球经济联系起来。这一过程需要政府和公民进行适当的治理和足够的技术能力。在一个对大都市和全球城市有更多要求的世界中，大都市领导者将面临更强大的需求。但是，随着世界朝着具有全球可持续发展目标（目标 9 与基础设施有关，目标 11 与城市化有关）迈向新城市议程，金融、规划和治理的切入点是开放的。
Metropolises are at square one. Governance, social and human resources, and collective intelligence are imperatives. Most of all, what is unavoidable is the strategic capacity to generate the metropolitan project with enough leadership to achieve the convergence of all these forces, which are dispersed in the actual scenario of the metropolitan political economy. Two models are possible, the federalist nation-state oriented as a financial and productive hub, and the national champions supported by the central states, in which relative autonomy is traded for more investment. 大都市正处于原点。治理、社会和人力资源以及集体智慧是当务之急。最重要的是，不可避免的是产生大都市项目的战略能力，并具有足够的领导力，以实现所有这些力量的融合，这些力量分散在大都市政治经济的实际场景中。有两种可能的模式，一种是联邦主义的民族国家，以金融和生产中心为导向，另一种是中央各州支持的国家冠军，在这种模式中，相对自治被换取更多的投资。
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1.6 The Rise of a New Discipline to Manage Metropolitan Urban Systems 1.6 管理大都市系统的新学科的兴起
Gabriel Lanfranchi (CIPPEC) and Antonella Contin (University of Politecnico di Milano) Gabriel Lanfranchi （CIPPEC） 和 Antonella Contin （米兰理工大学）
Abstract 抽象
Today’s cities are facing a moment of both maximum growth and maximum vulnerability at the same time as increasing inequality and climate change. At this pace, many cities will become metropolises by the end of the century. Governance mechanisms need to be created that ensure integral solutions for the quality of life of future generations. However, decision-makers are organized in a sectoral way and territories are subdivided into multiple jurisdictions and levels of government. In order to migrate toward good metropolitan governance, it is necessary to train a new generation of leaders in understanding metropolitan issues and create a sense of belonging for people in a metropolis. A new metropolitan discipline able to synthesize the knowledge required to operate in this environment is imperative. 当今城市正面临着一个增长最快和脆弱性的时刻，同时不平等和气候变化也在加剧。按照这种速度，到本世纪末，许多城市将成为大都市。需要建立治理机制，确保为子孙后代的生活质量提供整体解决方案。然而，决策者是以部门方式组织的，领土被细分为多个司法管辖区和政府级别。为了过渡到良好的大都市治理，有必要培养新一代领导者理解大都市问题，并为大都市的人们创造归属感。一门能够综合在这种环境中运作所需知识的新大都市学科势在必行。
Most people know that the world has recently become urban, but few of us are aware that in the next 15 years we will build as much urbanized area as in the entire history of humanity. Cities have become the most prolific centers of innovation and wealth creation, but also highly productive in terms of greenhouse gas emissions and very vulnerable due to climate change. The great challenges for the cities of this century will be inequality and climate resilience. In large cities, it is difficult to solve these problems at the local level without improving metropolitan governance, as neither flood nor migration respects jurisdictional boundaries between municipalities. 大多数人都知道世界最近已经变得城市化，但我们中很少有人意识到，在未来 15 年里，我们将建造与整个人类历史上一样多的城市化面积。城市已成为创新和财富创造最多的中心，但在温室气体排放方面也非常高效，并且由于气候变化而非常脆弱。本世纪城市面临的巨大挑战将是不平等和气候适应能力。在大城市，如果不改善大都市治理，就很难在地方层面解决这些问题，因为洪水和移民都不尊重城市之间的管辖边界。
The Crisis of Previous Metropolitan Approaches 以前大都市方法的危机
In large urban agglomerations the “system city” is fragmented and the metropolitan area is built by many actors. Sectoral visions prevail instead of integral development approaches. Water and sanitation management, transport, waste management, and housing policies are just examples of institutional fragmentation in urban development. Besides, 在大型城市群中，“系统城市”是分散的，大都市区由许多参与者建造。部门愿景占主导地位，而不是整体发展方法。水和卫生管理、交通、废物管理和住房政策只是城市发展中制度碎片化的例子。此外
the metropolitan territory is fragmented and in many jurisdictions is linked to different levels of government. Metropolitan governance has several makers and in most cases cities suffer a deficit in appropriate institutions or instruments, which causes unbalanced growth, with consequences for efficiency, equality, and environmental sustainability. The metropolitan dimension poses significant challenges in terms of strategic visions, governance, and management. 大都会地区是分散的，在许多司法管辖区与不同级别的政府相关联。大都市治理有几个制定者，在大多数情况下，城市缺乏适当的制度或工具，这会导致增长不平衡，从而对效率、平等和环境可持续性产生影响。大都市层面在战略愿景、治理和管理方面提出了重大挑战。
Planning at the metropolitan level requires dealing with some of the values at the local level and being able to work with different contexts like the compact city, agricultural areas, infrastructure, watersheds, and open spaces. It also requires that actors acknowledge and use an innovative, design-oriented perspective and a wide array of urban tools. The metropolitan scale also challenges traditional urban governance, as it questions not only the right scale for dealing with increasingly complex metropolitan issues (e.g., the environment, mobility, mass housing, and food chains), but also the sense and appropriateness of any given spatial domain, rethinking and making flexible institutional arrangements. Metropolitan actions, governance, and management should implicate different stakeholders, 大都市层面的规划需要处理地方层面的一些价值观，并能够处理不同的环境，如紧凑的城市、农业区、基础设施、流域和开放空间。它还要求参与者承认并使用创新的、以设计为导向的视角和广泛的城市工具。大都市规模也挑战了传统的城市治理，因为它不仅质疑处理日益复杂的大都市问题（例如，环境、流动性、大众住房和食物链）的合适规模，还质疑任何给定空间领域的意义和适当性，重新思考并做出灵活的制度安排。大都市的行动、治理和管理应该涉及不同的利益相关者，
according to the issue in question, and also go beyond existing administrative boundaries. 根据所讨论的问题，并且还超越了现有的行政边界。
We are facing the emergence of massive growth and an expansion of cities as never seen before, which poses environmental and socioeconomic challenges that planners should be able to address through innovative methodologies. The complexity of metropolitan cities needs to be addressed through new ways of sharing knowledge and experience between the many actors involved, in particular, academics, policymakers, and non-governmental organizations. 我们正面临着前所未有的大规模增长和城市扩张，这带来了环境和社会经济挑战，规划者应该能够通过创新方法来解决这些挑战。需要通过在许多参与方（特别是学术界、政策制定者和非政府组织）之间分享知识和经验的新方式来解决大都市的复杂性。
For these reasons it is necessary to create a disciplined approach for a high quality of life in today’s metropolises. It should be a priority to educate city leaders to better understand the complexity of cities and identify meaningful practices to manage the large urban scale. Practical experience will affect analyses, taking into consideration the environment, community, wealth, governance, and culture. It is important that stakeholders seek to understand the metropolitan question from a holistic stand point, in opposition to more traditional methods with a vision that derives from the sectoral perspective in which local governments are organized: economic development, social development, urban planning, and government. 由于这些原因，有必要为当今大都市的高质量生活制定一种严格的方法。应该优先考虑教育城市领导者更好地了解城市的复杂性，并确定有意义的实践来管理大型城市规模。实践经验将影响分析，同时考虑到环境、社区、财富、治理和文化。重要的是，利益相关者应寻求从整体的角度理解大都市问题，而不是更传统的方法，其愿景来自地方政府的组织部门视角：经济发展、社会发展、城市规划和政府。
There are several reasons that have prevented an integral view from prevailing over a sectoral one. The organization of public administration into silos, with budgets that are limited to specific functions, and with ministers and secretaries belonging to the same government politically competing for a position in the future, have hindered, in many cases, collaboration between peers. From a professional stand point, approaches coming from diverse disciplines also limit integration, as experts are not always capable of looking outside the box or willing to leave their comfort zone. 有几个原因阻止了整体观点优于部门观点。公共行政部门组织成孤岛，预算仅限于特定职能，并且属于同一政府的部长和秘书在政治上争夺未来的职位，在许多情况下阻碍了同行之间的合作。从专业的角度来看，来自不同学科的方法也限制了整合，因为专家并不总是能够跳出框框或愿意离开他们的舒适区。
A Scale Issue A 秤问题
What questions do metropolitan experts have to consider? First, they need to ask how to define a discipline that can handle the metropolitan phenomenon and is 大都市专家必须考虑哪些问题？首先，他们需要问如何定义一个可以处理大都市现象的学科，并且
based on an integrated vision of the various disciplines on a territorial scale. Second, they need to ask how they can present tools that can shape and re-shape the metropolis. The answers are a discipline that could generate applied knowledge to improve awareness of metropolitan challenges by bridging the gap between theory and practice. 基于对地域范围内各个学科的综合愿景。其次，他们需要问自己如何展示能够塑造和重塑这座大都市的工具。答案是一门可以产生应用知识的学科，通过弥合理论与实践之间的差距来提高对大都市挑战的认识。
The specificity of the metropolitan discipline could be its field of action, where the starting point is at a higher scale than the local problems. This is a political approach where we believe all possible impacts should be analyzed. It begins with the effects corresponding to the local scale, related to the citizen; followed by those that belong at the regional scale, focusing on the great infrastructures and competitiveness; and those related to the national scale, where the performance of the metropolitan areas directly affects gross domestic product. The transnational scale should also be considered, where the great metropolises have economic, political, and climatic impacts many times higher than those of entire nations. 大都市学科的特殊性可能是它的行动领域，其起点比地方问题处于更高的规模。我们认为，这是一种政治方法，我们应该分析所有可能的影响。它从与公民相关的局部尺度相对应的效果开始;其次是属于区域规模的，侧重于良好的基础设施和竞争力;以及与国家规模相关的指标，其中大都市区的表现直接影响国内生产总值。还应考虑跨国规模，大都市的经济、政治和气候影响比整个国家高出许多倍。
To reach the desired political consensus that will transform metropolises into system-cities that are more efficient and equal, it is necessary to increase the level of awareness of the political leaders and civil servants of the extreme fragility of the territory. This should be done urgently, there is no time to waste, but it should be planned. To attain this ambitious objective it is indispensable for a new metropolitan discipline to take shape; a discipline that can deal with the problem of bigness. 为了达成理想的政治共识，将大都市转变为更高效、更平等的系统城市，有必要提高政治领导人和公务员对领土极度脆弱的认识水平。这应该紧急完成，没有时间可以浪费，但应该有计划。为了实现这一雄心勃勃的目标，必须形成一个新的大都市学科;一门可以处理大问题的学科。
Reasons for a New Discipline 新学科的原因
This work does not aim to discuss whether the current structure of the departments of urban studies at the universities need to be reorganized under new categories or research areas. Nor does it intend to discuss if the path to developing a new discipline is through postgraduate or graduate courses, or even the order in which they should be taken. These kinds of arguments, of administrative order, distract from the real objective and should be addressed at a time when the debate is more mature. We wish to focus instead 这项工作的目的不是讨论大学城市研究系的当前结构是否需要在新类别或研究领域下进行重组。它也不打算讨论发展一门新学科的道路是通过研究生还是研究生课程，甚至不打算讨论它们应该按照什么顺序进行。这类关于行政秩序的争论分散了对真正目标的注意力，应该在辩论更加成熟的时候加以解决。我们希望集中精力
on the pressing need to create a new disciplinary corpus, organizing a body of knowledge that would allow the development of a specific practice that is increasingly necessary. 关于创建一个新的学科语料库的迫切需求，组织一个知识体系，这将允许发展越来越必要的特定实践。
There is growing demand for professionals capable of understanding the complexity of metropolitan dynamics. But it is still unclear what kind of knowledge is needed or where and how these professionals should be trained. Metropolitan management requires a body of knowledge that might be considered generalist, because it includes aspects of other disciplines, but at the same time is specific because action is focused on the best possible management of metropolitan urban systems. 对能够理解大都市动态复杂性的专业人员的需求不断增长。但目前尚不清楚需要什么样的知识，或者应该在何处以及如何培训这些专业人员。大都市管理需要一系列知识，这些知识可能被认为是通才的，因为它包括其他学科的各个方面，但同时又是具体的，因为行动的重点是对大都市系统进行最佳管理。
An analogy that can help us understand the reason for the search of a discipline in metropolitan governance is what happened in architecture or urbanism in European countries. Architecture was a branch of fine arts that included knowledge of engineering. The rising demand for large-scale architectural services coming from the industrial middle class shaped it into an academic discipline that included knowledge of humanities and exact sciences. The university validated its professional competence for construction and, in some cases, for urban planning. 一个可以帮助我们理解在大都市治理中寻找一门学科的原因的类比是欧洲国家的建筑或城市主义所发生的事情。建筑是美术的一个分支，包括工程知识。工业中产阶级对大型建筑服务的需求不断增长，使其成为一门包括人文学科和精确科学知识的学科。该大学验证了其在建筑方面的专业能力，在某些情况下，还证明了其在城市规划方面的专业能力。
Urban planning was also the result of a social demand during the industrial revolution. Mass migration from the country to the cities caused the collapse of the system with regards to hygiene and health, and generated a movement that understood the need to modernize water and sanitation systems. This systemic viewpoint on urban matters coincided with the increasing interest in urban management and the emergence of urban instruments capable of governing the growth process. Later on, through interchange in international workshops and seminars, a new kind of specialist appeared-a generalist in management and city planning: the urban planner. 城市规划也是工业革命期间社会需求的结果。从乡村到城市的大规模移民导致了个人卫生和健康系统的崩溃，并产生了一场理解水和卫生系统现代化需求的运动。这种关于城市事务的系统性观点与人们对城市管理的兴趣日益浓厚以及能够管理增长过程的城市工具的出现相吻合。后来，通过国际讲习班和研讨会的交流，出现了一种新的专家——管理和城市规划的通才：城市规划师。
A similar process is taking place with the need to manage great metropolitan areas. But there is a difference between the knowledge of an urban planner or those of a regional planner from those required of an expert in metropolitan management. 类似的过程正在发生，需要管理大都市地区。但是，城市规划师或区域规划师的知识与大都市管理专家所需的知识之间存在差异。
Some basic differences are worth mentioning. What appears at first sight is the matter of scale. As Pedro Ortiz (2014) clearly shows, the architect develops his capabilities in a scale of 1:501: 50, dealing with the human scale. The urban designer works at a scale of 1:500, defining the spaces of man in relation to his neighborhood, the scale of the public space. While the urban planner works at a scale of 1:5,000, the municipality, where master plans are defined, those that have the capability of being approved by a municipal council and carried out by the executive power. In the metropolis, the natural scale is 1:50,0001: 50,000, where huge infrastructures and flows define the systems, where power is fragmented in multiple public and private actors, and the municipal boundaries lose sense, but there is still a powerful bond with the territory, its shape, and its culture. The regional planner, with a bias toward the economic sciences, has a better understanding of the economic flows than an urban planner, but does not necessarily consider the spatial and cultural features of the territory. 一些基本差异值得一提。乍一看是规模的问题。正如 Pedro Ortiz （2014） 清楚地表明的那样，建筑师在处理人类规模的规模 1:501: 50 中发展他的能力。城市设计师以 1：500 的比例工作，定义人类与社区相关的空间，即公共空间的规模。虽然城市规划师以 1：5,000 的比例工作，但定义总体规划的市政府有能力由市议会批准并由行政权力执行。在大都市中，自然规模是 1:50,0001: 50,000 ，巨大的基础设施和流量定义了系统，权力分散在多个公共和私人行为者中，城市边界失去了意义，但仍然与领土、其形状和文化有着强大的纽带。区域规划师偏向于经济科学，比城市规划师更了解经济流动，但不一定考虑该地区的空间和文化特征。
Metropolitan management implies governance of the territory on a greater scale than the local one, but mostly it demands the capacity to understand the metropolitan complexity related to the need for scale integration, the management of many variables, and/or actors, as well as the integration of sectors. Lack of integration between the administrative boundaries of municipalities must be assumed, since most of them were conceived before the 20th century and later overgrown by the urban system during the mid-1950s and 1960s with the proliferation of urban freeways. The fragmentation of public power in multiple municipalities and in diverse levels of administration, in addition to the lobbying capacity of the large private sector companies and the activism of the social organizations that lack proper juridical administrative tools, demand development strategies for governance of the metropolitan territory. It is in this field where knowledge interconnects: ecology, geography, architecture, urbanism, engineering, economic development, sociology, anthropology, 大都市管理意味着对领土的治理规模比地方更大，但主要是它需要有能力理解与规模整合、许多变量和/或参与者的管理以及部门整合的需求相关的大都市复杂性。必须假设城市的行政边界之间缺乏整合，因为它们中的大多数是在 20 世纪之前构思的，后来在 1950 年代中期和 1960 年代随着城市高速公路的普及而被城市系统杂草丛生。多个城市和不同行政级别的公共权力分散，加上大型私营公司的游说能力和缺乏适当司法管理工具的社会组织的积极性，都需要大都市地区治理的发展战略。正是在这个领域，知识相互联系：生态学、地理学、建筑学、城市主义、工程学、经济发展、社会学、人类学、
and political science, among others, come together. This gathering of knowledge is the fertile soil that gives rise to metropolitanism, which means knowhow capable of giving a comprehensive (not sectoral) response to the problems related to managing large metropolitan areas. 和政治学等一起。这种知识的聚集是产生大都市主义的沃土，这意味着能够对与管理大都市地区相关的问题做出全面（而不是部门）反应的专有技术。
Metropolitan governance is the key to economic and social development of future generations. A recent study by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD, (2015) showed a direct correlation between metropolitan fragmentation and economic performance that may lead to losses of around 6 percent of the GDP of a metropolis. If coordination mechanisms are in place, this loss can be reduced up to 50 percent. In countries where a high portion of the GDP is produced in their metropolis(es), the effect of good metropolitan governance would have an impact on the national economy. This is the case of Buenos Aires, which represents 50 percent of the national GDP, where savings for 2016 would represent around US $9\$ 9 billion per year, or a quarter of the federal reserves. 大都市治理是子孙后代经济和社会发展的关键。经济合作与发展组织 （OECD） 最近的一项研究 （2015） 表明，大都市碎片化与经济表现之间存在直接关联，这可能导致大都市 GDP 损失约 6%。如果协调机制到位，这种损失可以减少高达 50%。在大部分 GDP 来自大都市的国家，良好的大都市治理的效果将对国民经济产生影响。布宜诺斯艾利斯就是这种情况，它占全国 GDP 的 50%，2016 年每年的储蓄将达到约 10 亿美元 $9\$ 9 ，或联邦储备的四分之一。
Neither inequality, especially in terms of access to public services or housing, nor the effects of climate change, such as drought or flood, take into consideration municipal boundaries. Therefore, effective responses to address them cannot come from local governments on their own. There must be an articulation between national, state, and local governments, together with a high commitment from academia, civil society, and the private sector in order to face these challenges on a metropolitan scale. 不平等（尤其是在获得公共服务或住房方面）以及气候变化的影响（如干旱或洪水）都没有考虑到城市边界。因此，地方政府不能单独采取有效的措施来应对这些问题。国家、州和地方政府之间必须明确沟通，并需要学术界、民间社会和私营部门的高度承诺，才能在大都市范围内应对这些挑战。
Many countries have started to become aware of these issues and have formed different types of metropolitan management entities. According to a recent study by CIPPEC (2016), in Latin America and the Caribbean, 50 percent of metropolitan areas with more than 1 million inhabitants have developed some type of metropolitan organization. These entities require professionals who are able to understand metropolitan complexity in all of its dimensions. However, when civil servants are recruited for these entities, the great majority lack adequate training to face the challenges that metropolitan management 许多国家已经开始意识到这些问题，并形成了不同类型的大都市管理实体。根据 CIPPEC （2016） 最近的一项研究，在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区，50% 的居民超过 100 万的大都市地区已经发展了某种类型的大都市组织。这些实体需要能够理解大都市复杂性各个维度的专业人员。然而，当这些实体招聘公务员时，绝大多数人缺乏足够的培训来应对大都市管理面临的挑战
implies. All of them, or the vast majority, had to learn by doing. This lack of preparation brings learning costs that impact management performance. This knowledge gap can be filled by academia, which must prepare itself to train leaders who can promote and develop metropolitan management for the metropolitan century. 意味 着。他们所有人，或者说绝大多数人，都必须边做边学。这种缺乏准备会带来影响管理绩效的学习成本。学术界可以填补这一知识空白，学术界必须做好准备，培养能够促进和发展大都市世纪大都市管理的领导者。
Modeling the Metropolitan Discipline of Practice 对大都会实践学科进行建模
Once the importance of this role was established, and the concrete and increasing demand for this kind of professional profile had increased, it was crucial to understand what capacities a metropolitanist would be expected to have in order to understand which disciplines could contribute to forming a specific academic corpus. For that purpose, in 2015, at the Metro Lab initiative at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, we started working with peer-learning methods that allowed for a practical and conceptual exchange between academics, practitioners, and students. As a result of the collaborative work in these workshops and seminars, we achieved a number of results that are worth sharing. 一旦确定了这一角色的重要性，并且对这种专业形象的具体和日益增长的需求已经增加，那么了解大都会学者应该具备哪些能力才能了解哪些学科有助于形成特定的学术语料库就变得至关重要。为此，2015 年，在麻省理工学院的 Metro Lab 计划中，我们开始采用同行学习方法，允许学者、从业者和学生之间进行实践和概念交流。由于这些讲习班和研讨会的协作工作，我们取得了许多值得分享的成果。
We should start by admitting that both metropolitan knowledge and its object of study are fragmented. Many disciplines are required to define an analytic framework. Precisely this lack of a specific discipline prevents us from obtaining the necessary tools. But the presence of diverse knowledge in an orderly way, together with the practical experience of experts in metropolitan management, allows us to cocreate the method that could define, in the words of Pedro Ortiz (2015), the “metropolitan genome.” For these reasons, peer learning is the appropriate path to sharing knowledge and moving toward the new discipline. The Metro Lab initiative might be defined as action learning for human resource development. 我们应该首先承认，都市知识及其研究对象都是碎片化的。定义分析框架需要许多学科。正是这种缺乏特定学科使我们无法获得必要的工具。但是，以有序的方式存在不同的知识，以及大都市管理专家的实践经验，使我们能够共同创造可以定义 “大都市基因组 ”的方法，用 Pedro Ortiz （2015） 的话来说。由于这些原因，同伴学习是分享知识和迈向新学科的适当途径。Metro Lab 计划可以定义为人力资源开发的行动学习。
During the initial phase, we performed a gap analysis. This method was applied to enhance the process in the private sector with the aim of identifying which elements of a chain can be 在初始阶段，我们进行了差距分析。这种方法被用于加强私营部门的流程，目的是确定链条的哪些要素可以
improved. In an iterative way, the three levels of the matrix-dimensions, components, and metro gapswere defined with the participants. Dimensions were initially organized in a sectoral way (economy, society, physical, and institutional) and, with debate, they evolved toward another type of classification that allowed for interaction between social, economic, morphological, and organizational issues and all of their components. The main components of each dimension led us to the metro gaps, where a flaw or knowledge gap became apparent when an intervention was made on the metropolitan scale. 改进。以迭代的方式，与参与者一起定义了矩阵维度、组件和地铁差距的三个级别。维度最初是按部门方式（经济、社会、物理和制度）组织的，经过辩论，它们演变成另一种类型的分类，允许社会、经济、形态学和组织问题及其所有组成部分之间进行交互。每个维度的主要组成部分将我们引向了大都市差距，当在大都市范围内进行干预时，缺陷或知识差距会变得明显。
We examined the object-metropolis by analyzing its dimensions. The metropolitan environment includes not only the morphology of the territory or its natural systems, or the green infrastructure system (parks, rivers, wetlands) and the gray infrastructure system (freeways, trains, ports, centralist) that define the urban artifact, or the urban metabolism that analyzes the resource flows, but also the interpretation the metropolitan inhabitant makes of the environment: the metroscape, which is the mental construction of the territory. In this way, disciplines such as geography, ecology, engineering, landscape architecture, and anthropology, among others, come together at the same level of analysis, changing the traditional silosoriented approach. 我们通过分析其尺寸来检查对象大都市。大都市环境不仅包括领土或其自然系统的形态，或定义城市人工制品的绿色基础设施系统（公园、河流、湿地）和灰色基础设施系统（高速公路、火车、港口、中央集权），或分析资源流动的城市新陈代谢，还包括大都市居民对环境的解释： Metroscape，这是领土的心理建构。通过这种方式，地理学、生态学、工程学、景观建筑学和人类学等学科在同一分析层面上聚集在一起，改变了传统的孤岛导向方法。
Community life that takes place within the metropolis should be studied at the level of social cohesion with reference to respect for diversity and tolerance. The generated social capital, measured in terms of empowerment and agency capacity, which the metropolitan community has been able to develop, is key. The matter of metropolitan citizenship is another significant issue to be taken in consideration as, with some exceptions, the metropolis is a territory that lacks representatives chosen by its inhabitants in terms of a system city. 大都市内的社区生活应该在社会凝聚力的层面上进行研究，并参考尊重多样性和宽容。大都市社区能够发展的产生的社会资本（以赋权和代理能力来衡量）是关键。大都会公民身份问题是另一个需要考虑的重要问题，因为除了一些例外，大都市是一个缺乏居民在系统城市方面选择的代表的地区。
The third analytical dimension considers the capacity of the metropolitan object to create wealth. Understood as a system, issues related to efficiency and competitiveness become evident. Nevertheless, other matters such as access to urban land, the strength of its firms, or the skills and education of 第三个分析维度考虑了大都市物体创造财富的能力。作为一个系统，与效率和竞争力相关的问题变得明显。然而，其他问题，例如获得城市土地的机会、公司的实力或
the workforce are also knowledge gaps that arise at the metropolitan level. 劳动力也是大都市层面出现的知识差距。
The approaches that take into consideration the institutional dimension commonly used to analyze the municipality are insufficient to understand the metropolis. It is the concept of metropolitan governance and not government that should be used in this case. There are legitimacy gaps in many cases as the metropolitan matter is not always accounted for in national constitutions. The legal framework, the institutional framework, and metropolitan management systems, such as planning and tax revenue, do not have the level of transparency or innovation required to give the answers that would allow the sustainable development of the territory. 考虑通常用于分析城市的制度维度的方法不足以理解大都市。在这种情况下，应该使用大都市治理的概念，而不是政府的概念。在许多情况下存在合法性差距，因为大都会事务并不总是在国家宪法中得到考虑。法律框架、制度框架和大都市管理系统，如规划和税收，不具备所需的透明度或创新水平，无法给出允许该地区可持续发展的答案。
Finally, the cultural aspect shows the lack of an appropriate theory that would allow for an adequate explanation of the phenomenon. At the academicoperative level there is also a lack of a discipline to summarize the required knowledge to improve the management of the metropolis. From the standpoint of the practice, we found gaps in the methods that are usually borrowed from other disciplines, as well as in the experience of professionals dedicated to metropolitan management. The history and tradition of a metropolis were also identified as gaps and, as it is a relatively new phenomenon, there are few who identify as inhabitants of a metropolis, the historic-emotional tie with the neighborhood or the reference city. 最后，文化方面表明缺乏适当的理论来充分解释这种现象。在学术运营层面，也缺乏一门学科来总结改善大都市管理所需的知识。从实践的角度来看，我们发现通常从其他学科借鉴的方法以及致力于大都市管理的专业人士的经验存在差距。大都市的历史和传统也被确定为差距，由于这是一个相对较新的现象，很少有人认为自己是大都市的居民，即与社区或参考城市的历史情感联系。
The five dimensions of the matrix (Table 1) allow us to outline the type of knowledge required, linked to environmental management, community strengthening, wealth generation, governance of complex systems, and the cultural dimension, which includes as a gap the same discipline that we are proposing. These dimensions are transdisciplinary and contribute to the comprehensive analysis of the territory. The 15 components promote the understanding of the focus and type of discipline that can serve as a knowledge source. The list of metro gaps helps us grasp what kind of know-how a metropolitanist requires in managing the metropolis. There is no need to train an expert in all subjects, but they must be a 矩阵的五个维度（表 1）使我们能够概述所需的知识类型，这些知识与环境管理、社区加强、财富生成、复杂系统的治理和文化维度有关，其中包括我们提出的同一学科作为差距。这些维度是跨学科的，有助于对该地区的全面分析。这 15 个组成部分促进了对可以作为知识来源的学科的重点和类型的理解。大都市差距列表有助于我们掌握大都市人在管理大都市时需要什么样的专业知识。没有必要培训所有学科的专家，但他们必须是
