Emotional Expression: Advances in Basic Emotion Theory
情绪表达：基本情绪理论的进展

Emotional Expressions are Multimodal, Dynamic Patterns of Behavior
情绪表达是多模态的、动态的行为模式

Central to Basic Emotion Theory is the assumption that emotions enable the individual to respond adaptively to evolutionarily significant threats and opportunities in the environment, such as the cry of offspring, a threat from an adversary, or a potentially available sexual partner (Ekman, 1992; Keltner & Haidt, 2003). Emotions enable such responses primarily through shifts in peripheral physiology (Levenson, Ekman & Friesen, 1990), patterns of cognition (Oveis, Horberg, & Keltner, 2010), movements of the body (e.g., the proverbial fight or flight response), and expressive behaviors that coordinate social interactions through the information they convey and the responses the evoke in others (e.g., Keltner & Kring, 1998; van Kleef, 2009).
基本情绪理论的核心是假设情绪使个体能够对环境中进化上重要的威胁和机会做出适应性反应，例如后代的哭声、来自对手的威胁或潜在的性伴侣（Ekman，1992;Keltner & Haidt，2003 年）。情绪主要通过外周生理学的变化（Levenson， Ekman & Friesen， 1990），认知模式（Oveis， Horberg和Keltner，2010），身体的运动（例如，众所周知的战斗或逃跑反应）以及通过他们传达的信息和在他人中引发的反应来协调社交互动的表达行为（例如，Keltner & Kring， 1998 年;van Kleef，2009 年）。

Within this framework, emotions are fundamentally about instigating action and changing the probabilities of future actions (Frijda, 1986). Emotions enable people to react to significant stimuli (in the environment or within themselves), with complex patterns of behavior involving multiple modalities - facial muscle movements, vocal cues, bodily movements, gesture, posture, and so on. For example, studies of the emotion sympathy find that this brief state involves bodily movements forward, soothing tactile behavior, oblique eyebrows, a fixed pattern of gaze, vocalizations, and skin-to-skin contact when sympathy leads to embrace (Goetz, Keltner, & Simon-Thomas, 2010).
在这个框架内，情绪从根本上讲是关于煽动行动和改变未来行动的概率（Frijda，1986）。情绪使人们能够对重要的刺激（在环境中或自身内部）做出反应，其复杂的行为模式涉及多种模式——面部肌肉运动、声音暗示、身体运动、手势、姿势等。例如，对情绪同情的研究发现，这种短暂的状态涉及身体向前的运动、舒缓的触觉行为、斜眉毛、固定的凝视模式、发声以及当同情导致拥抱时的肌肤接触（Goetz， Keltner， & Simon-Thomas， 2010）。

Early studies of emotional expression largely focused on whether perceivers could infer emotions from static portrayals of prototypical configurations of facial muscles thought to convey anger, disgust, fear, sadness, surprise, and happiness (Ekman, 1994; Russell, 1994). The last 20 years of scientific study has moved significantly beyond static facial portrayals of these six emotions, revealing that emotional expressions are multimodal, dynamic patterns of behavior, involving facial action, vocalization, bodily movement, gaze, gesture, head movements, touch, autonomic response, and even scent (Keltner et al., 2016).
情绪表达的早期研究主要集中在感知者是否可以从被认为传达愤怒、厌恶、恐惧、悲伤、惊讶和快乐的面部肌肉原型配置的静态描绘中推断出情绪（Ekman，1994 年;Russell， 1994）。过去 20 年的科学研究已经大大超越了这六种情绪的静态面部描绘，揭示了情绪表达是多模态、动态的行为模式，涉及面部动作、发声、身体运动、凝视、手势、头部运动、触摸、自主反应，甚至气味（Keltner 等人，2016 年）。

Notably, the notion that emotional expressions are multimodal patterns of behavior was evident already in Charles Darwin’s original, rich descriptions of the expressions of over 40 emotional states (Keltner, 2009), as illustrated in Table 1 (focusing specifically on positive emotions). As is evident in the table, Darwin focused on extended and multimodal dynamic patterns of behavior, that involve not only facial muscle movements but also changes in gaze, body movements, respiration, gestures, hand movements, the voice, tactile contact, and autonomic responses (e.g., tears).
值得注意的是，情绪表达是多模态行为模式的概念在查尔斯·达尔文 （Charles Darwin） 对 40 多种情绪状态的表达的原始、丰富的描述中已经很明显（Keltner，2009），如表 1 所示（特别关注积极情绪）。从表中可以明显看出，达尔文专注于扩展和多模式动态行为模式，这不仅涉及面部肌肉运动，还涉及凝视、身体运动、呼吸、手势、手部运动、声音、触觉接触和自主反应（例如，眼泪）的变化。

Early studies, as we have noted, focused almost exclusively on facial muscle movements. The more recent consideration of other modalities of communication has greatly expanded the field’s understanding of emotional expression. Studies of emotional expressions associated with experiences of embarrassment, shame, pride, and love have discerned distinct expressions of these emotions by incorporating measurements of gaze activity (e.g., the gaze aversion of shame and embarrassment), body movements (e.g., the chest expansion of pride and the open posture of love), hand activity (e.g., the face touch of embarrassment and open handed gesture of love), and movements of the head, such as the head tilt back during expressions of pride (Keltner, 1995; Tracy & Robins, 2004; 2007). These findings have prompted studies to systematically characterize how emotions are communicated in movements of the body (Dael, Mortillaro, & Scherer, 2012; Gross, Crane, & Fredrickson, 2010) and gaze (Sander et al., 2007). These developments of the study of emotional expression are clearly in keeping with Darwin’s more comprehensive analysis, and his suggestion that there should be signal value in how emotions are conveyed from a vast array of communicative behaviors, from simple movements of the hands to shifts in body posture to head movements.
正如我们所指出的，早期研究几乎完全集中在面部肌肉运动上。最近对其他通信方式的考虑极大地扩展了该领域对情绪表达的理解。对与尴尬、羞愧、骄傲和爱的经历相关的情绪表达的研究通过结合凝视活动（例如，羞愧和尴尬的凝视厌恶）、身体运动（例如，骄傲的胸部扩张和爱的开放姿势）、手部活动（例如，尴尬的面部触摸和爱的张开双手手势）的测量来辨别这些情绪的不同表达。 以及头部的运动，例如在表达自豪时头部向后倾斜（Keltner，1995 年;Tracy & Robins， 2004;2007 年）。这些发现促使研究系统地描述情绪在身体运动中的交流方式（Dael， Mortillaro， & Scherer， 2012;Gross， Crane， & Fredrickson， 2010年）和凝视 （Sander et al.， 2007）。情绪表达研究的这些发展显然与达尔文更全面的分析一致，他建议从大量的交际行为中传达情绪应该具有信号价值，从简单的手部动作到身体姿势的转变再到头部运动。

To take one example of a major stream of research in this vein, the human voice has consistently been documented to be a rich modality of emotional expression, as anticipated in the seminal theorizing of Klaus Scherer (Scherer, 1986). To study whether people can communicate emotions with the voice, researchers have relied on two methods. In one, people, often trained actors, attempt to express different emotions in prosody, the tone and rhythm of our speech, while reading nonsense syllables or neutral passages of text (Banse & Scherer, 1996; Juslin & Laukka, 2003). These samples of emotion-related prosody are then presented to listeners, who select from a series of options the term that best matches the emotion conveyed in the speech output. For example, Petri Laukka, Hillary Elfenbein and their colleagues had actors from five countries - India, USA, Singapore, Australia, and Kenya - attempt to convey 11 different emotions -- anger, contempt, fear, happiness, interest, neutral, sexual lust, pride, relief, sadness, and shame -- while uttering sentences of neutral content (e.g., “Let me tell you something”). They then presented these clips of emotional prosody to people in different cultures, and found that listeners could recognize most of the intended states when asked to label the sounds’ emotional content (e.g., Laukka et al., 2016). These findings build upon a review of 60 earlier studies of this kind, which found that listeners can judge five different emotions in the prosody that accompanies speech—anger, fear, happiness, sadness, and tenderness—with accuracy rates that approach 70% (Juslin & Laukka, 2003). Judgments are most accurate when listeners hear members of their own culture (Pell et al., 2009).
举一个这方面主要研究流的例子，人声一直被证明是一种丰富的情感表达方式，正如 Klaus Scherer 的开创性理论化所预见的那样 （Scherer， 1986）。为了研究人们是否可以用声音传达情感，研究人员依靠了两种方法。在一个故事中，人们，通常是训练有素的演员，试图用韵律、我们说话的语气和节奏来表达不同的情感，同时阅读无意义的音节或中性的文本段落（Banse & Scherer，1996;Juslin & Laukka，2003 年）。然后将这些与情感相关的韵律样本呈现给听众，听众从一系列选项中选择与语音输出中传达的情感最匹配的术语。例如，Petri Laukka、Hillary Elfenbein 和他们的同事让来自印度、美国、新加坡、澳大利亚和肯尼亚五个国家的演员试图传达 11 种不同的情绪——愤怒、蔑视、恐惧、快乐、兴趣、中性、、骄傲、解脱、悲伤和羞耻——同时说出中性内容的句子（例如，“让我告诉你一些事情”）。然后，他们将这些情感韵律片段呈现给不同文化中的人们，发现当被要求标记声音的情感内容时，听众可以识别出大多数预期状态（例如，Laukka et al.， 2016）。这些发现建立在对60项早期此类研究的审查之上，该研究发现，听众可以在伴随语音的韵律中判断五种不同的情绪——愤怒、恐惧、快乐、悲伤和温柔——准确率接近70%（Juslin & Laukka，2003）。当听众听到他们自己文化的成员时，判断是最准确的（Pell et al.，2009 年）。

In a second line of study of vocal expression, participants communicate emotions through vocal bursts, which are brief, non-word utterances that arise between speech incidents. Laughs, shrieks, growls, sighs, oohs, and ahhs, are examples of vocal bursts. In studies of vocal bursts, people are typically given a situation that produces an emotion (e.g., for awe, “you are seeing a large waterfall for the first time”) and asked to communicate that emotion with a brief vocal burst but no words (Laukka et al., 2013; Sauter & Scott, 2007; Sauter, Eisner, Calder, & Scott, 2010; Simon-Thomas et al., 2009). These sounds are then played to listeners, who attempt to label the sound with one of many emotion terms, or to match the sound to the appropriate emotion eliciting situation. As with emotional prosody, people are quite adept at communicating emotions with vocal bursts. For example, Cordaro and colleagues presented vocal bursts of 16 emotions to people in 10 different cultures in Western Europe (Germany, Poland), East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea) and South East Asia (India, Pakistan) (Cordaro et al., 2016). In this study participants were asked to match emotionally rich but simple situations (e.g., someone has insulted you; you hit your leg on a rock) to one of four vocal bursts. Overall, participants were correct in matching stories to vocal bursts of 16 emotions 79% of the time. People in these 10 countries were able to identify vocal bursts of six positive emotions - amusement, awe, contentment, desire, interest, relief, and triumph - and six negative emotions - anger, contempt, disgust, embarrassment, fear, pain, and sadness. Subsequent studies have documented that even in remote cultural groups in Bhutan and Namibia, people are able to reliably discern a number of emotions from vocal bursts (Cordaro et al., 2016; Sauter et al., 2010; Sauter, Eisner, Ekman, & Scott, 2015).
在发声表达的第二条研究线中，参与者通过发声爆发来传达情感，发声爆发是在言语事件之间出现的简短的非单词话语。笑声、尖叫声、咆哮声、叹息声、哎呀声和啊声是人声爆发的例子。在对声音爆发的研究中，人们通常会被赋予一种产生情感的情境（例如，为了敬畏，“你第一次看到一个大瀑布”），并被要求通过短暂的声音爆发但不用语言来传达这种情绪（Laukka et al.， 2013;Sauter & Scott， 2007;Sauter， Eisner， Calder， & Scott， 2010;Simon-Thomas et al.， 2009）。然后，这些声音被播放给听众，听众试图用许多情感术语中的一个来标记声音，或者将声音与适当的情感引发情境相匹配。与情感韵律一样，人们非常擅长通过发声来传达情感。例如，Cordaro 及其同事向西欧（德国、波兰）、东亚（中国、日本、韩国）和东南亚（印度、巴基斯坦）的 10 种不同文化中的人们展示了 16 种情绪的声音爆发（Cordaro et al.， 2016）。在这项研究中，参与者被要求将情感丰富但简单的情况（例如，有人侮辱了你;你的腿撞到了石头上）与四种发声爆发中的一种相匹配。总体而言，参与者在 79% 的时间内将故事与 16 种情绪的声音爆发相匹配是正确的。这 10 个国家的人们能够识别出六种积极情绪（娱乐、敬畏、满足、欲望、兴趣、解脱和胜利）和六种消极情绪（愤怒、蔑视、厌恶、尴尬、恐惧、痛苦和悲伤）的声音爆发。 随后的研究证明，即使在不丹和纳米比亚的偏远文化群体中，人们也能够可靠地从声音爆发中辨别出许多情绪（Cordaro et al.， 2016;Sauter 等人，2010 年;Sauter， Eisner， Ekman， & Scott， 2015）。

Yet another modality that has been of increasingly systematic focus in the study of emotional expression is touch. In one line of research inspired by BET, Hertenstein and colleagues (Hertenstein et al., 2006, 2009) brought an encoder (the person charged with expressing emotion via touch) and decoder (the person being touched) to the lab. The encoder and decoder sat at a table, separated by an opaque black curtain which prevented communication other than touch. The encoder was given a list of emotions and asked to make contact with the decoder on the arm to communicate each emotion, using any form of touch. The decoder could not see any part of the touch because his or her arm was positioned on the encoder’s side of the curtain. After each touch, the decoder selected from 13 response options the term that best described what the encoder was communicating. Participants were found to reliably communicate anger, disgust, and fear from a brief one- or two-second touch of another’s forearm, as well as love, gratitude, and sympathy (see also Piff et al., 2012, for replication). Emotions like embarrassment, awe, and sadness were not reliably communicated via touch. In other research, it was found that people are more reliable in communicating emotion through touch when allowed to touch other regions of the body than the arm (Hertenstein et al., 2009). Finally, there are cross-cultural similarities in which emotions can be conveyed through tactile contact (see Hertenstein et al., 2009).
然而，在情绪表达研究中越来越系统地关注的另一种方式是触摸。在受 BET 启发的一条研究中，Hertenstein 及其同事（Hertenstein 等人，2006 年、2009 年）将编码器（负责通过触摸表达情感的人）和解码器（被触摸的人）带到了实验室。编码器和解码器坐在一张桌子上，由不透明的黑色窗帘隔开，阻止了除触摸以外的通信。编码器被赋予一份情绪列表，并要求他与手臂上的解码器接触，以使用任何形式的触摸来传达每种情绪。解码器看不到触摸的任何部分，因为他或她的手臂位于编码器的窗帘一侧。每次触摸后，解码器从 13 个响应选项中选择最能描述编码器所通信内容的术语。研究发现，参与者可以通过短暂地触摸他人的前臂一两秒来可靠地传达愤怒、厌恶和恐惧，以及爱、感激和同情（另见 Piff 等人，2012 年，用于复制）。尴尬、敬畏和悲伤等情绪无法通过触摸可靠地传达。在其他研究中，发现当允许人们触摸身体的其他部位时，人们通过触摸传达情感比触摸手臂更可靠（Hertenstein et al.， 2009）。最后，存在跨文化的相似性，其中情感可以通过触觉接触来传达（参见 Hertenstein et al.， 2009）。

There are also emerging literatures on potential autonomic signals of emotion, including the blush (van Dijk et al, 2009), the chills (Maruskin et al, 2012), and tears (Balsters, Krahmer, Swerts, & Vingerhoets, 2013; Vingerhoets & Bylsma, 2016). Thinking of emotional expressions as dynamic multimodal patterns of behavior points to intriguing new questions (e.g., Aviezer, Trope, & Todorov, 2012). What is the relative contribution of different modalities to the perception and signal value of emotional expressions (e.g., Flack, 2006; Scherer & Ellgring, 2007)? Why is it that certain emotions are more reliably signaled in multiple modalities, whereas other emotions are only recognized from one modality? For example, sympathy is reliably signaled in touch and the voice, but less so in the face (Goetz et al., 2010). It is nearly impossible to communicate embarrassment through touch, but it is reliably communicated in patterns of gaze, head, and facial behavior (App, McIntosh, Reed, & Hertenstein, 2011).
也有关于情绪的潜在自主信号的新兴文献，包括脸红（van Dijk等人，2009年），发冷（Maruskin等人，2012年）和眼泪（Balsters，Krahmer，Swerts和Vingerhoets，2013年;Vingerhoets & Bylsma，2016年）。将情绪表达视为动态的多模态行为模式，这引发了有趣的新问题（例如（Aviezer， Trope， & Todorov， 2012）。不同模态对情绪表达的感知和信号价值的相对贡献是多少（例如，Flack，2006 年;Scherer & Ellgring，2007年）？为什么某些情绪在多种模式中更可靠地发出信号，而其他情绪只能从一种模式中识别出来？例如，同情在触摸和声音中是可靠的信号，但在面部中则不那么明显（Goetz et al.， 2010）。通过触摸传达尴尬几乎是不可能的，但它可以通过凝视、头部和面部行为的模式可靠地传达出来（App， McIntosh， Reed， & Hertenstein， 2011）。

There are Expressions of More Emotions than the “Basic” Six
有比 “基本” 六种更多的情感表达

Critical to Basic Emotions Theory is the question of which emotions have distinctive signals. Evidence germane to this question informs taxonomies of emotion (e.g., Keltner & Lerner, 2010). As evident in the previous section, evidence has emerged revealing that emotions beyond the “basic six” have distinct multimodal and dynamic expressions, including emotions such as embarrassment, pride, shame, and love. In recent years, dozens of studies have contributed to this line of work differentiating expressions of a wider range of emotions (e.g., Keltner et al., 2016; Laukka et al, 2013; Sauter & Scott, 2007; Tracy & Robins, 2004). Three methods have been at the heart of this new development. A first is emotion encoding studies, where behavioral analyses ascertain whether the experience of closely related emotions, such as sympathy or distress, or love or desire, or embarrassment, shame, and amusement, are expressed in different patterns of behavior (e.g., for review, see Matsumoto et al., 2008).
基本情绪理论的关键是哪些情绪具有独特信号的问题。与这个问题密切相关的证据为情感分类法提供了信息（例如，Keltner & Lerner，2010 年）。如上一节所示，已经出现的证据表明，“基本六种”之外的情绪具有不同的多模态和动态表达，包括尴尬、骄傲、羞愧和爱等情绪。近年来，数十项研究为区分更广泛情绪表达的这一行工作做出了贡献（例如，Keltner 等人，2016 年;Laukka 等人，2013 年;Sauter & Scott， 2007;Tracy & Robins，2004年）。三种方法是这一新发展的核心。首先是情绪编码研究，其中行为分析确定密切相关的情绪的体验，例如同情或痛苦，或爱或欲望，或尴尬、羞耻和娱乐，是否以不同的行为模式表达（例如，如需回顾，参见 Matsumoto 等人，2008 年）。

A second approach is found in emotion production studies. In these studies, participants are given a prompt, most typically the definition of an emotion or an emotion-specific story, and asked to communicate each emotion nonverbally. For example, in one recent study, participants in five different cultures - China, India, Japan, Korea, and the USA - heard twenty-two emotion- specific situations in their native language and were asked to express the emotion in whatever fashion they desired, which could include facial, vocal, or bodily expressions; the only requirement was that the expressions be nonverbal (Cordaro et al., 2018). Over 5500 facial expressions, bodily movements, gaze movements, hand gestures, and patterns of breathing were coded using an expanded Facial Action Coding System (Ekman & Friesen, 1978), and a large subset of these was analyzed for patterns across and within cultures. For the 22 emotions that were studied, certain configurations of expressive behaviors were observed with above chance frequency across all five cultural groups, which one might think of as the prototypical elements of the multimodal expression. Across cultures the expression of awe, for example, tended to involve the widening of the eyes and a smile as well as a head movement up. Across cultures, head nods expressed interest. Confusion was generally expressed with behaviors including furrowed brows, narrowed eyes, and a head tilt. Overall, 22 emotions were found to have distinct, multimodal expressions.
第二种方法见于情绪产生研究。在这些研究中，参与者会得到一个提示，最常见的是情绪的定义或特定于情绪的故事，并要求以非语言方式传达每种情绪。例如，在最近的一项研究中，中国、印度、日本、韩国和美国等五种不同文化的参与者用他们的母语听到了 22 种特定情绪的情况，并被要求以他们想要的任何方式表达情绪，这可能包括面部、声音或身体表情;唯一的要求是表达是非语言的（Cordaro et al.， 2018）。使用扩展的面部动作编码系统（Ekman & Friesen，1978）对超过5500种面部表情、身体动作、凝视动作、手势和呼吸模式进行了编码，其中很大一部分被分析为跨文化和文化内部的模式。对于所研究的 22 种情绪，在所有五个文化群体中都以高于偶然的频率观察到表达行为的某些配置，人们可以将其视为多模态表达的原型元素。例如，在不同文化中，敬畏的表达往往包括睁大眼睛和微笑以及抬头。在不同文化中，人们都点头表示了兴趣。意识模糊通常表现为皱眉、眯起眼睛和歪头等行为。总体而言，发现 22 种情绪具有独特的多模态表达。

A third approach to documenting distinct expressions is with emotion recognition paradigms, in which participants attempt to map an emotion concept - in their own words, in stories, or emotion terms - to different emotion-expressions. Based on the advances in understanding facial expression, Cordaro took photographs of prototypical facial-bodily expressions 18 different emotions and then gathered data from 10 different cultures, ranging from Pakistan to New Zealand (Keltner & Cordaro, 2016). In this study, as in the Ekman and Friesen work, participants were presented with emotion specific scenarios for each of 19 different emotions (e.g., for pain: “this person just stubbed their toe on a rock”). For each scenario they were required to choose from one of four static photos of facial/bodily expressions the photo that best captured the scenario. Table 2 presents examples and descriptions of the photos in this study. As can be seen from the recognition rates presented in Figure 1, the landscape of emotional expression in the face and body is increasingly rich.
记录不同表达的第三种方法是使用情感识别范式，参与者试图将情感概念（用他们自己的话、故事或情感术语）映射到不同的情感表达。基于对面部表情的理解进展，Cordaro拍摄了18种不同情绪的原型面部-身体表情的照片，然后从巴基斯坦到新西兰的10种不同文化中收集了数据（Keltner & Cordaro，2016）。在这项研究中，与 Ekman 和 Friesen 的工作一样，参与者被展示了 19 种不同情绪中的每一种情绪的特定场景（例如，对于疼痛：“这个人的脚趾只是在石头上绊了一下”）。对于每个场景，他们需要从四张面部/身体表情的静态照片中选择一张，即最能捕捉场景的照片。表 2 显示了本研究中照片的示例和描述。从图 1 呈现的识别率可以看出，面部和身体的情感表达景观越来越丰富。

Table 2. 表 2.

Facial expression examples, FACS action units, and physical descriptions for each expression.
面部表情示例、FACS 动作单位和每个表情的身体描述。

Emotion 情感	Example photo 示例照片	Action units 操作单位	Physical description 物理描述
Amusement 娱乐		6+7+12+25+26+53	Head back, Duchenne smile, lips separated, jaw dropped 头向后仰，杜兴微笑，嘴唇分开，下巴掉下来
Anger 愤怒		4+5+17+23+24	Brows furrowed, eyes wide, lips tightened and pressed together 眉头紧皱，睁大眼睛，紧紧抿着嘴唇
Boredom 无聊		43+55	Eyelids drooping, head tilted, (not scored with FACS: slouched posture, head resting on hand) 眼睑下垂，头部倾斜，（FACS 未评分：懒散的姿势，头靠在手上）
Confusion 混乱		4+7+56	Brows furrowed, eyelids narrowed, head tilted 眉头紧皱，眼睑眯起，头歪着
Contentment 满意		12+43	Smile, eyelids drooping 微笑，眼睑下垂
Coyness 腼腆		6+7+12+25+26+52+54+61	Duchenne smile, lips separated, head turned and down, eyes turned opposite to head turn 杜兴娜微笑，嘴唇分开，头转过来又低着，眼睛转过来与转头相反
Desire 欲望		19+25+26+43	Tongue show, lips parted, jaw dropped, eyelids drooping 露出舌头，嘴唇分开，下巴掉下来，眼睑下垂
Disgust 厌恶		7+9+19+25+26	Eyes narrowed, nose wrinkled, lips parted, jaw dropped, tongue show 眼睛眯起，鼻子皱起来，嘴唇张开，下巴下垂，露出舌头
Embarrassment 困窘		7+12+15+52+54+64	Eyelids narrowed, controlled smile, head turned and down, (not scored with FACS: hand touches face) 眼睑眯起，克制的微笑，头转过来，（FACS不计分：手碰脸）
Fear 恐惧		1+2+4+5+7+20+25	Eyebrows raised and pulled together, upper eyelid raised, lower eyelid tense, lips parted and stretched 眉毛上扬并拢，上眼睑上扬，下眼睑绷紧，嘴唇分开并伸展
Happiness 幸福		6+7+12+25+26	Duchenne display Duchenne 显示器
Interest 利息		1+2+12	Eyebrows raised, slight smile 眉毛扬起，微微一笑
Pain 疼痛		4+6+7+9+17+18+23+24	Eyes tightly closed, nose wrinkled, brows furrowed, lips tight, pressed together, and slightly puckered 眼睛紧闭，鼻子皱着，眉头紧皱，嘴唇紧闭，紧贴在一起，微微皱起
Pride 自豪		53+64	Head up, eyes down 抬头，低头
Sadness 悲伤		1+4+6+15+17	Brows knitted, eyes slightly tightened, lip corners depressed, lower lip raised 眉毛紧锁，眼眶微微紧绷，唇角下垂，下唇上扬
Shame 羞耻		54+64	Head down, eyes down 低头，低着眼睛
Surprise 惊喜		1+2+5+25+26	Eyebrows raised, upper eyelid raised, lips parted, jaw dropped 眉毛上扬，上眼睑上扬，嘴唇分开，下巴下垂
Sympathy 同情		1+17+24+57	Inner eyebrow raised, lower lip raised, lips pressed together, head slightly forward 内眉毛上扬，下唇上扬，嘴唇紧贴在一起，头部略微前倾

Open in a new tab
在新选项卡中打开

In Table 3, we summarize this new literature on multi modal expressions beyond the basic 6, indicating whether studies reveal that the facial, bodily, vocal, tactile, and music-related expressions of each emotion can be differentiated from expressions of other emotions. In the respective columns, “yes” indicates that the evidence suggests that the emotion is communicated in a modality at above chance levels; “no” indicates that the emotion cannot be reliably communicated in the modality. These data make the case for distinct expression or 24 emotional states when different modalities are considered. We note, however, that these findings leave open the possibility that there will be emotions with distinct multimodal expressions that are not readily recognized, and that few if any studies have looked at how reliably these emotions are identified when all modalities are considered.
在表 3 中，我们总结了这些关于基本 6 之外的多模态表达的新文献，表明研究是否表明每种情绪的面部、身体、声音、触觉和音乐相关表达可以与其他情绪的表达区分开来。在相应的列中，“是”表示有证据表明情绪是在高于机会水平的情况下以某种方式传达的;“否”表示情绪无法以模态可靠地传达。当考虑不同的方式时，这些数据为不同的表达或 24 种情绪状态提供了理由。然而，我们注意到，这些发现留下了这样一种可能性，即存在不容易识别的不同多模态表达的情绪，并且很少有研究（如果有的话）研究在考虑所有模态时识别这些情绪的可靠性。

Within category prototypes, variations, and cultural dialects
在类别原型、变体和文化方言中

An early assertion of BET is that emotions are expressed not only in prototypical expressions involving the behaviors common to that category, but also via within-category variations of expressions (Ekman, 1992). For example, Ekman observed that alongside the prototype of an anger expression – furrowed brow, raised upper eyelids, lip tighten and press together – there are upwards of 60 variants of anger-elated expressions (Ekman, 1993). More generally, within an emotion category variations might include additional behaviors – an eye brow flash in the embarrassment expression - or fewer of the prototypical elements of an expression - an expression of anger that only involves the lip press and tightening, but no movement in the eye brow region.
BET 的一个早期断言是，情绪不仅以涉及该类别常见行为的原型表达表达，而且还通过类别内表达的变体表达（Ekman，1992）。例如，Ekman 观察到，除了愤怒表情的原型——皱眉、上眼睑上扬、嘴唇收紧并压在一起——还有 60 多种愤怒的表情变体（Ekman，1993）。更一般地说，在一个情绪类别中，变化可能包括额外的行为——尴尬表情中的眉毛闪动——或较少的表情原型元素——一种愤怒的表达，只涉及压嘴唇和收紧，但眉毛区域没有运动。

Empirical studies have been fruitfully guided by this analysis of within category variation in emotional expression. For example, early studies of the expressive behavior of embarrassment documented a multimodal prototypical expression that included gaze down, head movement down, awkward smile. Further, naive observers were better able to recognize expressions of embarrassment as they increasingly resembled the prototypical expression (Keltner, 1995). A similar analysis has been taken to the analysis of pride, uncovering a prototypical expression and variations (see Tracy & Robins, 2007). Likewise, studies find that within the category of laughter, there are multiple variations (Szameitat et al., 2009). Studies of emotion-related tactile contact similarly find variation in the patterns of tactile behavior (location, pressure, configuration of hand) within the expression of one emotion, such as gratitude or sympathy, and, as in studies of facial and bodily movement, observer accuracy varies depending on which particular expression is observed (Hertenstein et al., 2006).
实证研究以这种对情绪表达类别内变化的分析为指导。例如，对尴尬的表达行为的早期研究记录了一种多模态原型表达，包括向下凝视、头部向下移动、尴尬的微笑。此外，天真的观察者能够更好地识别尴尬的表达，因为它们越来越类似于原型表达（Keltner，1995）。对骄傲的分析也进行了类似的分析，揭示了原型表达和变化（参见Tracy & Robins，2007）。同样，研究发现，在笑声的类别中，存在多种变化（Szameitat et al.， 2009）。对情绪相关触觉接触的研究同样发现，在一种情绪的表达（如感激或同情）中，触觉行为模式（位置、压力、手的配置）会发生变化，并且，与面部和身体运动的研究一样，观察者的准确性会因观察到的特定表情而异（Hertenstein et al.， 2006）。

There is clear precedent in BET that there is not necessarily a one-to-one correspondence between the occurrence of an emotion and a prototypical expression (see Ekman, 1992). Rather, emotions are expressed in prototypical multimodal patterns of behavior, with striking variations. To make sense of emotion-related prototypes and within category variations, Hillary Elfenbein, Ursula Hess, and their colleagues have offered their dialect theory of emotional expression (Elfenbein, 2013; Elfenbein et al., 2007). This theorizing posits that emotional expression is likely to function much like language, such as English, in the sense that languages have elements - select phonemes, words, forms of syntax -- shared by all speakers of the language, as well as dialects, or specific variations of the language in sound and word use that are specific to a geographical region. For example, although standard English is common to the English speaker in England, different regions - London, Newcastle, or the Midlands - are known to speak their own dialects, with unique words, phrases, and accents and forms of prosody.
在 BET 中有一个明确的先例，即情绪的发生和原型表达之间不一定是一一对应的（参见 Ekman， 1992）。相反，情绪以典型的多模态行为模式表达，具有显着的变化。为了理解与情感相关的原型和类别变化，Hillary Elfenbein、Ursula Hess 和他们的同事提出了他们的情绪表达方言理论（Elfenbein，2013 年;Elfenbein et al.， 2007）。这种理论化假设情感表达的功能可能很像语言，例如英语，因为语言具有所有语言使用者共享的元素 - 选择音素、单词、句法形式 - 以及方言，或特定于某个地理区域的语言在声音和单词使用方面的特定变体。例如，尽管标准英语对英格兰的英语使用者来说是通用的，但不同的地区——伦敦、纽卡斯尔或中部地区——都说自己的方言，具有独特的单词、短语、口音和韵律形式。

Several recent studies speak to the prevalence of dialects in emotional expressions (e.g., Cordaro et al., 2018; Elfenbein et al., 2007; Laukka et al., 2016). In these studies, people from different cultures were given a definition of different emotions or a situation likely to produce the emotion, and then asked to express the emotion with any behavior that feels natural. These patterns of expression were then carefully analyzed for their specific facial, bodily, or vocal behaviors, identifying what is universal and how prevalent culturally specific dialects are. A first generalization of the results is just how pervasive emotion dialects are. For example, in one study that looked at expressions of 22 emotions, every emotion was found to have a dialect specific to the culture, and about 25% of an individual’s expressive behavior across emotions was based on dialect, while around 50% of an individual’s expressive behavior adhered to the universal prototype (Cordaro et al., 2018). Second, dialects appear to be more likely to emerge for emotions that are more directly involved in social interactions, such as anger, happiness, or shame - compared to emotions that are less directly or frequently involved in social interactions, such as disgust or fear (Elfenbein et al., 2007).
最近的几项研究谈到了方言在情感表达中的普遍性（例如，Cordaro 等人，2018 年;Elfenbein et al.， 2007;Laukka等人，2016 年）。在这些研究中，来自不同文化背景的人被赋予不同情绪的定义或可能产生情绪的情况，然后要求他们用任何感觉自然的行为来表达情绪。然后仔细分析这些表达模式的特定面部、身体或发声行为，确定什么是普遍的以及特定文化方言的普遍程度。结果的第一个概括是情感方言是多么普遍。例如，在一项对 22 种情绪表达进行的研究中，发现每种情绪都有特定于文化的方言，个体跨情绪的表达行为中约有 25% 基于方言，而个体中约 50% 的表达行为遵循通用原型（Cordaro et al.， 2018）。其次，与不太直接或频繁参与社交互动的情绪（例如厌恶或恐惧）相比，方言似乎更有可能出现在与社会互动更直接相关的情绪（例如愤怒、快乐或羞耻）中（Elfenbein et al.， 2007）。

The process of emotion perception
情绪感知的过程

Clearly, when an individual encounters emotional expression in others, he or she is likely to engage in complex inferential processes that involve more than the ascription of single word labels; inferences are made about the target’s desires and intentions, trait-like tendencies, strategic motivations, and surrounding context (Sander et al., 2007).
显然，当一个人遇到他人的情绪表达时，他或她可能会参与复杂的推理过程，这些过程涉及的不仅仅是单个词标签的归属;对目标的愿望和意图、类似特质的倾向、战略动机和周围环境进行推断（Sander et al.， 2007）。

One approach to this issue is that of Scherer and colleagues, who propose that perceivers first infer specific appraisals in the expresser that prompted the expressive behavior in the first place (Scherer & Grandjean, 2008). That is, if a person sees another person express anger in the face, or interest in the voice, or sympathy in a pattern of postural movement and tactile contact, the social perceiver first infers a pattern of appraisals that would lead the individual to express that particular emotion. From these inferred appraisals, the social perceiver, this line of theory maintains, then infers the experience of specific emotions. To illustrate, seeing someone express surprise in the face and voice might lead the observer to infer that the individual has been exposed to novel, unexpected information, which in turn would lead the observer to infer that the person is surprised. According to this account, the first inferences perceivers draw upon when seeing others’ expressive behavior is a pattern of appraisals, rather than distinct emotions.
解决这个问题的一种方法是Scherer及其同事，他们建议感知者首先推断出表达者的特定评价，这些评价首先促使了表达行为（Scherer & Grandjean，2008）。也就是说，如果一个人看到另一个人在脸上表达愤怒，或对声音感兴趣，或以姿势运动和触觉接触的模式表示同情，社会感知者首先会推断出一种评价模式，这将导致个人表达该特定情绪。从这些推断的评价中，社会感知者，这条理论路线坚持认为，然后推断出特定情绪的体验。举例来说，看到某人在脸上和声音中表达惊讶可能会导致观察者推断该人已经接触到了新的、意想不到的信息，这反过来又会导致观察者推断这个人很惊讶。根据这个叙述，感知者在看到他人的表达行为时得出的第一个推论是一种评价模式，而不是不同的情绪。

In a similar spirit, Scarantino has synthesized studies of emotion perception in a theory of affective pragmatics (Scarantino, 2017; Fischer & Sauter, 2017). He makes the case that emotional expressions - in the present case facial/bodily expressions -- communicate four kinds of information: 1) the individual’s current feeling (the expressive function of expression); 2) what is happening in the present context (the declarative function of expression); 3) desired courses of action from other people who perceive the expression (the imperative function of expression); and 4) intention and plans about what the person might do (the commissive function of expression).
本着类似的精神，斯卡伦蒂诺将情感感知的研究综合在情感语用学理论中（Scarantino，2017 年;Fischer & Sauter，2017 年）。他指出，情绪表达——在本例中是面部/身体表情——传达了四种信息：1）个人的当前感受（表达的表达功能）;2） 当前上下文中正在发生的事情（表达的陈述功能）;3） 感知到表达的其他人期望的行动方案（表达的命令功能）;4） 关于这个人可能做什么的意图和计划（表达的宽容功能）。

As one empirical illustration of this thinking about the inferences that expressive behavior prompt, Shuman and colleagues presented observers with dynamic, videotaped portrayals of five different emotions: happiness, sadness, fear, anger, and disgust (Shuman et al., 2015). The expressions were dynamic, more realistic, and less exaggerated than those in the Ekman and Friesen photos, more like the expressions people see in everyday social interactions. In different response formats, participants matched each expression to either: feelings (“fear”), appraisals (“that is dangerous”), social relational meanings (“you scare me”), or action tendencies (“I might run”). Results showed that participants labeled the dynamic but subtle expressions with the expected response 62% of the time, with greater accuracy revealed when labeling expressions with feeling states, and reduced accuracy found in labeling action tendencies (see Hortsmann, 2003). More recent work in the Trobriand Islands found that action tendencies were more prominent in the interpretation of facial expressions than emotion words, suggesting possible cultural variations in the labeling of emotional expression (Crivelli et al., 2016).
作为这种关于表达行为提示的推理的思考的一个实证说明，Shuman 及其同事向观察者展示了五种不同情绪的动态录像描绘：快乐、悲伤、恐惧、愤怒和厌恶（Shuman et al.， 2015）。这些表情是动态的，更逼真，比 Ekman 和 Friesen 照片中的表情更不夸张，更像人们在日常社交互动中看到的表情。在不同的回答格式中，参与者将每种表达与以下任一表情相匹配：感受（“恐惧”）、评价（“那很危险”）、社会关系含义（“你吓到我”）或行动倾向（“我可能会逃跑”）。结果显示，参与者在 62% 的时间内以预期反应标记动态但微妙的表情，在用感觉状态标记表情时表现出更高的准确性，而在标记动作倾向中发现的准确性降低（参见 Hortsmann，2003）。特罗布里安群岛最近的工作发现，在面部表情的解释中，动作倾向比情感词更突出，这表明情绪表达的标签可能存在文化差异（Crivelli et al.， 2016）。

This emerging literature on the process of emotion recognition from expressive behavior, would be well served by taking on intriguing questions. Given what has been learned about the automaticity of inferring trust, warmth, and dominance from human faces (e.g., Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008), more fine-grained methods oriented toward unpacking the process of emotion recognition could yield insights into the primacy of what information is conveyed - feelings, appraisals, intentions - and the unfolding process of emotion perception.
这些关于从表达行为中识别情绪过程的新兴文献，如果提出有趣的问题，将很好地服务于我们。鉴于已经从人类面孔中推断出信任、温暖和主导地位的自动性（例如，Oosterhof & Todorov，2008）的更细粒度的方法来解开情绪识别的过程，可能会深入了解所传达的信息的首要性 - 情感、评价、意图 - 以及情绪感知的展开过程。

The structure of emotion perception
情绪感知的结构

Emotion perception involves more than labeling multimodal expressions with words that capture distinct emotions. The way that distinct emotional expressions relate to each other - that is, the structure of recognition - is also critically important. For instance, suppose a given study found that expressions of “love,” “joy,” and “embarrassment” were accurately identified in two cultures. If, in the same study, members of one culture thought the expression of “love” was similar in meaning to that of “joy” but not that of “embarrassment,” whereas in another culture individuals thought the expression of “love” was more similar in meaning to “embarrassment”, this would reveal a potentially important cultural difference in the emotional meaning attributed to the three expressions. The structure of the relatedness of meaning of the three expressions may, in fact, be as interesting as the fact that they can be differentiated in forced choice type labeling paradigms.
情绪感知涉及的不仅仅是用捕捉不同情绪的单词来标记多模态表达。不同的情绪表达相互关联的方式——即识别的结构——也至关重要。例如，假设一项给定的研究发现，在两种文化中，“爱”、“喜悦”和“尴尬”的表达是准确的。如果在同一项研究中，一种文化的成员认为 “love” 的表达与 “joy” 的含义相似，但与 “embarassment” 的含义不相似，而在另一种文化中，个人认为 “love” 的表达在含义上与 “embarassment” 更相似，这将揭示这三种表达的情感含义存在潜在的重要文化差异。事实上，这三个表达式的意义相关性结构可能与它们可以在强制选择类型标签范式中加以区分的事实一样有趣。

Consider this intriguing study on the structure of emotion perception by Rachael Jack and her colleagues (Jack et al., 2012). These researchers relied on computer morphing technologies to generate over 2500 facial expressions based on the combined movements of anywhere from 1 to 6 Facial Action Units. They then presented these 2500 facial expressions as animations in sequences of four separate photos unfolding over 1.25 seconds, and had participants rate the emotional meaning of these expressions. With traditional factor analytic approaches, they documented that between 25 and 35 distinct states could be discerned in facial muscle movements, but that this realm of expression could be reduced to a simpler structure of four distinct patterns of Action Units well preserved in meaning across cultures. In both cultures, they distinguished (1) positive emotions, (2) sadness/fear-related emotions, (3) surprise-related emotions, and (4) disgust/anger-related emotions, respectively (for similar results on the variety of expressions see Cordaro et al., 2018; Du, Tao, & Martinez, 2014; for critique of study, see Sauter & Eisner, 2013).
考虑一下 Rachael Jack 和她的同事对情绪感知结构的有趣研究（Jack et al.， 2012）。这些研究人员依靠计算机变形技术，根据 2500 到 1 个面部动作单元的组合动作生成了 6 多个面部表情。然后，他们将这 2500 个面部表情以动画的形式呈现，以四张独立照片的顺序在 1.25 秒内展开，并让参与者对这些表情的情感含义进行评分。使用传统的因素分析方法，他们记录了在面部肌肉运动中可以辨别出 25 到 35 种不同的状态，但这种表达领域可以简化为由四种不同模式组成的更简单的结构，这些模式在跨文化的意义上得到了很好的保留。在这两种文化中，他们分别区分了 （1） 积极情绪，（2） 悲伤/恐惧相关情绪，（3） 惊喜相关情绪，以及 （4） 厌恶/愤怒相关情绪（有关各种表达的类似结果，参见 Cordaro 等人，2018 年;Du， Tao， & Martinez， 2014;有关研究的批评，参见Sauter & Eisner，2013）。

Another recent study took a different approach to examining cultural similarities and differences in the structure of emotion perception. Bai and colleagues (Bai et al., 2018) began with more caricatured representations of 51 emotion concepts, created by asking a professional illustrator to draw each concept using emoji-like images. In one experiment, participants selfsorted the drawings, which were printed onto cards, into multiple stacks of drawings with similarity meaning. These data were processed with an agglomerative hierarchical clustering algorithm, resulting in tree-like representations of the structure of emotion perception, which correlated over .90 across the two cultures, and which we portray in Figure 2.
最近的另一项研究采取了不同的方法来检查情绪感知结构的文化相似性和差异性。Bai 及其同事（Bai et al.， 2018）从 51 个情感概念的更多漫画化表示开始，通过要求专业插画师使用类似表情符号的图像绘制每个概念来创建。在一项实验中，参与者将打印在卡片上的图画自行分类为多堆具有相似含义的图画。这些数据使用凝聚分层聚类算法进行处理，从而产生情绪感知结构的树状表示，在两种文化中，其相关性超过 .90，如图 2 所示。

As with the research by Rachel Jack and her colleagues, these approaches have the promise of capturing how expressions relate to one another, and broader categories of affective states that include distinct emotions.
与 Rachel Jack 和她的同事的研究一样，这些方法有望捕捉表达如何相互关联，以及包括不同情绪在内的更广泛的情感状态类别。

The Contextual Shaping of Emotion Perception
情绪感知的情境塑造

A final growth area in the study of emotion perception is a focus on how emotion perception is shaped by features of the social context (Barrett et al., 2011; Hess & Hareli, 2017; Scherer, 1986). An important source of contextual shaping of emotion perception is, of course, culture. Cultures vary greatly in their prioritization and understanding of emotion concepts, knowledge, and representations, so culture will necessarily influence the perception of emotion in expression. For example, cultures vary in their attention to the surrounding context of an expression. In one paradigmatic experiment, Masuda and colleagues showed Japanese and American participants cartoon figures with various facial expressions (Masuda, Ellsworth, Mesquita, Leu, & van de Veerdonk, 2004). The central, target face was always surrounded by smaller, less salient faces, that displayed expressions that were dissimilar to those of the target. Japanese participants’ judgments about the central target’s facial expression were more influenced by the surrounding faces than were judgments made by Americans -who tended to restrict their focus to the expression shown by the central target. Differences between groups of perceivers have also been found for populations that differ on other dimensions than culture, such as social class. In this vein, Kraus and colleagues have found that lower class individuals - more oriented to the social context than upper class individuals - also incorporate contextual information into their judgments of expressive behavior to a greater extent (Kraus et al., 2010).
情绪感知研究的最后一个增长领域是关注情绪感知如何受到社会环境特征的影响（Barrett et al.， 2011;Hess & Hareli， 2017;Scherer， 1986）。当然，情感感知的语境塑造的一个重要来源是文化。不同文化在对情感概念、知识和表征的优先次序和理解方面差异很大，因此文化必然会影响表达中对情感的感知。例如，不同文化对表达周围环境的关注度各不相同。在一项范式实验中，Masuda及其同事向日本和美国参与者展示了具有各种面部表情的卡通人物（Masuda， Ellsworth， Mesquita， Leu， & van de Veerdonk， 2004）。中央的目标面孔总是被较小、不太突出的面孔包围，这些面孔显示的表情与目标的表情不同。与美国人相比，日本参与者对中心目标面部表情的判断受周围面部的影响更大——美国人倾向于将注意力限制在中心目标所表现出的表情上。对于在文化以外的其他维度（例如社会阶层）上不同的人群，也发现了感知者群体之间的差异。在这方面，Kraus 及其同事发现，下层阶级的个体——比上层阶级的个体更倾向于社会环境——也在更大程度上将情境信息纳入他们对表达行为的判断中（Kraus et al.， 2010）。

A second source of variation is situational - who is the person expressing emotion, and what context are they in? How might the gender, power, ethnicity or social class of the individual expressing emotion shape what emotion observers perceive? For example, people are more likely to detect anger in men’s expressions of emotion, but sadness in expressions of women (Hess & Hareli, 2017). US participants are more likely to perceive anger in the emotional expressions of African Americans (Hugenberg & Bodenhausen, 2003). Also relevant are what other behaviors expressers might be engaging in. For example, Aviezer and colleagues (2008) presented a photograph of a prototypical facial expression of disgust in one of four stimulus contexts, with the person expressing disgust engaged in different actions. Participants labeled the expression as disgust 91% of the time when the individual was holding a soiled article of clothing, 59% of the time when the person displayed fearful hand and arm movements, 33% of the time when the same person was clasping his or her hands sadly to the chest, and 11% of the time when the person was poised with fists clenched to punch. These results suggest that people do not see and perceive faces in a vacuum; rather, they are one very important predictor of emotion perceptions, which are used in combination with other contextual information to form judgments. Recent findings also highlight that a person’s previous emotional expressions can influence how a current emotional expression is perceived (Fang, Sauter & van Kleef, 2017). Clearly, the many dimensions of context - the nature of the expresser, the surrounding people, the formality or informality of the setting - all influence emotion perception.
第二个变化来源是情境——谁是表达情感的人，他们处于什么环境中？表达情感的个人的性别、权力、种族或社会阶层如何影响情感观察者所感知的东西？例如，人们更有可能在男性的情感表达中察觉到愤怒，但在女性的情感表达中察觉到悲伤（Hess & Hareli，2017）。美国参与者更有可能在非裔美国人的情绪表达中感知到愤怒（Hugenberg & Bodenhausen， 2003）。同样相关的是表达者可能参与的其他行为。例如，Aviezer 及其同事 （2008） 展示了一张在四种刺激情境之一中典型的厌恶面部表情的照片，表达厌恶的人参与了不同的动作。当这个人拿着一件脏衣服时，参与者有 91% 的时间，当这个人表现出可怕的手和手臂动作时，有 59% 的时间，当同一个人悲伤地将他或她的手紧紧地紧紧握在胸前时，有 33% 的时间被参与者标记为厌恶，当这个人握紧拳头准备出拳时，有 11% 的时间。这些结果表明，人们不会在真空中看到和感知面孔;相反，它们是情绪感知的一个非常重要的预测因子，与其他上下文信息结合使用以形成判断。最近的发现还强调，一个人以前的情绪表达可以影响当前的情绪表达如何被感知（Fang， Sauter & van Kleef， 2017）。显然，语境的许多维度——表达者的性质、周围的人、环境的正式或不非正式——都会影响情绪感知。

A third kind of context is perceptual context (Barrett et al., 2011). Perceptual context refers to the mental states within the perceiver’s mind that shape his or her inferences upon observing expressive behavior. A person’s current feelings, goals, intentions, values, and physical state give rise to context-specific interpretations of social expressive behavior. For example, recent studies find that the likelihood that participants will label a disgust expression as “disgust” rises when an anger expression precedes the presentation of the disgust expression, but drops when no anger expression precedes the target disgust expression (Pochedly, Widen, & Russell, 2012).
第三种语境是知觉语境（Barrett et al.， 2011）。知觉语境是指感知者脑海中的心理状态，这些状态在观察表达行为时塑造了他或她的推理。一个人当前的感受、目标、意图、价值观和身体状态会引起对社会表达行为的特定上下文解释。例如，最近的研究发现，当愤怒表达在厌恶表达之前时，参与者将厌恶表达标记为“厌恶”的可能性会增加，但是当目标厌恶表达之前没有愤怒表达时，参与者将厌恶表达标记为“厌恶”的可能性会降低（Pochedly， Widen， & Russell， 2012）。